
<hansard noNamespaceSchemaLocation="../../hansard.xsd" version="2.2">
  <session.header>
    <date>2012-09-10</date>
    <parliament.no>43</parliament.no>
    <session.no>1</session.no>
    <period.no>7</period.no>
    <chamber>House of Reps</chamber>
    <page.no>0</page.no>
    <proof>0</proof>
  </session.header>
  <chamber.xscript>
    <business.start>
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          <span class="HPS-SODJobDate">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;"></span>
            <a type="" href="Chamber">Monday, 10 September 2012</a>
          </span>
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        <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-Normal">
          <span class="HPS-Normal">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">The DEPUTY SPEAKER (Ms AE Burke)</span> took the chair at 10:00, made an acknowledgement of country and read prayers.</span>
        </p>
      </body>
    </business.start>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>PRIVATE MEMBERS' BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>9879</page.no>
        <type>PRIVATE MEMBERS' BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Private Members' Motions</title>
          <page.no>9879</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference to Federation Chamber</title>
            <page.no>9879</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In accordance with standing order 41(g), and the recommendations of the Selection Committee, I present copies of the terms of motions for which notice has been given by the members for Gippsland and Dunkley. These items will be considered in the Federation Chamber later today.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>9879</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Selection Committee</title>
          <page.no>9879</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>9879</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FITZGIBBON</name>
    <name.id>8K6</name.id>
    <electorate>Hunter</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That so much of the standing and sessional orders be suspended as would prevent the Selection Committee’s determination for the Federation Chamber today in relation to the Marriage Amendment Bill 2012 being varied to provide for speech time limits of 10 minutes for all Members speaking (minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 15 x 10 minutes).</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>PETITIONS</title>
        <page.no>9879</page.no>
        <type>PETITIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Public Holidays</title>
          <page.no>9879</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Aged Care Funding</title>
          <page.no>9879</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Asylum Seekers</title>
          <page.no>9880</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Asylum Seekers</title>
          <page.no>9880</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Fishing in Australian Waters</title>
          <page.no>9880</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Statements</title>
            <page.no>9881</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MURPHY</name>
    <name.id>83D</name.id>
    <electorate>Reid</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Deputy Speaker, during the parliamentary calendar the Petitions Committee schedules public hearing activities in its ongoing program of work, as you know. A little over a week ago the committee visited Western Australia to hold hearings—and we are sorry you could not join us. Today I would like to discuss some aspects of these most recent public hearings.</para>
<para>Firstly, I thank all the people who met with us to discuss petitions that they had been involved with either as the principal petitioner or as a representative of the principal petitioner. I am sure our committee colleagues will agree with us that these were very constructive meetings, which bring a truly human dimension to the petitions process and the committee’s work.</para>
<para>As I have stated on previous occasions, the committee's public hearings are not designed to investigate details of petitions, to enable recommendations to government about petition requests. However, these hearings further expose and elaborate on the petitioners' concerns and often clarify issues for not only the committee members who were present but also the general public and the executive government, through access to public hearing transcripts. Often, discussion also enables the clarification of issues and processes for the principal petitioner.</para>
<para>The first day of the Perth hearings was held in Applecross, which is a suburb south of the Perth CBD; followed by a hearing the next day in the nearby suburb of Attadale, at Santa Maria College. As is the case at Petitions Committee hearings, the subject matter of petitions discussed varied. We also had a diversity of age groups representing petitions over the two days of the hearings. This aspect alone highlights the great value in this type of parliamentary engagement and serves as a reminder to the many ways that Australian people of all ages can exercise their democratic rights.</para>
<para>The petitions discussed in Perth covered topics ranging from conservation, healthcare, air traffic safety and humanitarian concerns to the Australian Constitution. These matters all represented federal issues which were close to the hearts of the petitioners and, as such, one would expect a high degree of commitment and passion. I and my committee colleagues continue to be impressed by the pre-hearing preparation of people presenting petitions, the time they devote to travel and to attending the hearings and the courteous and considered manner in which they participate.</para>
<para>Another aspect of hearings' activity is the transfer of regional and state knowledge in a very direct and personal way, through travel to the locations where petitions are generated and interaction between petitioners and the committee members, who represent a range of electorates across this large country of ours. The benefit of this knowledge transfer is evident from the transcripts of these two days, in particular the transcript of the school hearing. Another side-benefit of conducting hearings is the direct opportunity for feedback about the petitioning process per se, and I will speak more about these hearings in my next statement.</para>
<para>I take this opportunity to thank the deputy chair of our committee, Dr Dennis Jensen, the member for Tangney, who certainly did a great job to see that these public hearings could be organised in a very appropriate way. I sincerely thank you, Dennis.</para>
<para>In conclusion, I am proud to be part of a process which brings many issues of the Australian public before the plenary and provides the conduit to executive government. But I am also pleased that this process enables the committee to engage with selected petitioners at a local level in a very authentic way. Thank you.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>9882</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Livestock Export (Animal Welfare Conditions) Bill 2012</title>
          <page.no>9882</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
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            <a type="Bill" href="r4874">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Livestock Export (Animal Welfare Conditions) Bill 2012</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>9882</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr WILKIE</name>
    <name.id>C2T</name.id>
    <electorate>Denison</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will only speak briefly at this time, because the Livestock Export (Animal Welfare Conditions) Bill 2012 was originally tabled some months ago but, regrettably, not chosen in time by the Selection Committee and so it lapsed. I have decide to try and progress it again, in light of the fact that systemic cruelty in Australia's live animal export industry has still not been addressed by the government, despite the severity of the continuing animal abuse and the calls by a great many Australians for something to finally be done about it.</para>
<para>At the end of May last year almost half a million Australians were glued to their televisions watching the <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners </inline>program expose the live export trade for its lack of regulation and its cruelty. Many more people were of course unable to watch, because they knew the images would be too disturbing—or they tried to watch, only to feel the need to turn off their sets. But all were unified by a sense of utter outrage that the system had gone unchecked and unchallenged for so long.</para>
<para>What was most startling about the footage taken by Animals Australia was the obvious fear in the animals themselves. I have mentioned many times already—and I will again today because it has so affected me—the young black bull watching on as his fellow cattle were brutalised and killed in front of him. Few will forget the fear in his eyes as he stood there shaking in the knowledge that he would be next.</para>
<para>My office received hundreds upon thousands of emails, phone calls and visits from people voicing their objection to this cruel trade. I thought, as I am sure many others did, that if ever there was going to be a catalyst for change it would be on the back of this groundswell of public support for reform. How wrong we all were, because the aftermath of the <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline> program was met only by a temporary suspension of exports to certain slaughterhouses in Indonesia and a flurry of rhetoric from the government that ultimately led to nothing more than some fiddling around with the exporters' supply chain, a system that is genuinely failing our animals. How deeply disappointed we were to learn that the government and the opposition hardly give a toss for animal welfare—or they do, but they care much more about the profits of industry and their own political self-interest.</para>
<para>I wanted to phase out live animal exports once and for all. Together with Senator Nick Xenophon I proposed a three-year transition away from live exports and towards processing meat in Australian abattoirs. But this parliament did not support that proposal. I then proposed that the stunning of all livestock be made mandatory, but this parliament apparently does not support that proposal either. The ALP, in particular, is seemingly satisfied with the encouragement of stunning but lacks the courage to ensure it is actually carried out.</para>
<para>I am not satisfied with temporary solutions and rhetoric with no outcome, so I am here today once again attempting to end the trauma that millions of Australian sheep, cattle and goats experience, by again trying to have introduced a requirement for the mandatory stunning of all Australian livestock shipped overseas for slaughter.</para>
<para>This is important, and the need for reform is urgent. Only in recent weeks, in scenes reminiscent of last year's footage on <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline>, ABC's <inline font-style="italic">Lateline</inline> ran a story on the most recent Animals Australia investigation into sheep exports to Kuwait. Once again we saw unnecessary and barbaric treatment of Australian animals, once again we saw a bureaucratic apathy that allows the problem to continue and once again we relied on a small charity to act as the watchdog on a multimillion dollar industry. In this most recent episode we witnessed a large group of sheep being sold and slaughtered at the Al-Rai market in Kuwait City. The breed of the sheep indicates that they must have come from Australian sources, showing that the Exporter Supply Chain Assurance System is no assurance at all. Terrified and injured sheep having their throats hacked at for minutes on end is an unacceptable consequence of leaks in the chain.</para>
<para>Bizarrely, the Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry has responded by saying that these Animals Australia investigations are a pivotal part of a good governmental regulatory regime. While the work of Lyn White and her team at Animals Australia is obviously worthy of the highest recognition, to officially regard them as part of the solution is to as much as admit that the system is either flawed or broken. Truly, it is way beyond time for the government, with the support of the opposition, to stand up and take ownership of this issue, to do their job and to crack down on the unconscionable cruelty being inflicted on Australian livestock being sent overseas for slaughter.</para>
<para>In closing, can I just say thank God for Animals Australia. If it were not for people such as Lyn White and her colleagues, not to mention their colleagues in the RSPCA, so much animal abuse would remain undiscovered. But such organisations and such people cannot be expected to maintain a presence in all countries that receive Australian livestock, or to resource effective investigations from donations and from goodwill. These should be jobs for the government and we should be able to have confidence that they are jobs that are well done. But of course we do not.</para>
<para>I am proud to propose again the Livestock Export (Animal Welfare Conditions) Bill, which would make the stunning of all livestock prior to slaughter compulsory. Frankly, we need to put the onus of monitoring and regulating firmly back onto the government, where it belongs. If the parliament cannot agree to eliminate live exports altogether, at least this bill will go some way to introducing a little humanity into a very inhuman industry.</para>
<para>I again call on all members of this House to dig deep and find some compassion. Support for this bill is support for all animals being exported from Australia and support for those who have campaigned tirelessly to see real and genuine reform. The last catalyst for change was ignored by this House; let us seize it this time.</para>
<para>Bill read a first time.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>In accordance with standing order 41(c), the second reading will be made an order of the day for the next sitting.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Banking Amendment (Banking Code of Conduct) Bill 2012</title>
          <page.no>9883</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
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            <a type="Bill" href="r4875">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Banking Amendment (Banking Code of Conduct) Bill 2012</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>9883</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr WILKIE</name>
    <name.id>C2T</name.id>
    <electorate>Denison</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Banking is obviously a vital part of everyday life for Australian households and businesses. Every day, countless Australians rely on the banks for everything from life-changing events like buying a house or going into business to things as simple as paying their bills online or buying a carton of milk at the corner store. Clearly, we all place an enormous amount of trust in these institutions—big and small, but mainly big—to do the right thing with our money. Regrettably, this is a trust not always reciprocated and hence the need for this private member's bill, which would, in essence, give more rights to consumers and level the playing field to some degree.</para>
<para>My aim here this morning is not to bash the banks. Heaven knows they have done a lot of good over the years and are staffed by a great many good people. In any case, the banks are all different, with some being much better than others. But the banking industry is not perfect. Obviously no industry is, and this is something we, as legislators, should be careful to monitor and seek to remedy whenever problems lie within our scope of responsibility. In matters of money in particular, we clearly have a responsibility to ensure that Australian households and businesses have confidence that, if something does go wrong, then their complaints will be resolved swiftly and appropriately.</para>
<para>To help have this confidence, we need strong and enforceable regulations, but unfortunately that is not what we have right now, in particular when it comes to the current Code of Banking Practice, which is, quite frankly, a toothless tiger that is badly letting down Australian households and small businesses. What is my evidence for this? Quite simply, the fact that tens of thousands of complaints are made to the banks each year and a disproportionate number of them are resolved in favour of the banks or are never resolved at all. Clearly this should not be the case, and it would not be the case if the current code were effective and evened up the power relationship between the banks and their customers.</para>
<para>The Australian Bankers' Association maintains the banking industry customer charter—the current Code of Banking Practice. Just about every significant bank in Australia has signed up to it. It is a valuable document and the Australian Bankers' Association is to be commended for developing and maintaining it. However, as with many other cases of self-regulation, the current code is not always enforced, and the evidence clearly shows that customer complaints against banks are not being resolved quickly or effectively.</para>
<para>The figures do not lie; indeed, they reveal a worrying picture of complaints being swept aside and millions of frustrated customers with nowhere to turn. Since 2004, for example, there have been something like 2.5 million complaints against Australian banks, and how many do you think have been fully investigated to the extent of the current code? Just 200 out of 2.5 million complaints. That is clearly completely and utterly unacceptable and something we must address.</para>
<para>The system is not just broken; rather, it is badly designed. It does not work and it will never work properly because the current code of practice is voluntary and has been set up by the banks. It is run by the banks and is overseen by the banks. No wonder it is so easy to guess in advance who is going to come out on top and who is going to lose when you have individuals and small businesses with disputes up against the giant banks with their seemingly unlimited resources.</para>
<para>The evidence is in. A new mandatory code of conduct is what is needed because the current voluntary code gives too much power to the banks and is simply not in the best interests of the individuals and businesses, especially small businesses, who have no option but to sign up with and rely on the banks. To that end the private member's bill I have introduced today will establish a new and mandatory code, to be known as 'the banking code of conduct', and will give the Australian Prudential Regulation Authority the power to name and shame and even fine any bank or banks failing to comply with it.</para>
<para>The minister would be tasked with the creation of the new banking code of conduct, based on the existing voluntary code of banking practice, drafted in consultation with representatives of the banking industry, small business and consumer advocates. The new code would be a legislative instrument reviewed at least every three years with a report of the review tabled in both houses of parliament. Crucially, this new code would be mandatory, not voluntary. It would have teeth because APRA would be empowered to receive complaints about breaches of the new code and could investigate any complaint. Moreover, APRA would be required to investigate when it is satisfied a breach of the new code may have occurred, that the breach has not been satisfactorily resolved and that the complainant has made every effort to resolve the matter with the bank. The bill provides for APRA to name and shame banks that have breached the new code and, in particularly severe cases, even fine bank and levy civil penalties as defined in the Banking Act 1959 for particularly grievous or ongoing breaches of the new code.</para>
<para>In closing, this bill will provide individuals and small businesses with protection against misconduct by banks. Banking customers will have the confidence that, when they have a legitimate complaint against a bank, it will be investigated and treated seriously. Frankly, that is nothing less than they deserve, because the banks have had the upper hand for too long and it is way beyond time to level the playing field and give some power back to the millions of customers who are ultimately the very reason for the banks' existence and for their prosperity. I commend the bill to the House.</para>
<para>Bill read a first time.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>In accordance with standing order 41(c), the second reading will be made an order of the day for the next sitting.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>PRIVATE MEMBERS' BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>9885</page.no>
        <type>PRIVATE MEMBERS' BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Queensland Infrastructure Projects</title>
          <page.no>9885</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PERRETT</name>
    <name.id>HVP</name.id>
    <electorate>Moreton</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this House notes the:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) strong investment by the Australian Government in infrastructure right across Queensland, particularly the Mains Road and Kessels Road Intersection Upgrade and the Ipswich Motorway Upgrade;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) commitment by the Australian Government in infrastructure now and into the future, such as our investment in the Bruce Highway; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) current Queensland Government's inconsistent approach to infrastructure projects.</para></quote>
<para>There could not be a starker contrast than the federal Labor government's commitment to infrastructure and the opposition's failure to build and invest in capital works programs during their 12 long years in office. The federal Labor government has a proud history of investing in infrastructure right across Queensland, and with the 2012-13 budget we are delivering a further instalment of $879 million in funding to start, progress and complete a range of projects right across Queensland from Coolangatta to the Cape and from Sunnybank to the Simpson Desert.</para>
<para>This budget commitment adds to the record $8.7-billion investment, which is part of our six-year Nation Building Program to rebuild and renew Queensland's road, rail and public transport infrastructure.</para>
<para>Since coming to power, Labor has more than doubled federal annual infrastructure spending from $143 to $314 per Queenslander. A project that will go from the drawing board to construction in the coming financial year includes the construction of the new Moreton Bay rail link between Petrie and Kippa-Ring—a project first mooted not last century but the one before, in 1895. The federal contribution is $742 million. I thank the member for Petrie for her passionate advocacy for that project.</para>
<para>The federal contribution to straightening and extending the southbound on-ramp from the Gateway Motorway to the Pacific Motorway, and widening the Mount Gravatt Capalaba Road between Broadwater and Gardner roads, is $70 million. The federal contribution from the Regional Infrastructure Fund to building a new interchange along the Warrego Highway at Blacksaw is $54 million. I know the member for Blair has been a passionate advocate for this project. The federal government will contribute up to $18 million under the National Smart Managed Motorways Program for the installation of the latest freeway technology along the Gateway Motorway north from Nudgee to the Bruce Highway, including mounted variable speed limits, ramp signalling, travel time signs and variable message signs—and that is on the north side, away from my electorate. Nevertheless, it is money well spent for Queensland and for the nation.</para>
<para>From the outset, federal Labor's mission has been to reverse the neglect we inherited. We have invested in modern, well planned infrastructure that will make the lives of working people easier, our businesses more competitive and the nation's economy stronger, not just for the next five years but also for the next five decades across the length and breadth of Queensland. That is precisely what we are doing: we are setting the state up for the future with good infrastructure that will stand the test of time.</para>
<para>One highway that could not have been more neglected by the Howard government is the Bruce Highway. The member for Hinkler is entering the chamber and he would know this highway well. The federal Labor government has reaffirmed its commitment to building a better, safer Bruce Highway. Federal Labor has invested $2.8 billion over seven years on the Bruce Highway. Consequently, no project has been delayed or cancelled. Indeed, compared with the former Howard government we are investing more than twice as much in half the time, including a further instalment of almost half a billion dollars in the 2012-13 financial year.</para>
<para>For a few years, when I was a union organiser for the Independent Education Union, I used to drive the Bruce Highway almost every other week doing 30,000 to 40,000 kilometres up to Rockhampton, Longreach, Moranbah, Bundaberg and everywhere in between. How it has changed since those days. This financial year we have seen federal government investments along the Bruce Highway. The federal contribution to the construction of a new interchange at the intersection between the Bruce and Dawson highways, the Calliope crossroads near Gladstone, is $150 million. Federal Labor's contribution to the straightening and raising of the Bruce Highway between Sandy Corner and Collinson's Lagoon is $50 million. The federal contribution to the straightening and widening the Bruce Highway from Cabbagetree Creek to Carmen Road and across Back Creek Range is $100 million. The federal contribution to straightening the Bruce Highway just south of Gin Gin and upgrading the intersection with the Bundaberg Gin Gin Road is $20 million.</para>
<para>In addition to these major upgrades to key sections of the highway our $440 million safety package also includes installing 52 new overtaking lanes. As anyone who drives the Bruce would know—with all respect to our grey nomads—overtaking lanes are crucial, particularly with that mix of heavy transport and slow caravans. We are fixing 100 dangerous black spots, building 20 new rest areas and stopping places as well as upgrading a further nine existing rest areas and laying audible edge line markings as well. This is substantial progress, substantial investment and it is all being delivered by a federal Labor government. Unlike the Queensland Nationals senators perched up on the 36th floor of Waterfront Place in the city, the Labor Party never forgets the bush. I acknowledge that Senator Barnaby Joyce has his office out in the bush in St George.</para>
<para>Turning my attention to something closer to home, I particularly note the $300-million upgrade to Queensland's second busiest intersection, the corner of Mains Road and Kessells Road at Nathan. The intersection was a weeping sore for years and years under the Howard government. I was elected with a clear commitment to fix the congestion.</para>
<para>The former member for Moreton of 12 years, now shock jock Gary Hardgrave, actually opposed my plan. Yet, on an average weekday, Kessels Road carries about 50,000 vehicles and Mains Road carries about 40,000—and that continues over the weekend. This much traffic often causes delays—on any day of the week. I have been stalled there for three or four changes of lights, even on a Sunday. That is why the upgrade will not only ease congestion but also cater for projected growth, keeping the south side moving well into the future.</para>
<para>This project will also provide for cyclists, both on and off the road; bring down vehicle operation costs; and reduce local exhaust emissions. Anyone who has seen the number of trucks doing hill starts at that intersection and who knows how dangerous and cancer-inducing the diesel particulate matter is knows that this needs to change. This project will also decrease noise levels around the intersection, which is good for the local residents. Over 800 jobs will be sustained over the life of this project, delivering an important boost to the region in these challenging times, where unemployment is, sadly, taking off in Queensland. We are about to see a budget delivered tomorrow. We have already seen thousands and thousands of Queensland public servants sacked, and casuals not have their contract renewed. We are waiting to see how Campbell Newman's axe falls tomorrow, when up to 15,000 lives and homes will be destroyed.</para>
<para>I am pleased to advise members of the House that I have kept my promise to improve this intersection, with the construction of a new Kessels Road underpass now well underway. In fact, I was fortunate enough to open the visitors centre in July. I am very pleased that members of the public can now access the visitors centre and keep themselves informed of the project's progress and all the benefits that this grade separation will deliver. It shows that the completed upgrade will improve safety and efficiency on this very busy road corridor that connects Ipswich and the Pacific and gateway motorways with industrial hubs and residential areas.</para>
<para>The new intersection will improve congestion by eliminating the existing traffic lights and diverting Kessels Road beneath Mains Road. Sadly, this intersection was also bitterly opposed by the Liberal-National Party, whose former leader, now the health minister, Lawrence Springborg, stated as recently as 2009 that he would tear up the upgrade plans for the intersection. It is only because of the commitment and persistence of the Labor government, and Minister Albanese in particular, that this project is being delivered. I am looking forward to seeing the completion of this $300 million upgrade to the Mains and Kessels intersection by mid 2014.</para>
<para>For the record and for the benefit of Premier Newman, I remind him that the former state Labor government also understood the critical role of infrastructure. Right across the state they built schools, hospitals and roads. In the south-east, they spent $2,850 per man, woman and child. In Far North Queensland, they spent $1 billion in 2011-12. This was allocated to projects like the Cairns Base Hospital redevelopment and the Cairns city centre bus interchange. In North Queensland, Labor spent a further $900 million on projects like the expansion of the Townsville Hospital, the Townsville ring road and the revitalisation of the Townsville CBD. In Central Queensland $650 million has been spent in the Mackay region and another billion dollars in the Fitzroy. This was a government that recognised the importance of grassroots infrastructure in every region of Queensland and the jobs that flow from such projects.</para>
<para>Sadly, this is not the approach of the current state Liberal-National Party government. 'Can-cut' Campbell is slashing jobs, programs and infrastructure projects. They indeed have a strange set of priorities. They can upgrade the Gold Coast racetrack but cannot find money for the NDIS, the National Disability Insurance Scheme. I look forward to seeing how their budget progresses tomorrow. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83A</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Is the motion seconded?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Zappia</name>
    <name.id>HWB</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I second the motion and reserve my right to speak.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr NEVILLE</name>
    <name.id>KV5</name.id>
    <electorate>Hinkler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I value this opportunity to speak about the Bruce Highway. It is Queensland's major north-south corridor. It connects the coastal population centres, one of them being your own, Madam Deputy Speaker Livermore, from Brisbane to Cairns over 1,677 kilometres. But let me commence my contribution by bringing something to the attention of the member for Moreton. The member for Moreton should not read the Labor Party rhetoric but go out and have a look at the Bruce Highway, on which he travelled so frequently.</para>
<para>He cited four sets of works. I know them all intimately. One site he referred to is Gin Gin, which is not even started. Who knows when it will be started? It is out there in the never-never. At the Calliope Crossroads some minor work is going on, a service station has been resumed, but no major works are going on. He also mentioned section B, the Cooroy to Curra section. He used another name, but I know exactly what he was referring to. That has been completed but not opened, and it is not likely to be opened until later in the year. So we have one out of four. Let me talk a little bit more about that further on.</para>
<para>The highway is on the National Land Transport Network and is a key freight route, providing the agricultural and resources industries access to the 11 coastal ports along the highway's length. It is also a major tourist route. The Australian Road Assessment Program national report released earlier this year highlighted that the Bruce Highway accounts for one-sixth of the fatalities on the national highway network. The average number of accidents involving fatality and serious injury on the Bruce Highway is 322 per year. Travel on the highway is regularly disrupted by flooding—33 significant sites along its length go under regularly. Flooding at 13 of these sites is considered to be a major problem.</para>
<para>The Australian government is funding, over a six-year period, a program which will see Queensland receive 24 per cent of the funding, New South Wales receive 32 per cent, Victoria receive 19 per cent and Western Australia receive 10 per cent. Under the MOI, the Bruce Highway will receive almost $2.7 billion in works. That is over six years, as the member for Moreton said. The minister—and, by inference, the member for Moreton—makes much of the fact that the current Labor government has spent more on the Bruce Highway than the former coalition government spent. There is nothing unusual about that. You could equally say that the Howard government spent more than the Keating government. But we live in an era in which progressive works have to take place, and inflation means that spending increases.</para>
<para>The Newman government has announced $1 billion over 10 years for the Bruce Highway. That should attract, in the normal course of events, $4 billion from the Commonwealth government. It will be interesting to see whether in the next budget the Gillard government responds to the Newman government, which it is very ready to criticise. We will see, when push comes to shove, whether they really are going to spend some serious money on the Bruce Highway. But even that money, plus whatever Labor puts in, will still not be enough to get the Bruce Highway up to a reasonable standard.</para>
<para>The member for Moreton and the minister tell us all about what they are going to spend on roads. But if you have a look at the budget, road funding fell 58 per cent. If you compare the current year of 2012-13 with the last year of the Howard government, 2007-08, road funding actually fell, from $2.87 billion under Howard to $2.67 billion under Gillard. Therein lies the deceit—the glossy forward promises but nondelivery. If they were fair dinkum about the Bruce Highway or, for that matter, any other national highway, they would have been putting some serious money into it. I repeat: it will be interesting to see whether they will increase their funding beyond that $2.6 billion when they have the opportunity to put $4 billion in to match Campbell Newman on the 20-80 formula.</para>
<para>There is another interesting point that the member for Moreton may not be aware of. We all know how important the Cooroy to Curra section is, but through a question asked of the Bligh government by my state colleague the member for Gympie—the significance of the question was obviously lost on the minister at the time—it was admitted in state parliament that Labor had actually taken $100 million away from the Cooroy to Curra section. What a disgrace it is to come in here and beat your chest about how good you are while out the back door you are snipping $100 million from one of the most vital sections of the Bruce Highway.</para>
<para>I see my colleague the member for Herbert in here. My colleagues—the members for Wide Bay, Flynn, Dawson, Herbert and Leichhardt—and I have formed a group that has recently had an outreach along the Bruce Highway. We visited all of these bad spots—not all of us at every spot, but on a continuum up the highway—and five of the six of us released a questionnaire to all our constituents to find out what they thought about it. We will be releasing some data that I think will put a whole new perspective on what has to happen on the Bruce Highway. We did not do it an any spirit of blaming Labor or seeing whether we had done enough. We decided that if this was going to be a 1,677-kilometre artery that keeps the East Coast of Australia alive through freight, tourism and inter-city exchange we needed to have a forthright program where we could identify things that need to be changed. It is quite obvious that the Cooroy to Curra section is one that does need to be changed.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Ewen Jones</name>
    <name.id>96430</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Exactly right.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr NEVILLE</name>
    <name.id>KV5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes. It is so bad there—almost exactly on these sites: from 14 kilometres north of Gympie to Gympie and then for 24 kilometres south of Gympie—that the speed limit has had to be reduced to 90 kilometres an hour. That is a disgrace on a national highway.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Perrett</name>
    <name.id>HVP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Blame the former transport minister.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr NEVILLE</name>
    <name.id>KV5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It will remain so until the member for Moreton and his colleagues get some serious spending into it, because they are way behind in the commitments the coalition made to that section.</para>
<para>As I said before, section B is not even open. Section B had to be rushed through because Labor wanted to open the infamous Traveston Dam. To open the infamous Traveston Dam they had to divert 12 kilometres of the highway. That all came to a grinding halt. Now we have the situation where that has languished for some months and has not yet been completed.</para>
<para>But that is only part of it. We then have another section from just south of Gympie; it is section C. We then need to bypass Gympie to Curra in the north. That is well down the track. We had it down to be done by 2020, but on Labor's timetable, as slow as a tortoise, we are not likely to see it happen.</para>
<para>So, don't come in here thumping your chest and saying that you have done a marvellous job on the Bruce Highway. Quite frankly you have not and you have been caught out on the figures.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr NEUMANN</name>
    <name.id>HVO</name.id>
    <electorate>Blair</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This federal Labor government has invested a record $8.7 billion in road, rail and ports funding in Queensland. Those opposite have a trinity of sins when it comes to issues of road funding and infrastructure funding in Queensland. For example, they opposed the nation-building and stimulus funding that provided so much funding for roads in Queensland, including the Bruce Highway, the Ipswich Motorway and other funding in Queensland. They then opposed the flood levy, which was used by this government to rebuild nearly 10,000 kilometres of roads in Queensland after the floods. Then, when it comes to the funding under Regional Development Australia, funded through the minerals resource rent tax—with $2 billion to Queensland for road, rail and infrastructure, including $54 million in my neck of the woods on the Blacksoil Interchange—those opposite and the LNP state members from Queensland opposed that.</para>
<para>It is not just one strike, it is not just two strikes, it is three strikes in this place, voting repeatedly against road funding in the state of Queensland. They go back to their electorates and bleat and moan and carp and say we are not doing enough then they come into this place and vote against it. We hear the words from those opposite—you will hear more in the next speech and in those beyond—but when it comes to the opportunity to actually vote for funding for their electorates and for their state of Queensland, they repeatedly vote against it. Three sins, three strikes and you are out, fellas. That is what it comes to. You should go back to your electorates and say in your newsletters, 'I voted against funding for the Bruce Highway, I voted against funding for the Ipswich Motorway and I voted against funding to rebuild your roads after the floods.' That is what happened. They do this all the time.</para>
<para>I thank the member for Moreton for bringing this much-needed private member's motion before the House because it shows the difference between this side of politics—Labor— and those opposite. The best example in the state of Queensland has to be the Dinmore to Goodna section of the Ipswich Motorway. The member for Moreton, the member for Oxley and I, over three federal elections, fought against those opposite, whose policy was to oppose it each and every time. The economic lunacy of those opposite on this issue can be seen from their policy at the last federal election, which was to stop construction on that section of the motorway and put thousands of people out of jobs. That was their policy. They still have not supported the Dinmore to Goodna section of the Ipswich Motorway. That is a $1.76 billion project, making such a difference to Ipswich, Brisbane and the Western Corridor. They do not care about the people of Moreton, Oxley or Blair.</para>
<para>The people who drive those 90,000 vehicles a day—the drivers, the kids in the cars, the truck drivers—want to use that motorway safely. They want to get to their destinations quickly; they want to get to their medical appointments, the shops and their schools quickly. This is a worthy and noble goal. Those opposite opposed it. They opposed it time and time again. For suburbs along the Ipswich motorway like Riverview, Dinmore, Redbank and Goodna, they opposed the service roads, which took 20 per cent of traffic off the roads. They opposed the cycling paths, which I know the member for Oxley was very keen on. We have got eight kilometres of upgraded motorway, seven kilometres of service roads and 24 kilometres of shared pedestrian pathways and cycleways. That project has seen 26 new or rebuilt bridges and a million trees, and thousands of people work on it, but those opposite opposed it over three federal elections.</para>
<para>The people of The Western Corridor know very well about the attitude, the inertia, the idleness and the ignorance of the LNP in Queensland. We are seeing it now. There are cuts to jobs, cuts to services and cuts roads. There are hundreds of millions of dollars in road funding projects that Campbell Newman in Queensland cut almost straightaway—none of them in federal or state Labor-held electorates. But do we hear anything from those opposite? There is muted silence. They have gone into hiding—in the crevice of a rock when it comes to Campbell Newman and his commitment to Queensland, or lack thereof. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CHRISTENSEN</name>
    <name.id>230485</name.id>
    <electorate>Dawson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Back in July this year the shadow minister for infrastructure and transport, the Leader of the Nationals; the shadow parliamentary secretary for roads and regional transport, the member for Gippsland; and I, along with a host of state and federal Liberal-National Party members of parliament, conducted an inspection of the entire Bruce Highway. From the outskirts of Brisbane to Cairns we drove all 1,652 kilometres of the Bruce Highway, meeting along the way local mayors and councillors, local ambulance officers, police officers, RACQ personnel, and truckies and other road users. We had plenty to talk about because there are plenty of problems on the Bruce Highway.</para>
<para>We also saw those problems firsthand, because we drove the entire length of the Bruce. We saw the congestion, the lack of overtaking lanes, massive potholes, dangerous intersections, flood-prone areas; we had a car that blew out a tyre from hitting a pothole that was the size of a crater, and at two spots—one I recall at Ilbilbie and the other one at El Arish—we confronted cattle on the road. They were Brahmans, if it am not mistaken, standing smack bang in the middle of the national highway.</para>
<para>Which brings me to the motion put forward by the member for Moreton: what a load of bull! I have a message for him, and all of the members opposite: do not come into this place and pat yourselves on the back on a job supposedly well done, without getting the facts right first and without going and talking to the people who know that the investment, or lack thereof, in the Bruce Highway is nothing that this government can be proud of.</para>
<para>Let's put the facts on the table about funding. The last time Labor were in office they left a debt of $96 billion. It took the Liberal-Nationals coalition under the leadership of John Howard to wind that around, leaving $70 billion in the bank. Now the Rudd-Gillard government has $240 billion debt and it is growing. So where did the money come from that has been spent most recently on the Bruce? I can tell you where it came from: the savings of the Liberal-Nationals coalition government under John Howard. I can prove that even further by mentioning the fact that Auslink 2 covered the periods from 2009 to 2014—right now—and was announced by then transport minister Mark Vaile, then leader of the National Party. He allocated $22.3 billion for future years to land transport systems in Australia, road and rail. A lot of that money has gone into the Bruce Highway under this government, but only by fate, because it was already predetermined under the previous government. And so we ask ourselves: what new has this government actually put into the Bruce Highway? I know the member opposite, the member for Moreton, has cited four projects. The member for Hinkler has rightly pointed out that, out of those four projects he has talked about, two have not even started yet, one is not completed and the other one involves minor works. The last one has been done. Well, one out of four ain't bad, mate!</para>
<para>But I have to tell you: he also quoted Collinson's Lagoon upgrade. Mate, if you want to see the reason why the work up at Collinson's Lagoon is going ahead, you are looking at it—because, when you guys previously proposed this flood levy, you decided you were going to cut a whole heap of flood-proofing projects on the Bruce Highway. One of them was Collinson's Lagoon, one of them was up near Townsville—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Ewen Jones</name>
    <name.id>96430</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Correct!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CHRISTENSEN</name>
    <name.id>230485</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Herbert will attest to that. That was the Vantassel Street and the Flinders Highway intersection. It took us, raging and screaming from this side of the House, and a commitment from the Leader of the Opposition to keep that funding in place, to make this government backflip and put that funding back on the table. That is the sole reason that those projects have gone ahead in North Queensland on the Bruce Highway. So don't come in here with motions saying how good this Gillard Labor government is on the Bruce Highway—because that, my friend, is an absolute joke.</para>
<para>If you want to see some more facts, have a look at the headlines in the <inline font-style="italic">Daily Mercury</inline>, my local paper. Today we have the Mackay Road Action Group working on a campaign to lower the road toll. We have had the RACQ in recent days saying that the highway is still the most dangerous in Australia. We have had experts in international road movements come and say— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RIPOLL</name>
    <name.id>83E</name.id>
    <electorate>Oxley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am really pleased to speak on this particular motion from the member for Moreton, not just because he is a good member for his local community but for the fact that he is committed, like Labor, to really strong infrastructure programs and spend—not just programs and spend but delivery: real infrastructure built on the ground and delivered. It is one thing to talk. You can talk about anything you like. You can talk about the economy; you can talk about all the great things we have done. That is true, and I thank the members opposite for acknowledging all of that good work that we have done, but you actually have to deliver the roads in the end—and that is exactly what we do. We do not just talk about them, we do not just look at them, we do not just plan them; we actually build them. We are builders. We love to build things. We particularly love to build roads, rail and ports. There is a whole heap of examples and you have heard some already.</para>
<para>One of the things I relish the most when I go out into my community and into other communities to talk about different projects is that I can always point to something and say: 'Labor built that. I remember that road. We funded that road. We built that road.' The tunnel in Brisbane that is being constructed at the moment, which is a fantastic infrastructure project, in a very short time is already 25 per cent of the way into tunnelling. It will take four years all up to finish the job. It is fantastic work. It was done by the former state Labor government, the federal government and the Brisbane City Council—three-way funding. The Commonwealth contributed $500 million to it. It is a fantastic road tunnelling project in Brisbane.</para>
<para>We have talked a lot about the Ipswich Motorway, and so we should because that is one of the great infrastructure projects in this country. It is one that we have not seen on such a scale for generations. The interesting thing about the Ipswich Motorway upgrade—as everyone agrees and knows—is that, when you drive on it, you think that it is a beautiful bit of road. That is what I hear from people all the time. The member for Dawson and the member for Hinkler would agree that it is a beautiful piece of road.</para>
<para class="italic">Mr Neville interjecting—</para>
<para class="italic">Mr Christensen interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RIPOLL</name>
    <name.id>83E</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It is okay, we are making our way up north to your electorates where previously the roads have not been done. We will come and build roads for you. We actually agree that you have to work right across Queensland and right across Australia. We are going to deliver road upgrades that were not done 15 years ago. I love hearing about things that could have been done. I love hearing members of the Liberal and National parties talk about the great wads of money they left in the bank. It is too bad that they would not spend it on you. They love to collect money, put it in the bank and sit on it, but it is too bad that they were not generous enough to spend it on you—you the community and you the people.</para>
<para class="italic">Mr Robert interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RIPOLL</name>
    <name.id>83E</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That is right, the Bruce Highway needed to be fixed a long time ago. They had the money but they would just not spend it. They were keeping it for something—</para>
<para class="italic">Mr Robert interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83A</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The member for Oxley has the call.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RIPOLL</name>
    <name.id>83E</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It is one thing to come in here and talk about these things but you have to build the roads. You wait for us to get into government and when Labor gets into government we take on the hard job of going out and building the roads. We do it and we are very proud of it. We like the fact that we do that.</para>
<para>This is a fantastic statistic, believe it or not. It took more than 100 years for us to line up a bit of rail gauge between New South Wales and Queensland. It is right in my electorate too, believe it or not, and it is the Acacia Ridge depot track upgrade. We spent nearly $60 million on the Queensland-New South Wales border on that rail gauge. It took 100 years. Why did it take so long? The previous government could have looked at this, but why would they have?</para>
<para>During the Howard years they had a policy of the federal government not getting involved in infrastructure projects; that was a job for the states and local government. We disagreed, vehemently, and we still do today. It is a responsibility of the federal government to get involved. There are some projects that, maybe, only the federal government can get involved in and fund. It ought to be done, where possible, in partnership with local communities, local councils, local builders and construction companies and with state governments—I do not care which state government. Let us build those roads. Let us go to Dawson electorate and Hinkler electorate and to the good National Party heartland seats. We will get further north as well; I will not leave any of you out. We will do that. We will make a commitment.</para>
<para>People talk about debt and talk about a range of things. There is good debt and there is bad debt. If you are borrowing money to buy a house, most people in the community understand that because you are going to get something back from that house and you are going to live in it. Where funding is needed, that is what you do. That is how funding works and it is the right thing to do. Funding works for your community and increases productivity. It makes people's lives better and reduces congestion. I have a local example in reverse in the state seat of Mount Ommaney. Prior to the last election the new member coming in said that she would definitely fund and would definitely upgrade the Sumners Road Interchange over the Centenary Motorway. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr EWEN JONES</name>
    <name.id>96430</name.id>
    <electorate>Herbert</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the motion proposed by the member for Moreton. When it comes down to it, the Rudd-Gillard government has spent more than the Howard government, but the Howard government actually spent more than the Hawke-Keating government, the Hawke-Keating government spent more than the Fraser government and the Fraser government spent—sorry, no-one spent more than the Whitlam government. I take the opportunity to wish the member well with his wishes for the south-east corner.</para>
<para>I do take issue, however, when he states that the current state government has an inconsistent approach to infrastructure projects. I suppose that, after 20 years of state Labor government ineptitude and stagnation on all things, actually doing something would be a change for the member.</para>
<para>My family is from Brisbane and I speak to my brothers regularly about the traffic in Brisbane and the hold-ups they get from time to time, sometimes for hours. Unfortunately in North Queensland when there is a hold-up it is for days and sometimes weeks, not hours. I have been driving the Bruce Highway from Cairns to Brisbane since 1994. Let me tell you this: the worst stretch of road by far I have encountered along there is the one between Miriam Vale and Rockhampton. But in North Queensland we have the worst bridges, with the Haughton River bridge being the absolute worst, the one most in need of urgent upgrading. During 20 years of state Labor government not one cent was spent on this. I am proud to say that I am part of Campbell Newman's Bruce Highway action group. I have spoken about the needs of the north and I am proud to say that I am part of the LNP action group federally.</para>
<para>The committee advisers told us that there should be a safety first approach when it comes to fixing the Bruce Highway. I add that in the north we also have a commercial responsibility. It is pointless being able to get around a semitrailer or a B-double if all it means is that you are going to get to the flooded part of the road even quicker. Every time there is a tropical low in the Coral Sea we suffer a 25 per cent tariff on fresh foods such as bananas. That is because there is every chance that that truck will be stopped on the side of the road waiting for flood waters to recede. Add to this that from 2014 the carbon tax will apply to long-haul transport, and under this insidious carbon tax there has already been an incredible increase of some 300 per cent in refrigeration gases, and the refrigerators are run by diesel. Also, you have every Queenslander at the mercy of the weather.</para>
<para>Government must look at infrastructure that will provide a return on investment. We have to be smarter in our financing of major projects. We have to get the best result with less money, because we simply cannot follow this government's path of taxing the successful industries and taxing the essentials of life to fund their programs. They are short-sighted in the extreme. We must look to create partnerships to provide a greater result with less public money.</para>
<para>It is all well and good to talk about roads, but infrastructure is more than just about roads. It is also about dams, power stations, ports and everything else to do with infrastructure. I was in the chamber during the last sitting fortnight when the Minister for Climate Change and Energy Efficiency made a big song and dance about a $5 million investment in the MBD algae project at James Cook University. It is part of an $8 billion worldwide industry. That, my friends, is an investment of 0.0625 of one per cent of the market. We should be backing winners and not pouring money into clean energy projects, where most are doomed to fail. We need to look at ways where we can make this work better for all of us, because it will reduce emissions and create a biodiesel, a stockfeed and a protein source. Maybe the reason this government is not getting on board with this thing is that it is a little bit too much like Direct Action to warrant too much attention from a lazy, narrowly focused, Greens-led poor excuse for a government. In fact, when former Prime Minister Rudd was in Townsville, less than 200 metres from the MBD project, he would not even take a car to have a look at it. This project should be used for the establishment of a world's best practice coal fired power station to provide cheap plentiful power with zero emissions.</para>
<para>We should be targeting countries, such as Indonesia, that are looking to establish baseload power. They know the inherent risks of nuclear power but want to provide for their people. We have the product and we should be pushing the living daylights out of it to get the jump on the world. It is projects like this, which come from North Queensland, that will provide the greatest return on investment, giving all Australians the hope, reward and opportunity that has been lacking since this mob came to power.</para>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>9895</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Fair Work Amendment (Better Work/Life Balance) Bill 2012</title>
          <page.no>9895</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
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            <a type="Bill" href="r4750">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Fair Work Amendment (Better Work/Life Balance) Bill 2012</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>9895</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BANDT</name>
    <name.id>M3C</name.id>
    <electorate>Melbourne</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>This is a reform whose time has come, because it is clear that in Australia at the moment there is a mismatch between the hours that people actually work and the hours that they want to work. We know that just over half of all workers in this country say that they work more than half a day—more than four hours—more or less than they would prefer to, even taking into account the effect this might have on their income if they worked less. A third of women who work full time would also like to work less, despite the large proportion of working women who already do. Almost half of all fathers living in coupled households work more than they would prefer.</para>
<para>This position, as those statistics indicate, is especially acute for those who have caring responsibilities—not just a limited focus of caring responsibilities as it is currently defined in the Fair Work Act but caring responsibilities more broadly. Increasingly now it is not just the children that one has to look after but also the grandchildren and the parents or even the grandparents. What this also shows is that flexibility that we have seen in our workplace laws has been, by and large, over the last couple of decades a one-way street. Employers have benefited enormously from being able to tailor the hours that people work to the needs of their business but that flexibility has not been met by flexibility from below.</para>
<para>Flexibility needs to become a two-way street. People need to have more control over the hours they work, the location they work in and the arrangement of those working hours. The key to that is to do what this bill proposes and give employees across the board, who have served an appropriate length of time with their employer, an enforceable right to request arrangements that will deliver a better work-life balance. Of course, this must be balanced against legitimate operational needs of employers and that is exactly what this bill will do. It will provide a test that would be easier for carers to meet the bar of but would still nonetheless allow any disputes to be resolved in Fair Work Australia by an independent umpire. This proposal is actually quite a modest proposal by international standards and brings us into line with many other countries. The United Kingdom, the Netherlands and Germany have been doing this for a number of years and their experience is illustrative.</para>
<para>I have no doubt that those who speak against this bill will say it is another layer of regulation for employers and will involve Fair Work overseeing every decision they make. That has not been the international experience. The international experience is that once the laws and the framework change then most employers and employees work these issues out at the workplace themselves. In the Netherlands and Germany, for example, fewer than 30 requests in each of those countries resulted in court action. We are talking about Germany, with a population four times as big as ours. One could quite reasonably expect that if this bill passes we would only end up with a handful of matters going to Fair Work Australia, and that is because most employers and employees will work these matters out themselves.</para>
<para>At the moment, people do not have an enforceable right. At the moment, under Labor's Fair Work Act, you can request a change to your working hours but if the employer says 'no' illegitimately then there is nowhere for you to go. There is no point in having an unenforceable right. That was a point that the ACTU very strongly endorsed during the course of the House Standing Committee on Education and Employment inquiry into this bill. Ultimately, I am pleased to report, the majority of the committee stated in the advisory report that they support the principle embodied in the bill that the right to request flexible working arrangements should be extended to classes of employees other than carers, particularly those affected by domestic and family violence. The committee urged the House to consider this bill once the Fair Work Act review was handed down—that review has been handed down and it made no adverse comments about these proposals—and also after the government's response was released. We are still awaiting the government's response.</para>
<para>It is my hope that, when the government respond, they take into account some of the suggested amendments from the committee and we put into place a reform that will give people greater control over their working lives.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83A</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Is the motion seconded?</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr WILKIE</name>
    <name.id>C2T</name.id>
    <electorate>Denison</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I second the motion and reserve my right to speak.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83A</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you. The question is that the bill be now read a second time.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr GEORGANAS</name>
    <name.id>DZY</name.id>
    <electorate>Hindmarsh</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am very pleased to speak on the Fair Work Amendment (Better Work/Life Balance) Bill 2012 today, because it discusses an issue that we do not talk enough about here in Australia—and that is the issue of work, life and balancing all of that together. This bill is about whether we are becoming a nation that works to live or just lives to work. When you look at those two phrases, they make a very big difference in our lives.</para>
<para>We work more hours on average per week than just about anywhere else in the world here in Australia—and that is a fact. Yet, remarkably, we have people like Gina Rinehart the other day telling us that we need to work even harder. I do not agree with Gina, and most people on this side of the House do not agree with her—and I would say that most people out in the community do not agree with her either. When I am out in my electorate, people do not tell me that they want to work longer hours and harder so that they can become rich. Certainly, people want to work to be able to pay their bills, feed their families, live a decent lifestyle and feel secure. What they want is more quality time with their families. When I am out talking to mums and dads what they say to me is that they want more quality time with their families and more say in their hours and how they work.</para>
<para>We on this side of the House know that this is a very big issue in millions of Australian households. That is why, as soon as we got into government, we introduced the first laws in Australian history that gave employees the right to request flexible working hours. We scrapped Howard's draconian Work Choices, which the opposition are still pretty desperate to bring back, and it was a huge shift. To channel Fatboy Slim, we've come a long way, together through the hard times and the good. And things are better now. Until we introduced these new laws, employees had no legislated right to request flexible working hours, which was a huge problem for parents in particular. If you needed to leave work early to pick up the kids, for example, or drop them off at school, or if you had to stay home to take care of a sick child for the day, there could be a very uncomfortable conversation with your boss. But we on this side of the House respect the needs of families and get that life is about more than just how much money you make, how many hours you work and how many dollars you add to the economy. It is about our quality of life, and that is the No. 1 most important thing in this debate. It is about taking care of each other and about not missing those important moments and family occasions because you have to be at your desk at work, or in the factory at work, or in the many other workplaces.</para>
<para>So we brought in these new laws which said that, if you are a parent who needs to change your working hours to take care of your kids or work from home, you have the right to ask your employer for that without fear. And if the employer does not agree, they have to give a valid reason—they cannot just say no without justification. That was a huge improvement from the previous situation. So I am very proud to have been part of an Australian Labor government that did that. It means that these families, from all over my electorate—and from all over Australia—are better able to enjoy their lives instead of just enduring the daily grind without any real breaks.</para>
<para>But today we are here because the member for Melbourne—and I applaud him—has proposed some additions to our laws, unlike the opposition, which simply say no to every new idea, and who want to take us backwards to those Work Choices days, not forwards. We make our policy decisions based on merit and what is best for the communities, the workers and the families we represent, not on how well they destroy workers' rights. So I am delighted to consider the proposals the member for Melbourne has put forward, because as a Labor government we know there is always more to do in industrial relations and we must continue to fight hard for the rights of Australian workers so they can have a better life.</para>
<para>Now to the provisions of the bill. First of all, this bill proposes to expand the right to request flexible working arrangements to all employees, including long-time casuals. Second, employers who say no to workers requesting flexible working arrangements will have to give a really good reason and demonstrate that it would severely impact their business. And, third, it gives Fair Work Australia more power to deal with disputes and flexible work arrangements and requests. These all seem like very sensible proposals. Personally, I prefer long-time casuals to be offered permanent positions, and I am working with many of our unions to see how we can encourage this to happen.</para>
<para>I am pleased to see the focus on carers, who are some of the hardest working people I know, who are doing the double shift of working all day and then coming home to take care of a family member who may require a lot of physical assistance. If nothing else, this bill shines a spotlight on one of the most common, everyday worries of how we can all ensure we are having a fulfilling life— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RAMSEY</name>
    <name.id>HWS</name.id>
    <electorate>Grey</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>From the outset let me say that I think all people in this place would be in favour of flexible working arrangements that allow people to care for loved ones and for people they have responsibility for. But some of us maintain that such arrangements should be made in a mutually beneficial way to both the employer and the employee. Broadly, when we considered this matter at committee level, we of the opposition—that is me, the member for McPherson and the member for Aston—agreed with the government members in so much as we asked for the deferral of this bill until after the report on the Fair Work review and then the government's response. We always run the risk that, if we alter too many dials on the stove at once, we will end up with our cake completely collapsed and not really know why. We do concur with the government, but we were keen to make some comments that we do not necessarily agree with the thrust of the bill put forward by the member for Melbourne.</para>
<para>This continues the path in recent years of moving more and more onus onto the employers with more and more compliance and giving them less and less rights in their own workplace. In particular, part of the bill states that an employer should have to show that their denial of more flexible working arrangements provided serious countervailing business concerns. The question, firstly, arises: what are 'serious countervailing business concerns'? Secondly, just how tough a line is this to reach? In fact, we believe that this disempowers employers and places more and more priority on employees. The best workplaces are where you have mutual agreement. The thrust of the bill is: do we have more stick and less carrot rather than the other way around? We were keen to make that point.</para>
<para>As I tour around my electorate and speak to small and medium business, which I do on a regular basis, they are change fatigued and they are really struggling at the moment. We read about it daily within the press. There are the modern awards which business has to adjust to, as well as the Fair Work Act, the nationalisation bills on the OH&S, the paid parental scheme, the impacts of the high dollar and the low consumer confidence. Retailers are also dealing with a flood of online shopping. I have rarely seen the business community so despondent as they are at the moment. I pick up the national figures and they tell me and the government tells me that the economy is travelling fine, yet business after business is saying that we have never had it so tough and we are putting people off. Somewhere along the line those two arguments will meet and there will be some kind of reckoning where there will be a readjustment of figures. It is impossible to believe, when I talk to my business community, that things are as well and as rosy as the Treasurer would tell us.</para>
<para>This bill by the member for Melbourne, I am sure, is brought forward in good faith but I think it demonstrates once again how the Greens have little understanding of what makes business tick and who supplies the jobs in the real Australia. In fact, if we overload the business community, if we tell them that they have no rights within the workplace then, in fact, we discourage the next round of entrepreneurs, the next round of business people and the next round of people who actually supply the jobs for Australians. As I said, we concur with the government's response in that the bill should be deferred, but we believe that this bill requires serious consideration and some adjustments before it should be passed.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BRIGGS</name>
    <name.id>IYU</name.id>
    <electorate>Mayo</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to support the member for Grey for the position he just articulated very strongly on the Fair Work Amendment (Better Work/Life Balance) Bill 2012. The coalition does not support the approach offered by the member for Melbourne in his private member's bill.</para>
<para>Like the member for Grey, I agree that most members of this House would like to see Australian workplaces more flexible so that work and family arrangements can be better accommodated in the interests of both the employers and employees of this country. Work and family time is difficult to manage at the best of times and, with increased travel times to and from work as people move further into suburbia than before because of the high cost of housing and so forth, it is difficult in our modern world for many families to manage those important times for being together.</para>
<para>We disagree with a heavy, top-down approach from government, which is the Labor and Greens way. We see in this proposal and in the words offered by the member for Hindmarsh, as the Labor spokesperson in the debate on this bill, that the usual approach of Labor and the Greens is that there needs to be government intervention to get an outcome that is fair—so-called—for workers in this country. We argue that that is the wrong approach. The best people to understand the needs of a workplace are those involved in that workplace. With an appropriate safety net there, people should be left to their own means. They should be trusted to look after their own relationships and requirements better than any government can do.</para>
<para>At the heart of this proposal, there are three presumptions that need to be debunked. The first is that the government can regulate relationships in a workplace better than the people involved, that somehow from this place the government, through a tribunal or the old industrial relations club, can work out relationships in a small business operating near Mount Barker in my electorate better than the people can themselves. That is at the heart of what the member for Melbourne is trying to do here by having an additional bureaucracy and a heavy-handed approach by the government to force employers to take on arrangements that in some circumstances would make their businesses unviable. That is the truth of this. Unless it can suit both the employer and the employee, you have an umpire's ruling that makes it more difficult for an employer to manage their business.</para>
<para>The second wrong presumption at the heart of this is that somehow employers are always trying to find a way to take advantage of their workers, that they are not looking after the best interests of their workers and that only the government can somehow protect workers from all these bad employers out there, who, by the way, take the employees on and in many cases use their own capital. Small businesses in the member for Moreton's seat would, I am sure, like to know what he thinks about the fact that they have put their money and their houses up as protection for their business and the effort they put in to build their businesses. The member for Moreton would agree with President Obama that they did not build their businesses but the government did.</para>
<para>The third presumption is that business owners, employers, do not also have families. They also need time for their families. They put their heart and soul into it—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Perrett</name>
    <name.id>HVP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Gina has children, doesn't she?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BRIGGS</name>
    <name.id>IYU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You can talk about Gina Rinehart, Member for Moreton, and all the hatred that pours out of the Labor Party for people who put their lives on the line to try to build a better and more prosperous Australia. They employ thousands of Australians. The bile can come out of the Labor and Greens members all that they like, but it does not take away from the fact that we should be finding ways to support them and not finding ways to make it harder.</para>
<para>This amendment highlights the vast difference between those on the Left, like the member for Moreton and the member for Melbourne, and those of us on this side, who believe in Australians and trust them to look after their own best interests and look for the flexibility they require.</para>
<para>If you give them the freedom to choose, they will work it out with their employer. They are quite capable, they are well educated, they are well trained, they are hard workers and they want a better life. This place should step out of those arrangements. It should be left to the employer and the employee to work out the best way to manage their work and family arrangements. That is why we do not support this amendment bill.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr KELVIN THOMSON</name>
    <name.id>UK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Wills</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Mayo said he wanted to challenge two presumptions behind this debate: firstly, that the government regulates employment relationships better than those involved in the actual workplace itself. I think the member for Mayo fails to take into account, as so many on that side do, inequality of bargaining power and the fact that, if these things are left solely to the workplace, solely to the marketplace, what happens is that workers do get exploited and do not get a fair day's pay for a fair day's work. The second presumption he wanted to rebut was that employers are always trying to take advantage of workers. It is true that employers are not always trying to take advantage of workers, but, unfortunately, we do see examples where this occurs.</para>
<para>There was reference made in this debate to Gina Rinehart, whose personal wealth has grown to $18 billion under the oppressive yoke of socialism, and who recently claimed that Australia is not investment friendly or welcoming enough, citing the example of people working for $2 a day in West Africa. Frankly, it is examples like that which cause this side of the House to believe that there is a role for government in promoting fairness in the workplace. This is something we have done as a party based on the trade union movement. It has been core business for us. Since 2007 we have provided a fair minimum safety net comprising 10 National Employment Standards for employees including penalty rates and overtime, a modern award system, and we brought in a no-disadvantage test to protect workers' rights. We have restored fairness in low-paid industries, including safety rates in trucking, including basic pay and training conditions in cleaning contracts, and including extending the operations of most provisions of the Fair Work Act to contract outworkers in the textile, clothing and footwear industry. We have provided decent working conditions for seafarers by setting minimum requirements for seafarers to work on a ship, and we have provided a compensation system that provides a presumption that, if a firefighter develops a certain form of cancer, it is work related for the purpose of determining their workers compensation claim. We have restored the protections against unfair sackings, and we have broadened the definition of pay equity to allow real progress in closing the gender pay gap. This has been core business for us and will continue to be core business for us.</para>
<para>I want to point out to the House that we are discussing with the Fair Work Amendment (Better Work/Life Balance) Bill 2012 the question of carers. The fact is that the government can point to a great deal in responding to the financial, social and emotional needs of carers. The government's National Carer Strategy, developed through the Minister for Families, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs and the Minister for Health, will support carers in their important role. We enacted the Carer Recognition Act 2010 and released a statement for Australia's carers. We provide assistance to eligible carers through the carer payment, the carer allowance and the $485 million annual carer supplement, which gives carers $600 for each eligible person in their care. We provide automatic eligibility for carer allowance to families and carers of children with type 1 diabetes. We have provided over $10 million until 2013 to continue support for 262 MyTime peer support groups for parents and carers of children with a disability or a chronic medical condition. We provided nearly $10 million in 2011-12 for immediate and short-term respite support of carers of young people with a severe or profound disability, almost $24 million until 2013 to assist young carers who need support to complete their secondary education and money for singles and for couples combined who receive the carer payment as part of our commitment to contribute more than half the revenue from the price of carbon into helping households to meet increased living costs.</para>
<para>We are also laying the foundations for a national disability insurance scheme to better support people with disability, their families and carers. We are proud of our record in relation to carers and we will continue to examine these issues as part of the government's consultation process regarding the Fair Work Act. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms O'DWYER</name>
    <name.id>LKU</name.id>
    <electorate>Higgins</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We have just heard from the member opposite a litany of examples of how this government is going about re-regulating the labour market. He says he is proud of it. Unfortunately, that is a record of which he should not be proud.</para>
<para>Today we are here to talk about a Greens bill, the Fair Work Amendment (Better Work/Life Balance) Bill, which has been brought forward under the guise that we are discussing flexibility in the workplace. What we hear from those opposite is effectively a bidding war between the Greens and the Labor Party, who both want to impress upon those in the union movement—who donate very heavily to their campaigns—that they will be at the forefront, at the vanguard, of re-regulating the labour market. But of course we know that this is not the right thing to do; it is not the right thing to do in this place and it is certainly not the right thing to do for the Australian people.</para>
<para>It is very important that we do have flexibility in our workplace; there is no question about that. The eloquent speeches delivered by my colleagues the federal member for Mayo and the federal member for Grey outlined how mutually beneficial it can be when workers and employers sit down together and agree upon arrangements that can ensure something that works both for the employer and for the employee.</para>
<para>What we are talking about here today is far beyond that; it is about re-regulating and it is about enshrining this into legislation rather than leaving it for the employer and the employee to discuss amongst themselves. Why do those opposite need to do that, particularly given that this government has brought into effect individual flexibility agreements? They say that these agreements work for flexibility. Already we have heard from so many people that they do not work in practice, because they only apply for 28 days and they can be terminated, either at the behest of the employer or at the behest of the employee, giving no security and no certainty for either the employer or the employee in these arrangements. So, if the government is really serious about this, surely this should be a focus for the government's attention going forward?</para>
<para>When we talk about flexibility, when we talk about what this means in practice, surely the government needs to look at itself and the fact that it has been making it even harder for working women to get back to work through increasing the cost of child care in this country? I think that is quite frankly a disgrace. Before the last election the government promised that it was going to deliver 260 new childcare centres. Of course, it delivered only 38, then it decided to scrap the scheme. It decided that it was going to reregulate the childcare industry by bringing forward new regulations which it said would help deliver better care for our nation's children. Sure, we all believe that delivering the highest possible care for our nation's children should be paramount. But the government decided to put in place a number of regulations based on nothing much in particular to increase the ratio from one to five to one to four, and it said that this would deliver better outcomes for our children. Yet there is no evidence to say this is the case. The childcare minister said it would only increase the cost of child care by something like 57c a week. Modelling done by the Childcare Alliance has already blown that out of the water and said that in fact it is going to increase the cost of child care by between $30 and $50 a week. The Productivity Commission also backed this up.</para>
<para>So for this government to come into this chamber today and talk about flexibility—to simply talk the talk but not walk the walk—is another demonstration of how they have failed: how they have failed the nation's women and how they have failed all of us. If the government is serious about doing something about flexibility, it needs to look at the tax and transfer system. At the risk of blowing my own trumpet, here, I would highly recommend a piece that I wrote in the <inline font-style="italic">Australian Financial Review</inline> that goes to this very point.</para>
<para>Finally, I want to place on the record, in my remaining 20 seconds, that if this government is interested in fairness, flexibility and security, then why did it not, during the Grocon dispute, condemn the illegal action that took place there? Instead it went into hiding and said nothing, which of course means that the government is not interested in fairness, flexibility or the security of our nation's workers. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>BU8</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! I thank the member for Higgins for her contribution. The time allotted for the debate has expired. The debate is adjourned and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>PRIVATE MEMBERS' BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>9903</page.no>
        <type>PRIVATE MEMBERS' BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Code of Conduct for Members of Parliament</title>
          <page.no>9903</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr LYONS</name>
    <name.id>M38</name.id>
    <electorate>Bass</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Lyne for proposing this motion. I stand in support of it today. As a member of the House Standing Committee on Privileges and Members' Interests, this motion is of particular interest to me. During 2011 our committee worked through many arguments for and against a code of conduct. This was a useful exercise and there were many interesting points to consider.</para>
<para>Consideration of a possible code of conduct for federal parliamentarians is not new, with discussions going back as far as 1975. The notion of a code of conduct is increasingly common in professions and fields of endeavour throughout Australia. The federal and state parliaments have given force to a number of laws for professions and industry codes by including them or referring to them in legislation. In addition, many professions and organisations have responded to stakeholder expectations of higher standards of professional conduct by devising and adopting self-regulation as well as voluntary codes of conduct.</para>
<para>One particular argument against implementing a code of conduct is to not impose restrictions on members that would prevent them from freely and fully performing their duties. I reject this notion, as I believe it is probably more theoretical than practical. My opinion is that, if the House of Representatives adopted a code of conduct for its members, this would serve as a further reassurance for the community in relation to its elected representatives that the institution of parliament is responsive to its concerns. The community rightly expects a high standard of conduct from its elected representatives. At present there are no formal recorded bases upon which members of the community can express their concerns or complaints that they have about conduct. Our constituencies generally have to wait for an election to advise us if they are unhappy about our behaviour or decisions, with senators only facing the electorate every six years and members every three.</para>
<para>I do feel that it would be useful for parliament to establish a set of standards in line with community expectations. The adoption of a code would provide reassurance to the community about standards of behaviour that they should be able to expect and provide also a distinct reference for them on any issues that they may have about a member's conduct.</para>
<para>The UK House of Commons code of conduct was introduced following a major review of ethics and conduct of public officials under the Committee of Standards in Public Life chaired by Lord Nolan. It was adopted in 1995 and is drawn from resolutions of the House. I note that their code of conduct contains both aspirational and directive elements and aims to provide guidance to members on standards of conduct expected of them in discharging their parliamentary and public duties. Members of the public rightly expect that elected members to this place act in an appropriate manner; however, it should be noted that members are elected to office with little formal guidance about what might be expected of them as members. There are numerous and often contradictory perceptions about parliament and its members. The media is often a vehicle for this.</para>
<para>Unfortunately, it seems that the Australian community have deep concerns about the standards in public life and have little trust in us as their elected representatives. A code of conduct could assist in building a stronger relationship between their elected members and individual constituents in the community at large. Certainly, I feel a code of conduct would serve as a reminder for members and senators of the political trust that we owe to our constituents and the community at large.</para>
<para>At the federal level in Australia, staff supporting parliament have long been subject to rules in relation to appropriate standards of behaviour in performing their duties. I, too, feel that we as elected representatives should be subject to similar standards.</para>
<para>It was the view of the committee that it would be preferable for any code of conduct to be broad in nature and to reflect key principles and values as a guide to conduct rather than being a detailed, prescriptive code. However, that being said, I support a code of conduct for both houses of parliament. Having a code for just one house makes no sense. I once again thank the member for Lyne for bringing this motion to the House and support it on the condition that the code apply to both the Senate and the House of Representatives.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr McCORMACK</name>
    <name.id>219646</name.id>
    <electorate>Riverina</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We have before us a motion dealing with a code of conduct for members of parliament. The member for Lyne wishes that the draft code in the appendices of the report of the House of Representatives Standing Committee of Privileges and Members' Interests be endorsed. He also desires that the Leader of the House bring forward urgently for the consideration of the House the suggested alterations to the standing orders and resolutions of the House necessary to give effect to the code, for procedures for considering complaints under the code and for the role of the proposed code.</para>
<para>The proposed code includes a process for considering complaints against MPs and a revamped role for the Privileges and Members Interests' Committee. MPs are under unprecedented scrutiny in every aspect of fulfilling their roles. In some respects this is as it should be. Parliamentarians must set the very highest standards in everything they do so the public can have every confidence in their propriety and in the way they discharge their duties. The glare of the media is on everything they do and the largely fishbowl lifestyle of political leaders, even some backbenchers, is intense. In fact, the spotlight on public figures, politicians, is such these days that you wonder if it is really necessary to air or publish some of the material—a lot of it is mere pap being churned out under the guise of society's need to know—or if it is just filling the void of the 24-hour news cycle and the so-called need to constantly update to fit in with online publishing.</para>
<para>This 43rd Commonwealth Parliament has been a difficult one. Hung parliaments are always volatile. This one has certainly been particularly unusual in the allegations drawn against certain members which continue to play out in other tribunal processes and which continue to dog this House and, rightly or wrongly, the reputation of all of those in it.</para>
<para>The purpose of the draft code of conduct is to provide a framework of reference for members in the way they carry out their responsibilities. It outlines the standards of behaviour which Australian people can rightly expect of their elected representatives. It refers to the key ethical principles which should guide the consideration of members. It is by adherence to these standards that members can maintain and, indeed, strengthen the public's confidence and trust in the integrity of the parliamentary institution and not undertake any action which would bring the House of Representatives or its members generally into disrepute. If it does that then, well and good, let us legislate it.</para>
<para>The draft I hold here sets out key principles listed as: (1) loyalty to the nation and regard for its laws; (2) diligence and economy, which refers to the use of MPs' entitlements and using them only for the purposes for which they are intended—this is only right and proper; (3) respect for the dignity and privacy of others; (4) integrity; (5) primacy of the public interest; and, finally, (6) personal conduct and the need for MPs to act at all times in a manner which will tend to maintain and strengthen the public's trust and confidence and in the integrity of the parliament and its members. On that last point the word 'tend' is unnecessary. It will either maintain and bolster the public's perception or it will not. By the wording as it presently stands, 'and tending to', is leaving it rather open ended.</para>
<para>If the code of conduct draft is just another bureaucratic layer or onerous process which MPs, for whom the accountability and justification bar has already been set extraordinarily high, have to meet then perhaps the review process needs to be revisited before being put to a vote. That said, remember the court of public opinion at the ballot box will always prove to be the best democratic way of determining whether or not an MP has satisfactorily fulfilled his or her duties.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>BU8</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the motion be agreed to. Is the member for Fremantle seeking leave to make a further contribution to the debate?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms Parke</name>
    <name.id>HWR</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am, Mr Deputy Speaker.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>BU8</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Is leave granted?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs Bronwyn Bishop</name>
    <name.id>SE4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Deputy Speaker, I question why leave should be granted. I also note that the member wanted to table an agreement, which I am not agreeing to. I have heard no good reason why leave should be given to speak again in the debate.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>BU8</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>My understanding is that there is not ordinarily a debate conducted on questions as to whether leave should be granted. If a member objects to leave being granted, leave is not granted. Is the member for Mackellar objecting to leave being granted for the member for Fremantle to make a further contribution?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs Bronwyn Bishop</name>
    <name.id>SE4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>BU8</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Mackellar objects, so the member for Fremantle will not be heard. Are there further contributions to the debate? There being no further contributions, the debate is adjourned and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sittings.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>9906</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Corporations and Financial Services Committee</title>
          <page.no>9906</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Membership</title>
            <page.no>9906</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>BU8</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Speaker has received messages from the Senate informing the House that Senator Siewert has been appointed a member of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Corporations and Financial Services.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>9906</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tax Laws Amendment (Investment Manager Regime) Bill 2012, Corporations Legislation Amendment (Financial Reporting Panel) Bill 2012, Navigation Bill 2012, Navigation (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2012, Marine Safety (Domestic Commercial Vessel) National Law Bill 2012, Marine Safety (Domestic Commercial Vessel) National Law (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2012, Migration (Visa Evidence) Charge Bill 2012, Migration (Visa Evidence) Charge (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2012, Australian Citizenship Amendment (Defence Families) Bill 2012</title>
          <page.no>9906</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" style="" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" background="">
            <p>
              <a type="Bill" href="r4852">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Tax Laws Amendment (Investment Manager Regime) Bill 2012</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r4850">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Corporations Legislation Amendment (Financial Reporting Panel) Bill 2012</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r4832">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Navigation Bill 2012</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r4828">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Navigation (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2012</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r4835">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Marine Safety (Domestic Commercial Vessel) National Law Bill 2012</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r4827">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Marine Safety (Domestic Commercial Vessel) National Law (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2012</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r4797">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Migration (Visa Evidence) Charge Bill 2012</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r4798">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Migration (Visa Evidence) Charge (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2012</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a type="Bill" href="r4819">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Australian Citizenship Amendment (Defence Families) Bill 2012</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Returned from Senate</title>
            <page.no>9906</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DELEGATION REPORTS</title>
        <page.no>9906</page.no>
        <type>DELEGATION REPORTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Parliamentary Delegation to the United States of America</title>
          <page.no>9906</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BALDWIN</name>
    <name.id>LL6</name.id>
    <electorate>Paterson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present the report of the Australian Parliamentary Delegation to the United States of America from 27 September through to 9 October 2011 and ask leave of the House to make a short statement in connection with the report.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BALDWIN</name>
    <name.id>LL6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It was a pleasure to join my colleagues Senator the Hon. John Hogg, President of the Senate, who was the delegation leader, Senator Cory Bernardi from South Australia, the member for Petrie, the member for Capricornia and the member for McEwen on this delegation. We were accompanied by Ms Meredith Horne, the adviser to the President of the Senate and Ms Bronwyn Notzon, the delegation secretary.</para>
<para>This was a very informative, bipartisan delegation to the United States. It had as one of its key focuses meeting with the Midwest. Quite often the focus is purely on Washington, New York or indeed the West Coast. This trip focused on the Midwest, starting in Seattle and meeting with the Boeing aircraft manufacturer but then quickly moving through to Chicago, where we had the opportunity to address various concerns, through to venues such as the exchange where agricultural commodities are traded.</para>
<para>The report outlines two recommendations. Firstly, the delegation recommends that the Australian government continue to develop and pursue avenues and opportunities for Australian businesses and education in the United States, and particularly avenues for business and education in the Midwest of the United States. Secondly, the delegation recommends that the Australian parliament give consideration to the establishment of an independent centre devoted to the Australian Constitution and civics education more generally.</para>
<para>While I and my colleagues enjoyed all of the debate, discussion and dialogue that occurred through this whole trip, the one thing that we found absolutely fascinating was the approach by the American people and through the American government to have a centre which focuses on explaining and presenting to people the nature of their constitution and the way in which it was built, what their rights and responsibilities are under their constitution and the ongoing education about that.</para>
<para>The committee as a whole thought that there was a great opportunity that perhaps here in Canberra there should be a greater presentation opportunity, perhaps utilising Old Parliament House as a venue for greater understanding by the community. I know that we have the Parliamentary Education Office for young people who come through. There is an opportunity for an expansion of the understanding of our Constitution and perhaps engaging in further dialog as people want to expand upon and focus on issues within the Constitution. Many people focus on whether or not we should be a republic and who the head of state should be. I say to the House, as I have said in previous speeches in this parliament, that there are more issues in our Constitution, which has matured over the last 100 years, that need to be addressed, rather that just who the head of state should be.</para>
<para>The report has been tabled and presented and I encourage people to read it. With some of the contacts we had there and the opportunities afforded to us we appreciate the efforts of all, particularly our colleagues who worked throughout the United States, and our various embassies and consuls. We thank them for their support. It was a good trip and well worth the educational value it afforded us.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>9907</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Social Policy and Legal Affairs Committee</title>
          <page.no>9907</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>9907</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PERRETT</name>
    <name.id>HVP</name.id>
    <electorate>Moreton</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the Standing Committee on Social Policy and Legal Affairs I present the committee's advisory report on the National Integrity Commissioner Bill 2012 together with the minutes of proceedings and evidence received by the committee.</para>
<para>In accordance with standing order 39(f) the report was made a parliamentary paper.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PERRETT</name>
    <name.id>HVP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—The integrity bill is a private member's bill introduced into the House of Representatives on 28 May 2012 by the member for Melbourne. The integrity bill proposes the establishment of a national integrity commissioner as an independent statutory federal agency, comprising a new national integrity commissioner, a law enforcement integrity commissioner and an independent parliamentary adviser.</para>
<para>Due to a number of important threshold issues, which are addressed in the report, the committee determined not to conduct an inquiry into the integrity bill and did not call for submissions or hold public hearings. This advisory report addresses issues that are consistent with the concerns that were raised by the Senate Scrutiny of Bills Committee, which also examined the integrity bill. It includes concerns that the powers proposed for the commissioners may breach personal rights to due justice and procedural fairness and how the provisions of the integrity bill intersect with and potentially duplicate existing legislation and bodies of integrity oversight.</para>
<para>The Selection of Bills Committee queried whether the integrity bill may be an appropriation bill and therefore subject to House of Representatives standing orders 179 and 180. It is not the role of the parliamentary committee to make such a determination. Consequently, the committee respectfully recommends that, should there be a concern regarding the status of the bill, a ruling is then requested from the Speaker of the House prior to debate on the bill.</para>
<para>Given the scope of the bill, which will have an impact on both houses, the committee is of the strong view that any inquiry should be conducted collaboratively with the scrutiny of both houses. Should the House wish a committee to scrutinise the integrity bill, the committee recommends the establishment of a parliamentary joint select committee to investigate the feasibility and cost of establishing a national integrity commission.</para>
<para>I thank the committee for their work, particularly the member for Wannon and the member for Kooyong, who contributed as supplementary members for the purpose of this inquiry. I commend the report to the House.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Treaties Committee</title>
          <page.no>9908</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>9908</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr KELVIN THOMSON</name>
    <name.id>UK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Wills</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties I present the committee's report entitled <inline font-style="italic">Report 129: Treaties tabled on 19 and 26 June 2012</inline>.</para>
<para>In accordance with standing order 39(f) the report was made a parliamentary paper.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr KELVIN THOMSON</name>
    <name.id>UK6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—Report No. 129 contains the committee's views on a series of treaties tabled on 19 and 26 June this year. One of the treaties covered in this report is the agreement, done at Singapore on 1 June 2012, between the government of Australia and the government of the Republic of Singapore concerning the location of a Republic of Singapore Air Force helicopter squadron at the Australian Army Aviation Centre, Oakey. The agreement's purpose is to allow for continued deployment of a Republic of Singapore Air Force helicopter squadron at the Army aviation centre in Oakey, Queensland, which has been ongoing since 1997.</para>
<para>Given the lack of its own domestic training areas, Singapore greatly values its access to the Army aviation centre, and this agreement is a major element in our contribution to the bilateral defence relationship. Access is vital to the Singapore Air Force as it enables them to develop and maintain their military capability. Australia benefits from this arrangement, as strengthening the Singapore Air Force's capability makes Singapore a more effective coalition partner and contributor to regional security. The Australian Department of Defence has described the Singaporeans as model tenants, and the department has stated that the Singaporean deployment has, for the past 15 years, brought financial benefits to the local community. The Singaporean personnel live with their families as members of the community and contribute positively as they buy things from local businesses as well as use their services.</para>
<para>Apart from the indirect economic benefits this agreement also directly benefits Australian enterprises through access to commercial arrangements with the Singapore Air Force. For example, the existing agreement stipulates that a minimum of two-thirds of the workforce that provides maintenance to the Singaporean helicopter fleet are to be Australians. Singapore exceeds that obligation with approximately 90 per cent of the workforce being Australians. A commercial support estimate is conducted each year on how much maintenance support will be required. For the last two years the estimated obligation for the Singaporeans to include as Australian content has been between $11 million and $15 million, and they have more than satisfied that obligation as well. The committee supports this agreement and the continued positive relationship between both defence forces.</para>
<para>The Treaties Committee has also approved another two tax information exchange agreements with Bahrain and Andorra. The committee has now reviewed a number of these tax information exchange agreements and experience has found them to be effective. The Australian Taxation Office has provided some tangible examples to the committee. For example, Australia has agreements with the British Virgin Islands, Bermuda, the Isle of Man and Jersey. As of August this year 53 exchange of information requests were issued, of which 38 have been finalised. As a result, six amended assessments to the value of $52 million were issued. Tax Office auditors also identified a further $127 million as potential omitted income via requests made under these agreements.</para>
<para>Furthermore, the agreements act as a deterrent to those individuals who would otherwise seek to minimise their taxation commitments through transfers to low-taxation jurisdictions. Many individuals who previously used secrecy jurisdictions to avoid their tax obligations are abandoning them. For example, the Tax Office explained that from 2005 to 2011 there was a decrease in the entities transacting with Vanuatu from about 2,600 to about 300. Furthermore, since 2007-08 there has been a $12 billion reduction in fund flows to 13 high-risk secrecy jurisdictions, and fund flows returning to Australia from the same secrecy jurisdictions increased by seven per cent or around $5 billion in the 2010-11 financial year compared with 2007-08. It is in Australia's interests to develop its network of tax information exchange agreements with low-tax jurisdictions as it will make it harder for taxpayers to avoid or evade Australian tax.</para>
<para>Finally, the committee supports the agreement establishing the International Fund for Agricultural Development. Ratifying this agreement would see Australia's readmission to that fund. Although most governments and many NGOs attempt to tackle global poverty and hunger, the number of people experiencing hunger seems to rise rather than fall. When the Millennium Development Goals were established around the turn of the century there was a sense of optimism that we were going to halve the number of people who experience hunger. However, despite many efforts and all the available technology and expertise, the world appears to be making little progress. The fund's objective is to make available resources on concessional terms for agricultural development in developing member states. The fund finances projects and programs specifically designed to introduce, expand or improve food production systems. Australia was previously a member of the fund but withdrew in 2004 due to a number of factors, including questions over the fund's efficiency and effectiveness.</para>
<para>In 2011 AusAID conducted a comprehensive review and found that the fund is now considered by donors and developing countries to be an increasingly effective, results-focused, value-for-money development partner. Australia will make an initial contribution of up to $120 million over four years upon rejoining the fund and will seek a position on the executive board so as to have some influence in how the fund allocates its resources. The committee concludes that all the treaties covered in report No. 129 should be supported with binding action. On behalf of the committee, I commend the report to the House.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>STATEMENTS ON INDULGENCE</title>
        <page.no>9910</page.no>
        <type>STATEMENTS ON INDULGENCE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Ramsay, Mr David</title>
          <page.no>9910</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate>Grayndler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I wish to pay tribute to and inform the House of the passing of Mr David Ramsay. Mr Ramsay was an officer from my department who dedicated the past seven years of his life to strengthening Australian-Indonesian government partnerships in the transport sector. Mr David Ramsay was a committed public servant and a skilled negotiator working for the department in Jakarta. Mr Ramsay had given his life to service for his country. Prior to joining my department, David served with distinction in the Royal Australian Navy, initially as a pilot. Later he fulfilled posts as the commanding officer of the officer training college in Jervis Bay and of HMAS <inline font-style="italic">Success</inline>.</para>
<para>In his role as the in-country manager of the government's Indonesia Transport Safety Assistance Package, David oversaw the implementation of crucial transport safety support projects in Indonesian transport agencies. He was instrumental in developing the search and rescue coordination project with Indonesia that I jointly announced with the Indonesian transport minister during my visit to Jakarta last week. I worked closely with David during this trip and on my previous visits to Indonesia. David's last professional tasks were to provide me with an opening paragraph in Bahasa and to translate in full the joint media statement in both English and Bahasa.</para>
<para>Last Wednesday, we travelled from the conference meeting back to the hotel where the Australian delegation was staying. David had been present at the media conference and had his photograph taken with other Australian and Indonesian officials after that successful meeting. When we arrived back at the hotel from the joint press conference, the Australian ambassador, Greg Moriarty, informed me and other Australians that David had taken ill on the trip back to the hotel. We were then advised that David had been taken to hospital and shortly after we were all shocked to receive the news that David had in fact passed away. This was an extremely difficult period and I pay tribute particularly to the ambassador, Greg Moriarty, and his staff who had to deal with the immediate issues concerned. I think that often Australian officials in the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade have difficult issues to deal with when Australians have issues overseas.</para>
<para>David was extremely well respected and liked by both his Australian and his Indonesian colleagues. I am advised his Indonesian colleagues have been particularly affected by his passing. His warmth, humour, dedication and professionalism will be greatly missed by all those who knew him. I would like to acknowledge the presence of Mr Ken Brownrigg, a family friend, who is representing David's family in the chamber here today.</para>
<para>Last week I had the opportunity to ring his widow, Janine, in Jakarta, and pass on the condolences of the Prime Minister and, I am sure, everyone in this chamber today. Janine and their children, James, Nick and Juliette, my thoughts are with you and with David's colleagues at this most difficult time. I thank the House.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>BU8</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the minister. As somebody who lived in Indonesia for three years as a child I strongly associate myself with his remarks and acknowledge Mr Brownrigg's presence here in the chamber.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>9911</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Corporations and Financial Services Committee</title>
          <page.no>9911</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>9911</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>Robertson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the parliamentary Joint Committee on Corporations and Financial Services I present the committee's advisory report on the Australian Charities and Not-for-Profits Commission Bill 2012, the Australian Charities and Not-for-Profits Commission (Consequential and Transitional) Bill 2012 and the Tax Laws Amendment (Special Conditions for Not-for-profit Concessions) Bill 2012. I ask leave of the House to make a short statement in connection with the report.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On 23 August the House of Representatives referred the Australian Charities and Not-for-Profits Commission Bill 2012, the Australian Charities and Not-for-Profits Commission (Consequential and Transitional) Bill 2012 and the Tax Laws Amendment (Special Conditions for Not-for-profit Concessions) Bill 2012 to the parliamentary Joint Committee on Corporations and Financial Services for inquiry and report. As chair of the committee I am pleased today to table the committee's report.</para>
<para>The committee received 46 submissions and held a public hearing in Canberra on 3 September. The evidence is clear that there is overwhelming support for uniform national regulation for the not-for-profit sector. These bills are the culmination of nearly two decades of work by the not-for-profit sector, the government and committees of this House and the Senate to establish a national not-for-profits regulator. Indeed, the not-for-profit sector has been a driving force in the development of a national regulatory approach.</para>
<para>The ACNC bills respond to the sector's firmly held belief that national regulation will reduce unnecessary regulatory burdens and increase the sector's productivity, transparency and long-term sustainability. While there is resounding support for the Australian Charities and Not-for-Profits Commission, stakeholders did raise some concerns with aspects of the proposed legislation. The majority of these concerns were addressed by the House of Representatives Standing Committee on Economics during its inquiry into the exposure drafts of the Australian Charities Not-for-Profits Commission Bill 2012 and the Australian Charities and Not-for-Profits Commission (Consequential and Transitional) Bill 2012. The House economics committee recommended the enactment of the proposed legislation subject to recommendations to amend the bills to enhance the operation of the national regulatory regime.</para>
<para>I am pleased to report that the government has accepted the House committee's recommendations. Further, this committee's inquiry found that stakeholders' concerns with the bills have largely been addressed following the bill amendments. I commend the work of the chair of that committee, the member for Parramatta, and her colleagues, for their very careful response to the sector and the significant changes, which were afforded considerable recognition during our further hearing into this matter and into these bills.</para>
<para>However, during the current inquiry further proposals for legislative amendment were put to the committee, and I draw the House's attention to two matters of particular note. The first matter that I would like to raise is the issue of the definition of a basic religious charity. The ACNC Bill would moderate the reporting requirements applying to not-for-profit entities operating as basic religious charities. Stakeholders expressed some concern that the definition may not reflect current financial management practices that have been used for many years by basic religious entities. In particular, it was brought to the committee's attention that to meet the definition a basic religious charity would no longer be able to operate school-building funds with deductible gift recipient status.</para>
<para>The evidence before the committee indicates that this is an unintended consequence of the draft legislation and not in line with the policy intention to reduce the financial reporting burden for basic religious charities while still maintaining very appropriate levels of transparency and accountability in the sector. Accordingly, the committee has recommended that the definition of 'basic religious charity' be amended to allow charities that currently operate school building funds and have deductible gift recipient status to retain that capacity.</para>
<para>Secondly, another area where there was considerable representation was with regard to the reporting requirements for independent schools. The introduction of a national regulator for not-for-profit entities is intended to reduce the red tape that can limit the resources available to not-for-profit entities to undertake community service activities.</para>
<para>At the Commonwealth level it is clear that the creation of the ACNC will provide significant opportunities to streamline the Commonwealth services available to support the work of not-for-profit entities. However, strong concerns were raised with regard to the impact of the creation of the ACNC on independent schools. It is noted that independent schools are currently required to provide annual financial reports to the Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority, better known as ACARA, as part of the My School web site. It is consistent with a policy to streamline Commonwealth regulatory requirements for the Australian Charities and Not-for-Profit Commission to utilise the data provided to the Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority. Accordingly, the committee has recommended that the ACNC bill be amended to allow the commission to accept data that independents provide to ACARA in fulfilment of the reporting requirements under the ACNC bill.</para>
<para>The Tax Laws Amendment (Special Conditions for Not-for-profit Concessions) Bill 2012 will reverse the effect of the decisions of the High Court of Australia in Word Investments to ensure that funds donated to Australian charities are exercised for the benefit of Australians in Australia. The bill would also strengthen Australia's compliance with international obligations to minimise the potential for not-for-profit entities to be exploited by terrorists and terrorist organisations.</para>
<para>There appears to be some confusion among stakeholders regarding the steps the Australian Taxation Office will require for not-for-profit entities to demonstrate eligibility for tax exempt status and deductible gift recipient status. The committee has therefore recommended that the Australian Taxation Commissioner issue explanatory material to provide clearer direction and information to those not-for-profit entities.</para>
<para>In conclusion, the committee recommends that the House pass all three bills. I am very mindful that another member will speak shortly after me and that there is a dissenting report. The reality is that this sector has urged the passage of these bills. The sector is very much ready for the passage of these bills. The committee concurs with the not-for-profit sector that now is the time to act to establish the Australian Charities and Not-for-profit Commission, and it is a critical part of the leadership of this government that we are tackling challenging problems like this. For two decades now it has been the subject of incredible scrutiny and there is a desire in the sector for this to come to pass.</para>
<para>In commending the report on the bills to the House I conclude with the words of the National Roundtable Of Nonprofit Organisations:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Once again, we are at the altar of the reforms we want and need and we ask for the support of our national parliament and of the states and territories to deliver for us better and smarter regulation. We don't want to be jilted yet again.</para></quote>
<para>They can rely on this government to get on with the hard task of making sure that the good work they do is enhanced, and the transparency of the sector is very much going to be enhanced by the passage of these bills. I commend the report to the House.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FLETCHER</name>
    <name.id>L6B</name.id>
    <electorate>Bradfield</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I am pleased to speak on the report of the Joint Committee on Corporations and Financial Services into the Australian Charities and Not-for-profits Commission Bill 2012, the Australian Charities and Not-for-profits Commission (Consequential and Transitional) Bill 2012 and the Tax Laws Amendment (Special Conditions for Not-for-profit Concessions) Bill 2012. The purpose of these bills is to establish the Australian Charities and Not-for-Profits Commission, to establish the office of the commissioner and to make provisions for the not-for-profit sector's eligibility for tax concessions.</para>
<para>The Corporations and Financial Services Committee has held a hearing and conducted other inquiries into the bills. I must say that the conclusion reached by coalition members on the committee was different to the conclusion reached by government members, which has just been described to the House by the chair of the committee. Coalition members did not find evidence of overwhelming support for these bills. On the contrary, coalition members were struck by the degree of concern in the charities and not-for-profit sector about the extent of additional red tape and additional regulatory compliance burdens which these bills would, if passed into law, impose upon the sector.</para>
<para>The preamble to the Australian Charities and Not-for-profits Commission Bill 2012 states:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It is important that a national regulatory system that promotes good governance, accountability and transparency for not-for-profit entities be introduced to maintain, protect and enhance public trust and confidence in the not-for-profit sector.</para></quote>
<para>Coalition members of the committee reject the fundamental premise that the current Commonwealth regulatory system applicable to charities and not-for-profits, based upon the activities of the Australian Securities and Investments Commission and the Australian Taxation Office, is broken. We do not believe that the premise of the need for this new regulatory megastructure in the charities and not-for-profit sector has been made. We, therefore, do not recommend supporting the creation of another regulatory body that will add to the red-tape burden for charitable organisations and, in practical terms, in many ways duplicate the existing state and territory regulations.</para>
<para>One of the themes in our report is that there is a difference between good intentions and the likely results of a package of legislation based upon detailed, careful analysis of its provisions. Based upon detailed and careful analysis, we have reached the conclusion that this package of legislation is going to significantly increase the regulatory burden faced by charities.</para>
<para>We are particularly concerned that smaller charities, which rely on the active participation of volunteers, will be overcome by the approach that this package of bills adopts. The sheer volume of this legislative package is profoundly daunting for smaller entities, those which do not find themselves in a position to employ professional compliance officers. The coalition wishes to encourage volunteers. We think volunteers have a very important role in the not-for-profit sector. In our dissenting report we indicate our concern that community members might be discouraged from participating in their local charity, in their local religious group or in another important organisation because of the fear of legal action that they might face as a director of a not-for-profit entity.</para>
<para>In the minority report we note that, unless and until there is a harmonisation of the various Commonwealth and state and territory laws governing the charity and not-for-profit sector, the proposed Australian Charities and Not-for-Profits Commission will simply add another layer of regulation and bureaucracy. We, in the committee process, asked detailed questions with a view to determining whether any state or territory government has agreed to vacate the field so as to allow for exclusive Commonwealth regulation of the sector. The evidence suggests that, at present, no state or territory government has proceeded beyond, at the highest, expressing support for the concept of reducing red tape. The evidence the committee received was that no state or territory government has yet entered into a memorandum of understanding with the Commonwealth to participate in the new regulatory arrangements.</para>
<para>The evidence provided to the committee about the scope for efficiencies at the Commonwealth level was also unpersuasive. The smooth functioning of the Australian Charities and Not-for-profit Commission in reducing duplication and red tape at the Commonwealth level will depend upon cooperation by a large number of Commonwealth departments and agencies—for example, to take as read information which has been lodged on the register by charities and not-for-profit organisations which have provided that information to the Australian Charities and Not-for-profit Commission.</para>
<para>The evidence that was given as to the mechanisms that will ensure that other Commonwealth departments and agencies do take actions necessary to, amongst other things, take as read the information which is on the register, was unpersuasive. Independent schools indicated particular concerns in this area, including a requirement that they may need to lodge with the Australian Charities and Not-for-profit Commission much information which they already report to a range of Commonwealth and state authorities.</para>
<para>The committee also heard evidence from a number of witnesses as to important gaps in the bills—for example, evidence from the Institute of Chartered Accountants regarding gaps concerning governance requirements and the reporting framework.</para>
<para>In conclusion, coalition members of the committee are unable to support the passage of these bills, because the mischief that the main bill seeks to address has not been adequately identified and we do not support the imposition of an additional costly compliance regime on a sector which is already heavily burdened by red tape.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>9915</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Aviation Legislation Amendment (Liability and Insurance) Bill 2012</title>
          <page.no>9915</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
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            <a type="Bill" href="r4856">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Aviation Legislation Amendment (Liability and Insurance) Bill 2012</span>
              </p>
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        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>9915</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BALDWIN</name>
    <name.id>LL6</name.id>
    <electorate>Paterson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today to speak on the Aviation Legislation Amendment (Liability and Insurance) Bill 2012. Despite the government's rhetoric we often hear regarding the opposition's negativity, the opposition will continue to hold this government to account. We will not seek to obstruct legislation when it is in the national interest, and we will propose alternatives when it is not in the national interest.</para>
<para>This is a bill that the coalition supports, despite having many reservations regarding the government's stewardship of the aviation sector more generally. This bill has common-sense provisions that have received wide support from the industry, for we recognise that there are some shortcomings in the current legislation that need to be rectified—some of which were highlighted in the ACQ Pty Ltd v Cook case. These shortcomings emanated from the Garuda incident in Indonesia and the Qantas flight QF72 incident near Learmouth. These incidents showed that there were gaps in relation to the compensation and assistance that airlines were obligated to provide to victims and their families.</para>
<para>The Aviation Legislation Amendment (Liability and Insurance) Bill 2012 therefore makes a number of amendments to the Civil Aviation Carriers (Liability and Insurance) Act 1959 and the Damage by Aircraft Act 1999. These bills form the basis for the government regulation of liability and insurance for domestic airlines. In general terms, aviation insurance can be split into three subcategories: insurance for the hull of the aircraft; liability of the carrier for passengers, crew and cargo; and liability caused to third parties. In Australia, carriers' liability for passengers and damage to third parties are regulated through legislation as opposed to hull insurance, which is not. However, many aircraft lease arrangements do require carriers to maintain insurance against all of these risks.</para>
<para>The bill amends the framework for liability of airlines in the event of an incident in a number of ways. Firstly, and most significantly, the bill amends the Civil Aviation Carriers (Liability and Insurance) Act 1959 to increase the cap on carriers' liabilities for domestic flights from $500,000 per passenger to $725,000 per passenger. At the same time, this bill will increase the mandatory insurance level for carriers to $725,000 per passenger.</para>
<para>In Australia no operator is allowed to carry passengers for hire or reward without this insurance cover. This means that any person operating either a charter flight or a scheduled transport flight that is carried out for reward or profit must have this insurance in place. The liability cap has been in place for some time. But it is interesting to note that the liability cap has not increased since 1994. The proposed increases roughly reflect the rise in inflation since the last increase, in 1994.</para>
<para>Carriers insurance itself has been mandatory for domestic flights since 1995, after the Monarch Airlines crash in Young, which killed all seven passengers and crew on board. Compensation and liability are not only issues of national concern. Efforts to clarify and improve consumer protections were included in the provisions of the 1999 Convention for the Unification of Certain Rules for International Carriage by Air, which is better known as the Montreal Convention. The convention amended the liabilities to be paid to families for death or injury when travelling by plane. It superseded the 1929 Warsaw Convention.</para>
<para>In May 2009 the government released a discussion paper on carriers liability insurance and it was subject to industry consultation. On 16 December 2009 the government released the aviation white paper, which stated the government's intention to increase the cap on liability for domestic passenger travel from $500,000 to $725,000 per passenger and increase the associated compulsory insurance level per passenger by the same amount. The Aviation Legislation Amendment (Liability and Insurance) Bill 2012 implements this commitment. The bill's proposed increase in the cap and mandatory insurance level will see the insurance costs for airlines rise. The regulatory impact statement accompanying the bill found that insurance costs represent approximately two to three per cent of total costs for smaller operators and significantly less for larger operators. The regulatory impact statement also found that for smaller aircraft operators the majority of the insurance premium costs relate to insuring the aircraft hull rather than the risk liability. For example, when insuring a Cessna 172, a three-seater plane, up to 70 per cent of the total premium may relate to insuring the aircraft hull. The regulatory impact statement suggests that the increase in the level of mandatory passenger insurance would have the following impact on total insurance premiums—covering hull, passengers and liability—for the following aircraft. For example, for a Cessna 172—three passengers: an increase of around 9.5 per cent, or less than $500 per year. For a Dash 8—36 passengers: an increase of around 13 per cent, which is around $4,200 per year. For a Boeing 737—115 passengers: an increase of around 16 per cent, or around $11,000 per aircraft per year.</para>
<para>On our side of the House, unlike the government, we are very reluctant to load additional costs and imposts on aviation and other businesses in our economy, particularly where they are unreasonable and punitive. We believe that the less pressure companies face from government in terms of what it puts on their bottom lines, the more companies can reinvest in their businesses and create employment and grow our economy. This is why we have opposed the carbon tax, which will cost the industry dearly by increasing fuel excise for aviation fuels. It is a tax that Alan Joyce, the CEO of Qantas, told a Senate committee will cost Qantas $115 million in this financial year. Virgin Australia has said it will cost them $45 million this financial year. For their passengers this will mean higher ticket prices than before. Qantas has said this will be equivalent to $6.80 on a flight from Sydney to Perth. Virgin Australia has said that it will average out at around $3 per ticket across their spectrum. Rex Airlines anticipates that the carbon tax, in conjunction with other government measures, will increase its costs by $6 million a year.</para>
<para>Like so many anomalies that resulted from the carbon tax legislation, it will only apply on those flying between cities within Australia. So taking a holiday at home will be subject to a carbon tax, but taking a holiday in Bali or Phuket will not be impacted. How crazy is that? At a time when our tourism sector is doing it so tough, this Gillard Labor government has made it more expensive for Australians to holiday at home, which is clearly going to have an impact on leisure travellers, particularly when you take into account our already high dollar.</para>
<para>The regulatory impact statement indicates that this increase will be very small, estimating that the cost of the insurance component per ticket would increase by about 0.465 per cent for major airlines and around 2.8 per cent for smaller carriers. This would increase the ticket price of a $200 flight provided by a major airline by about 13c or one provided by a smaller airline by around 63c per ticket. With the industry having been heavily consulted by the government and given an opportunity to comment on the reforms through the discussion paper process, and there having been no increase in the cap for carriers liability for some time, I do not think that these imposts are unreasonable given the potential benefit to the passenger. However, as I have said, many of this government's aviation policies have been unreasonable and a burden to both passengers and carriers alike.</para>
<para>Deputy Speaker, you may remember what I referred to in this House before as the 'triple whammy' the aviation sector was hit with on 1 July this year. After the carbon tax, the second of these imposts will be the cost of the new fees to cover the cost of airport security measures. Alarmingly, in this case no cost impact assessment was carried out by the government to determine how much this regulation change would cost regional airports, airlines or the communities they serve. There have been reports that, in addition to the capital cost of the security upgrades, some airports will now see maintenance bills increase by $1 million per annum. If this is not enough, they are also facing the loss of the $6 million en route subsidy scheme.</para>
<para>Brindabella's CEO, Jeff Boyd, has said that all of these imposts will amount to an increase in the cost of an airline ticket because companies have already introduced all of the environmental cost saving measures they possibly can and new, more fuel-efficient aircraft are not currently available. So we are loading up the industry with costs imposts yet, particularly for small carriers, more efficient aircraft are not available. This triple whammy will therefore simply have the effect of reducing regional aviation's competitiveness against the automobile in a very pricepoint-sensitive market.</para>
<para>Not content with that anomaly, they thought it would be a great idea to punish the tourism and aviation sectors by making it more expensive for overseas travellers to take a holiday in Australia. The 2012 budget saw the passenger movement charge, or the PMC, increase from $47 to $55. They then wanted to increase it annually by linking it to the CPI. This was the final straw for the tourism industry, which is why the coalition opposed it. The indexation alone would have cost the tourism industry $156.6 million over the forward estimates.</para>
<para>Indeed, we opposed the CPI indexation because we listened to the aviation and tourism industries. It was the powerful arguments and the campaign put together by the tourism peak bodies, led by John Lee of the Transport and Tourism Forum and Jayson Westbury of the Australian Federation of Travel Agents, which included full-page advertisements in national newspapers, that left us in no doubt that we were right in preventing this indexation. This record of tax imposts on the aviation and tourism sectors is why the coalition is so carefully considering the aspects of the bill that are expected to see increases in insurance premiums flow through to passengers through a very small increase in ticket prices.</para>
<para>This legislation also takes us further towards aligning Australian law with the Convention for the Unification of Certain Rules for International Carriage by Air, better known as the Montreal convention, as I said before. It also amends the Civil Aviation (Carriers' Liability) Act 1959 to exclude compensation for purely mental injuries arising on domestic flights, in accordance with the benchmark set by this convention, which was signed on 28 May 1999. This will harmonise liabilities for Australian domestic carriers with those of Australian international carriers which have, in accordance with the 1999 Montreal convention, been limited to liability for bodily injury only.</para>
<para>In addition, the bill amends the Damage by Aircraft Act 1999 to exclude claims for compensation for mental injuries where the claimant has not suffered additional damage to their person or property. This will exclude accident witnesses who have not suffered additional damage to person or property. In effect, the amendment will limit claims to those with a relatively direct link to the air crash who have suffered loss of life, bodily injury and/or property damage.</para>
<para>Finally, the bill amends the Damage by Aircraft Act 1999 to allow for compensation payments to be reduced in circumstances where the victim was partially responsible for the damage. This amendment addresses a shortcoming in the current legislation which was identified in ACQ Pty Ltd v Cook [2008] NSWCA 161, which held that a partial defence of contributory negligence is unavailable under the Damage by Aircraft Act 1999. In Cook's case, a wire cable conducting 22,000 volts was dislodged from one of its support poles when the pole was struck by an AT400 air tractor which was conducting aerial spraying of a cotton field close by. The claimant, Mr Cook, and a colleague were sent by Northpower to assess the situation. Mr Cook was seriously injured after he received an electric shock from the wire cable. Mr Cook brought the proceedings against ACQ Pty Ltd, the owner of the air tractor, who argued that Mr Cook's injury was not as a direct result of the accident and that Mr Cook had partially contributed to his injury. The High Court found that this partial defence was unavailable under the Damage by Aircraft Act 1999.</para>
<para>Under the amendments contained in the bill, in order to demonstrate that the victim was partially negligent and contributed to the loss, the airline must show that the claimant did not act in accordance with the common-law reasonable-person standard to avoid or prevent loss or damage they suffered. The bill also inserts an express provision that enables defendants to seek contribution from other parties who may have contributed to the damage suffered by the claimant.</para>
<para>The aviation sector is a major part of the lifeblood of our economy, perhaps more so than in any other country, not only transporting Australians to visit their friends, families and relatives across our continent and overseas but also ensuring that our mines and related businesses have workers that are sourced from elsewhere. The government often uses the mining boom to argue that the airline industry is in robust health. However, with the coalition recognising that the mining boom may well have peaked and the Minister for Resources and Energy and Minister for Tourism even stating on ABC radio that it is over, it is clear that other challenges facing the aviation industry will come to the fore.</para>
<para>The airline industry is a challenging one at the best of times. Our national carrier, Qantas, recently announced a $245 million annual loss—the first since it was privatised in 1994. In order to meet the challenges of an increasingly competitive global market, both Virgin and Qantas have announced alliance partnerships with overseas carriers. These are developments that we welcome, where travellers have a greater choice of Australian destinations to fly to and where the ACCC deems that competition has not been impeded.</para>
<para>The airline industry is different to most other service industries in that one airline cannot buy an airline from another country without immediately jeopardising the service or the air traffic rights that the airline it is purchasing operates. That is the anomaly in an industry that has made the most of globalisation where possible but is still being dominated by national carriers or at least alliances of national carriers.</para>
<para>It is also different in that it spectacularly fails to make profits, with most analysts believing that the industry as a whole has made a cumulative loss since its inception. The US losses amount to around $60 billion since the industry was deregulated in 1978. In recent times, this has been exacerbated by increased fuel costs. However, in the Asia-Pacific, at least carriers are expected to record a profit of $2 billion this year compared to a forecast of $2.3 billion.</para>
<para>A major factor for this is the increasing number of middle-class Asians who are seeking to travel overseas, many for the first time. The coalition is excited by the future opportunities that our Asian neighbours can generate for the Australian aviation and tourism industries.</para>
<para>Due to the phenomenal growth in China, India and Indonesia, a high proportion of the population is now moving from poverty into the middle class. Increasing wealth increases the desire to travel. The coalition is determined to pursue a strategy that seeks to take advantage of these opportunities by ensuring that Australia becomes Asia's recreation and vocational playground.</para>
<para>However, this will not happen by accident. We need a policy framework that increases the incentives to invest in tourism and increases aviation capacity while removing the government's policies which hinder generation of profits. Unlike other aviation measures the government has recently introduced, this bill is a common-sense measure that has received wide industry support and will be supported by the coalition.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr GEORGANAS</name>
    <name.id>DZY</name.id>
    <electorate>Hindmarsh</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to support the Aviation Legislation Amendment (Liability and Insurance) Bill 2012 and the additional protections that it will give to members of the public. I start off by saying that, despite the constant doom and gloom from the opposition, aviation has a bright future here in Australia. Australian aviation is projected to grow at four per cent per annum over the next 20 years. It is a very different story to what we have just heard.</para>
<para>We have had mandatory airline insurance in this country for a considerable time, and it is certainly nothing new. I believe all concerned, or potentially concerned, recognise the need for such requirements, and would expect that their settings be appropriate over time. There has been an approach to airline insurance applied around the world since the 1929 Warsaw convention, which strived to strike a balance between an appropriate level of coverage for the public, accessed smoothly and simply without discomfort for the members of the public concerned, and the affordable premiums for the airlines.</para>
<para>A decision was made at that time to balance the amount of compensation potentially available to members of the public and the ability of airlines to be able to afford the insurance premiums. At that time, the industry was only just getting off the ground, so to speak. A very real compromise was made: lower payouts and lower premiums; affordable premiums. But, in the interests of passengers, it was determined that the policies and systems should be such that making claims and receiving payouts should be as simple and straightforward as possible. This was the benefit to the public of this compromise.</para>
<para>The airline industry has done well since that time. Circumstances have changed; but not the comparative ease and simplicity of the system and the accessibility of compensation by members of the public. The most recent world standard or benchmark was established in 1999, the Montreal convention, which imposes unlimited liability on airlines. Liability is strict up to a threshold of approximately $175,000 per passenger. Beyond that, the onus is on airlines to prove that they were not at fault. It is meant that there is no requirement for the victim to prove fault. They do not have to argue their case for compensation.</para>
<para>Australia has implemented that convention, becoming operational in 2009. The matter of insurance was addressed in the government's 2009 aviation white paper, the first aviation white paper in this nation's history. The white paper noted that the government also conducted a comprehensive review of Australian carriers' liability and insurance framework, examining the following: liability arrangements for both passengers and third-party victims; the associated minimum insurance standard for each; the international development; and the specific requirements for Australian domestic operations.</para>
<para>The government received submissions in response to a discussion paper that was released to progress the review. So the white paper made clear that the government would act on the findings, taking into account the feedback received through consultations, and would move forward with modernising the carriers' liability and insurance framework.</para>
<para>We see the outcome of that modernisation process before us today in this bill. The government is raising mandatory passenger insurance payouts from $500,000 to $725,000 per passenger, an increase of approximately 45 per cent. The amount of $500,000, set in 1994, has not been changed in almost 20 years and would have to be seen as having lost its real value over that time. It is therefore necessary, I am sure we would all agree, to address this matter and ensure that the this mandated passenger insurance scheme is set at appropriate levels.</para>
<para>This bill also brings the definition of 'injury' within our domestic insurance framework into line with the international framework as set out by the Montreal convention of 1999, which withdrew coverage for mental injury—that is, non-physical injury. Just to be clear on this point, we are aligning our domestic definition with our current international definition, which was set out by the Montreal convention. This is just one area in which the aviation industry and, more to the point, the public are benefiting from the government's aviation white paper.</para>
<para>We have seen tremendous change and improvement in the experience of flying around much of Australia since the then Labor government reformed the industry some 20 years ago and enabled private investment to renew ageing infrastructure at our nation's airports. We have seen a tremendous amount of capital invested in modernising our airports around Australia. We have seen the community's interests amplified in discussions of matters of common interest between the public and airports. I have seen this firsthand, having the Adelaide Airport in the middle of my electorate.</para>
<para>This government's 2009 aviation white paper has broadened the positive experiences that some of us have enjoyed for some time. In Adelaide we have benefited from the Adelaide Airport Consultative Committee, which was created about a decade ago and which has seen members of the community, council representatives, neighbourhood group representatives, state government representatives, Airservices Australia and other representatives participate in quarterly meetings every three months with Adelaide Airport Ltd. A great deal of the business of the airport and the effect of the airport on surrounding interest groups is freely and openly discussed, with goals towards solutions. It is a really healthy working relationship, and that has developed over time. It is a great model that is being used around Australia. Neighbourhood groups raise their concerns, whether it be noise or environmental concerns, directly with Adelaide Airport Ltd, and their environment officers and others address noise mitigation strategies and other issues. Local councillors raise issues concerning planning in the airport vicinity and work cooperatively with the airport to resolve outstanding matters. It has been a very positive experience, so I was particularly pleased that the 2009 aviation white paper put forward the introduction of similar groups around the nation. I commend this government's preparation of the 2009 aviation white paper and the many, many positive elements it has within it. I will just mention one as an example that is particularly meaningful to me: the ability of the community to discuss concerns and seek resolutions to issues through the consultative committees.</para>
<para>We have been speaking on the modernisation of the insurance framework as dealt with in this bill. The subject of this bill is in accord with our international approach and addresses the potential loss of value available to members of the public who suffer in airline accidents through no fault of their own. I commend the bill to the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr LEIGH</name>
    <name.id>BU8</name.id>
    <electorate>Fraser</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Flying is possibly the safest mode of transport yet developed, though we have records of aviation crashes and it is critical that we create a framework which meets the needs of modern aviation. If I can take the House through some figures from the Aviation Safety Network through the services of the Flight Safety Foundation, they show that worldwide the number of casualties from aircraft accidents declined from 12,082 in the 1990s to just 9,668 in the 2000s. In those two decades we saw an increase in overall airline passenger numbers but a decrease in fatalities.</para>
<para>Australia, of course, leads the way in aviation safety. It was an Australian who invented the black box which has done so much to help us learn from past accidents to make sure future accidents do not occur. As anyone who has watched <inline font-style="italic">Rain Man </inline>will be aware, the Australian national carrier has an exemplary record. Overall, according to the Aviation Safety Network, since 1945, 318 Australians have died in civil airliner accidents. But most of those accidents occurred in the period closer to 1945 than today. For example, the 1940s saw at least five fatal airline crashes and in the 1960s there were another four. Thankfully, such disasters are becoming rarer and rarer. Knowledge is being shared globally in order to reduce the danger of flying. Anyone who is fearful about flying should, of course, reflect on the fact that their trip to the airport will be far more dangerous than the flight itself. If you are worried about the danger of flying, take care as you drive and do not worry once you clip your seatbelt on board.</para>
<para>The Aviation Legislation Amendment (Liability and Insurance) Bill 2012 is updating the payout available to air accident victims on domestic flights. It is very rare that in legislation we set an amount of damages which comes in the form of strict liability, no requirement to prove fault, with a fixed sum. We do that in the context of aviation disasters because of the trauma that such accidents cause to victims and in order to recognise that the requirement to prove fault would be particularly onerous. It means that victims of airline disasters are able to obtain compensation swiftly and that they do not have to fritter away some of their compensation on legal fees.</para>
<para>This bill significantly increases the payout available. It was set in 1994 under the Keating government at half a million dollars and will now increase to $725,000—a 45 per cent increase. As a previous speaker noted—yourself, Mr Deputy Speaker Georganas—the real value of the payout has been diminishing over this period. This bill now brings the payout back roughly, in real terms, to where it was when it was originally set. We do that because we recognise that strict liability in a context like this is the right approach.</para>
<para>The bill also responds to recent litigation under the Damage by Aircraft Act 1999. The Cook and Aircare Moree case looked at the issues of contributory negligence and the right of contribution under the Damage by Aircraft Act. In that case the victim was employed by an electricity company and was electrocuted while repairing power lines that had been dislodged by an aircraft. The court found that the partial defence of contributory negligence was unavailable for claims brought under the DBA Act. The defendants are also prevented from seeking contributions from other parties who might have contributed to the victim's loss. These reforms seek to address the shortcomings of the act by allowing the defendant the opportunity to now claim contributory negligence or a right of contribution. Those provisions are very important in the context of a liability regime that is both strict in its requirement for a fixed amount payout and unlimited in terms of the number of victims who may claim. We are aiming to foster a strong airline industry and making sure that airline travel is more affordable.</para>
<para>One of the great benefits of economic growth over recent decades has been the increase in air travel. We now have record numbers of Australians travelling domestically and overseas, and that means that more and more Australians have the eye-opening experience of a first trip overseas or visiting relatives interstate. That is one of the great benefits of a more affluent Australia. So these reforms are making sure that airlines can move quickly to a fair settlement with victims and their families in the horrendous event of an air accident.</para>
<para>Mr Deputy Speaker, I note—as a previous speaker, your good self, did—that my own electorate contains an airport, Canberra Airport. I am possibly one of the lightest users of Canberra Airport in the parliament, but I am a frequent visitor there. I have appreciated visits to Canberra Airport to meet with the airports corporation to discuss issues about their planned expansion there to better serve the needs of Canberra and the region.</para>
<para>I am also constantly speaking with them about their vigilance on issues of risk. Safety is a top priority for Canberra Airport and the airlines using that airport. I pay tribute to the hard work of those at Canberra Airport involved in its expansion and spruce-up. I think any recent user of Canberra Airport would agree that it is an even better airport than it was a decade ago, and it is now very much an airport that is ready to accept international visitors, once we have airlines who are keen to use its capacity. I would encourage airlines to consider using Canberra Airport as a hub. It does not face the same congestion challenges that are currently faced by Kingsford-Smith Airport. It is able to quickly serve the needs of a growing region.</para>
<para>I am very proud to have Canberra Airport in my electorate; I am very pleased about the conversations about safety, about aircraft noise and about traffic implications of Canberra Airport that I am able to have with the Canberra Airport management.</para>
<para>This bill is part of the government's commitment to making sure that our aviation legislation is brought up to the purpose for which it is required. We recognise how quickly aviation has developed when we look at the Commonwealth Constitution and realise that it makes no provision for aviation. Many of the advances in aviation which will occur over coming decades need to be anticipated through updated legislation. This is one bill that does just that, and I am proud to commend it to the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms SAFFIN</name>
    <name.id>HVY</name.id>
    <electorate>Page</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak in support of the Aviation Legislation Amendment (Liability and Insurance) Bill 2012. This bill essentially gives expression to actions agreed to arising out of the 2009 national aviation policy white paper. That paper, from memory, was the first comprehensive aviation review in some time. It was useful in guiding reforms and measures that are required.</para>
<para>This bill is an amending bill and will amend the Damage by Aircraft Act 1999—or DBA Act, as it is known—and the Civil Aviation (Carriers' Liability) Act 1959, CA(CL) Act. It will also harmonise and modernise provisions to be in step with the Convention for the Unification of Certain Rules for International Carriage by Air 1999, commonly called the Montreal convention. Thank goodness it has a common name.</para>
<para>I understand that over 100 states have acceded to the Montreal convention and implemented it—including of course Australia. That is absolutely necessary to give consistency, to give a whole range of things that are necessary, to the aviation industry.</para>
<para>Further to amending the two acts and the convention cited, the bill also gives expression to case law that has turned on the issue of contributory negligence. I will talk a little bit about that in my contribution. The specific changes are as follows. It will increase the current domestic passenger liability cap and mandatory insurance requirements—the payout for someone who is injured will be raised from $500,000 to $725,000. I understand this increase reflects CPI changes. I also understand that this amount has not been changed since about 1994. It will also limit mental injuries compensation to the definition contained in the Montreal convention by making the provisions consistent in international and domestic frameworks. Article 17 of the Montreal convention carries the definition, and that revolves around mental injuries and death or bodily injury. I understand courts have interpreted bodily injury as excluding claims for mental injury, but domestically it does not sit like that—it is interpreted differently, and this change will bring those interpretations into synchronicity. The bill will limit the liability of carriers domestically to the bodily injury definition. It will deal with those two areas.</para>
<para>The DBA Act creates a very tough system of liability for air operators and the liability, as we have heard from most of the contributions here, is both strict and unlimited. It would be inappropriate to require airlines to provide uncapped compensation for the pure mental injury without reference to whether the airline was at fault. A large audience who witnessed an air crash could expose aircraft carriers to a potentially very wide group of claimants on the basis of strict and unlimited liability, thereby imposing incalculable risks on the industry. As a solicitor I get a bit of heartburn when I come in here to talk about caps and strict liability and changes and bringing in contributory negligence, but I am here as a legislator, as a lawmaker, with a different role and I understand that these changes are absolutely necessary for the system to work. In considering them I have thought of all the possibilities, all the arguments, that can be raised and I accept that it is necessary to introduce these changes.</para>
<para>I was reading all of this material on the plane yesterday. I fly with Rex a lot because I fly from Lismore to Sydney and then I change over at Sydney Airport. Essentially we are talking about accidents, and I wondered whether I should have been reading it while I was flying. I did not share with the other passengers what I was reading—I smiled to myself and thought, 'Don't be silly; just read it and get it done'. Essentially we are talking about accidents, although we have such a safe aviation industry. We are very fortunate, but it is not just a matter of being lucky—it is making sure that we have the proper legal and policy frameworks and also the enforcement mechanisms to make sure that we maintain such a safe industry in Australia. It is something we can all pride ourselves on, and we do.</para>
<para>I turn now to contributory negligence. Case law has been mentioned by other speakers. It was found in the 2008 New South Wales case of Crook v Aircare Moree Pty Ltd that the partial defence of contributory negligence was unavailable for claims brought under the DBA Act. I have also cogitated on where contributory negligence could be a factor, and it would rarely be brought into play. This change at least allows that to be raised by way of defence and argued through, but I countenance it would rarely be a factor. The things I was thinking about were some common things. We put our seatbelts on in planes and we get told to keep them on at all times except when we have to move around, so I was thinking through all the possibilities where things could be raised and I thought no, it would be rare where the courts would bring that into play with the changes to the act. That is an important consideration. It needs to be there so it can be raised. That is one of the essential changes</para>
<para>Another point is that mandatory passenger insurance legislation was only introduced in 1995. That is not that long ago. That was in response to the tragic Monarch Airlines fatal accident. This accident led to a requirement that our domestic airlines insure against the full extent of potential liability under the CA(CL) Act, and this bill proposes an increase in the level of mandatory passenger insurance that is proportionate to the proposed increase in the cap on carriers' liability. It is important that that be there; it is important for consumer protection and it is important for us. It is important for the public, otherwise we would not be doing it. While Australia does have a proud aviation safety record, it is important that we continue to strengthen these protections. It is an ongoing process so it is not like 'Okay, that is done; that is finished'—things have to be monitored and reviewed continually. Changes come in, and they have to be bedded down and then we see how they go. This legislation is the right thing to ensure that victims of aircraft accidents and their families—God willing, there will be few—are adequately compensated.</para>
<para>I wanted to speak briefly about the possible price increases resulting from this legislation—because I have been asked about it and because I know I will be asked about it on the radio as well. How much will it cost? The information I have is that, for a major airline carrier, the increase might be 13c and, for a smaller regional carrier, it might be 63c. Since I fly in the regions, I always look at estimates like that and wonder why the impact is higher in the regions. I do know why. It is a mathematical thing—number of passengers et cetera. I get that. But those estimated price increases are small and they represent a very small price to pay for an increase in the cap and to have our safety better protected.</para>
<para>Given that I fly a lot with Regional Express, or Rex as we call it, I know that regional airlines will always say, 'Why do we have these extra costs?' But, in a media release from 31 August 2012, the executive chairman of Rex, Mr Lim Kim Hai, said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Even as almost every blue-ribbon legacy airline in the world, be it Singapore Airlines, Air France, Lufthansa, Emirates or Qantas, reported profits plunging more than 60 per cent or even losses, I feel humbled and blessed that Rex was able to increase its profit by 45.6 per cent to end the financial year with a record profit.</para></quote>
<para>I think a lot of airlines would like to be saying that and to have the health that Rex has. I am very fortunate that my regional airline—the one I fly with—is such a great airline and is doing so well. The small cost issue associated with this legislation will not affect how well Rex is doing. In closing my contribution, I thank the Minister for Infrastructure and Transport for bringing these provisions into line—for modernising and harmonising them—and making sure that we have better consumer protection and better payouts in the event of injury.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CHEESEMAN</name>
    <name.id>HW7</name.id>
    <electorate>Corangamite</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Aviation Legislation Amendment (Liability and Insurance Bill) 2012, which I also support, will modernise Australia's arrangements for our air carriers' liability under the Civil Aviation (Carriers' Liability) Act 1959 and the Damage by Aircraft Act 1999. It implements a number of measures committed to in <inline font-style="italic">Flight </inline><inline font-style="italic">p</inline><inline font-style="italic">ath to the </inline><inline font-style="italic">f</inline><inline font-style="italic">uture</inline>, the federal government's 2009 national aviation policy white paper. The 2009 national aviation policy white paper is a comprehensive piece of work and I commend Minister Albanese for it. It brought together all the strands of aviation policy into a single forward-looking document and provided planning, regulatory and investment certainty for the aviation industry out to 2020 and beyond.</para>
<para>I have had a longstanding interest in the aviation industry, particularly with Avalon, down in my part of the world, providing a second tier airport option to Victorians and to those travelling to Victoria. The white paper set out a number of government commitments to Australia's excellent aviation industry, an industry with a very proud and praiseworthy safety record. It builds on current aviation industry security systems to ensure that Australians can continue to enjoy a very safe aviation industry. Australia's aviation sector is, if not the safest, certainly one of the safest in the world. It has a long history of providing safe travel for Australians and for those who come to our shores. I think it is a testament to all Australians that we have such a strong aviation history. The aviation industry is also a strong contributor to the Australian economy. Its annual contribution to our country has been estimated to be some $5.2 billion.</para>
<para>Having a safe, secure and strong aviation sector is very important. Australia is a very large country and many of us have to travel by air to visit family or friends in different parts of the country, to enjoy a holiday or even to get to other parts of the country to earn our incomes. The aviation sector is critical for domestic and international tourism. In my part of the world, the Corangamite electorate, we are very fortunate to have some very iconic locations—the Great Ocean Road, the Surf Coast and the like. We certainly welcome people travelling to our region to enjoy these beautiful, fantastic tourist locations. But, in order for that to happen, we need a strong aviation industry. We need one which has a first-class safety record, as the Australian aviation industry does have. I think that is very important.</para>
<para>This bill will increase the domestic passenger liability cap from $500,000 to $725,000. This does represent a significant increase on the current arrangements, which have been in place for some time. The cap has not been increased since 1994, and I think it is an appropriate time to lift the liability cap. I paid attention to the previous speaker, the member for Page, who in some detail spelt out what that means. She made the very salient point that, for those travelling on Qantas or Virgin, for instance, that would mean a 13c increase in the price of a ticket and, for those travelling on a smaller regional airline, it might mean 64c, I think was the figure she used. As someone who travels a lot, as all parliamentarians do, and of course the many Australians who travel for work or leisure, I am sure none of them would dispute having a small, modest increase in the price of a ticket to cover off the insurance arrangements if indeed an aircraft should get into trouble for whatever reason, resulting in death or injury.</para>
<para>This bill also achieves a number of other matters in line and consistent with the aviation white paper that Minister Albanese had carriage of back in 2009. The bill will ensure consistency with the 1999 Montreal convention concerning international flight by removing references to 'personal injury' and replacing them with another definition. The Montreal convention has been implemented across some 100 nations worldwide, and I think it is appropriate that in an industry such as this, which operates not only in a domestic environment but obviously also in an international environment, we do align ourselves with best practice and aim for consistency with overseas practice.</para>
<para>The bill amends the Damage by Aircraft Act to allow defendants the right to seek contributions from other parties who may have contributed to the damage suffered by a person bringing a claim. The bill will also preclude claims for compensation for mental injuries where the claimant has not suffered additional personal or property damage. As I said, this bill will help implement the government's white paper on aviation, and it will ensure that all of us continue to enjoy the services of a very safe airline industry.</para>
<para>I would like to make some comments on Avalon Airport, an airport in my region. It is a second-tier airport, on land that is currently owned by Defence, and it provides opportunities for tourism in our region. Our region has a long-term ambition to increase the services available out of Avalon as well as, importantly, to harness the potential opportunities that would come from converting it to an international airport, providing a second-tier opportunity for Victorians to travel overseas and for those overseas, potentially, to come directly to our region.</para>
<para>Avalon Airport is a strategic asset in our region. The member for Corio and I have been working diligently with stakeholders locally and with the government to recognise any potential that Avalon has. If you compare our circumstances in Victoria with those in New South Wales, you could say we are blessed; we have, I think, much stronger opportunities not only to grow our main airport, Tullamarine, but also to harness the possibilities that having a second airport provides. I look forward to continuing to work with my government colleagues and with important local stakeholders to take advantage of the strategic opportunities that Avalon Airport presents to our region, and I very much look forward to Avalon providing a second-tier airport option to not only my region but of course all of Victoria. We are very fortunate to have those options, and I look forward to working with the sector in the years to come to secure opportunities for our region.</para>
<para>Australia has a very safe airline industry, and we need to continue to make the necessary changes to ensure that Australia remains a very safe place for people to travel. I will continue to work with the sector to ensure we keep our very safe airline industry so that Australians can continue to travel safely for work and pleasure. As Australians we ought to be very proud of our airline industry. I commend the bill to the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PERRETT</name>
    <name.id>HVP</name.id>
    <electorate>Moreton</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak to the Aviation Legislation Amendment (Liability and Insurance) Bill 2012. Like the member for Corangamite, I have a general aviation airport in my electorate, the Archerfield Airport. Also, with Moreton being very close to the start of the noisy part of the Brisbane flight path, aviation is certainly a topic that I continue to have a great deal of interest in.</para>
<para>The bill before the chamber implements a number of measures committed to in the 2009 national aviation policy white paper. Firstly and most significantly it will increase the cap on the payout available to air accident victims on domestic flights from $500,000 to $725,000, representing a 45 per cent increase on the current arrangements. Obviously we would hope that nobody, anywhere, ever has to access such a payout. Nevertheless, being a prudent government means that we have that contingency just in case.</para>
<para>As noted by other speakers, Australia has a very proud aviation safety record, but it is important we continue to strengthen protections for people flying domestically and that is what this bill will achieve. This cap has not been changed since 1994 and that is going back a while. <inline font-style="italic">Fo</inline><inline font-style="italic">r</inline><inline font-style="italic">rest Gump</inline> was the No.1 movie at the box office. <inline font-style="italic">Seinfeld</inline> was the No. 1 show on television. In Queensland, Wayne Goss was Premier, before the National Party took government. Pete Sampras had won Wimbledon. And, taking us right back, <inline font-style="italic">Tomorrow</inline>, by Silverchair was one of the No. 1 songs. The guy who wrote that song, Daniel Johns, is now only 33, even though it was 18 years ago—he was 15 at the time. That just shows you how time flies.</para>
<para>The increase in the cap ensures that victims of air accidents and their families are adequately compensated. It brings the cap into the 21st century to reflect current costs, rather than those of nearly two decades ago. The level of mandatory insurance for airlines is also being increased by the same amount to ensure that adequate funds are available. Although compensation for domestic flights is capped, it should be noted that the liability of the airline is strict. There is no requirement for the victim to prove fault. This means that accident victims are able to obtain compensation swiftly, with minimal legal fees, irrespective of whether the airline was in any way to blame for the injuries. This not good news for lawyers, but it is one of the aspects of the legislation that is to be commended.</para>
<para>The bill also amends the Damage by Aircraft Act 1999 to reflect the principle of contributory negligence, allowing defendants to seek a right of contribution from other parties who may have contributed to the damage suffered by the person bringing the claim. These provisions are very important in the context of a liability regime that is both strict and unlimited.</para>
<para>The bill seeks to foster a strong and sustainable aviation industry, including affordable air travel, by providing an equitable balance between the interests of airlines, victims and insurers. Together, these important reforms will ensure that airlines move quickly to a fair settlement with victims and their families in the event of an air accident. The bill also includes important changes to the system of compensating domestic passengers who suffer mental injuries, so that domestic carriers will no longer be liable for mental injuries irrespective of whether other 'physical injuries' have also been incurred. This amendment responds to one of the main objectives of the recent review of the CA(CL) Act, which was to ensure greater consistency between the Australian domestic liability framework and the international liability framework created by the new 1999 Montreal convention. By amending references in the CA(CL) Act concerning 'personal injury' and substituting it with 'bodily injury', we will bring our domestic liability arrangements regarding compensation for mental injuries into line with the international framework established under the benchmark Montreal convention. A similar amendment to the Damage by Aircraft Act 1999 will also limit the eligibility for mental injuries, with the objective of ensuring that there is an appropriate balance between the interests of aircraft operators and the interests of air crash victims.</para>
<para>The bill is pivotal to improving the rights of air accident victims flying domestically in Australia and will go a long way to ensuring a fair and reasonable balance is struck between the interests of airlines, victims and insurers. Airlines play an important role in Australia. As a Queenslander, I know full well how important tourism is to Australia. We can look at some parts of Queensland where unemployment is two per cent and mining companies are booming and we can look at other parts of Queensland where unemployment is as high as 14 per cent because of some of the problems associated with the high dollar and tourism. It is important that we look after our airlines wherever possible. Obviously the costs are something they need to be aware of. This legislation will incur minimal cost and will achieve a great outcome.</para>
<para>I commend the bill to the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr STEPHEN JONES</name>
    <name.id>A9B</name.id>
    <electorate>Throsby</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is my great pleasure to follow my friend the member for Moreton in this debate about an important piece of legislation, the Aviation Legislation Amendment (Liability and Insurance) Bill 2012. At its heart, the bill is about the insurance arrangements for aviation travel in this country. That, in essence, is about how we put in place a framework which creates security and peace of mind and manages the small albeit important risk of aviation travel for the air-travelling public. The bill implements a number of measures that were committed to in the 2009 national aviation white paper and is part of our overall reform not only of the aviation industry but of transport, communications and infrastructure in this country. It does that by increasing the domestic passenger liability cap and mandatory insurance requirements from $500,000 to $725,000. It will ensure consistency with the 1999 Montreal convention concerning international flights by removing references to 'personal injury' and replacing it with 'bodily injury'. It will amend the Damage by Aircraft Act 1999, the DBA Act, to reflect the principle of contributory negligence and it will amend the DBA Act to allow defendants to seek a right of contribution from other parties who may have contributed to the damage suffered by the person bringing about the claim. It precludes potential claimants from claiming compensation for purely mental injuries where that person has not suffered additional personal or property damage. And finally it replaces the reference in the Civil Aviation (Carriers Liability) Act 1959 to the Montreal Protocol No. 4 with a reference to the 1999 Montreal convention.</para>
<para>While Australia has a proud aviation safety record, it is important that we continue to strengthen protections for people who fly domestically. We seek to do so in this legislation in an even-handed way. We propose to significantly increase the payout available to crash victims on domestic flights and to make it easier for them to access payouts. We propose to increase the cap on payouts from $500,000 to $725,000. The increase in the cap is the right thing to do to ensure that victims of aircraft accidents and their families are adequately compensated. It is important to note that the cap has not been increased since 1994, and it is time that we brought it into the 21st century to reflect current costs.</para>
<para>We propose to increase mandatory insurance for airlines to ensure that adequate funds are available for proper compensation of air crash victims and their families. It would make absolutely no sense to shift the cap on payments if there was inadequate insurance available—thus the importance of ensuring that airlines have a mandatory insurance arrangement. The arrangements in the legislation will help airlines move quickly to a fair settlement with victims and their families in the event of an aircraft accident. Such changes to the compensation laws will bring Australia closer into line with international practice.</para>
<para>The bill contains the government's comprehensive overhaul of consumer protection announced in Australia's first-ever aviation white paper. The impact that this overhaul will have on ticket prices is minimal, and, though we have to be upfront with the travelling public about increases to ticket prices, such increases pale into insignificance when compared to the amount of compensation that will thereby be made available to a consumer if something goes wrong in the air. We estimate that the price of a flight now costing $200 on a major airline may increase by about 13c, while the price of a flight provided by a regional carrier may increase by about 63c per ticket. We do not hide from the fact that there may be some pass-through of costs if the insurance cover for aviation travel is increased, but such a pass-through pales into insignificance when compared to the damage wrought upon an individual traveller if something goes wrong in the air. We all touch wood and hope that it does not occur.</para>
<para>A vast island nation like ours requires an aviation industry. Indeed, aviation lies at the heart of our economic activity. As set out in the aviation white paper, the government's aim is to provide policies that support investment and initiative while protecting safety and security. We also support the freedom of operators to be innovative. Earlier this year the Minister for Infrastructure and Transport released a report by the Bureau of Infrastructure, Transport and Regional Economics on air transport trends in regional Australia. This provided a snapshot of regional aviation. Passenger movements at regional airports—and I know that this is a matter dear to your heart, Deputy Speaker Scott—have risen by more than six per cent. Meanwhile, there has been growth of more than 5.7 per cent in passenger movements through our major city airports. Between 2005 and 2010 there was an increase in passenger movements from 16.8 million to 22.5 million, and that is a significant increase indeed. No doubt the increase of fly-in fly-out work in electorates such as my own—and, I dare say, yours, Mr Deputy Speaker—has increased usage of regional airlines and, therefore, increased passenger movements in and out of regional airports. Passenger kilometres and the number of flights are also well up.</para>
<para>It is important that we continually seek to adjust our aviation policy and ensure that we have not only the regulation but also the infrastructure in place to ensure that this island nation continues to have a viable and vibrant aviation industry. Nowhere will this be more important than in paying attention to the urgent need for a second international airport for Sydney. The current owners of Sydney Airport argue against this necessity—and it is obvious why they might do so—but, if you talk to the airline operators, you will find that they know that, unless governments make a decision on the building of a second airport for Sydney, we will stand condemned by future generations. With the growth in passenger airline movements we are very quickly reaching the point where we exceed the air traffic capacity at Sydney Airport.</para>
<para>It strikes me and everybody at the serious end of the industry as passing strange that the Premier of New South Wales can seriously suggest that the best location for a second airport for Sydney might be Canberra. This is a ridiculous suggestion indeed. I have made it quite clear that the site at Wilton, which is adjacent to my own electorate, were it able to pass the test of the appropriate environmental and social impact studies, would be a very good site for a second airport for Sydney. The building of a new airport there would be a boon indeed for jobs and infrastructure for the Illawarra region, particularly considering the downturn that we face in other areas of the economy, principally manufacturing. Having an airport in the region and the capacity to link it with new rail and road transport would mean thousands of jobs close to our major city and great economic opportunities for the region.</para>
<para>So I support that, and I support all moves to continue to ensure that we have in place not only the regulations, such as those provided for in this legislation, but also the infrastructure to ensure that as an island nation—a nation that relies on tourism and a nation that relies on our aviation infrastructure to support the economy—we are continuing to do everything we can to upgrade the regulation and the infrastructure itself. That runs hand in hand with the government's nation-building mission. It is an unambiguous mission to ensure that, over our term in office, we backfill the infrastructure deficit we inherited.</para>
<para>I pause to note that we are very close to the 100-year anniversary of the Labor government of Andrew Fisher beginning work on the transcontinental railway. Our aviation policy—indeed, our entire infrastructure policy—is the successor to the visionary program of that first Labor government of Andrew Fisher, who understood it as the job of federal governments and federal Labor to put in place a nation-building infrastructure and to build a just and equitable economic future for this country. This 'great nation work', as he called it, was an urgent necessity for reasons of economy, transport and effective defence. In the 100 years since, other critical infrastructure projects have followed at the initiative of Labor governments: the Snowy Mountains scheme, the ABC, the Sydney Opera House and now the National Broadband Network.</para>
<para>Indeed, since coming into office in 2007 the Labor government has engaged in a dynamic and significant reform agenda. I have spoken of the chronic infrastructure deficit we inherited. The work we are undertaking is significant indeed. We have rebuilt over one-third of the national freight network. We are investing in ports. We have invested more money in the urban rail system than any other government since federation. We are investing more money in roads, as was a matter of debate during private members' business this morning. I saw the member for Herbert acknowledge the fact that this Labor government has invested more money in roads in regional Australia than any other government in living memory—something he is obviously embarrassed about but that those of us on our side of the House are very, very proud of.</para>
<para>As I said, it is important not only that we invest in the regulation to ensure that we retain the trust of the travelling public when they purchase an airline ticket and jump on an aeroplane but also that we have the vision for five, 10, 15 and 20 years out to ensure that our infrastructure is up to the task that is required. It has been remarked in the past that, when we came into office, rail investment was virtually zero. More than $2 billion had been slashed from the federal roads budget before we came into office, and there had been nine or 10 plans around building a broadband network. It took the election of a Labor government to get the job done.</para>
<para>These are important areas of public policy. We are in the middle of an important nation-building program—$36 billion has been invested by this Labor government to ensure that never again will we be in a position where we cannot get our products from mine head to port and to ensure that we do not let our rail freight network fall into disrepair. It will ensure that, whether you are a business in Western Sydney, a school student in Northern Queensland or a medical patient in Western Australia—or indeed in the electorate of my friend the member for Lyons in Launceston—you will have access to a fast, reliable and affordable broadband network. These are important initiatives of which we are very proud. As I said, they are all a part of a whole, of which this legislation is an important part and which implements the commitments we gave in the 2009 national aviation policy white paper. We are ensuring that, over the course of our time in office, aviation transportation will become faster, safer and— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HUSIC</name>
    <name.id>91219</name.id>
    <electorate>Chifley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am grateful for the opportunity to follow on from the thorough and expansive contribution from the member for Throsby and appreciate the breadth of ground he was able to cover during his contribution.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Tudge</name>
    <name.id>M2Y</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Not even you believe that!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HUSIC</name>
    <name.id>91219</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Aston is awake! That is good to see; it is good to be in the chamber when he is paying attention to this vital bit of legislation, the Aviation Legislation Amendment (Liability and Insurance) Bill 2012.</para>
<para>One of the great things about aviation in this country is the fact that so many families now have the ability to travel both domestically and overseas and that the number of destinations they have the opportunity to travel to has also increased quite a great deal. What that does in broadening people's perspectives as they travel to different destinations is a truly great thing for this country, as the member for Throsby indicated. For a continent like ours, aviation plays such a big role.</para>
<para>It has been amazing to see the growth of aviation in spite of some of the best efforts of the industry—in particular, Sydney Airport. When you look at the way they charge for simple things such as parking and you compare it with airports in other parts of the world, you are staggered to see the differential that people are forced to pay. Ever since it was privatised by the Howard government, Sydney Airport Corporation has pretty much seen Mascot as a massive treasure chest from which it can continually extract more and more from the flying public, in spite of the fact that more and more people want to be able to fly and to travel overseas.</para>
<para>It is no wonder that Sydney Airport consistently ranks as one where consumers are quite frustrated by the level of gouging that is extended to them by Sydney Airport Corporation. If you compare long-term car parking in Sydney with any other major destination in the world you would be astounded by how much you are forced to pay. As I said, it is great to see the number of people who have an opportunity to fly, and to see families being able to take up that opportunity, and it would be hoped that some would go back—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>YT4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! In accordance with standing order 43 the debate is interrupted and may be resumed at a later hour. Does the member wish to seek leave to continue his remarks?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HUSIC</name>
    <name.id>91219</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, Mr Deputy Speaker.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>STATEMENTS BY MEMBERS</title>
        <page.no>9932</page.no>
        <type>STATEMENTS BY MEMBERS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Very Special Kids</title>
          <page.no>9932</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms O'DWYER</name>
    <name.id>LKU</name.id>
    <electorate>Higgins</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the start of this month Very Special Kids launched its Piggy Bank Appeal. This year it is celebrating their 15th anniversary and in that time has raised over $14 million. The objective this year is to raise a further $1 million. Very Special Kids does remarkable work with families of children with life-threatening illness. Often when a family is faced with the overwhelming challenge of having to care for a sick child the family finds it very difficult both emotionally and financially. The strain can test the fabric of the family unit. That is where Very Special Kids helps by providing both practical and emotional support for the children, their parents and the entire family.</para>
<para>Located in my electorate in Malvern, Very Special Kids House caters for those families in need. However, these services come at a cost. It costs more than $1.7 million per year to operate and maintain Very Special Kids House at an average of around $6,000 per family per year. A single night in the hospice can cost up to $900. In order to keep these services free of charge Very Special Kids needs to raise more than $3 million per year from the community. The Piggy Bank Appeal goes a long way to raising these much needed funds.</para>
<para>Finally, I recognise and acknowledge the amazing work done by the outstanding team at VSK—the staff, the doctors, nurses and volunteers—so capably led by CEO David Agnew and Very Special Kids patron and force of nature Sister Margaret Noone AM, someone whom I greatly admire and respect for her undeniable commitment and contribution to our great community.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian National Flag Day</title>
          <page.no>9933</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms OWENS</name>
    <name.id>E09</name.id>
    <electorate>Parramatta</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It was a pleasure on Monday last week to celebrate Australian National Flag Day with a number of my local schools. Parramatta High School has hosted the National Flag Day ceremony for surrounding schools since 2001. The day commemorates that day back on 3 September 1901 when the Australian flag design was first displayed following a competition that attracted some 33,000 entries. Given that I was commemorating the day with school students, I thought it was worth mentioning that of the five original prizewinners in that flag competition in 1901 two were teenagers—a schoolboy, Ivor Evans, and an apprentice optician, Leslie Hawkins.</para>
<para>Last Monday the flag was raised by three very able flag bearers—James Feng, Anthony Liu and Mohammed Arif, who did a fine job. Also in attendance were Ali Al Zaidi, Meghna Alapatt and John Pinar Akin from Parramatta High School; Dwayne Medoca from Parramatta Public School; Alfred Aye and Ebru Sazak from Parramatta West Public School; Abbinesh Laguthaas and Ramya Sutheskumar from Westmead Public School; and Jack Morgan and Teannie Makdesi from Hilltop Road Public School. As in every year, they were joined by representatives from Legacy and the Parramatta RSL sub-branch. It was a great day once again and I thank them all for helping to celebrate National Flag Day.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Rowville Football Club</title>
          <page.no>9933</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TUDGE</name>
    <name.id>M2Y</name.id>
    <electorate>Aston</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to congratulate the Rowville Hawks Football Club for their outstanding victory in division 2 of the EFL on Saturday, where they defeated Montrose 8.10.58 to 7.4.46. It was a fantastic effort from the Rowville Hawks Football Club. They have had a stellar year, and their victory means they will go into division 1 of the EFL next year, the EFL being one of the largest competitions in the nation.</para>
<para>I particularly pay my respects and congratulations not only to the captain, Matthew Stanley, and the vice-captain, Robert McEwin, but also to the coaches—senior coach Paul Mynott and assistant coaches Paul Barlow and Marc Hardy. I also acknowledge the off-field operations; nothing occurs on the field without a very strong off-field performance. The Rowville Football Club is ably led by President David Howlett and Vice President Jason Kennedy. I particularly pay my regards to them. It is sometimes a large and thankless effort being the president or vice president of one of these large football clubs. They do an enormous amount of work and what they do off the field contributes significantly to what occurs on the field. I congratulate the Rowville Football Club and all of the team, the coaches and the supporters behind them.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>School Funding</title>
          <page.no>9933</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr STEPHEN JONES</name>
    <name.id>A9B</name.id>
    <electorate>Throsby</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I take this opportunity to welcome to the House the students of St John's, Dapto, who are enjoying a tour of parliament today as part of their education. I met with them earlier today and had the great benefit of being grilled by them on my role. I know the teachers at that school are doing an absolutely sensational job of educating these students.</para>
<para>Against this background I was deeply concerned on Friday to receive a letter from Peter Turner, the Director of Schools of the Diocese of Wollongong. He says in this letter:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Dear Stephen</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Catholic School System in NSW has been rocked by the planned announcement from the State Government to cut recurrent grants to NSW non-government schools by $66.7 million per year, beginning next year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Catholic schools in the Diocese of Wollongong educate more than 22,000 students from Kindergarten to year 12.</para></quote>
<para>In this letter he seeks my support in this parliament for his cause in resisting this matter and, can I say, he has it. It makes absolutely no sense at a time when we as a nation are debating how we can put more money into the school system that is to increase the size of the school funding bucket that we have premiers like the Premier of New South Wales and his Minister for Education going around with the biggest chisel and hammer they can find and putting a dirty big hole in the bottom of that school funding bucket. We on this side of the House are committed to ensuring that we have a decent funding system for school education in this city. The Premier of New South Wales and his education minister deserve to be condemned.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>YT4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I acknowledge the Killarney and Allora schools from my electorate that are currently in the gallery.</para>
<para>Honourable members: Hear, hear!</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Bowman Electorate: Condolence</title>
          <page.no>9934</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr LAMING</name>
    <name.id>E0H</name.id>
    <electorate>Bowman</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I wish to extend the condolences of this House, particularly of the member for Rankin; the Mayor of Redland; Mark Robinson, the state member; and Councillor Craig Ogilvie for the events on the weekend at Redland Spring Festival, where we lost a beautiful young pregnant mum in a completely unforeseen and almost impossible to contemplate accident on Saturday afternoon at 4.45. The events are just impossible for us, after the event, to reconcile. This was a family who was visiting our festival in our community. We feel we owed her and her family a duty of protection.</para>
<para>I hope that no-one will find individual factors of blame or reflect on age as a cause of this terrible accident. I do reassure everyone that there was not a moment where everything was not done to save these incredibly precious lives. I was about 20 metres away when it happened and there were 20 minutes during which we did everything until the ambulance arrived. It is very hard for us to contemplate options and run them through our minds, but that is exactly what many of us are doing.</para>
<para>Sister Emily Perry, Dr Grant Jackson, Karen Gould from Logan hospital and Liz Robertson from PA hospital were all there within five seconds. I assure everyone that, as inconceivable and devastating as this act was, we will do everything within our community to find a way to give comfort to this family.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>17th Annual Miners Memorial Service</title>
          <page.no>9934</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FITZGIBBON</name>
    <name.id>8K6</name.id>
    <electorate>Hunter</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am not sure that the students of Scone Grammar School are here yet but I acknowledge them. They will be visiting the House of Reps during question time today.</para>
<para>I had the pleasure yesterday to join with ACTU President Ged Kearney at the 17th annual miners memorial service at the CFMEU headquarters in Cessnock. Of course it is about remembering the more than 1,800 men and boys whose names appear on the memorial wall at the miners' headquarters in Cessnock. That is 1,800 too many. It is important that all in this place recognise and remember the importance of workplace safety. In a sense, we are not just reflecting on those who gave their lives mining coal on the northern coalfields; we are also celebrating the fact that each year—thankfully, this year it is nil—fewer and fewer new names appear on the wall. That has been the case over recent decades because parliaments have become engaged in partnership with the union movement in ensuring that we have decent workplace safety. May that always be the case.</para>
<para>Yesterday, concern was expressed about developments in Queensland, where the new government under Campbell Newman is seeking to contract out, if you like, the work of mine safety officers who are employed by the union. All of us stand in this place to ensure that a safe workplace remains in place. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Parkinson's Queensland Unity Walk</title>
          <page.no>9935</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GAMBARO</name>
    <name.id>9K6</name.id>
    <electorate>Brisbane</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today to speak of a special event that happened in my electorate yesterday. Parkinson's Queensland held its annual Unity Walk to raise funds and awareness of Parkinson's disease. I congratulate President John Bird and CEO Helen Crew and all of their volunteers for their fantastic organisation of the event. The walk started at New Farm Park and went along the river and down to Teneriffe and back. Approximately 500 Brisbane residents showed up for the event. I thank the patron, Queensland Reds player Jake Schatz, and former swimmer and now Parkinson's sufferer Ian Findlay. My colleagues the local state member, Robert Cavallucci, and Brisbane City Council Central Ward councillor Vicky Howard were also in attendance.</para>
<para>Official figures show that Parkinson's disease affects approximately 16,000 Queenslanders and 64,000 Australians, but those are conservative figures, given the lack of awareness of the diagnosis of early symptoms. We know that wonderful work is being done by Parkinson's Queensland and that the real figure is likely to be upwards of 80,000 people across the country and growing. This is a particularly special event for me, as both my father and my father-in-law suffer from Parkinson's. I, along with many Australians, desperately hope that one day we will find a cure.</para>
<para>In my remaining time I congratulate the Wilston Grange under-12 team for their grand final victory on the weekend. I reluctantly also congratulate the North Queensland Cowboys on their finals win over the Broncos on Saturday. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Fremantle Football Club, Abel Tasman</title>
          <page.no>9935</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms PARKE</name>
    <name.id>HWR</name.id>
    <electorate>Fremantle</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I welcome to the parliament Dale Olsen from the WA Army Museum in Fremantle, who is with us today. There are two things my constituents in Fremantle have been very passionate about this week. One was Saturday's AFL elimination final between the Dockers and Geelong, which I am pleased to say saw the purple haze triumph. My congratulations to coach Ross Lyon, captain Matthew Pavlich and the whole team for their sustained and brilliant game, which we look forward to seeing repeated on Friday in Adelaide.</para>
<para>The second thing that has caused considerable agitation, not only in Fremantle but throughout the country, is a proposal to allow a super trawler literally to suck the life out of Australia's oceans as it has done in so many other parts of the world. This morning I received a petition from Greenpeace signed by more than 55,000 Australians, requesting action to prevent this marauding monster factory ship from operating in Australian waters. I received this petition with my Tasmanian colleague Senator Lin Thorpe, with whom I and others have been working closely on a private members' bill to stop the super trawler. There are many caucus colleagues who are supportive of this effort, including the members for Franklin, Brown, Wills, Makin, Corangamite, Holt, Moreton, Parramatta and Griffith, and Tasmanian Senator Carol Brown.</para>
<para>We know that these petition signatures are representative of the concerns of millions of Australians right around the country and how they feel about the effect this vessel will have on Australia's marine environment and on local fishing communities in terms of localised depletion, bycatch impact on seals, dolphins and seabirds, and the removal of large numbers important species from the marine food chain. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>World Suicide Prevention Day</title>
          <page.no>9936</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALEXANDER</name>
    <name.id>M3M</name.id>
    <electorate>Bennelong</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Today is World Suicide Prevention Day. Mr Deputy Speaker Scott, as the ambassador for Lifeline I ask your indulgence to wear this yellow scarf to promote Lifeline's great work over the past 49 years in helping people in need and raising awareness of suicide prevention. Today we reflect on the grave toll within our society from mental illness that leaves desperate people to consider taking unthinkable steps. Suicide is the leading cause of death for people aged 15 to 44. It is estimated that in Australia 65,000 people attempt suicide each year. Tragically, every day six people take their own life.</para>
<para>Lifeline's Out of the Shadows campaign provides a very simple yet powerful message to all Australians with mental illness or to those who know someone experiencing it: come out of the shadows and seek help, because you are not alone. In the past 12 months, Lifeline has received over 500,000 calls to its 24-hour crisis support line. Suicide prevention can be addressed at different levels, starting with a change in the community's attitude towards mental illness. Stigmas place a barrier for those who are in a dark place and who need help. We need to encourage people to step out of the shadows and into the light, because they are not alone.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Education Funding</title>
          <page.no>9936</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>Robertson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Last week we saw another disgraceful revelation about the Liberal Party's contempt for our educators, our learners, our community and our future, which is built on the back of a great education system. In the very week that the Prime Minister committed our Labor government to an extra $6.5 billion to give our kids a decent education, the Liberal Premier of New South Wales called educators from the Catholic education community into his office and slashed their funding by $24.5 million. There was no notice.</para>
<para>Everywhere the Liberals are in government we see what the Liberals think about education. They see our kids' education as being an easy target for their ongoing cuts. They have their sights locked and loaded on education in every state: slashing TAFE in Queensland, ripping funding out of schools in Victoria and in my state taking a knife to Catholic education. I fear that is just a warm-up for even greater cuts across the entire sector. In the region I represent, the diocese of Broken Bay has 17,000 students, parents and staff across 43 schools. Their funding has been slashed without warning by $1.9 million.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! In accordance with standing order 43 the time for members' statements has concluded.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>CONDOLENCES</title>
        <page.no>9937</page.no>
        <type>CONDOLENCES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Martin, Sapper James, Milosevic, Lance Corporal Stjepan (Rick), Poate, Private Robert</title>
          <page.no>9937</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference to Federation Chamber</title>
            <page.no>9940</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate>Grayndler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the order of the day be referred to the Federation Chamber for debate.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>McDonald, Lance Corporal Mervyn John, Galagher, Private Nathanael John Aubrey</title>
          <page.no>9940</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference to Federation Chamber</title>
            <page.no>9942</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate>Grayndler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the order of the day be referred to the Federation Chamber for debate.</para></quote>
<para>For the information of honourable members: the motion will be listed this afternoon in the Federation Chamber.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MINISTERIAL ARRANGEMENTS</title>
        <page.no>9943</page.no>
        <type>MINISTERIAL ARRANGEMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SWAN</name>
    <name.id>2V5</name.id>
    <electorate>Lilley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As members would be aware, the Prime Minister will be absent from question time, as she grieves with her family the loss of her father, someone she absolutely adored. At this stage she will be absent from parliament for the week. I know that all members and indeed all Australians join me in passing on their sympathies to the Prime Minister, her mum and her sister at this time of terrible sadness. I also want to note some of the fine sentiments that have been expressed from people across the House over the past couple of days and over the weekend.</para>
<para>I was reminded very much of the Prime Minister and her dad when John and Moira Gillard travelled to Brisbane in 2010 to be there when the PM rehearsed her campaign launch speech. They travelled literally thousands of kilometres to be there on the day—a very important day for their daughter. Just as the rehearsal was finishing up and the room went dark and the music started blaring out there was this big 'Happy Birthday' emblazoned right across the screens in the hall. This was all for John's birthday and everybody sang <inline font-style="italic">Happy Birthday</inline>. After that, Julia and her dad had a hug in the corner. When the music was finished there was not a dry eye in the house. That demonstrated to me how close they were.</para>
<para>John Gillard was a man of humble beginnings who sought to give his daughters the best possible education opportunities—the education opportunities that he did not have himself. He instilled in his daughters a love of learning, a commitment to the value of fairness and certainly the importance of looking after those in need. As someone who has worked closely with the Prime Minister over many years, I have seen those values in everything that she does—especially in her drive to ensure that every child has the opportunity to have a good education and to reach their full potential regardless of their background. Many in this chamber would also be aware that John Gillard also instilled in his daughter a love of political debate, and I am sure there are some opposite who wish he had not done that.</para>
<para>Most of all, John Gillard's story speaks volumes for all that is great and good about our country. He was a migrant who worked hard, often at two jobs, to give his children the very best opportunities in life—and he did live to see his daughter become our nation's first female PM. He was very proud of his daughter every single day, as I know she was of him. Our thoughts are with Julia, her mum and her sister at this time.</para>
<para>I will answer questions on behalf of the PM during question time. I also present for the information of honourable members an updated ministry list dated 7 September 2012.</para>
<para> </para>
<para> </para>
<para> </para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The document read as follows—</inline></para>
<para>   SECOND GILLARD MINISTRY   7 September 2012</para>
<quote><para class="block">Each box represents a portfolio. Cabinet Ministers are shown in bold type. As a general rule, there is one department in each portfolio. However, there is a Department of Veterans’ Affairs in the Defence portfolio. The title of a department does not necessarily reflect the title of a minister in all cases.</para></quote>
<para> </para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ABBOTT</name>
    <name.id>EZ5</name.id>
    <electorate>Warringah</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On indulgence, Madam Deputy Speaker, I rise to express on behalf of the coalition our condolences to the Prime Minister and her family on the death of her father, John. Losing a parent is a heavy blow, and the Prime Minister was obviously particularly close to her father. Yes, John Gillard came to Australia as a migrant from Wales, he did work hard and he did realise the Australian dream—to see his children do better than he could probably ever have imagined when he stepped off his transport from the United Kingdom. To have your child become prime minister of your country is perhaps the proudest thing that any parent can achieve. He was a fine Australian and obviously a very proud dad.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the House, I am sure we all express our sympathy to the Prime Minister and her family at this sad time.</para>
</speech>
</debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</title>
        <page.no>9946</page.no>
        <type>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</type>
      </debateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I recognise in the gallery today the 99 Indigenous students who are all part of the Learn, Earn, Legend! work exposure in government program. I wish you well in that program, and we very much look forward to seeing one of you on the floor of the parliament in the near future.</para>
<para>Honourable members: Hear, hear!</para>
</speech>
</debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>9946</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Asylum Seekers</title>
          <page.no>9946</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ABBOTT</name>
    <name.id>EZ5</name.id>
    <electorate>Warringah</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Acting Prime Minister. I remind him that since the government announced the reopening of the Nauru processing centre almost 2,000 illegal arrivals have reached Australia. When will the government admit that, unless it also adopts temporary protection visas and turns back the boats where it is safe to do so, people smugglers will still have a product to sell and the boats will still keep coming?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SWAN</name>
    <name.id>2V5</name.id>
    <electorate>Lilley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I do thank the opposition leader for his question but I am not sure that the member for Wentworth will thank him for it. The member for Wentworth had the temerity to point out last week the entire negative approach of this opposition—not just talking down the economy but being out there attacking, attacking, attacking, with the Leader of the Opposition making negative points every time he stands up.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Acting Prime Minister will refer to the question before the chair.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SWAN</name>
    <name.id>2V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>He knows very well, Madam Deputy Speaker, that it was the actions of the coalition in this House that delayed our getting offshore processing going more quickly. They came into the House with their negative approach and they delayed the positive proposals that we put on the table to process in Nauru and to process in Malaysia at the same time. The consequence of that has been all of the tragedy that we have seen during that delay. The government has responded comprehensively to the Houston report and has put in place all the approaches that it recommended. It is simply, once again, deliberately deceptive of this Leader of the Opposition to pretend that somehow that report may have actually recommended temporary protection visas. It is yet another example of him being deceptive and not necessarily telling the full story about events that have occurred in the past. There was no support whatsoever in the Houston report for temporary protection visas.</para>
<para>We have got the processing up and running as quickly as we possibly could, and we have done that since we got the legislation passed through the parliament. We have seen further evidence of that today with the statement made by the Minister for Immigration and Citizenship. We are proceeding as quickly as we possibly can because we do want to save lives. Putting this process in place in the comprehensive way that we are will save lives. What we have to do is stop the boats with a fair dinkum policy—the fair dinkum policy that was recommended by the Houston inquiry and that we are putting in place right across the board. This includes an increase in the overall intake to ensure that people have no incentive to jump on boats and risk their lives coming to Australia; it makes sure they can get in by coming through our offshore processes. That is what we are doing. This is a fair dinkum approach to a big public policy problem, but what we see from those opposite is the continued negative approach of the Leader of the Opposition. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economy</title>
          <page.no>9947</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CHEESEMAN</name>
    <name.id>HW7</name.id>
    <electorate>Corangamite</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Acting Prime Minister and Treasurer. Will he outline for the House what the recent economic data says about the strength of our economy?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SWAN</name>
    <name.id>2V5</name.id>
    <electorate>Lilley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Corangamite for that question. Last week we saw more evidence of the world-beating performance of the Australian economy. I think it is something all Australians can be proud of. The latest national accounts show that our economy grew by a solid 0.6 per cent in the June quarter and a robust 3.7 per cent for the year. We continue to grow faster than any other major advanced economy. The accounts also show that growth was broadly balanced during the quarter. We saw broad based growth with positive contributions from consumption, investment, net exports and public demand. It is pretty rare to get that sort of healthy combination. All of this has been achieved against the backdrop of volatility in global financial markets and recession across Europe. So it was a pretty good result considering what was going on around the world during the June quarter.</para>
<para>More than that, this data also confirmed 21 consecutive years of economic growth. That is a remarkable achievement, unequalled anywhere else in the developed world. It is something every member of this House should be proud of. It stands in stark contrast to the aggressive negativity of those opposite—the aggressive negativity of the Leader of the Opposition, the shadow Treasurer and the shadow finance spokesman.</para>
<para>All of this does not mean that we do not still face economic challenges. We have global uncertainty, we have the impact of a higher dollar, we have lower commodity prices and we have other structural challenges. But we still have strong economic fundamentals—a combination of solid growth, low unemployment, contained inflation, healthy consumption and a record investment pipeline—so much so that our economy is now 11 per cent bigger than it was prior to the global financial crisis. Something like 800,000 jobs have been created in Australia since the onset of that crisis, which contrasts starkly with what has gone on elsewhere in the developed world.</para>
<para>We have a clear plan to keep our economy strong and to provide opportunities for all Australians. In particular, we have made a commitment to invest in our education system, to make sure that we provide the resources for the quality education which is absolutely essential for ensuring we continue to grow strongly and continue to have job creation and the rising incomes we all aspire to. We have made a commitment to reform our education system so that every kid, regardless of their background, has the opportunity to become Prime Minister. So there is a clear choice: positive plans for the future or the negative approach of the Leader of the Opposition. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Budget</title>
          <page.no>9948</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ABBOTT</name>
    <name.id>EZ5</name.id>
    <electorate>Warringah</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Acting Prime Minister. I remind him of Labor's growing list of unfunded spending commitments, including up to $10½ billon each year for the NDIS, $6½ billion for schools, $2 billion for border protection blow-outs and $2 billion for a dental scheme. At the same time, the government is set to collect far less revenue than forecast in the budget. Where is the money coming from?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SWAN</name>
    <name.id>2V5</name.id>
    <electorate>Lilley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This government is absolutely committed to putting in place a responsible fiscal policy. In doing that, we will bring our budget back to surplus on time and as promised. Over four budgets we have put in place $100 billion in savings to fund our priorities, including, in our last budget, $33 billion worth of savings—and we will continue to do that. We have done that in the face of massive revenue write-downs caused by the problems in the global economy. We have done all that and we will do it again—because we understand the importance of good fiscal policy. We do that in very stark contrast to those who sit opposite.</para>
<para>We had a revelation the other day from the shadow Treasurer. On 21 August, he said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We have found all our savings and we have got our policies, we are ready to roll if an election is called tomorrow.</para></quote>
<para>From this government you will see the midyear budget update, due by the end of the year, and you will see our budget next year. But we do not have any commitment from those opposite to transparency or to the Charter of Budget Honesty.</para>
<para>I say this to the shadow Treasurer: if you have your policies ready to roll, you can take a walk around to the Parliamentary Budget Office—it is not even as far as Aussies. I reckon he can get around there pretty quick and he can give them all of these costed policies he told us about on 21 August. Then we will see the $70 billion crater in their budget bottom line. Then the truth will be out there for all to see: the hidden agenda of the Liberal Party, the one unfolding in Queensland—the hidden agenda to slash health and education.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The Acting Prime Minister will return to the question before the chair.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SWAN</name>
    <name.id>2V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>If they are going to fill their $70 billion crater, that is what they will be doing. So take a walk. It is only a hundred metres or so. Go and give your policies to the Parliamentary Budget Office.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Pyne</name>
    <name.id>9V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On a point of order, Madam Deputy Speaker: the Acting Prime Minister completely ignored you when you were trying to call him to order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I was attempting to get the Acting Prime Minister's attention. Has he concluded?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SWAN</name>
    <name.id>2V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ABBOTT</name>
    <name.id>EZ5</name.id>
    <electorate>Warringah</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Deputy Speaker, I ask a supplementary question. Given that, of the $33 billion in savings the Treasurer referred to, $17 billion was actually tax increases, will the Acting Prime Minister now rule out increasing existing taxes or introducing new taxes to fill the government's $120 billion budget black hole?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SWAN</name>
    <name.id>2V5</name.id>
    <electorate>Lilley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I reckon the member for Wentworth is going to be pretty happy because at least he has got the Leader of the Opposition to ask a question on the economy! So I do welcome that question. I welcome that question about tax because I am very happy to talk about tax. I am very happy to talk about the record of our government compared to your government. You came from a government which had the highest tax in history—the highest taxing government in Australian history. Tax to GDP peaked at 24.2 per cent under the Howard government and—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Pyne</name>
    <name.id>9V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Deputy Speaker, on a point of order: the Treasurer was asked whether he would rule out increasing existing taxes or introducing new taxes to fund his $120 billion black hole—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Manager of Opposition Business will resume his seat. The Acting Prime Minister has the call. It was a fairly large question, but I would ask him to return to the question before the chair.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SWAN</name>
    <name.id>2V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I was asked about tax and I am answering that. We in government have made the commitment to keep tax below the level that we inherited—23.7 per cent of GDP. I have pointed out that the members opposite served in a government which was the highest taxing government in our history. Then I was asked about a hole, when the fact is that there is a $70 billion crater in their budget bottom line and the shadow Treasurer has told everybody that all the costings are done. So, if all the costings are done, why doesn't he just take the walk around to the Parliamentary Budget Office and slip in all of the opposition's plans so the public can see. But we remain committed to the commitment we gave— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<para class="italic">Mr Pyne interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I think the member for Sturt might be treading on dangerous ground if he is going to be talking about paying respect to the Deputy Speaker!</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>APEC Meeting</title>
          <page.no>9949</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms ROWLAND</name>
    <name.id>159771</name.id>
    <electorate>Greenway</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Trade and Competitiveness. Will the Minister advise the House of the outcomes from the APEC meeting held in Russia over the weekend? What benefits might flow for Australia from these outcomes?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr EMERSON</name>
    <name.id>83V</name.id>
    <electorate>Rankin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Greenway for her question and for her ongoing interest in innovation, which was a very strong theme at the APEC meeting. By any standard, the APEC meeting in Vladivostok over the weekend was very successful indeed, and I wanted to use this opportunity to highlight two of the very important outcomes from that meeting. The first relates to a list of environmental goods on which the APEC members agreed tariffs would be limited to no more than five per cent. The purpose of this is to promote the flow of products that are used to preserve, protect and clean up our environment, with a very strong emphasis on climate change to ensure that we have effective policies for dealing with the challenge of climate change. This is an initiative that was initiated at Big Sky, Montana, more than a year ago. The leaders asked trade ministers to take this forward. I am pleased to advise that Australia was able to play a role in brokering this deal. We ended up with 54 such items, including wind turbine blades, solar cells, solar hot water systems and equipment used in the generation of electricity from renewable energy sources. I was asked about the potential benefits of this for Australia. We had a look at the 54 items, and Australia already exports $1.2 billion worth of these items, which is a substantial sum. But, for the APEC community as a whole, the trade in those items is $432 billion, so this opens up tremendous opportunities for Australian producers of these environmental goods.</para>
<para>The second area, which is also right up Australia's alley, is that of university education. Russia has initiated the idea of a work program to promote the movement of students and academics from university to university around the region and to establish campuses in each other's universities—an inspired choice by Russia. We were able to bring that work program to a position where all leaders endorsed it. There are 176,000 university students from the APEC community studying in Australia right now. Education is our third biggest export. It still substantially beats LNG. I think this is great news. Ten billion dollars of the $16 billion of our education exports comes from the APEC community. This is the education revolution here in Australia being implemented more broadly, and it is certainly consistent with the white paper <inline font-style="italic">Australia in the Asian century</inline>. It is a very good outcome for all.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economy</title>
          <page.no>9950</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HOCKEY</name>
    <name.id>DK6</name.id>
    <electorate>North Sydney</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Treasurer. I remind the Treasurer that economic growth in the June quarter fell to less than half the rate for the previous three months, retail sales fell by nearly one per cent in July and ANZ job ads fell by over two per cent in August. On top of the falling company profits, falling commodity prices and deteriorating terms of trade, where will the Treasurer find $120 billion to fill the government's new big budget black hole?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SWAN</name>
    <name.id>2V5</name.id>
    <electorate>Lilley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am pleased to answer the question, because here we have, yet again, the opposition talking down our economy. The shadow Treasurer is referring to the June national accounts data, which is simply outstanding data compared to what is going on elsewhere in the world. It does not mean to say that there are not challenges in our economy; there are. We know that sectors suffer from a higher dollar. We know there are other structural forces impacting upon the manufacturing industry. We know that a cautious consumer is making life difficult in retail. But, having said all that, when you have an unemployment rate as low as ours, when you have growth in a quarter that is faster than just about any other developed economy, it does not help the economy if the opposition is constantly talking it down. In the United States—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Hockey</name>
    <name.id>DK6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Deputy Speaker, on a point of order: I asked the Treasurer where he was going to find $120 billion to fill the budget black hole. I did not ask him to give a running commentary on commentary.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for North Sydney will resume his seat. The Acting Prime Minister has the call.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SWAN</name>
    <name.id>2V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>In the United States, talking down the economy is called 'throwing sand in the gears' of the economy. As the opposition talk it down, they also try to talk down confidence—that is what they are doing. The allegation has been made by the shadow Treasurer that there is a hole in our budget, taken from a front page headline of the <inline font-style="italic">Financial Review</inline>which was dead wrong—completely wrong, completely inaccurate. Of course, we know that your $70 billion crater is there because you told us on morning television. You were sitting beside the minister for the environment when you confirmed that you have a $70 billion crater in your budget bottom line. If you want to disprove the fact that you put it into the media yourself, talk a walk down to the Parliamentary Budget Office.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Acting Prime Minister will return to the question.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SWAN</name>
    <name.id>2V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The truth is this. On this side of the parliament we operate a responsible fiscal policy—absolutely. On that side of the parliament they have a hidden agenda because their shadow finance minister told us about it when he was at Hayman Island. He said, 'We won't put any detail out; we'll do what John Hewson did, we'll hide it until after the election.' That is the approach on that side of the House. They can solve the problem with their crater. They can walk around to the Parliamentary Budget Office.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HOCKEY</name>
    <name.id>DK6</name.id>
    <electorate>North Sydney</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Deputy Speaker, I ask a supplementary question. I refer the Treasurer to his claim that the government has made $100 billion of savings over the past four budgets. Very simply, how much of these so-called savings have been tax increases?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SWAN</name>
    <name.id>2V5</name.id>
    <electorate>Lilley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I welcome that question and I have a question for him. Will he tell us how many dollars of the $100 billion he voted for?</para>
<para>Opposition members interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Pyne</name>
    <name.id>9V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Deputy Speaker, I rise on a point of order. How is it relevant for the Acting Prime Minister to make a mockery of question time by answering a question from the opposition with another question?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Manager of Opposition Business will resume his seat.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Employment</title>
          <page.no>9951</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr KATTER</name>
    <name.id>HX4</name.id>
    <electorate>Kennedy</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Sustainability, Environment, Water, Population and Communities. Is the minister aware of the pain being imposed on those who rallied at Parliament House this morning over the government's sterilisation of the Coral Sea and the gulf by creating the world's largest marine park in a country which already has the world's lowest fish harvest rate? Could the minister revisit these decisions in light of the knowledge that these people, stripped of their right to earn a living, will lose cars, homes, families and, very sadly, in some cases their lives? The Liberal-National marine park closures took 2,000 jobs from North Queenslanders. Is the minister trying to break their record? <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BURKE</name>
    <name.id>DYW</name.id>
    <electorate>Watson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Kennedy for his question. He is the one member of this House who has been consistent in his opposition to marine parks. I hear the scoffing opposite. The point the member for Kennedy makes is true when he says that the zoning done under the Howard government had a much bigger economic impact on communities than what is proposed by the Commonwealth now. That is exactly true.</para>
<para>He also refers to a protest held outside here today. If you had a look at the placards at that protest today, one of them said, 'Don't lock us out of Hervey Bay'—in fact, two of them referred to Hervey Bay. When the areas for further assessment first went out some years ago, there was a proposed area off Hervey Bay which went out some distance. If you go to the final maps that have been released by the government, you will see that you can go out as far as you want east from Hervey Bay and there are no restrictions at all—no proposed marine park, nothing. This goes to the fear campaigns that have been run opposite and in a similar way with the Coral Sea. Those opposite are still circulating maps that have the entire Coral Sea locked up. That is simply not true. That is not the government's proposal.</para>
<para>We then have the claim that there is no science on which these are based. Yet we have volume after volume of scientific bioregional planning—some of which have photographs of the member for Wentworth in them—the scientific basis for this work. I respect the fact that the member for Kennedy has a different view on this issue. You cannot pretend that there is no impact on communities. It is true that there is some, but it has been grossly exaggerated. The reference to Hervey Bay is completely wrong. There has been talk in recent days of a $1 billion impact on Cairns. That sort of impact would only be possible if you counted the impact over more than 150 years.</para>
<para>Ultimately we on this side of the House, each and every time, are supportive of the concept of national parks; whereas those opposite, now with a private members' bill, want to abolish them in the ocean, to turn the ones in Victoria into farms and to turn the ones in New South Wales into rifle ranges. There is also a report of logging proposed in national parks in Queensland. On this side of the House, the support for national parks on land and in the ocean is a simple, straightforward environmental step forward which we are happy to back.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Education</title>
          <page.no>9952</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SYMON</name>
    <name.id>HW8</name.id>
    <electorate>Deakin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for School Education, Early Childhood and Youth. Will the minister update the House on the government's national plan for school improvement?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr GARRETT</name>
    <name.id>HV4</name.id>
    <electorate>Kingsford Smith</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Deakin for that question. In his electorate he has some 40 schools that have benefited from the investments that this government has made in libraries, multipurpose halls, classrooms and buildings and from the approximately 4,500 computers installed under our plan to make sure that classrooms are well-equipped for the digital age.</para>
<para>It is the case that the government believes that every child should have the opportunity which quality education provides. That is why the Prime Minister announced the National Plan for School Improvement: doing the things that we know make a difference in the classroom and lifting education results for students with the goal of being in the world's top five education systems by 2025. We know what it takes to get there. On teacher quality: we have already secured national standards for teachers and invested half a billion dollars in the teacher quality national partnership, and we want to take that work further with higher entry requirements for teaching and better practical experience prior to graduation. On school improvement: we have given more power to principals and invested in literacy and numeracy resources, and we want to take that further with school improvement plans for every school and clear guidance to principals on how they can lift results as well. On transparency: we established MySchool to provide an accurate picture to parents and communities of their school, and we want to take that work further as well with more information about school achievement on MySchool and clear reporting on how our schools are tracking towards our top-five goal. On funding: our investment in Australian schools in this funding period doubled investment by the Howard government. We have paid particular attention to serving disadvantaged communities, including those with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students, and we need to go further now to ensure that every single school is properly funded to develop the potential of every single child.</para>
<para>So that is Labor's plan when it comes to schools. We are working with our state and territory and non-government organisation colleagues and will introduce legislation into the House this year. Without seeing the legislation, the opposition pledged to repeal it—'we will dismantle it', said the member for Sturt—and they have promised not to pursue a national plan for school improvement either. What they have promised to do is leave in place a system that was described by the Gonski review panel as illogical, inconsistent and unconnected to our educational goals. The opposition are ignoring the evidence that Australia has a significant issue on equity with schools, and they are not prepared to do anything about it. In fact, all they have on the slate is $2.8 billion worth of cuts to teacher quality across the education landscape. We stand for supporting schools and the best interests of kids in every school in Australia.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SYMON</name>
    <name.id>HW8</name.id>
    <electorate>Deakin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Deputy Speaker, I ask a supplementary question. How is the government's plan being received?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr GARRETT</name>
    <name.id>HV4</name.id>
    <electorate>Kingsford Smith</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am pleased that the member has asked this question, because the government's plans for school improvement have been well received right around Australia. They have been well received by education stakeholders. They have been well received by, for example, the principals of independent schools. They have been well received by the Independent Education Union and the Australian Education Union. They have been well received by Australian universities. They have been well received by the school sector as a whole. I was pleased to have a phone meeting with state education ministers just last Friday and secure agreement from them that we would continue not only to have discussions but also to lay out this government's plan for school improvement.</para>
<para>The fact is that the only voice out there on the education landscape speaking against improving the opportunities for kids in all schools in Australia is the member for Sturt. When he is asked a question about these things, he goes for a spin-cycle routine of ducking and weaving the question—he cited <inline font-style="italic">Alice in Wonderland</inline> the other day when I heard him in the media—but the fact of the matter is that this is a plan which has been substantially acknowledged as absolutely central to our prospects as a nation. We are committed to a national plan for school improvement; those opposite are not.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economy</title>
          <page.no>9954</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ROBB</name>
    <name.id>FU4</name.id>
    <electorate>Goldstein</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Acting Prime Minister. I refer him to the World Economic Forum, which found that, in terms of wastefulness of government spending, Australia has gone from 10th best in the world to 48th since 2007. What confidence can the Australian people have that the government can pay for its $120 billion black hole of unfunded promises when it has been judged by the World Economic Forum to be one of the world's worst wasters of taxpayers' money?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SWAN</name>
    <name.id>2V5</name.id>
    <electorate>Lilley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Exhibit A: this is the negative approach of the opposition. If he wanted to accurately characterise that report, he would be standing up and saying that Australia is in a very competitive position. But no, what we get is this negative exaggeration all the time—</para>
<para class="italic">Mr Robb interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Goldstein might be removed in a minute, if he's not careful!</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SWAN</name>
    <name.id>2V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>and they are always changing their story. Whether it is support for the carbon tax or opposition to the carbon tax, they are always out there changing their story.</para>
<para>I thought that what I would do today would be to quote an authoritative source on the economy and how competitive we are. Who said: 'When the Prime Minister and the Treasurer say that the economy is doing better than most, they are right. I agree with them'? John Howard said that. So John Howard does not share that particular view. He went on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">There's no doubt that the Australian economy is doing better than most.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Our unemployment is remarkably low; our debt-to-GDP is converged very favourably; and by all the measurements, our inflation is low.</para></quote>
<para>That is the former Prime Minister of Australia and his characterisation of our economy.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Robb</name>
    <name.id>FU4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Deputy Speaker, I rise on a point of order. The question was very explicitly about wasteful spending by this government. Wasteful Wayne, what are you going to do about it?</para>
<para class="italic">Honourable members interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Goldstein is warned! That was an abuse of the points of order. The Acting Prime Minister has the call and will be heard in silence.</para>
<para class="italic">Mr Pyne interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I might give the whinging member for Sturt a run very shortly, to add to his tally!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SWAN</name>
    <name.id>2V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I was just making the point about the strength of our economic fundamentals and the importance of our economic fundamentals to the peace of mind of all Australians. Nothing is more important to peace of mind than the capacity to get a job, and 800,000 jobs have been created in this country under this government—and, every step of the way, those opposite have talked down our economy. When we moved to stimulate our economy and to save jobs, they voted against it, and almost sank it, in the Senate. What would Australia be like today if they had succeeded in doing that? It is because we put in place a responsible response to the global financial crisis and the global recession, and because we put in place a responsible fiscal policy to bring the budget back to surplus, that we have strong economic fundamentals. And day in, day out, through their negative approach to everything, those opposite come in here and trash our economic fundamentals; they stick their head in the sand and will never acknowledge them. That shows that they are unfit for high office. The Leader of the Opposition does not have the temperament and does not have the experience for high office.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Broadband Network</title>
          <page.no>9955</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HUSIC</name>
    <name.id>91219</name.id>
    <electorate>Chifley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Minister for Broadband, Communications and the Digital Economy. Why is the National Broadband Network important for Australia's economic future, and how is support for the NBN being demonstrated?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate>Grayndler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Chifley for his question and for his ongoing interest in the National Broadband Network and in ensuring that Australia's telecommunications are the best they can be. Those opposite want to keep us in the last century's technology; the old copper network is where they want to be. They have opposed the National Broadband Network even though it will be so important, particularly for regional Australia—not because of what can be downloaded but because of what can be uploaded, and because of the impact it can have on education and the impact it can have on health. Already we are seeing that over 14½ thousand services have been activated nationally through the interim satellite service. The average take-up rate of NBN services being rolled out in places like Willunga and Minnamurra is 40 per cent higher and progressively increasing. The National Broadband Network is absolutely vital if we are going to compete in our region.</para>
<para>And it is important that I get questions on the National Broadband Network from this side of the House, because we know that there have been no questions on the National Broadband Network from the shadow minister since 2010. For two years he sat there, by himself—sitting there patiently day after day after day. But we know he is demonstrating his support for the National Broadband Network in other ways. He is putting his money into the new fibre-to-the-home technology. I got a question a couple of weeks ago about the investment the member for Wentworth is making in French Telecom. He has also bought bonds in Telefonica, Spain's largest telecommunications company—and guess what it is doing? Fibre to the home—in Barcelona and in Madrid.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Pyne</name>
    <name.id>9V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Deputy Speaker, I rise on a point of order. I hate to interrupt a weak answer from the Leader of the House but, really and truly, how is this relevant to the question he was asked?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The minister has the call.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am indicating the demonstrated support for fibre-to-the-home technology, and I say to the member for Wentworth that he should put his mouth where his money is, put it into support for the National Broadband Network. If it is good enough in France and it is good enough in Spain, it is good enough right here in Australia as well.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Swan</name>
    <name.id>2V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I ask that further questions be placed on the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline>.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>AUDITOR-GENERAL'S REPORTS</title>
        <page.no>9955</page.no>
        <type>AUDITOR-GENERAL'S REPORTS</type>
      </debateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present Auditor-General Audit report No. 2 of 2012-2013, <inline font-style="italic">A</inline><inline font-style="italic">dministration of the Regional Backbone Blackspots Program: Department of Broadband, Communications and the Digital Economy</inline>.</para>
<para>Ordered to be made a parliamentary paper.</para>
</speech>
</debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>9956</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Presentation</title>
          <page.no>9956</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate>Grayndler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Documents are presented in accordance with the list circulated to honourable members earlier today. Full details of the documents will be recorded in the <inline font-style="italic">Votes and Proceedings</inline>. I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the House take note of the following documents:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australian Government Actuary—Military Superannuation and Benefits Scheme (MSBS), Defence Force Retirement and Death Benefits Scheme (DFRDB) and Defence Forces Retirement Benefits Scheme (DFRB)—Report on long-term costs using data to 30 June 2011.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Tax Laws Amendment (Medicare Levy Surcharge Thresholds) Act (No. 2) 2008—Report on the operation of the Act—Review of the impact of the new Medicare Levy Surcharge thresholds on public hospitals—Third year review, 2012.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to; debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>9956</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Aviation Legislation Amendment (Liability and Insurance) Bill 2012</title>
          <page.no>9956</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" style="" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" background="">
            <a type="Bill" href="r4856">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Aviation Legislation Amendment (Liability and Insurance) Bill 2012</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>9956</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate>Grayndler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to sum up the debate on this legislation. I thank all members for their contributions. This is a bill that will modernise Australia's arrangements for air carriers' liability under the Civil Aviation (Carriers' Liability) Act 1959 and the Damage by Aircraft Act 1999 by increasing the much-outdated caps on carriers' liability for domestic travel. The $500,000 cap was last increased in 1994 and under this bill it will be increased to $725,000 to account for inflation. Importantly, the bill will also increase the level of mandatory insurance for airlines. The bill will incorporate the principle of contributory negligence so that compensation payments may be reduced where the victim was partially responsible for the damage. The bill will also include a right of contribution so that defendants to a claim under the Damage by Aircraft Act 1999 can seek contribution from other parties who may have contributed to the damage suffered by the person bringing the claim. This bill will ensure that victims are adequately compensated for in the unfortunate event of a domestic aircraft accident. I commend the legislation to the House.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a second time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>9956</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate>Grayndler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>():</para>
<para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>9957</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Instrument of Designation of the Republic of Nauru as a Regional Processing Country</title>
          <page.no>9957</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Presentation</title>
            <page.no>9957</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BOWEN</name>
    <name.id>DZS</name.id>
    <electorate>McMahon</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present the Instrument of Designation of the Republic of Nauru as a regional processing country under subsection 198AB of the Migration Act 1958, together with the five related documents in accordance with subsection 198AC of the Migration Act 1958. By leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That, in accordance with subsection 198AB of the <inline font-style="italic">Migration Act 1958</inline>, the House approve the instrument of designation of the Republic of Nauru as a regional processing country.</para></quote>
<para>Today, acting under section 198AB of the Migration Act 1958, I designate by legislative instrument the Republic of Nauru as a regional processing country. In accordance with the legislative amendments to permit regional processing, which came into effect on 18 August 2012, I am required to present to the House the following documents: a copy of the designation; a statement outlining why I think it is in the national interest to designate Nauru as a regional processing country; a copy of the memorandum of understanding with Nauru, signed on 29 August 2012; a statement about my consultations with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in relation to the designation; a summary of advice received from the UNHCR about the designation; and a statement about the arrangements that are in place or are to be put in place in Nauru for the treatment of persons taken there. I now seek the approval of this designation to present the necessary supporting documents to the parliament. I call on my colleagues in both houses of parliament to approve this designation to enable the first transfers of offshore entry persons to Nauru for processing in accordance with the new regional processing arrangements. The need to present this designation to parliament has become a matter of urgency—urgency with resolve, urgency to restore order and save lives.</para>
<para>Less than a month ago the government was presented with the findings of the expert panel on asylum seekers. The government immediately endorsed in principle all of the recommendations contained in the report. In the weeks following we have been working through those recommendations to respond to the complex and difficult issues that we face collectively as a parliament and as a nation. The panel was forthright in its view on how best to manage the incredibly difficult policy conundrum raised by balancing border control with the need to deal humanely with asylum seekers arriving irregularly by boats on our shores and the underlying need to prevent the loss of life occurring as a result of irregular movement. Matters such as these are above politics.</para>
<para>Since the Migration Legislation Amendment (Regional Processing and Other Measures) Bill 2012 was passed by this parliament the tragic sea voyages have continued—tragic because in just a matter of weeks another estimated 100 lives have been lost at sea. These are lives that need not have been lost—deaths that could have been avoided. Tragically, those 100 lives lost now take the total estimated toll since 2001 to 1,064. This designation will be another step forward in our efforts to ensure that deaths resulting from dangerous sea journeys at the hands of unscrupulous people smugglers are avoided. Now is the time to take action. None of this is easy, but in the words of Angus Houston:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We recommend a policy approach that is hard-headed but not hard-hearted, that is realistic not idealistic, that is driven by a sense of humanity as well as fairness.</para></quote>
<para>The government agrees with Angus Houston. We are taking action and this parliament needs to also.</para>
<para>Regional processing is an essential part of an integrated, long-term response to asylum seeking in our region. It is but one element, albeit an important one. Australia has always been committed to working closely with regional partners to strengthen the region's response to irregular movement and people smuggling. In 2011 we worked with Indonesia as co-chairs of the Bali Process to produce the Regional Cooperation Framework that was endorsed by ministers at the Bali Process Ministerial Meeting in March 2011. Australia has further committed to fund, establish and maintain a regional support office which will coordinate practical measures to implement the framework. I am pleased to note that the regional support office was officially opened in Bangkok today.</para>
<para>The memorandums of understanding with Nauru and PNG, together with a designation of Nauru as a regional processing country, send a clear message that countries in this region will take the necessary action to ensure the integrity of their borders and undermine people smuggling networks.</para>
<para>The message to asylum seekers who are tempted to engage people smugglers is that if they travel irregularly to Australia by boat they will not have their claims assessed in Australia but in Nauru or Papua New Guinea. To reinforce the message that they should not undertake irregular and dangerous sea voyages, additional and safer regular avenues for migration are being made available through the region through an increased humanitarian program. The government is committed to increasing the humanitarian program to 20,000 places a year, with 12,000 of those being for refugees offshore. The government is also continuing to engage with the government of Papua New Guinea in relation to the establishment of a regional processing centre on Manus Island.</para>
<para>The only condition for the exercise of my power to designate a country as a regional processing country is that I think it is in the national interest to do so. I think that it is in the national interest to designate Nauru, as Nauru has provided the specified assurance required by the legislation. I also think it is in the national interest to designate Nauru as a regional processing country because it will discourage irregular and dangerous maritime voyages—thereby reducing the risk of loss of life at sea—promote a fair and orderly humanitarian program that retains the confidence of the Australian people and promote regional cooperation in relation to irregular migration and addressing people smuggling. The arrangements already in place in Nauru or to be put in place are satisfactory.</para>
<para>We are also continuing to work on implementing the Malaysia agreement. However, our immediate priority is to establish regional processing in Nauru and Papua New Guinea and to begin resettling more refugees from Indonesia and other countries in our region as part of our increased humanitarian program. The government has been in regular contact with Malaysia, which remains firmly committed to implementing the agreement. That communication will continue. In 2012-13 Australia will again resettle around 1,350 UNHCR mandated refugees from Malaysia. This meets the commitment provided under the arrangement with Malaysia entered into in July 2011.</para>
<para>The opposition has criticised us for not bringing these designation documents to parliament sooner. It has recorded that the Howard government had offshore processing in Nauru up and running in 19 days. Times have changed and so have expectations. The new legislation contemplates that there will be written agreements between Australia and any country to which persons are taken and requires me to consider whether those countries have given Australia certain assurances about what will happen to an asylum seeker who is taken to a regional processing country. This is an important requirement allowing transfers to be effected but not at any cost.</para>
<para>The government also sees that it is important for Nauru as a sovereign state to have input into the development of any arrangements, and it has been keen to do so. We are dealing with people seeking protection, and there is a need for fully considered arrangements to be put in place. By presenting the designation and accompanying documents in accordance with the legislation, we are providing the parliament with the opportunity to be satisfied that they are appropriate. Again, I call on both houses of parliament to approve this designation, to enable the first transfers of offshore entry persons to Nauru and to provide the circuit-breaker to irregular maritime arrivals called for by the expert panel's report.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MORRISON</name>
    <name.id>E3L</name.id>
    <electorate>Cook</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The coalition will be supporting this motion and I will be moving an amendment to the motion in my statements. This day has been a long time coming. I had to do a double take when I heard the minister announce that he was designating Nauru as a regional processing country. They are not words that I expected ever to hear from the government, given its constant demonising, denouncing and denying of Nauru for over a decade. That final decision is welcome but, as we have said on so many occasions, there is more to do.</para>
<para>This is a government that is making it up as it goes along. That is particularly the case when it comes to the issue of border protection and the incredible and unprecedented number of illegal arrivals by boat that have occurred under the course of this government. Today, Labor ends a decade of denials and of denouncing and demonising offshore processing on Nauru by voting to establish Nauru as a country for offshore processing. In doing so, it makes a very significant admission to the Australian people. It makes it through gritted teeth and after having been dragged kicking and screaming over years to this point. The admission it makes today, in voting to affirm this designation by the Minister for Immigration and Citizenship, is that it got it horrifically wrong 4½ years ago when it abolished offshore processing on Nauru and the other critical measures of the Howard government.</para>
<para>Despite this motion, the government still refuses to go the full distance. This government cannot expect Howard government outcomes on border protection if it is not prepared to put in place the full suite of Howard government measures that worked to stop the boats. It simply cannot have that expectation, particularly when it refuses to back up what it says in this place with the resolve that is necessary, and that was demonstrated by the Howard government, to get the job done. This government is still engaged in a half-hearted solution. It is still engaged in dealing with this matter in less than half-measures. That is why I move an amendment to the motion. I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following words be added to the motion:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">“and in addition to the opening of offshore processing on Nauru, calls upon the Government to implement the full suite of the Coalition’s successful border protection policies and:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) restore temporary protection visas as the only visa option available to be granted to offshore entry persons found to be refugees;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) issue new instructions to Northern Command to commence to turn back boats seeking to illegally enter Australia where it is safe to do so;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) use existing law to remove the benefit of the doubt on a person’s identity where there is a reasonable belief that a person has deliberately discarded their documentation; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) restore the Bali Process to once again focus on deterrence and border security.”</para></quote>
<para>The statement that the minister has tabled today contains some incredibly stark admissions. Let us be under no illusion about what the government is voting for today. This is the same policy that was implemented by the coalition. People transferred to Nauru previously were given visas, as the statement tabled by the minister today indicates. That happened previously. It will run as an open processing facility, as it did last time. People will not be able to apply for a visa in Australia unless the minister lifts the statutory bar under section 46A of the Migration Act, as occurred last time. All of this is the same.</para>
<para>The government talks of its no-advantage principle. We in the coalition operated on a disadvantage principle. Those on the other side of the House should know very clearly today that these words, 'no advantage', mean this: the average time for someone waiting in Malaysia to be processed and resettled in another country is five years. That came to me directly from the numerous refugees and asylum seekers I met when I went to Malaysia over a year ago. That was a common figure that was referred to. If the government wishes to disprove it I welcome it to do so.</para>
<para>Those opposite should know that they are voting today to establish offshore processing on Nauru. They need to know that they are doing that in the full knowledge that the policy they have adopted means that people can expect to wait on Nauru for five years.</para>
<para>If they are not prepared to vote for that, they should say so. They should come in here and say so in this debate now and they should form a different view. But they cannot leave this place and pretend that that is not what they voted for this afternoon. They are saying that people will be processed and resettled at a time that is no advantage over those who are waiting offshore in camps and other places who are similarly seeking assessment of their claims for resettlement in Australia. If it is as long as those people have been waiting in the Thai-Burma border camps it will be three generations, because that is how long the wait is for those who cannot afford to get on a boat. That is what this government is signing up to today.</para>
<para>It also contained some other stark admissions and is in stark contrast to what the minister himself was saying this time last year. On 12 September 2011 the minister said in this place:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We know Nauru will not work. We … know that it is an expensive option.</para></quote>
<para>The government said on 2 November:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The opposition say that their approach—and it is—is to open a detention centre at Nauru. We disagree because all the expert advice to the government is that that would not form an effective deterrent.</para></quote>
<para>On 18 June Minister Bowen said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… the problem with Nauru is twofold. Firstly, it did not break the people smugglers' business model.</para></quote>
<para>I am sure the member for Berowra would be very interested to know that all of those measures that he introduced when he was minister for immigration did not break the people smugglers' business model. It would be news to the people smugglers as well because they know full well it did not just break it; it smashed it to pieces.</para>
<para>In this statement today the minister said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I think that designating Nauru to be a regional processing country may act as a circuit breaker in relation to the recent surge in the number of irregular and dangerous maritime voyages to Australia.</para></quote>
<para>What has changed since this time last year? Nothing has changed. This is a government that make it up as it goes along. They are wedded to nothing; they believe in nothing. As a result, they can change their positions on whatever issue at any time they choose to do so. No wonder the Australian people know that this government do not stand for anything and do not believe in anything. Their handling of this issue of border protection only demonstrates that in spades.</para>
<para>In making their decision today and affirming this motion that the minister has brought forward they also need to take accountability for the decisions they as a government have made in this place. Four-and-a-half years ago they abolished the measures that worked. I note that in the minister's statement today he actually listed the consequences of those decisions by running through what has occurred since those decisions were made by this government. I noticed he used interesting arithmetic when he talked about how:</para>
<quote><para class="block">From 2002 to 2008 there were fewer than 10 boats a year.</para></quote>
<para>That is true; there were a lot fewer than 10 per year. And:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The total number of passengers was fewer than 200 each year.</para></quote>
<para>I will just inform the minister that between 2002 and 2007, the last six years of the Howard government, after all of our measures were in place, there were 16 boats and 272 people on those boats, which is fewer than three boats a year and fewer than 50 people per year.</para>
<para>The other matters were gone through in some detail. We are now up to almost 25,000 people who have turned up on this government's watch. We have well over 10,000 now who sit onshore in Australia today going through the system. That will leave a lasting and costly legacy for the Australian people for many, many years to come. I also note that a substantial number of lives have been lost at sea—704 deaths have occurred since October 2009. Here we are in September 2012 finally agreeing to restore offshore processing in this country.</para>
<para>The substantial financial and resourcing costs to the Commonwealth in dealing with the arrivals, the minister noted in his statement, is estimated to be in excess of $5 billion over the forward estimates period. We know already that the cost blow-outs were in excess of $5 billion over the last three years and we know there are more blow-outs to come because this is a government that has a budget based on an average of 450 arrivals per month and in some months up to five times that amount have arrived, and the minister and the Treasurer are yet to explain to the Australian people what the bill will be for their failure on our borders.</para>
<para>I note that the minister also said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I also think that designating Nauru to be a regional processing country will make it more difficult for people smugglers to sell the opportunity to resettle in Australia.</para></quote>
<para>I cannot recall on how many occasions the minister said exactly the opposite of that around this country, saying how having offshore processing on Nauru was simply a transfer station to Australia, never once admitting that less than half the people that went through the Pacific solution ended up in Australia.</para>
<para>He said in paragraph 27:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… I consider that the designation of Nauru to be a regional processing country is likely to have the effect that a greater proportion of visas will be given to offshore claimants than is presently the case. I think that this would result in a fairer and more orderly Refugee and Humanitarian Program, and one which is more likely to retain the confidence of the Australian people.</para></quote>
<para>I welcome that admission. I have been making that argument for the last three years—that this government's border protection failures have in the last three years denied 8,100-plus people who have been waiting offshore a protection visa in this country. Their places have been denied them because of the way this government have run their border protection policy. The minister is right—when you run a policy like that, the Australian people lose confidence in the integrity of the refugee and humanitarian program. I believe strongly in it and that is why I am a keen advocate of border protection which protects the integrity of that program.</para>
<para>I note also that the minister said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I think that the designation of Nauru as a regional processing country will encourage the development of further regionally integrated arrangements …</para></quote>
<para>I again cannot tell you how many times the government consistently claimed Nauru was not part of a regional framework, was a one-off and could not possibly be part of any regional arrangements. This is the day of a backflip of historic proportions from this government. But backflips are not hard for this government when they do not believe in anything in the first place.</para>
<para>I note in paragraph 37 the minister has chosen not to have regard to the international obligations or domestic law of Nauru in making his statement today. The coalition had confidence to approve the designation of Nauru as an offshore processing country more than two weeks ago when we agreed to support the re-establishment of offshore processing. It was not hard for us to do because we have always believed in it.</para>
<para>We were prepared to do that because we knew Nauru was a signatory to the refugee convention. We were prepared to come into this place and designate it. Certainly the operational arrangements that would need to follow, as occurred last time, would need to be sorted through with the government of Nauru, but there was nothing preventing this minister from doing what he is seeking to do today more than two weeks ago. I wish he had, because in the last four weeks we have had around 2,000 people turn up, and the asylum lottery will begin now as the government seeks to decide who it will send to Nauru.</para>
<para>But, as I said earlier today, the key thing that has to happen now—and I urge the government not to mince its words on this but to be very clear in its communication and even more deliberate in its action and its resolve—is that everyone who turns up on an illegal boat from this point on must go to Nauru. That is what must happen. The government says the centre is ready to receive people, and send them there this government must. If it continues to obfuscate, if it continues to wriggle around on this issue, the people smugglers will take advantage.</para>
<para>I hope this measure will slow these boats but, as I said, this government cannot expect Howard government outcomes if it will not implement Howard government policies. That is why I affirm again the amendment that I have moved to this motion. This government must follow through and put in place a full suite of measures that worked—not to deal with its current half-hearted solution, not to deal in less than half-measures but to measure up, to go the full distance, to let those outside of this place, and particularly those thinking of getting on boats, that the policy has changed. It will be proven in its implementation. Under this government, everything costs more, takes longer and is less effective. So far offshore processing seems to be proving that point again. I hope the government will change things in the weeks ahead.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Is the amendment seconded?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr KEENAN</name>
    <name.id>E0J</name.id>
    <electorate>Stirling</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I second the amendment. I, along with the shadow minister for immigration, welcome this designation here today. I also support the amendment put forward by the coalition. To understand the reasons why I support the designation and support the amendment, I think we need to understand some of the history of this issue, because that history will be a useful guide for how we should proceed in the future.</para>
<para>This is a backflip and a change of heart of monumental proportions. The Pacific solution as it was implemented by the previous government, the Howard government, in 2001 was absolutely demonised by the Labor Party for over a decade. Not only was that policy prescription demonised; the people who put it in place were also unfairly demonised. For well over a decade that has been the response of the Labor Party to offshore processing. The people who are currently still in their ministerial positions have stated this position incredibly frequently.</para>
<para>The Minister for Immigration and Citizenship has up until very recently said that processing people offshore on Nauru and Manus Island would not work. In the <inline font-style="italic">Australian Financial Review</inline> in June last year, the current minister for immigration, the person who has just introduced this designation, said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Nauru, in the absence of a regional agreement, is simply another offshore processing centre … it doesn't break the business model of the people smugglers.</para></quote>
<para>In November last year this minister called the Pacific solution, which was offshore processing in Nauru and Manus, 'discredited'. In May of last year the immigration minister attacked the Pacific solution as 'inhumanely delaying the resettlement of hundreds of refugees'. In June of last year:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Immigration Minister Chris Bowen says he will not reactivate offshore processing on Nauru because it won't break the people-smugglers' business model: "If you go to Nauru you would end up in Australia, that's what happened before."</para></quote>
<para>He also said that going to Nauru was too harsh. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">There is plenty of evidence and research showing Nauru caused considerable mental damage to people who were there for long periods of time.</para></quote>
<para>Further, he said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Nauru, in the absence of a regional agreement, is simply another offshore processing centre. Now that means people would be ending up in Australia, it doesn't break the business model of the people smugglers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The previous government's approach was to leave people on Nauru for a very long period of time, but eventually they all settled in Australia—</para></quote>
<para>something that of course was not true—</para>
<quote><para class="block">which is the worst of both worlds, in terms of not being able to break the people smugglers business model but a lot of damage done to people along the way.</para></quote>
<para>As recently as this year the minister was saying:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I think you're 100 per cent right—</para></quote>
<para>this is in response to a question on ABC radio—</para>
<quote><para class="block">I think the Opposition has finally realised, finally publicly admitted at least that there's holes all through their policy in relation to Nauru …</para></quote>
<para>The Prime Minister, who prior to becoming Prime Minister was for a period of time the shadow immigration minister when the Labor Party were in opposition, went even further. In debating a migration legislation amendment bill in the House in 2003, she said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The so-called Pacific solution is nothing more than the world's most expensive detour sign. It does not stop you getting to Australia; it just puts you through a detour on the way while Australian taxpayers pay for it and pay for it.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Instead of stunts like this, it is time the Howard government faced up to engaging in a long-term solution in relation to refugees and asylum seekers. The so-called Pacific solution is not a long-term solution.</para></quote>
<para>These comments were made in 2003, when she went on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Can anyone in this place really imagine that Australia will be processing asylum seeker claims on Nauru in 10 or 20 years?</para></quote>
<para>She went further. She said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">No rational person—I would put it as highly as that—would suggest that in 10 or 20 years we will still be processing asylum seeker claims on Nauru.</para></quote>
<para>…   …   …</para>
<quote><para class="block">To that end Labor has given the following commitments. Labor will end the so-called Pacific solution—the processing and detaining of asylum seekers on Pacific islands—because it is costly, unsustainable and wrong as a matter of principle.</para></quote>
<para>Madam Deputy Speaker, I highlight that history just to show you one very important aspect of why this designation today, although welcome, does not go far enough. The fact that the Labor Party have vilified and demonised these policies for over a decade and have now been dragged, kicking and screaming, to introduce these policies reinforces a point that we have made here many times before, and that is that, on this issue, we have been right the whole time. The opposition were 100 per cent correct in our approach when we were in government and have been 100 per cent correct in opposition. For over a decade, we have held the same policies true. During that period, the Labor Party have been wrong for the whole time. They have got it wrong consistently in opposition and they have got it wrong consistently in government, with tragic and very real consequences for our country but also for the people who were seeking asylum here.</para>
<para>To get an idea about the magnitude of the backflip that we are discussing today, all you need to do is look at the terms of the designation and the reasons that the immigration minister—a man who up to and including this year has been saying that offshore processing in Nauru was wrong and was not going to give us a result—has listed. Under paragraph 13, he says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(2) I consider designating Nauru to be a regional processing country will discourage irregular and dangerous maritime voyages and thereby reduce the risk of the loss of life at sea;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) I consider designating Nauru to be a regional processing country will promote the maintenance of a fair and orderly Refugee and Humanitarian Program that retains the confidence of the Australian people;</para></quote>
<para>These are the points that the opposition have been making for over a decade and that the Labor Party have been denying for over a decade. Now, in black and white, they admit that we were right and they were wrong. In his reasons for designating Nauru as a place for offshore processing, the minister talks further about its discouraging irregular and dangerous maritime voyages and he says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I think that designating Nauru to be a regional processing country may act as a circuit breaker in relation to the recent surge in the number of irregular and dangerous maritime voyages to Australia. The surge in arrivals is indicated by the following figures my Department has provided to me:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) From 2002 to 2008 there were fewer than 10 boats a year. The total number of passengers was fewer than 200 each year.</para></quote>
<para>In fact, on average there were three boats per year during that time. He goes on:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(2) In 2009, there were 60 boats carrying 2,726 passengers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) In 2010, there were 134 boats carrying 6,555 passengers.</para></quote>
<para>During that time, if either the shadow minister for immigration or I were to ask a question about the flow of illegal boats coming to Australia, the Labor Party would whistle quietly, and that would intimate that somehow we were dog whistling and it was not a legitimate topic to be asking questions about in the House. They did not think it was a problem. If they did get up and respond to questions about the issue, they would say: 'It's got nothing to do with us. It's got everything to do with push factors. It's the international situation, that we cannot control, that is leading to this spike in illegal arrivals.' They refused to acknowledge that it was the policy changes that they brought in in 2008 that led to people smugglers going back into business. Because they refused to acknowledge that it was their policy changes that created the problem, they refused to do anything about it. The first thing they needed to form a solution was to acknowledge that they created the problem themselves, when they changed the robust system of border protection that they inherited from the coalition when the government changed in 2007.</para>
<para>The minister goes on in this designation to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">A substantial number of lives have been lost at sea as a result of the activities of people smugglers. Since 2001, it is estimated that 1064 passengers have died (or gone missing, presumed dead). Of these, 704 deaths have occurred since October 2009. The figures above include the most recent tragedy on 30 August 2012, during which an estimated 100 people lost their lives following the sinking of a vessel some 42 nautical miles off the Indonesian coast.</para></quote>
<para>That just reminds the House of the enormous human tragedy that has resulted from the fact that we have not stopped people smuggling. While the burden of these deaths rests solely with the people smugglers, it is a very sad fact and one that cannot be contradicted that it was the policies that have been pursued by this government that allowed the people smugglers to flourish. That is the tragedy—that, when we were faced with all the evidence about people smugglers ramping up their activities in bringing people down to Australia illegally, the government, firstly, refused to acknowledge that it was a problem and, secondly, refused to acknowledge that it was their policies that were creating this problem. With this designation today, we have them belatedly acknowledging that they got it wrong in 2008, when they abolished the Pacific solution. We are now in September 2012, and it has cost Australia very dearly. It has cost the asylum seekers, of course, very dearly—all the people who have lost their lives on this voyage.</para>
<para>The minister goes on to say, within this designation, that he believes that those considering travel to Australia on irregular maritime voyages will become aware that their protection claims may now be assessed in Nauru and, because of that fact, they will be discouraged from risking their lives in taking this dangerous voyage to Australia. That just reinforces something we have been saying for well over a decade and something that was backed up by the evidence—that is, when this policy was introduced, it had that exact effect: it stopped people smugglers being able to tell people who were seeking illegal entry to Australia that they could provide that greatest product of all, permanent residence of our country. All the evidence was there, but the Labor Party refused to acknowledge it until today, when we find the belated acknowledgement, with this designation, that the coalition had it right all the time, that offshore processing on Nauru and in other places in the Pacific was a very important way to stop the people smugglers' business model.</para>
<para>The reason that I go through this history, the reason why I am highlighting that this designation today repudiates so much of what the Labor Party have stood for on border protection for the past decade and the reason why I am highlighting the fact that they have got it so terribly wrong and that there have been such terrible consequences because of those wrong judgements is the fact that they continue to make the wrong judgement on this issue. They believe—and I hope that this will be the case, but unfortunately I do not believe that it will be—that reintroducing offshore processing on Nauru will have the effect that this parliament desires in stopping people smuggling and stopping the flow of illegal boats. But because they have had so many different positions and because they have backflipped so extensively, because they have stood for things that are exactly the opposite of what we are discussing here today, I do not believe that just reintroducing offshore processing is going to be enough.</para>
<para>What they really need to do is send the strongest possible signal that they have learnt their lesson and that they are now serious about pursuing policies that will stop people smuggling. If they were going to do that, if they were going to send the strongest possible signal that they could, they would not adopt only one of the three policies they should be pursuing, one of the three policies that formed the core policies that had the effect of stopping people smuggling when the Howard government introduced the Pacific solution along with turning the boats around and temporary protection visas. Those two extra planks of the policy—turning the boats around when it is safe to do so and the reintroduction of temporary protection visas—would mean that the parliament and the government were doing everything they could do to undermine people smuggling. Because they have had so many false starts on this, that is exactly what the Labor Party must do. They need to show the people smugglers not one crack of light that they still do not have the resolve that they need to tackle them. If they were going to show that they have the resolve and if they were going to make sure that they attack people smuggling in every available way, they would adopt, holus-bolus, the policies that the Howard government used to stop people smuggling in the past.</para>
<para>That is what the shadow immigration minister's amendment does to this designation. It is a sensible amendment. It will do what the parliament desires in terms of stopping people smuggling. It has my wholehearted support. And, if the government were serious about stopping people smuggling, it would have their wholehearted support as well.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CLARE</name>
    <name.id>HWL</name.id>
    <electorate>Blaxland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The time for politics on this issue is over. We have been fighting about this issue for too long. As I said a few weeks ago, we have been fighting about this issue since the <inline font-style="italic">Tampa</inline>, for 11 years, and, while we have been fighting, people have been dying. More than 400 people have died in the last nine months. Two hundred died in December, 11 in February and more than 90 in June. One hundred more died two weeks ago just off the coast of Indonesia. The people of Australia are sick of us fighting on this. They want us to work together. That is why the government brought together the expert panel led by Angus Houston, which also included Mr Michael L'Estrange and Mr Paris Aristotle. This is one of the things that they recommended: the designation of Nauru as a regional processing country.</para>
<para>Today the Minister for Immigration and Citizenship has made that designation by legislative instrument. He has just outlined to the House why this is in the national interest and has provided the House with a number of documents to support this. They include a copy of the designation, a copy of the memorandum of understanding with Nauru signed on 29 August this year, a statement about his consultations with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in relation to this designation, a summary of advice received from the UNHCR about the designation, and a statement about the arrangements that are in place or are to be put in place in Nauru for the treatment of persons taken there. This motion now before the House seeks approval of this designation. Upon approval of both houses of the parliament, this designation will enable the first transfer of offshore entry persons to Nauru. As the minister said in a press conference this morning, it is expected that that may be in the latter part of this week.</para>
<para>We are committed to implementing this and committed to implementing all of the recommendations of the Houston report. That includes increasing the humanitarian program to 20,000 places per annum. This is another area which should be an area of bipartisanship. A few months ago, the opposition indicated support for this. The Leader of the Opposition said that it was something that they would do in government and something that needed to be accepted now. Unfortunately, since then the opposition have said that they would be reluctant to support this increase. I think that is disappointing. This should be an area of bipartisanship. It is one of the things that the Houston expert panel recommended. It is an important part of making sure that we have people processed in a safe way and that people do not make the often disastrous decision to get on a boat and drown at sea. I urge members of the House to consider this, reconsider their position and revert to the previous position that the opposition had on this issue.</para>
<para>Search and rescue is another area where we need to work together. It is another area where bipartisanship is important. This motion provides me with an opportunity to provide an update on the discussions that took place in Indonesia last week. Last week the Minister for Defence, the Minister for Infrastructure and Transport and I travelled to Indonesia. We reached an agreement with our Indonesian counterparts to do a number of practical things that will help to save lives. We received a briefing from the Australian Maritime Safety Authority as well as from the Indonesian search and rescue authority, Basarnas, about the work that they do. They presented us with a number of case studies that outlined the work they do and how they do it.</para>
<para>In particular, the Australian Maritime Safety Authority, AMSA, provided the case study of the <inline font-style="italic">Rabaul Queen</inline>, in February of this year, just off the coast of Papua New Guinea, where 250 people's lives were saved.</para>
<para>The AMSA team provided an explanation for how that task was done and why it was so successful. The three key points they made were that skilled operators who knew what needed to be done and how to do it were very important, information on where merchant vessels were was very important and the ability to communicate directly and quickly with those merchant vessels was what helped to save lives on that day.</para>
<para>The information that came out of that case study helped to develop the recommendations that were put to the meeting of Australian and Indonesian ministers, and those recommendations were the basis on which we agreed to do a number of important things. That included embedding AMSA officers inside Barsanas and vice versa; providing Basarnas with a near real-time picture of merchant ships in its search and rescue region; and providing Basarnas with the capability to communicate with merchant vessels via Inmarsat satellite communications. Indonesia has a large search and rescue area and approximately 1,000 merchant vessels travel through it every single day. That is a very large number of merchant vessels, and they potentially provide a ready source of assistance when vessels get into trouble.</para>
<para>That is the case for asylum seekers who are travelling from Indonesia to Australia but it is also the case for Indonesian ferries that travel between the many islands along the Indonesian archipelago. Hundreds of people have died trying to travel to Australia from Indonesia over the last 12 months, but many more have died travelling between the islands of Indonesia. We were told, for example, that in the week or two of festivities and recreation after Ramadan 900 people in Indonesia had died either on the roads or at sea. Basarnas has an enormous task—a large search and rescue area—and providing them with the capability to identify merchant ships in their search and rescue area and to communicate with them quickly has the potential to save the lives not only of people seeking asylum but also of Indonesian people travelling from one part of their country to another. That is why it is a practical initiative that will save lives, and it deserves the bipartisan support of this House.</para>
<para>We also agreed, in principle, to further rapid clearance of Australian aircraft to operate in Indonesian territorial airspace and to land and refuel at suitable airfields in Indonesia. Again, this was a discussion that took place after an analysis of the disaster that occurred two weeks ago and how we could address this issue. The ability of Australian aircraft—the Dash 8s and so forth—to land in Indonesia, refuel and get back up in the air and search for vessels that might be in distress is something that will help to save lives and it deserves the support of both sides of the House.</para>
<para>The Australian people are sick of the politics of this issue. They want us to work together to fix it. That is why we have brought together the expert panel and that is why we have agreed to implement all of its recommendations, including the one the House is discussing now. That is what we are doing with our Indonesian counterparts as well. I urge all members of the House to agree to this measure.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RUDDOCK</name>
    <name.id>0J4</name.id>
    <electorate>Berowra</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I support the instrument of designation of the Republic of Nauru as a regional processing country but I also support the amendment moved by my colleague the member for Cook. I want first to put a proposition about my own level of engagement in these issues. In the whole of my time in public life I have always taken a passionate interest in the plight of refugees—people who are victims of torture, people who are persecuted, people who have to flee. The difficulty has always been that there are many more people in those circumstances than we are able to help or the rest of the world is able to help. When you see that 10 million people have been found to be refugees and 40 million people have been displaced, the enormity of the problem can be understood.</para>
<para>I have sometimes joked that, given the accommodation that has been provided to people smugglers, to choose who should be helped and given access to Australia perhaps the government should go to refugee camps like Kakuma in Africa, where there are 90,000 people, and say, 'If you pay the government $10,000, we will give you a place'. People look at me in absolute horror for suggesting that the way in which someone obtained a place was that the government charged them $10,000. It has always seemed to me that, if it was so ridiculous for a government to do that, why would you accommodate it with policies that have brought large numbers of people to Australia?</para>
<para>I have been fascinated by the words uttered by ministers—that this is a matter in which we need to work together; that this is a matter where the politics is over; that this is a matter that, in the words of the Minister for Immigration and Citizenship, is above politics. There were some people on the other side who had no trouble in pursuing politics, suggesting that I have no interest in the plight of genuine refugees in need of help and characterising in a particular way the measures implemented by the former government, which brought the smuggling effectively to an end and enabled us to concentrate on those who needed help most. This government thinks it is now beyond politics yet its measures to unwind the policies that worked have brought about the horrific circumstance we now face.</para>
<para>In the minister's statement, he refers to advice from his department which says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">In the year to 8 September 2012, there have been 135 boats carrying 8,851 passengers. The number of passengers who arrived in the first seven months of 2012 (7,120) exceeded the number who arrived in total in each of 2011 and 2010.</para></quote>
<para>The enormity of that problem was not created by the opposition. The enormity of the problem we face—the loss of life we have suffered—has been brought about because the policies which had been working were changed.</para>
<para>I welcome the fact that this one aspect—the designation of Nauru as a regional processing country—is being pursued. I welcome the fact that the Manus Island option will be pursued. But I have always seen this as an issue towards which, if you are going to have effective policies in place, you need to use every weapon in your armoury. It is not a menu you can pick and choose from. You have to be totally realistic about what you are doing. If you are determined to close down people-smuggling, you have to tell it as it is. This government still wants to use words which suggest they are not serious.</para>
<para>Let me just deal with the matters before us. At the moment, we have a report which the government says it has accepted—it is going to implement all the measures which have been suggested. But we are still only dealing with offshore processing at this point in time. The report suggests more needs to be done. The only other matter the Minister for Home Affairs wanted to mention was an increase in the size of the refugee program.</para>
<para>Nobody seems to have focused on other aspects of the advice. I will mention just two of them. The advice to the government was quite clear:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Australian policy settings do influence the flows of irregular migration to Australia. Those settings need to address the factors ‘pushing’ as well as ‘pulling …</para></quote>
<para>The government's expert panel also makes it very clear:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The single most important priority in preventing people from risking their lives on dangerous maritime voyages is to recalibrate Australian policy settings to achieve an outcome that asylum seekers will not be advantaged if they pay people smugglers to attempt dangerous irregular entry into Australia instead of pursuing regular migration pathways and international protection …</para></quote>
<para>It goes on to talk about some of the other incentives that exist. It says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Incentives to use regular migration and protection pathways need to be complemented by policy measures that send a coherent and unambiguously clear message that disincentives to irregular maritime migration to Australia will be immediate and real.</para></quote>
<para>I hear the words coming from the government about people being sent offshore for processing. I do not hear them saying unambiguously that the no-disadvantage test will apply. I hear weasel words which suggest that, if you have arrived in Australia on a boat, you 'might be' sent to Nauru—I think the words they use are 'should be' sent to Nauru—but I never hear the words 'will be' sent to Nauru. I understand why that is the case. The government is now trying to deal with numbers which exceed even the capacity of Nauru and Manus Island—numbers beyond what those places can take. That is why they are using the weasel words. We are not creating the perception that Australia is closing its borders.</para>
<para>There are other options the government can pursue. Their own expert panel looked at these. The government say, 'The panel did not recommend TPVs.' The government tells us that they do not want to go down the route of TPVs—denying permanent residence to people who are found to be refugees. If they happen to get to Nauru or Manus Island and are processed and found to be refugees, they are then brought to Australia for resettlement. But the government's panel, in paragraph xx on page 13, said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Other measures to discourage dangerous and irregular maritime voyages to Australia should include changes to family reunion arrangements as they relate to IMAs in Australia, a more effective focus on the return of failed asylum seekers to their home country and more sustained strategies for the disruption of people smuggling operations both in Australia and abroad.</para></quote>
<para>What they were saying, in talking about 'eliminating the advantages of family reunion', was: 'Use TPVs'. Maybe they did not say it in the same words, but it was quite clear and unambiguous. Yet the government would have you believe that this report did not recommend implementing all the Howard measures.</para>
<para>The second aspect of the report I will mention, which I found particularly interesting, was the panel's view on turning back vessels. On page 53, paragraph 3.77, the report says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Turning back irregular maritime vessels carrying asylum seekers to Australia can be operationally achieved and can constitute an effective disincentive to such ventures, but only in circumstances where a range of operational, safety of life, diplomatic and legal conditions are met …</para></quote>
<para>That is the advice that this government has received, yet it would have you believe that we should not work to restore turning back boats.</para>
<para>If the government were serious about this issue, if they wanted to get the politics out of it and put in place measures that actually work and are known to work, they would support the amendment moved by the member for Cook. That is how you get the politics out of it and make it clear and unambiguous. Even the government's own Expert Panel on Asylum Seekers—sure, using a few weasel words so it did not look like they were putting it too much in the government's face—made it clear you have to get the migration benefits out; that is essentially TPVs by another name. As for turning back vessels, they say it is possible, yet the government suggest that it is not.</para>
<para>As I said, the problem the government have in their approach to this matter is that they have effectively walked away from cooperation with our neighbours, because they are not seen as being serious about people-smuggling. I found an item in the <inline font-style="italic">Northern Territory News</inline>, and it was probably in other newspapers, on 9 August this year that was a message from Jakarta, from a senior Indonesian MP, Mahfudz Siddiq. He is quoted as saying, in relation to unauthorised arrivals:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… the apparent lack of a working policy is sending a message that Australia's borders are open.</para></quote>
<para>He went on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">'Indonesia is being dragged into the problem, significantly impacted, and it's quite worrying …'</para></quote>
<para>and:</para>
<quote><para class="block">'… Australia must have a strict and clear policy that explains whether they're still open or not.'</para></quote>
<para>The Indonesians do not want people going there, seeking to access Australia unlawfully. They want Australia to be serious about these matters. They were distressed when the Howard measures that worked were unwound, for political reasons, by this government. They made that clear when they said things like, 'What are you doing about the sugar? Why do you expect us to help you when you're not helping yourself?'—in other words, 'What are you, Australia, doing about the incentives that you have put into the system to bring people on boats, on dangerous voyages, to Australia?'</para>
<para>So we are still in the situation where the government thinks it is choosing from a menu: 'We'll take one measure. We'll open Nauru. Hope it works.' Let me say very clearly that I think the task is bigger and harder than the task the Howard government faced. The prospect of the Nauru arrangement alone working is, in my judgement, quite remote. All the measures that we in government used need to be brought to bear, and quickly, on these matters to bring them under control. The sooner the government comes to the realisation you can get the politics out of it by adopting the measures that we have argued for—in other words, accept the amendment—the better.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CHRISTENSEN</name>
    <name.id>230485</name.id>
    <electorate>Dawson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is a pleasure to follow the member for Berowra and what was an enlightening speech. We have heard from government members today that people are sick of the politics. Well, yes, they are right; people are sick of the politics. They are sick of the politics of failure from this government on this issue of asylum seekers. They are sick of the politics of excuses from this government on this issue. They are sick of the politics of no accountability from the government on this issue. More importantly, they are sick of the politics of delay that we have had from the government on this issue.</para>
<para>The member for Cook, in speaking to this matter and moving an amendment to the motion, on behalf of the coalition, belled the cat by saying that, really, the government have been dragged kicking and screaming to the point they are at today of putting before us this motion to have that great no-no of Nauru be an option for offshore processing. I would think that the Labor Party would take away from this whole saga a lesson in life, and that lesson is: if it ain't broke, don't fix it. Under the member for Berowra's time as minister for immigration, it certainly wasn't 'broke'. In fact, he had fixed it. With the then Prime Minister John Howard, he had fixed the massive problem we had of porous borders, with boat after boat coming in. It was the Pacific solution, under the member for Berowra, that actually fixed the problem. But Labor thought that the fix was the problem. The current Prime Minister, back in May 2003, told the House:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Labor will end the so-called Pacific solution—the processing and detaining of asylum seekers on Pacific islands—because it is costly, unsustainable and wrong as a matter of principle—</para></quote>
<para>wrong according to Labor's principles. Sadly, the Labor Party came to government and immediately set about doing what they said they would do in opposition, and that was dismantling the solution that the member for Berowra had implemented. The then Minister for Immigration and Citizenship, Senator Evans, said, puffing out his chest:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Labor committed to abolishing the Pacific Solution and this was one the first things the Rudd Labor Government did on taking office. It was also one of my greatest pleasures in politics.</para></quote>
<para>I wonder how he is feeling today now that his greatest pleasure in politics—ruining a solution—has come back to bite him and the government.</para>
<para>They did find a solution; they turned it into a problem and the problem quickly snowballed into a crisis. The Prime Minister herself was the architect of this crisis because she was the one who, as shadow immigration minister, devised the plan to undo the member for Berowra's Pacific solution.</para>
<para>With the former immigration minister saying that undoing it was his greatest pleasure in politics, you have to feel sorry for the current Minister for Immigration and Citizenship because he was certainly handed a parcel which was about to go off. I feel some sense of sorrow for him because he consistently said—it was leaked through the newspapers to the cabinet—that Nauru was the solution. He told them repeatedly, but the Prime Minister would not accept it and the caucus would not accept it. He was told, 'No, you cannot go back to the member for Berowra's solution. You have to find a new way of doing it.' He was told no by his current caucus. So the situation deteriorated, as this government lost control of the nation's borders and the government failed to provide one of the most basic functions that any government should provide—that is, ensuring our borders are secure.</para>
<para>The minister then began to look around for some sort of solution, for a saviour, for another country—anyone but Nauru—who would take on and process the illegal immigrants coming onto Australian soil. It was like getting a secret committee together, blindfolding them and getting them to pick a country at random on an atlas, a country where offshore processing could be done. First, it was East Timor. That may have been a good solution, had somebody actually told the East Timorese about it. The first time they found that out was when they read it in the newspapers, as did Australians. That thought bubble came and went quickly when it was popped by the East Timorese parliament. Then Manus Island popped up as another little thought bubble, but it did not last an afternoon. Finally, they settled on the one that they thought would be it—Malaysia.</para>
<para>Malaysia was going to be the new solution, for the Gillard Labor government, to the crisis they had created themselves with illegal immigration. But words come back to bite because, back in July 2010, the Prime Minister told listeners on radio 6PR that she would rule out anywhere that is not a signatory to the refugee convention. A bit later, at a doorstop press conference, again in July 2010, she went on to say, 'We want to deal with countries which are signatories to the refugee convention.' One month later, at another doorstop, she said, 'My policy, the policy I have committed to, is that I want to see a regional processing centre in a country that is a signatory to the United Nations convention on refugees.' Three times we had the statement that the country had to be a signatory to the United Nations Convention relating to the Status of Refugees to take the illegal immigrants that we wanted to process offshore. As we know, Malaysia is not one of those countries. In fact, it must be said that they have a terrible track record when it comes to dealing with illegal immigrants.</para>
<para>This crisis has been created by the government. I know that many decent Australians would welcome genuine refugees, but something sticks in their throat when they see people from landlocked countries who fly to Indonesia and then pay thousands of dollars to get on a boat to sneak into this country, to the detriment of people who are waiting in refugee camps in places like Africa. That sticks in people's craws, but the fact is we still recognise that they are human beings and where they get sent to actually matters. Sending them to Malaysia was not the solution. Sending them to a place where they could have been flogged, where there was a risk that the rattan could have been used, was not an option. The Liberal-National coalition said that from the get go, but this government wanted to push the point.</para>
<para>When they realised we were not going to have a bar of it, they proposed something even more stupid, if there can be such a thing, and that was the Adopt-a-Refugee Family Program. Australians were invited to open their doors to an illegal immigrant, to take the men, to feed and clothe them and give them a bed, and the government would give them $300 a week for lowering the pressure on the already strained detention system in this country. The Greens may love that idea, and there are a few bleeding hearts who would love that idea, but I think to myself that, if the government can afford to pay $300 a week for people to housing illegal immigrants, what the hell are we doing with the homeless in this country? That thought was first and foremost on my mind and on the minds of a lot of other people. From that stupid idea, which came and went, we then came back to this place to find the Malaysia solution being pushed down our throats: we had to fix the problem, we had to fix the crisis—that Labor had created. We said no. We held the line on that.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister and the immigration minister then had to outsource this responsibility to an expert panel. The expert panel deliberated, and then it came back and recommended a range of measures which were basically straight out of the coalition policy book. One of the key recommendations—and this is what has led to the motion before us here today—was the reopening of the offshore processing centre on Nauru. So the government capitulated and the legislation was passed some weeks back. But, when the legislation was brought to this place, people such as the member for Fremantle got up and told us how wrong offshore processing on Nauru is. I do believe that the hearts of a lot of those members opposite are not fully in offshore processing on Nauru. They do not want to go down this track and they are half-hearted in their approval of doing so; and, as the member for Cook said, they were dragged kicking and screaming to this place to vote for it.</para>
<para>I read earlier that one of the reasons the Prime Minister would not originally support offshore processing on Nauru was the cost. She claimed that it was going to cost $1 billion to reopen the centre on Nauru. We will see what happens to the budget bottom line and the so-called surplus to determine whether the Prime Minister was right, but the fact is that offshore processing on Nauru did not cost that much under the coalition—probably because we are better managers. It cost $239 million.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Tehan</name>
    <name.id>210911</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Wasteful Wayne again!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CHRISTENSEN</name>
    <name.id>230485</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Wasteful Wayne has popped back up! We asked the Prime Minister why there was this big difference: 'It cost $239 million to run offshore processing on Nauru and Manus Island over six years under the coalition. Why are you saying that it is going to cost $1 billion in a year?' She told someone, 'What the member might want to recognise is how far away it is and the fact that all the resources need to be flown to Nauru.' One would think, listening to this, that there has been a continental shift—that either we have drifted further towards Antarctica, or Nauru has somehow drifted closer to Europe. It is just ridiculous.</para>
<para>Offshore processing on Nauru is only one policy that would work to stop the boats, but on its own it will not work. We know that. We said it during the debate on the government's latest offshore processing legislation, and we have been saying it all along. Now there are over 1,800 reasons—the number of illegal immigrants who have turned up since the government's legislation was passed in this place—that offshore processing on Nauru will not work on its own. I do not believe for a single second that, after Nauru is designated as a regional processing country today, the boats are going to stop coming. They are going to keep coming, and they will not stop until the whole suite of policies that the member for Berowra had in place is brought back.</para>
<para>One of those policies is the reopening of the offshore processing centres on Nauru and Manus Island, but more important is the reintroduction of temporary protection visas. We need to have a system in place that says to illegal immigrants who arrive here: 'Even if we find that you are a genuine refugee, you've gone about it the wrong way. So you will ever only ever get temporary protection in this country, and that means that, once the threat to your life or wellbeing in the country you have fled from has gone, you will be returned.' That is the only way that there is going to be a real solution to the problem of illegal arrivals. We advocate turning around the boats where it is safe to do so, and the Liberal-National coalition will do this if we get a chance to govern. We also advocate that, if you find that people claiming refugee status have destroyed their identification, you should make the presumption that they are not genuine refugees.</para>
<para>It is this suite of policies, not offshore processing on Nauru on its own, which will stop the boats. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RANDALL</name>
    <name.id>PK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Canning</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am pleased to speak on the motion before us today, and I acknowledge the role that Minister Bowen has played in bringing it to the House. Members of the Labor Party in this House could be described as refuseniks on offshore processing since it was brought into this House; they have refused all along to admit that Nauru and the Pacific solution were successful. When John Howard left office and the then Prime Minister Kevin Rudd came to office, only four people who had come here by boat were in detention.</para>
<para>The member for Berowra, the former immigration minister, assured us that Kim Beazley, when he was Leader of the Opposition, had come to him to say that he would not support the bill which the coalition government brought to the House and which brought into effect the Pacific solution unless human rights obligations were locked into it. When the minister was able to convince him that they were, Kim Beazley brought the Labor Party along with him and we ended up with the Pacific solution.</para>
<para>But what is the situation with this government? Minister Bowen said initially that offshore processing on Nauru was too expensive and would not work. The Prime Minister said the same. The immigration minister then went to cabinet and tried to get Nauru up as an option and was knocked down. Yet today the minister is promoting the government's recent offshore processing bill in which Nauru, along with Manus Island, is held up as the solution to the problem of illegal arrivals. This bill was put together because the Prime Minister, Julia Gillard, subcontracted responsibility for policy-making to the Houston committee. There were a number of deaths at sea, and, as a result of those deaths, we spent much time and a great deal of anguish in debate in this parliament. There were tears and emotive speeches and a stalemate; and, after there were further deaths at sea, the Prime Minister subcontracted the three-member panel led by Mr Houston to come up with a policy. Among the panel's policy recommendations was offshore processing on Nauru and Manus Island. Why did it take Mr Houston's panel to recommend a policy on border protection that the Labor Party would use?</para>
<para>A lot of florid and unnecessary language has been used in the debate on border protection. In the House today we even heard the Acting Prime Minister, Wayne Swan, accusing the opposition of being responsible for deaths at sea. We had the member for Isaacs, Mark Dreyfus, at the doors saying Tony Abbott wants people to come by boat so they can drown because that will be an electoral advantage for him. What a disgraceful thing to say about anyone in this House. And he repeated it outside. Mr Deputy Speaker Mitchell, one of your colleagues—one of the members of the Labor Party—came to me and said he believed that was actionable. I have made that petition known: that one of the Labor Party members said that that language—outside of this House, outside of privilege—was actionable. Yet Tony Abbott is obviously good enough not to pull the trigger on that.</para>
<para>One of the interesting things we are reaching at in this particular debate is, as the shadow immigration minister calls it, the immigration lottery. Since this was brought to this House, we know that 1,800 people—heading towards 2,000—have arrived. They are meant to go to Manus Island and Nauru. As a result of the bill that is going through this House today to put the instruments in place, they are now meant to go by the end of this week. Yet I am confused. On 13 August, when this committee's recommendations were announced and the press conference was taken by the Prime Minister, the immigration minister and others, Andrew Probyn, from the <inline font-style="italic">West Australian</inline>—I recall it vividly because I was watching it, and the transcript will support this—asked immigration minister Bowen: 'So, does that mean anyone coming after 3.45 today will go to Manus Island and Nauru?' And the minister said yes. What we have today is a backtrack on this. We are not sure now if it really does mean as of 3.45 on 13 August, or, 'we're going to go and select a few who are appropriate to go to these offshore processing centres'. To me, it is absolute hypocrisy.</para>
<para>The amendments the opposition has brought to this House are obviously sensible. You cannot have a three-legged stool with one leg, and the three-legged stool so far has only one leg, and that is offshore processing at Manus Island and Nauru. You have to have the temporary protection visas. The sugar is still in this policy in that, if you can make it to mainland Australia, you will get a visa. And why wouldn't they? Just think about it: you can enter the Centrelink system, you can enter the health system, you can enter the education system. So of course it is still a pull factor.</para>
<para>The other factor I want to raise is the turning back of the boats. We hear from those opposite that it is too dangerous and we cannot put our service personnel in such a dangerous position. I tell you, we are doing it all the time. We are doing in the Middle East; we are doing it in a whole range of areas of conflict. We are doing it with pirates off the African coast; we are boarding boats there, in our RIBs. I have been on these boats, on defence deployments, where our men and women go aboard these generally nefarious boats at sea and check them out. They are trained to do it, and they want to do it.</para>
<para>That brings me to the Sri Lankans. The Sri Lankans are doing it now. Recently I wrote a letter to the newspaper <inline font-style="italic">The Island</inline>, which was published on Thursday 9 August, backing the fact that the government of Sri Lanka is out there actively turning boats back from the port of Trincomalee that end up out at sea. A few of them still get through to the Cocos Islands. I will just read a little bit:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Australian MP Don Randall has praised Sri Lanka’s efforts to tackle what he called the evil trade in people, while urging the Australian government to throw its weight behind GoSL. MP Randall, in a special statement to ‘The Island’, congratulated GoSL for setting an example of how to deal with the evil trade in people. "Australia needs to get behind GoSL with equipment, intelligence sharing and financial help in support of ongoing operations," the MP said. The parliamentarian assured his support for GoSL efforts to counter critics and criminal elements both at home and abroad.</para></quote>
<para>I would love to table this, but I know I would not be allowed, so you can read it online.</para>
<para>This brings me to the cant hypocrisy of members opposite. The member for Calwell was here earlier; I know she is not comfortable with this. And I know people like the member for Banks are not comfortable with this legislation. But what really sticks in my throat came from the member for Fremantle, a state colleague. I have written to her local newspaper on this issue. I would love to table that letter, but I am sure that if I tried it would be rejected, so I will read a little bit of it. On 16 August I wrote to the <inline font-style="italic">Fremantle Gazette</inline>:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It was with complete hypocrisy that the Member for Fremantle, Melissa Parke, gave her vote in the Parliament to the Malaysian five-for-one people swap deal that would see those seeking asylum sent to Malaysia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">And, more recently, she voted with the Government and Coalition to commence offshore processing of asylum seekers when she had spoken out against it many times, claiming it was an abuse of human rights.</para></quote>
<para>I went on to say that she has not stopped talking about human rights ever since.</para>
<para>The member then wrote back to the newspaper, on 28 August, and said: 'Don Randall has once again got it wrong, which unfortunately has never stopped him from making personal attacks.' But there were no personal attacks, just the facts—the <inline font-style="italic">Votes and Proceedings </inline>of this House. She said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I abstained from the vote on the Migration Act Amendment that passed the Australian Parliament, and while I support the end of the political stand-off on the issue of asylum seekers, I regard the present resolution as a very low-end compromise.</para></quote>
<para>Well, she did not abstain from that vote. I have actually gone and got the <inline font-style="italic">Votes and Proceedings </inline>of the House, just to show the hypocrisy on this issue. In fact, on 27 June this year, on the Offshore Processing Bill, fondly known as the Oakeshott bill, the member voted for it three times. I would love to table it, but it is there; you can check it out. Where she was a little bit cute was in relation to the bill that came before this House after the Houston committee's report. It was a bill in continuation, which I had spoken on earlier, amended to reflect the Houston committee's report—the Migration Legislation Amendment (Offshore Processing and Other Measures) Bill. That was on 15 August. We the opposition put in a number of amendments trying to make it workable—because, as the former minister, the member for Berowra, said, it is not going to work unless you put the full suite of measures in. That was rejected. The member for Fremantle voted against those measures. You can understand that because the Labor Party did not want those measures.</para>
<para>Then there were amendments moved by the member for Melbourne, Mr Bandt, who is in the chamber, along with the member for Denison. They brought in two amendments to this bill. Only the two of them voted, and as <inline font-style="italic">Votes and Proceedings</inline> put it:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The House divided and only Mr Bandt and Mr Wilkie voting “Aye”, the Deputy Speaker (Ms A. E. Burke) declared the question resolved in the negative.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   …   …   …</para></quote>
<para>The House divided and only Mr Bandt and Mr Wilkie voting “No”, the Deputy Speaker (Ms A. E. Burke) declared the question resolved in the affirmative.</para>
<para>Consideration in detail concluded.</para>
<para>On the motion of Mr Bowen, by leave, the bill was read a third time.</para>
<para>There was no vote. She could not absent herself from the vote if there was no vote. In fact, no name was recorded for yes and no on this bill because it was carried unanimously whether she is in the House or not. This is where we are this whole sad saga. We had a situation that worked, where people were not perishing at sea. We had a situation where the integrity of the Australian migration system was intact and people were able to honour our migration system. In fact, the British were envious of it.</para>
<para>People ask me: 'Why is it going to cost so much to go to Nauru? What happened to all those old buildings on Nauru and Manus Island?' They are overgrown, they have been pilfered, smashed and bashed, and the immigration minister at the time, Senator Evans from Western Australia—his office is down Fremantle way—bragged about it. He said it was his proudest day and he was pleased to see the whole thing traduced. What a dereliction of duty that Australian assets have been allowed to be wrecked like that. That is why it is costing billions of dollars to resurrect the Pacific Solution. The minister of the day was proud to see Australian property wrecked. It was a spiteful act, because the previous government had done it and the incoming Rudd government—who by the way said they would not do anything about it and then did—had decided that they would try to make their marks on the ground. Of course, it is going to cost a billion dollars and more, and yet all the time I have people coming to my office trying to help people come here in a lawful way.</para>
<para>I sponsor two families in Sri Lanka from Menik Farm, a refugee camp, because I think that is the best way to help people. You cannot save the world, but you can save one or two people. One guy has one leg, and the young girl and her mother lost her father in the war. I am trying to help in a small way. They want to come to Australia. I have told them not to bother—because they would not even get on the list—and that I would try to help them in Sri Lanka. Australia appears to be utopia to them—it is the end of the rainbow, the pot of gold—yet we cannot get people like the two I have mentioned in Sri Lanka onto the list, because there are people coming before them.</para>
<para>How will this policy work? We are told that the people who are going to end up on Nauru and Manus Island will not be able to come here before all the people who are waiting come. We know there are thousands of people waiting in detention centres and camps in Africa. In fact, there is a camp that has just been established in Jordan as the result of the Syrian war. I suspect that we may want to look at those people, but we cannot because we have something like 12,000 people this year who have come by boat, have jumped the queue and stopped people who have been waiting in an orderly system, and have already been selected and approved as refugees to come to this country. This is one step in a positive direction and it is going to be difficult to make work because the Labor Party will not go the whole nine yards and do it properly.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TEHAN</name>
    <name.id>210911</name.id>
    <electorate>Wannon</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise this afternoon with no joy or happiness to talk on this matter. It has been said that the opposition have been gleeful in the way we have been debating this issue because of the backing down of the Gillard government. But that is not the case. How could it be? Since this unholy mess started, more than 1,000 people have perished at sea. At least 8,100 people who have been waiting offshore in desperate circumstances have been denied Australia's temporary protection and humanitarian visas over the last three years. The people smugglers have grown bolder and richer. Labor's asylum budget has blown out by $4.7 billion.</para>
<para>In 2007 there were four people in detention who had come to Australia by boat. There was a policy in place that was working. Yet, who pushed for change? Who pressured for change? It all started when the current Prime Minister was the shadow immigration minister. She started the campaign earlier when she said that every boat that came to this country was a sign of a policy failure.</para>
<para>She was the one who led the attack on the immigration minister of the time, Mr Ruddock, who, with good conscience but a conscience that at times was troubled, had to put in place the deterrence that would mean that people would not lose their lives at sea. Yet he was attacked for this. We saw his response in this chamber a few months ago when he spoke on this issue. I suggest that those who did not listen or who were not paying attention look at Mr Ruddock's comments, because he gave what I thought was an outstanding speech in dealing with the issues involved with people seeking asylum in this country.</para>
<para>A lot has been said about the coalition's position, but one thing has been clear: our position—offshore processing on Nauru, the restoration of temporary protection visas and turning back boats where it is safe to do so—has not wavered since 2007. For the last 4½, nearly five, years our position has been incredibly clear. It is not that we have not been opposing the Gillard government in its approach to this matter—not at all. We have stated upfront and clearly what we think will work, because it did work: in 2007 there were in detention four people who had come to Australia by boat. Why was the policy changed? I hope that those opposite did it because they thought that their policy would work. I do not know whether that was the case, because it seems that they saw political opportunism—political advantage—in changing the approach that was working. Maybe they think that this is all just some game of political football. It is not. The facts show clearly that it is not.</para>
<para>We have not changed our policy approach. Against this, let us highlight the flip-flopping that we have seen from those on the other side. The Prime Minister, Julia Gillard, was against offshore processing and the Pacific solution in opposition. She said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Labor will end the so-called Pacific solution—the processing and detaining of asylum seekers on Pacific islands—because it is costly, unsustainable and wrong as a matter of principle.</para></quote>
<para>She accused us, basically, of having no principles on this matter. Towards the end of last year she was again drawn on this. She was asked by the host of Sky News:</para>
<quote><para class="block">This previous criticism wasn’t about any legal advice, it was about principle. Your words were costly and unsustainable, wrong as a matter of principle. What I’m asking is, is that still your principled position?</para></quote>
<para>In response, she said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Look, David, I’ve just responded to how we will deal with this. I’m not going to be drawn on policy questions of this nature at this time.</para></quote>
<para>So principle was jettisoned. There has not been the principle of saying: 'We as a government got this wrong and we owe those we were criticising—those we called unprincipled—an apology.' I think we would all rest easy if there was the tenacity and courage on the other side, and particularly those who drove the political campaign on this issue in the lead-up to the 2007 election, to admit that they did get it wrong, that they were being politically opportunistic and that as a matter of principle they should not have taken the tack they did. If they had taken a more principled position they would have seen that if you are to deal with the evil trade that is people smuggling you have to be cruel and take a tough position to save lives. They would have seen that you have to throw everything you can at the people smugglers to stop them. If they had done that maybe we would not have seen more than 1,000 people perish at sea and more than 8,100 people waiting offshore in camps in Africa, in the Middle East and in war-torn areas having been denied Australia's protection by humanitarian visa. We might not have seen the people smugglers get stronger, bolder and, sadly, richer. We might not be seeing the Treasurer scamping around looking for ways to fill his budget deficit, to start addressing the huge, $144 billion debt that we now find ourselves with because of the asylum budget now being $4.7 billion. Maybe all that could have been stopped if we had not had the policies that were implemented immediately after the 2007 election and that have taken so long to be redressed.</para>
<para>As a matter of fact, the only reason, ultimately, that those policies have been partly redressed is the outsourcing of the government's policy. If it had not been for the Houston panel I doubt we would be where we are today, once again heading in the right direction. I will say this about the Minister for Immigration and Citizenship: judging on media reports that have been leaked out of cabinet, he at least saw that the Gillard government would have to change tack on this and address its policy. At least he went to cabinet and said: 'We need to do this.' It is a shame that, when he did that, he did not get the support from the Prime Minister that he needed. It is a shame that the Prime Minister basically said to the minister in charge of this area: 'No. I don't agree with the policy that you are bringing to the cabinet table, even though you are the minister in charge of this area. Even though I have given you responsibility for addressing this issue I am not going to take up your policy proposal.'</para>
<para>I think that Prime Minister Gillard should think long and hard about that and maybe, in a quiet moment of reflection, she should think about taking the immigration minister aside and saying, 'There was already damage and harm which had been done but, if I had listened to you, we might have been able to lessen that.'</para>
<para>I do not think anyone on this side comes to this debate thinking that there is joy in rubbing it in to the government on their big backflip and turnaround on this issue and their so-called principled position that they thought they were taking in criticising the Howard government's approach to this which was, in fact, a way forward to deal with this insidious issue of people smuggling. Also, I do not think we should be in any way accused of that. What we all now need to realise is that, if we can have a consistent approach to this issue, if we can send a message to the people smugglers that we will not tolerate their trade, we can solve it.</para>
<para>With that in mind, I would call on the government to also look at the other policies which worked in this area. They also have to look at TPVs. They also have to look at turning back the boats where it is safe to do so. I do not think we should get into legalistic arguments on this matter, especially when it comes to turning back the boats. It has been proven to work in particular circumstances, and the current Prime Minister is on the record saying so. Let's not get into legal argy-bargy over this. Let's look at what works so that we can put in place the policies that we need to address this issue. I call on the government to look seriously once again at TPVs because they were an essential component of the whole suite of policies that were put in place by the Howard government to address this issue which saw us, once again, having only four people in detention who had come by boat to Australia in 2007.</para>
<para>None of these issues are easy. They cause great concern to us on this side, as they do to the government on the other side. We have seen that in the emotion in this debate. We have seen people giving heartfelt speeches in this area. They have had tears rolling from their eyes as they have spoken about how they have been dealing with it. So this is a matter which the whole parliament takes seriously and which we need to see addressed. The coalition has put forward a sensible way to do this. I would hope that the government, in reflection, will look at the whole suite of policies we are putting forward and adopt them.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BANDT</name>
    <name.id>M3C</name.id>
    <electorate>Melbourne</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will not be supporting this motion and I will be moving an amendment. This is the Labor government taking us back to John Howard when they should be taking us back to Malcolm Fraser. Most galling about this motion to reopen the centre at Nauru is that there is a better alternative available right now that would save lives, comply with international law and domestic law, be humane and march in the great tradition of Australian multiculturalism. That alternative was available if Labor had chosen to work with the Greens on a more compassionate solution. But instead, as we have just been reminded by the previous speaker, we are faced with an intransigent government and minister, insistent on no deal unless it includes expelling people offshore to other countries. That is not something that is consistent with the conventions we have signed up to and it is not something that we are prepared to support.</para>
<para>Casting my mind back, I do not think there is anyone in this country who was not distressed and anguished at the reports and sight of hundreds of people losing their lives as they struggled when their boats capsized, as has happened on more than one occasion. I think everyone in this place and around the country grappled with the question: how do we best stop people risking their lives at sea? We hear a lot about the people smugglers' business model. If there is such a thing, the people smugglers' business model is based on desperation. It is based on people waiting in camps in places like Indonesia or Malaysia, having fled persecution, torture and situations that we think are so bad that we send our troops overseas to fight, trying to find a better life. They may well find themselves in a camp in Indonesia where there are over 8,000 people and joining the other thousand of those 8,000 who have already been declared to be refugees by the United Nations only to wait there years and years because there is no proper processing system in place and because this government and other governments do not do enough. When you have been waiting for years, having perhaps fled the Taliban or the threat of execution, to be taken to a better life and yet you find your hope diminishing day by day because there is no orderly process in the camp, there is no light at the end of the tunnel and you are stuck there wondering, 'Am I going to be here for the rest of my life?' you get on a boat. I would too. I reckon most people around this country would as well.</para>
<para>If they had been waiting desperately for years in a camp and someone came to them and said, 'For a bit of money, I'll get you on a boat and get you out of here,' people would snap it up. If I felt that that was the best way for me or my family to get to safety, I would probably do the same and I think most other people would as well.</para>
<para>So if we really want to stop people getting on those boats there is a simple answer, and that is: give the people in the camps some hope by putting in place an orderly processing system in Indonesia or in Malaysia so that they see light at the end of the tunnel, so that they understand, 'If I wait here long enough my turn will come, so I won't risk my life on a boat.' What would that mean? That would mean that from Indonesia, where there are 8,000 people waiting, we take 1,000 now. Let's beef up the processing capacity of Australia and of the United Nations in Indonesia so that we can process more people right there and then bring them to Australia safely. That is what all the experts told us, and have told us for many years, will stop people risking their lives on these desperate journeys.</para>
<para>During the course of this debate over many months, and indeed today, we have heard that this is a naive solution being proposed by the Greens. It is a solution based on what we did in this country in the decade after the Vietnam War, and our country is better for it. Our country is better for the fact that we took in between 90,000 and 100,000 refugees and their families in an orderly manner at the end of the war and settled them here through a regional processing arrangement. It was not easy and at the start of that process there was a lot of consternation about whether people were being treated fairly, but it stopped people risking their lives on the boats. That is the best way to stop loss of life: reintroduce a proper regional processing system. The Greens have been consistently advocating that. If you say that is a naive solution, then that is a very short-sighted reading of Australian history, because the solution that we have been advancing and will continue to advance is one that is based on appealing to the best in us in Australia and talking about what has worked and what we can do again.</para>
<para>Instead, we have had a government intent on trying to out-tough the coalition. Let me give you this piece of free advice: that is a battle you cannot win. If the government think that ultimately they have made a smart political decision then they are going to have to explain to the Australian population in a very short period of time why we now have people in as good as indefinite detention on island prisons or prison islands. That is one of the most worrying aspects of this approach from the government that over time is going to be subject to the scrutiny that it deserves.</para>
<para>What the government has said is that there is a so-called no-advantage principle underlying this. If you are serious about that, that means asking how long someone waits in Indonesia or in Malaysia and saying, 'Let's make them stay in prison or on an island for that length of time.' The figures we have heard from the people who are actually working in those camps is that it could be a decade. It could be longer. It is appalling that this parliament is being asked right now to vote on a measure to send people to be detained in another country without knowing how long they will be detained there. This will come back and haunt this government.</para>
<para>I accept that this is a tough issue. If you do not think this is a tough issue, you are not paying enough attention. I accept that there is probably no easy answer. This is a global problem and one that we as a country have to manage. It is not a problem that is ever going to be solved, because unless we make our country as bad as Afghanistan and unless our government becomes as bad as the Taliban we are always going to be a more attractive place for people to come to. So the question is not how we stop it but how we manage it. Do we manage it fairly or do we say that we will take a tough approach?</para>
<para>One of the things we must never forget is that this approach of deterrence just does not work. Three hundred and fifty-three people lost their lives coming here on the SIEVX when the full gamut of onshore processing and mandatory detention arrangements were in place—353 people lost their lives. Why? Because, as I said before, Australia, with its democracy and its good standard of living, will always be a more attractive place for people who are fleeing persecution. And so we would want it to be. So people will continue to take to boats and people will continue to die.</para>
<para>It may be that, as a result of this arrangement, people stop coming here. I do not think they will, but let's say they do. Let's take that argument through. People are still going to get on boats; they will just go elsewhere. It might be that they die on leaky boats on the way to New Zealand or to Canada. If we are really concerned about people dying, and I believe everyone in this House is, then we should adopt the solution that is going to minimise the chance of people getting on a boat, and that is a regional processing solution where we take more people directly from the camps, where we process them there and bring them here.</para>
<para>The amendment that I want to move is premised on this motion succeeding in this House. It is clear that, because Labor chooses to work with the coalition rather than working with the Greens on these questions, it wants a John Howard style solution and is going to get it through this parliament.</para>
<para>So, if it is going to go through, then we should at least ensure a minimum standard of decency. We know from all the mental health experts that, if you lock people up indefinitely, it destroys them. What they tell us is that you do not want to have someone locked up in detention for longer than 12 months, at an absolute outer limit. So, if this motion is going to get through, there should be a cap on how long someone can spend in detention. At the very least, the minister should be able to come in here and tell us how long someone is going to spend in detention on Nauru. The fact that he cannot is shameful. So let us try and give some parliamentary oversight to it. I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That all words after “and” (first occurring) in Mr Morrison’s amendment be omitted with a view to substituting the following words:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">“calls on the government to put in place a 12 month time limit on immigration detention in Nauru.”</para></quote>
<para>That should be something that the government are prepared to accept. It is premised on them getting their way and offshore processing beginning, but it puts in place an outer limit that will ensure that people's mental health is preserved.</para>
<para>If the government are not prepared to support a 12-month time limit on detention, if they are not prepared to come in here and tell us what the maximum is, then we are seeing a green light for an assault on the mental health of some of the world's most vulnerable people. How can we leave this debate and this parliament not knowing how long one of these people is going to be locked up? Ask yourself this: if you or your family were in a situation where you feared for your life, perhaps because you were politically outspoken, perhaps just because you found yourself in the wrong religion, and you found yourself on a boat, through no fault of your own but simply because you had waited for years in a refugee camp and did not think you were getting anywhere and someone had said, 'Let me find you a way out of here,' how long would you say it was okay for you or your family to be locked up? I challenge anyone to be prepared to fully apply the perils of this no-advantage test, so-called, and say that that means we will lock someone up for longer than a year. That, unfortunately, is the way the government has chosen to go. It is disappointing, given that our history is rich in alternatives that we could be adopting. Instead of going back to Fraser, we are going back to Howard.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>M3E</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Is the amendment seconded?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr WILKIE</name>
    <name.id>C2T</name.id>
    <electorate>Denison</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I second the member for Melbourne's amendment to the member for Cook's amendment to the member for McMahon's motion on the instrument of designation of the Republic of Nauru as a regional processing country. I expect the government to support the member for Melbourne's amendment, because only 10 weeks ago the government supported my amendment that put a 12-month sunset clause in the member for Lyne's bill at that time. I make that point again. Just 10 weeks or so ago, the government strongly supported the idea of putting a sunset clause in the member for Lyne's bill which would have seen offshore processing resurrected. So there is no reason whatsoever why the government would not agree to support such a move again today. It would be remarkable if the government were not to support the member for Melbourne's amendment. If the government does not support the member for Melbourne's amendment, it means that the government's actions of some 10 weeks ago were at best hollow and at worst misleading. So I hope that the government will come in here and support this amendment and that this amendment will succeed.</para>
<para>This will be another test of the government's moral compass. We all easily recall how five years ago, at the 2007 federal election, the Australian community overwhelmingly rejected the policies of the Howard era, and in particular the Howard-era Pacific solution. Yet somehow the government finds that it is acceptable, just five years later, to frankly show contempt for the 2007 election result. In 2007 the Australian community overwhelmingly rejected the Pacific solution, so it is inexplicable how, only five years later, the government is set to reintroduce the Howard-era Pacific solution.</para>
<para>Given that the government, 10 weeks ago, saw the need to have a 12-month sunset clause in the restoration of the Pacific solution, it would be inexplicable if it turned around and rejected it now. A 12-month sunset clause has an inherent value, in that it would keep this deeply unethical and illegal Pacific solution within certain bounds. It is unethical because, when people come to our shores, we really should give them protection, hear their claims and give them refuge. The restoration of the Pacific solution is unlawful and illegal, because clearly, as a signatory to the refugee convention, we have a legal obligation to do as I have just described—when someone comes to our shores, we should give them protection, hear their claims and, if their claims are found to be accurate, to be justified, we should give them refuge and let them share this country with us. We should not put them on a plane to some microstate in the distant Pacific or put them on a plane to an island off Papua New Guinea.</para>
<para>I make the point again: to do so would be unethical and would be illegal, and it was flatly rejected by the Australian community at the 2007 federal election. It is one of the reasons that the Labor government was elected. I think that the Labor government would be showing contempt for the decision at the 2007 federal election by restoring the Howard-era Pacific solution. Twelve months would be more than enough time for this government to come up with a much more sophisticated solution. Quite frankly, the events of the last couple of months have been a missed opportunity. We did not need to go back to the Howard-era Pacific solution, the solution that was so loudly rejected at the 2007 federal election. We had an opportunity to come up with a really sophisticated policy matched to the complexity of the irregular immigration issue. We had the opportunity to come up with a solution that stopped treating this as a border security problem and started treating this as a humanitarian crisis, because first and foremost that is what this is. It is a humanitarian crisis. The overwhelming majority of people who are coming to Australia by boat are, and they have been found to be, genuinely fleeing persecution. It is a humanitarian crisis, and on a global scale it is a humanitarian crisis of almost unfathomable size and complexity.</para>
<para>What this government should have done—and it should have done it with the support of the opposition, mindful of the rejection of their policy in 2007—was to come up with a very complex solution which, for a start, looks to deal with the situation in source countries. It should have come up with a solution that is built on reconstruction aid—not war-fighting aid but reconstruction aid—in particular in Afghanistan but also in Iraq. That would be how we would most effectively, most ethically and most quickly help to restore stability in those two countries.</para>
<para>It should have been a solution that seeks to help countries of first asylum. We give next to no aid to countries like Pakistan and Iran, yet both of those countries are host to millions of refugees. No wonder so many refugees try and move on from Pakistan and Iran and so many seek to come to Australia, because the conditions in those two countries of first asylum are so dreadful. That is not a comment about the regimes or the governments in those countries. It is a fact of life that those two less well-off countries are overwhelmed with millions of refugees. I am sure that they do the best they can—although I would add that Iran could lift its game mightily and for a start actually recognise that these people are refugees and let them join the workforce and enjoy the benefits of the state, which they are currently not allowed to do in Iran, of course.</para>
<para>Australia could encourage those countries to look after their refugees better and give them the resources they need to help look after those refugees better. They would be more likely to stay there and to join this so-called queue that everyone keeps talking about, a queue that would be even more attractive if we had a much bigger humanitarian intake in this country, which of course is part of the solution. I would be appalled if this government or the next government were to just cherry-pick the recommendations of Angus Houston's committee—just cherry-pick the attractive things like the restoration of offshore processing and the Pacific solution. I would be appalled if it did not also embrace recommendations such as a significant increase in our humanitarian intake.</para>
<para>Our sophisticated solution also needs to help transit countries—countries like Indonesia, of course, but also other transit countries like Malaysia and Thailand, and there are other places. In fact, some of these asylum seekers have passed through a number of transit countries by the time they get to Australia. We should give those countries the resources to look after the refugees that are in their country and encourage those countries to look after their refugees better; encourage them, if they are not already a signatory to the UN Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, to become a signatory to the refugee convention; and give them the aid to help those refugees so that, again, they are less likely to move on and more likely to front up at the Australian high commission or embassy and apply for asylum in Australia. They are more likely to do that if they know that we have a much increased humanitarian intake. They would know that they have a much greater chance of finally finding a place of safety for themselves and their family.</para>
<para>Also—and perhaps this is where I might, with all due respect, diverge perhaps a little from the Greens—I have a very hard, harsh view of what we should be doing with the people smugglers. At the end of the day, the only people who are doing anything illegal here are the people smugglers. We should be doing everything we can—and I do not believe we are doing enough—to crack down on the people smugglers, in particular the ones that are based in these transit countries, such as Indonesia. We should be applying a much greater effort from a law enforcement point of view, from an intelligence point of view and from the point of view of cooperating with the governments in these transit countries, in particular Indonesia.</para>
<para>These are all of the many components of a sophisticated approach or a sophisticated response to the irregular immigration issue and the humanitarian crisis that we confront. I make the point again that 10 weeks ago and then a few weeks ago there were missed opportunities. This government, supported by the opposition, could have developed and be starting to implement now a sophisticated response to a humanitarian crisis, instead of continuing to regard this as a border security problem. It is not a border security problem. It is a humanitarian crisis. There have been missed opportunities, and I think that is a terrible shame. As I go about my business, countless people, not just in my electorate but elsewhere, have approached me and expressed their disappointment that, while this government's predecessor was elected in 2007 in large part on a promise to dismantle the draconian Howard-era response to irregular immigrants, we find ourselves back there five years later.</para>
<para>To recap, I do expect the government to support the member for Melbourne's amendment to the member for Cook's amendment. If the government does not support this amendment, it means that the government's actions of some 10 weeks ago were at best hollow and at worst quite misleading. This is a test of the government's moral compass. I call on the government to support this amendment, to understand that, if they are going to go back to the Howard-era Pacific solution, there must be a 12-month limit on it. That is more than enough time to come up with the sort of sophisticated response to this issue that I have talked ever so briefly about. We will find out very shortly. Very shortly we are going to have another test of the government's moral compass. I hope that they do the right thing by the Australian community, that they do support this amendment and that they do ensure there is a 12-month sunset clause in the final bill.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MORRISON</name>
    <name.id>E3L</name.id>
    <electorate>Cook</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise again on this occasion to address the remarks of the member for Melbourne and the member for Denison on the amendment moved by the member for Melbourne. There are no decisions made in this debate and in relation to policies that address these issues that are free of moral burden. I know that the member for Melbourne has sincerely raised his concerns in relation to these policies, as, I have to say, the member for Melbourne and his colleagues in the Greens have been quite consistent about doing. I may not agree with the member for Melbourne, and I certainly do not agree with the policies of the Greens, but I will give them this much credit: they have been very consistent in their position on these issues. And I think it is important to be consistent in what you believe on these issues. These policies should be matters of conviction.</para>
<para>I can certainly say that, from the coalition's point of view, our convictions on these issues are very strong. We feel very passionately about the need to have strong border protection. I note the member for Denison's comments that this is not a border protection issue. I sincerely disagree; I think it is very much a border protection issue. There has always been humanitarian need in relation to these matters.</para>
<para>The sad fact about the refugee issue internationally is that the demand is ubiquitous. There is always lots of demand, and enough demand for the smugglers to exploit at any point in time. So, while you may have many people coming at certain points in time and fewer at others, it is not because at the latter times there are fewer people who want to seek asylum; it is because countries such as Australia have stronger or weaker policies at particular points in time. It has certainly been the case over the last 4½ years that we have had weaker policies. As a result of having those weaker policies, some catastrophic things have occurred.</para>
<para>I would remind the member for Melbourne and the member for Denison—because the coalition will not be supporting the amendment that has been put forward by the member for Melbourne—that Nauru is not a detention centre. Nauru is not a place of detention. People that are sent to Nauru—as the minister's own statement says very clearly today, and as was the case under the coalition—get visas on Nauru. It is an open centre where people can move freely about the island and have a visa to do so. In that respect, it is not unlike the bridging visa policy that the member for Melbourne convinced the government to adopt in November last year. As a result, the comparison between those two issues is relevant. Having the sort of policy we have on Nauru is one thing, and that can be part of a set of deterrence measures that can be effective, as they were under the Howard government. But, as the coalition has said on many occasions, we are very concerned that the government made the decision to have bridging visas in Australia not out of a sense of compassion but because the detention network had collapsed under the strain of their failures. More broadly, those being available at the other end of a boat trip if people are successful in arriving in Australia only adds to the incentive to make that trip. I make this point deliberately: Nauru is not a detention centre but a place of processing where people receive visas and can move freely around the island, as the minister has made very clear.</para>
<para>I think the member for Melbourne raises a very valid question to the government, and the government have been very sheepish in avoiding the answer to this question. I raised it in my earlier remarks. I can tell the member for Melbourne the answer to his question, 'How long will people stay in Nauru?' If the government are true to their word and there is a no-advantage principle applying, as the government have said, then the average time waiting for people in Malaysia, for example—I am talking about Burmese refugees waiting—is five years. So the answer to the member for Melbourne is five years. I think the government should be very clear that that is the implication of the policies that they are enacting through their motion today.</para>
<para>The other point made particularly by the member for Melbourne but also by the member for Denison is that the approach of deterrence does not work. That is fantasy-land stuff. In those six years in which the policies of uncompromising deterrence were in place, there were 16 boats with 272 people. I cannot begin to contemplate how many people did not get on boats over those six years when I think of the fact that 24½ thousand have turned up in the last 4½ years. If the same soft policies had been running at that time as those which have been running over the last 4½ years, then we could assume 30,000 or 35,000 people might have tried their arm over that period. How many people would have died over that period if we took the view that deterrence did not work? Since the decision was taken in late November on the bridging visa policy, which the Greens convinced the government to introduce, compared to the period of time equal to that—which is around eight months leading up to that decision—and the government moved to even softer policies, as advocated by the Greens, there has been a 320 per cent increase in the number of people coming to Australia on illegal boats. In the eight-month period prior to that decision, we had 2,647 people turn up. That is 2,647 too many. But after the decision to move to bridging visas and a policy that says 'deterrence does not work' we have now had 11,085 people on 162 boats. Not included in that are the tragedies at sea, which this House has lamented.</para>
<para>I respectfully disagree with the member for Melbourne and the member for Denison when they talk about these policies of deterrence not being the right approach and about needing an alternative model. I note that they both put a lot of faith in the idea of having a regional processing hub and a higher refugee and humanitarian intake. When there is a genuine regional crisis of people directly filling a conflict zone within your own region—which occurred during the Indo-Chinese refugee crisis of the late 1970s and early 1980s—the member for Melbourne talked about returning to the policies of Malcolm Fraser.</para>
<para>That was the right decision for the Prime Minister to take at that time. There was a genuine refugee crisis in our region and it required the temporary response of increasing our intake. It was not the Prime Minister's policy at that time to permanently increase our intake to 20,000. It was raised to 20,000 for only two years and after that it was brought back to a more modest level. It was dealing with a genuine refugee crisis within our region. That is not what we are facing today. We are facing the challenge of secondary movement from a part of the world far removed from this country. We are dealing with a people-smuggling network that is completely different from the problems and issues that were being addressed when the comprehensive plan of action—and the regional measures around that—was put in place.</para>
<para>When the government proposed a processing centre in East Timor as part of a regional processing framework, it did not receive support from other members of the region. One reason for this is they, particularly Indonesia and Malaysia, know that setting up a processing centre in East Timor—as was then proposed by our Prime Minister—does nothing more than create an asylum magnet for the region. That is why they would not support it and that is why I do not think it represents good policy, still to this day. That is why my original motion of amendment to the minister's motion called on having the Bali process return to issues of border security and deterrence policies. That is what our partners in the region are focused on and that is what they are actually working on.</para>
<para>The suggestion that there is some sort of broader regional framework operating here is only in the minds of the government and the UNHCR. Our partners in the region are not working on those issues. They are working on issues of document fraud technology. They are working on issues of biometrics. They are working on issues of intelligence sharing. They are working on issues of interception, interdiction, arrest and prosecution. That is what they are working on. The new regional office, out of the Bali process, is working on the issue of returns. They are the policies that the region is wanting to focus on. On the issue of increasing the intake, we have the very real problem of deluding ourselves that creating an extra 6,250 places is somehow going to convince two million people living in Pakistan and Iran to, all of a sudden, put this off.</para>
<para>I would agree with the member for Denison and the member for Melbourne that there are other arguments for increasing the refugee intake. I do not share them, but I think there are other arguments that can be made. The idea that increasing the intake will deter millions of people, including those who are active candidates for people smugglers, who number in the tens if not hundreds of thousands, means we are kidding ourselves. This is why we will not be supporting the amendment put forward by the Greens.</para>
<para>Deterrence policies are necessary. I accept that the policies we have advocated carry a heavy moral burden. Similarly, I would urge other members of the House to understand the moral burden that they too must carry—along with all of those outside of this place who have advocated the soft policies we have had for the last 4½ years. The consequence of that is there are over 700 people dead, that we know of. The minister's own statement says this. Thousands of people have been denied protection visas and thousands of people have taken this risky voyage to Australia. There is the cost as well, which the minister puts at $5 billion. That is the moral burden of the non-deterrence policy and I think those who advocate those policies have to sign up to them.</para>
<para>I conclude as I started. There will be no decision, in this space, that is free of moral burden. The minister does not have that luxury. Nor do I. Nor does any other member in this place who thinks they can propose things in this space and not have consequences. Every single one of those decisions has a consequence. No member can walk into this place and somehow parade some higher virtue in the process. No member in this place wants to see people dying on boats. I would hope all members want to see integrity in our immigration program and I would hope all members in this place believe we should have secure borders. I am happy to concede that, for everyone who participates in this debate, and do not offer lectures on people's motives. But the decisions we make will have consequences.</para>
<para>If this motion is approved today in the original form as moved by the minister, and with the amendment I proposed—which would go further than the government is suggesting—we will have the return of strong deterrence policies that can be effective. To agree to what the member for Melbourne is proposing would only take us further back into the morass of policy we have had over the last 4½ years. It is true. The Greens and others convinced the government back in 2007 to abolish the Howard government policies and, as the member for Denison said, they won an election—and off they went and did it. I remember the member for Griffith saying, when he was recently asked why he made that decision, that the voters made him do it. He said he had made a promise to them. He made himself do it. He made the promise and he followed it through. That has been taken to a whole new level by those who followed him. The consequences of that decision are there for everybody to see.</para>
<para>It is time to start making some new decisions on this. The motion put forward by the minister takes one small step towards that approach. We think there should be more. I do not think the amendment that has been put forward by the Greens removing the amendment put forward by the coalition on this is the approach we should be taking. As a result, the coalition will not be supporting the Greens in that process.</para>
<para>I would respectfully say to the member for Melbourne that I understand the sincerity which he brings to these matters, and I respect the consistency of the Greens' position. They are right to point out the hypocrisy of the Labor Party on this issue—absolutely right to point it out—because they have been hypocrites on this issue. But the position that they press is certainly not one the coalition could agree with and is one that the coalition has steadfastly stood against for more than a decade. Where the government has stood on this issue from one day to the next is anybody's guess. They are simply making it up as they go along.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ROBB</name>
    <name.id>FU4</name.id>
    <electorate>Goldstein</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak against the amendment put by the member for Melbourne, and I rise to strongly support the amendment put by my friend and colleague the member for Cook. Let us have a debate here on the facts, let us have policy that features a discussion and a recognition of the facts, not a political discussion which is some sorry attempt, having been made now for over five years, to hide a misguided political approach. The facts are that, when the Labor government took office, there were four people in detention. If you heard the debate in this chamber, if you listened to the discussion, over the last five years, if you were inclined to listen to what has been said on radio and television and written in newspapers, through the contributions of those opposite you would think that the Howard government Pacific solution failed. In fact, the member for Melbourne perhaps was not properly focused on this issue back in those years. Now that he is a member of parliament and taking a keen interest in this subject he must know that, when you study the facts, the Howard government Pacific solution, as my colleague the member for Cook just explained, was enormously successful. It was appropriate for the times, just as a different solution was appropriate in the Fraser years and was, again, very effectively managed by a coalition government.</para>
<para>When Labor took office there were four people—not even a handful of people—in detention. Over the six years before Labor took office the push factors of Iraq, Afghanistan and Sri Lanka were in play. If anything, the last five years has seen Iraq disappear as a push factor and we are left with just two. We had all of those factors in play and there were in the order of 272 people in those six years. This was after something in the order of 10,000 to 12,000 people in 1999-2000—do not hold me exactly to the figures, but there were a lot of people—numbers not dissimilar to those we have seen in recent years where there has not been a policy that has been an effective deterrent.</para>
<para>The Howard government's policy was crafted under all of the pressure, all of the debate and all of the experience that came to this place in those years. It was put in place, and for six years it was enormously successful. There were three boats a year on average; now we are seeing more than three boats a week on average. For two of those six years there were no people. Not one single person arrived and not one single person died on the high seas, as a result of those deterrents. These are the facts. These are the things that people do not want to consider in the context of this debate. But we have to rely on the facts. Surely you can judge policy by the outcomes of the policy.</para>
<para>What did we see when the Rudd-Gillard government arrived? They had had six years of pontificating on the so-called failure of the Pacific solution. They had turned it into the devil incarnate despite the fact that only 272 people had arrived and that it was enormously successful in saving lives on the high seas. It was enormously successful in guaranteeing that those people who had been living for many, many years in detention centres were able to come here under our formal refugee program.</para>
<para>I had the great privilege in 2006 to have ministerial responsibility for refugees, and in that year we brought in 13,000 people. They came, not on boats and not jumping the queue, but from refugee centres. I visited with refugees who came from Africa and Myanmar that year. They were people who were roundly criticised by the very same people who today want to further encourage boat people. Those same people criticised us for bringing in too many Africans and too many people from Myanmar. I am very proud of the fact that we brought those people in. Some of those people were in Dandenong and other places I visited and told me how they had spent all of their lives—and some of them were only 18 or 20—in refugee camps. They had seen mothers raped and fathers shot, killed or with their throats cut by those presiding over those refugee centres in parts of Africa or on the Myanmar border. The people had been put into all sorts of destitute situations. They were refugees who held great hope and finally got to these shores because of our refugee program. Bear in mind we are one of only three countries in the world who, over the last 60 years in an uninterrupted way, have brought in refugees. It is a great and proud record and is shared by both sides of this parliament. During those six years before the Labor government came to power, only 272 people came to these shores.</para>
<para>All of the other refugees were people who had spent time, often their whole lives, in refugee camps, people who did not have a dollar. Most of them had never seen any money. They did not know what to do with money when they got here. They had to be taught for months what money means, how to spend it, how to save it, how to use it and how to acquire it—how to get a job to earn it. These were the people that we were bringing in.</para>
<para>Over the last five years, people in that situation have been denied the opportunity to come to Australia because others who have $10,000 or $5,000 and can afford an airfare to Malaysia and the money to come down on a boat have been able to jump the queue. What about people who have spent 18 years of their lives in refugee camps, have been tortured and have been deprived of education? These are the people we have a proud history of over 60 years of bringing into this country. We are one of only three countries that have done that, and it has been done by both sides of the parliament.</para>
<para>Let's look to preserve that record, not to play politics, as has been happening the last few years. This is politics, pure and simple. It is grubby politics because it has ignored the facts. It has just been an attempt to find some way to denigrate a political party, the government at the time, the Howard government. It is cheap politics which has used people's lives. What have we seen as the result of the change of that policy—a simple policy which meant there were four people in detention when this government took over? We have seen over 1,000 people die on the high seas. What a despicable result that is, and it is the result of politics. It is not a result of considered policy; it is a result of politics contrived to answer Labor's made-up criticism—the rhetoric that they have come to believe over six years.</para>
<para>The amendment moved by my colleague the member for Cook would take us back to that simple formula. Nauru would simply be a place for processing people, temporary protection visas would be reintroduced and boats would be turned around where it was safe to do so. That worked. You do not have to take my word for it—just look at the outcomes. It worked. Two years out of the six, not even one person tried to come to our shores. In the whole six years, we had 272 people, and three boats a year on average. Compare that with the situation since these changes. We now have three boats a week, or more—sometimes almost three boats a day.</para>
<para>This is of great consequence. I had a year with refugees from Africa and from Myanmar. I very proudly helped to settle these people. We spent $600 million in the first year, and did so each year since, to settle those people. Yet, now, the lives of similar people are being played with—people who have been waiting in refugee camps around the world for the privilege and opportunity to come to Australia under these longstanding programs. Their lives have been thrown into total disarray because they are finding at the last minute that those spots are no longer there.</para>
<para>What do we have now? In five years, we have had 25,000 people—5,000 people a year. We take in roughly 13,000 a year, and have done for a long time, under our legitimate refugee program. Now all of these boat people have jumped to the front of that queue. It is not fair to people who have been waiting out there, have done what is required and have expected for years and years that they would eventually be able to come and be a part of the refugee program that has been such a proud part of our Australian community.</para>
<para>We are looking to adopt a solution to minimise the chance of people getting on boats. As the member for Melbourne said, that is the objective, and I agree with him. Just look in the rear-vision mirror for a minute and you will see what worked not so long ago, up to just five years ago, and worked for six years. It worked and it worked and it worked. Despite endless denigration and misrepresentation of the facts, it worked. And, by God, it gave great succour and great opportunities to refugees who, at the time, were living and had lived for many, many years in refugee camps, in appalling conditions, all around the world. What about those people? They never get mentioned in this place. Yet they are the most deserving refugees of this world.</para>
<para>Of course anyone who does not live in the circumstances that we do would want to bring their family here. I do not blame one person, not one of those boat people, for trying to get to this country. I would do the same if I were in their circumstances. I would seek to do the same. That is not the point. There are tens of millions of people moving around the world, and we cannot accommodate them all. The reason we have been so successful in being able to bring in such large numbers of refugees for so long is we have carried this community with us. Both sides of parliament in the past carried this community with us. People felt comfortable that we were managing that program in an effective and compassionate way. We were, and we had success.</para>
<para>But it has been mauled by a simple exercise in political grubbiness, an exercise to denigrate the government of the day, in the pursuit of power. That is what it was. Let's call it what it was. What has happened is a disgrace. They are now trying to go back, after five years of mismanagement under this poor policy, which has led to over 1,000 people dying at sea, and which has led to 25,000 people arriving here, displacing legitimate refugees who would have otherwise been here—people who have suffered, often for a lifetime. What we have now is an attempt by this government to go just part of the way back. They have finally been mugged by reality. But they are only going part of the way.</para>
<para>Let us do the job. For goodness sake, let us do the job properly. Let us back the member for Cook's amendment, which seeks to reinstate the essential elements of a program that worked, a program that on any measure worked. Let us swallow some pride on the other side there and let us do something for the true and very disadvantaged refugees around the world—those that would otherwise come to our country except for the fact that there are boat loads coming in by the thousands. This is one of the most important pieces of legislation before the House. Let us get it right and back the amendment moved by the member for Cook.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>M3E</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the amendment moved by the member for Melbourne to the proposed amendment moved by the member for Cook be agreed to.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">A division having been called and the bells having been rung—</inline></para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>M3E</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>As there are fewer than five members on the side for the ayes in this division, I declare the question resolved in the negative in accordance with standing order 127. The names of those members who are in the minority will be recorded in the <inline font-style="italic">Votes and Proceedings</inline>.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The question is that the amendment moved by the member for Cook be agreed to.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question now is that the motion moved by the Minister for Immigration and Citizenship be agreed to.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">A division having been called and the bells having been rung—</inline></para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>As there are fewer than five members on the side for the noes, I declare the question resolved in the affirmative in accordance with standing order 127. The names of those members who are in the minority will be recorded in the <inline font-style="italic">Votes and Proceedings</inline>.</para>
<para>Question agreed to, Mr Bandt and Mr Wilkie voting no.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The House divided. [18:10]<br />(The Deputy Speaker—Ms AE Burke)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>68</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Abbott, AJ</name>
                  <name>Alexander, JG</name>
                  <name>Andrews, KJ</name>
                  <name>Andrews, KL</name>
                  <name>Baldwin, RC</name>
                  <name>Billson, BF</name>
                  <name>Bishop, JI</name>
                  <name>Briggs, JE</name>
                  <name>Broadbent, RE</name>
                  <name>Buchholz, S</name>
                  <name>Chester, D</name>
                  <name>Christensen, GR</name>
                  <name>Ciobo, SM</name>
                  <name>Cobb, JK</name>
                  <name>Coulton, M (teller)</name>
                  <name>Crook, AJ</name>
                  <name>Dutton, PC</name>
                  <name>Entsch, WG</name>
                  <name>Fletcher, PW</name>
                  <name>Forrest, JA</name>
                  <name>Frydenberg, JA</name>
                  <name>Gambaro, T</name>
                  <name>Griggs, NL</name>
                  <name>Haase, BW</name>
                  <name>Hartsuyker, L</name>
                  <name>Hawke, AG</name>
                  <name>Hockey, JB</name>
                  <name>Hunt, GA</name>
                  <name>Irons, SJ</name>
                  <name>Jensen, DG</name>
                  <name>Jones, ET</name>
                  <name>Keenan, M</name>
                  <name>Kelly, C</name>
                  <name>Laming, A</name>
                  <name>Ley, SP</name>
                  <name>Macfarlane, IE</name>
                  <name>Marino, NB</name>
                  <name>Markus, LE</name>
                  <name>Matheson, RG</name>
                  <name>McCormack, MF</name>
                  <name>Morrison, SJ</name>
                  <name>Neville, PC</name>
                  <name>O'Dowd, KD</name>
                  <name>O'Dwyer, KM</name>
                  <name>Prentice, J</name>
                  <name>Pyne, CM</name>
                  <name>Ramsey, RE</name>
                  <name>Randall, DJ</name>
                  <name>Robb, AJ</name>
                  <name>Robert, SR</name>
                  <name>Roy, WB</name>
                  <name>Ruddock, PM</name>
                  <name>Schultz, AJ</name>
                  <name>Scott, BC</name>
                  <name>Secker, PD (teller)</name>
                  <name>Simpkins, LXL</name>
                  <name>Smith, ADH</name>
                  <name>Somlyay, AM</name>
                  <name>Southcott, AJ</name>
                  <name>Stone, SN</name>
                  <name>Tehan, DT</name>
                  <name>Truss, WE</name>
                  <name>Tudge, AE</name>
                  <name>Turnbull, MB</name>
                  <name>Van Manen, AJ</name>
                  <name>Vasta, RX</name>
                  <name>Washer, MJ</name>
                  <name>Wyatt, KG</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>72</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Adams, DGH</name>
                  <name>Albanese, AN</name>
                  <name>Bandt, AP</name>
                  <name>Bird, SL</name>
                  <name>Bowen, CE</name>
                  <name>Bradbury, DJ</name>
                  <name>Brodtmann, G</name>
                  <name>Burke, AS</name>
                  <name>Butler, MC</name>
                  <name>Byrne, AM</name>
                  <name>Champion, ND</name>
                  <name>Cheeseman, DL</name>
                  <name>Clare, JD</name>
                  <name>Collins, JM</name>
                  <name>Combet, GI</name>
                  <name>Crean, SF</name>
                  <name>Danby, M</name>
                  <name>D'Ath, YM</name>
                  <name>Dreyfus, MA</name>
                  <name>Elliot, MJ</name>
                  <name>Ellis, KM</name>
                  <name>Emerson, CA</name>
                  <name>Ferguson, LDT</name>
                  <name>Ferguson, MJ</name>
                  <name>Garrett, PR</name>
                  <name>Georganas, S</name>
                  <name>Gibbons, SW</name>
                  <name>Gray, G</name>
                  <name>Grierson, SJ</name>
                  <name>Griffin, AP</name>
                  <name>Hall, JG</name>
                  <name>Hayes, CP (teller)</name>
                  <name>Husic, EN (teller)</name>
                  <name>Jenkins, HA</name>
                  <name>Jones, SP</name>
                  <name>Kelly, MJ</name>
                  <name>King, CF</name>
                  <name>Leigh, AK</name>
                  <name>Livermore, KF</name>
                  <name>Lyons, GR</name>
                  <name>Macklin, JL</name>
                  <name>Marles, RD</name>
                  <name>McClelland, RB</name>
                  <name>Melham, D</name>
                  <name>Mitchell, RG</name>
                  <name>Murphy, JP</name>
                  <name>Neumann, SK</name>
                  <name>Oakeshott, RJM</name>
                  <name>O'Connor, BPJ</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                  <name>Owens, J</name>
                  <name>Parke, M</name>
                  <name>Perrett, GD</name>
                  <name>Plibersek, TJ</name>
                  <name>Ripoll, BF</name>
                  <name>Rishworth, AL</name>
                  <name>Rowland, MA</name>
                  <name>Roxon, NL</name>
                  <name>Saffin, JA</name>
                  <name>Shorten, WR</name>
                  <name>Sidebottom, PS</name>
                  <name>Smith, SF</name>
                  <name>Smyth, L</name>
                  <name>Snowdon, WE</name>
                  <name>Swan, WM</name>
                  <name>Symon, MS</name>
                  <name>Thomson, CR</name>
                  <name>Thomson, KJ</name>
                  <name>Vamvakinou, M</name>
                  <name>Wilkie, AD</name>
                  <name>Windsor, AHC</name>
                  <name>Zappia, A</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>3</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Gash, J</name>
                  <name>Rudd, KM</name>
                  <name>Mirabella, S</name>
                  <name>Fitzgibbon, JA</name>
                  <name>Moylan, JE</name>
                  <name>Gillard, J</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division></subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>9993</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Selection Committee</title>
          <page.no>9993</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Membership</title>
            <page.no>9993</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I have received advice from the Chief Government Whip nominating Mr Husic to be a member of the Selection Committee in place of Mr Hayes.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate>Grayndler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That Mr Hayes be discharged from the Selection Committee and that, in his place, Mr Husic be appointed a member of the committee.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>9993</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate>Grayndler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That Federation Chamber order of the day No.1 be returned to the House for further consideration:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Marriage Amendment Bill 2012.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>9994</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Judicial Misbehaviour and Incapacity (Parliamentary Commissions) Bill 2012, Courts Legislation Amendment (Judicial Complaints) Bill 2012</title>
          <page.no>9994</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" style="" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" background="">
            <p>
              <a type="Bill" href="r4768">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Judicial Misbehaviour and Incapacity (Parliamentary Commissions) Bill 2012</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a type="Bill" href="r4767">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Courts Legislation Amendment (Judicial Complaints) Bill 2012</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>9994</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CRAIG KELLY</name>
    <name.id>99931</name.id>
    <electorate>Hughes</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This evening I continue, from 28 June, my comments on the Judicial Misbehaviour and Incapacity (Parliamentary Commissions) Bill 2012 and the Courts Legislation Amendment (Judicial Complaints) Bill 2012. The purpose of these bills is to provide a mechanism to assist the parliament in its consideration of the removal from office of a judge or federal magistrate. The bills will allow for the establishment of a parliamentary commission, in the event a resolution is passed by each house of parliament, to investigate a specific allegation about a specific Commonwealth judicial officer or federal magistrate. The commission is to investigate the allegation and report to the houses of parliament on whether there is evidence that would let parliament conclude that the alleged misbehaviour or incapacity is proved. The legislation attempts to maintain the important balance between judicial independence and judicial accountability.</para>
<para>We would all like to think that our judges possess integrity, impartiality, a strong sense of fairness and a willingness to put aside any existing prejudice when sitting on the bench. But our Constitution correctly recognises that judges are human. Given that our judges are not appointed, nor required to seek reappointment by popular election—as they are in the USA—our Constitution provides a mechanism for the houses of parliament to remove a judge from office. However, recent experiences of allegations of misconduct on the part of judges, although extremely rare, have demonstrated that current arrangements for parliament to remove a judge from office are inadequate.</para>
<para>Sir Anthony Mason, formerly Chief Justice of Australia, noted:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The central element of judicial independence is the freedom of the judge to hear and decide cases without interference and uninfluenced by an outsider—be it government, pressure groups or anyone else. The purpose of that independence, it should be emphasised, is to serve as a protection and a privilege of the people, not of the judges.</para></quote>
<para>These comments remind us that we live in a democracy and that the authority of judge s ultimately arises from the public and, t herefore , our judiciary must be representative of society and ultimately accountable to th at public. This is reflected by our concept of trial by jury, in which a panel of jurors is regarded as representative of the community and is therefore deemed to speak with the voice of authority on community standards. A lthough judicial independence is a central pillar of the rule of law, equally important is judicial accountability . T herefore , in a democracy , we rightfully expect our judges to apply community standards.</para>
<para>J udicial independence does not mean that our judges are above criticism for decisions which potentially have, or which are potentially a ffected by , political implications and media pressures. N owhere is this more importan t that in our family law courts, where j udges are required to exercise a variety of judicial discretions. As a member of parliament, arising out of cases I have had constituents speak to me about, I have great concern about many decisions made in our family law courts, especially in those cases where judges contract out the decision-making process to a so-called 'single expert' who is unaccountable to anybody. We must have concerns when we read Family Court decisions such as the one in which one parent had been previously convicted of three child pornography offences, had invited one of his daughters into his bed and, according to the judge, had:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… demonstrated affection toward her in a way that was, in all the circumstances, inappropriate for a child of that age …</para></quote>
<para>Yet that same court still ordered those two young girls to spend weekends with their sex offender parent, provided he put doors they could lock on their bedrooms. The judge stated that the girls 'needed some protection, particularly at night', but said the risk of sexual abuse was 'diminished when they are awake and alert and when the children are together'. When we see decisions like this, we can question whether our family law courts are applying community standards.</para>
<para>Although it is important that we strengthen the mechanisms for accountability to ensure that our judges continue to decide cases fairly, fearlessly and impartially, there are some concerns with this legislation which will only be tested when next a parliament is required to consider a serious complaint about a federal judicial officer and faces the procedural high bar for the establishment of a commission—the requirement that both houses of parliament agree to do so in the same session. We would be better served if the federal government were to establish a federal judicial commission modelled on the Judicial Commission of New South Wales. The coalition does not oppose the legislation.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DREYFUS</name>
    <name.id>HWG</name.id>
    <electorate>Isaacs</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Australia is very well served by its judiciary. Removal from judicial office for misconduct has been very rare. There were a few colourful instances of removal of judges of superior courts in the 19th century but, since the adoption of our Constitution in 1900, no federal judges have been removed. In fact, only one judge has been dismissed from a superior court—that is, from a state supreme court—and that was Angelo Vasta. He was dismissed from the Supreme Court of Queensland in 1989.</para>
<para>The constitutional provision to which the Judicial Misbehaviour and Incapacity (Parliamentary Commissions) Bill 2012 and the Courts Legislation Amendment (Judicial Complaints) Bill 2012 relate is section 72 of the Australian Constitution. There are no detailed provisions in the Constitution which deal directly with the discipline of judges, but section 72 says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Justices of the High Court and of the other courts created by the Parliament:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) shall be appointed by the Governor-General in Council;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) shall not be removed except by the Governor-General in Council, on an address from both Houses of the Parliament in the same session, praying for such removal on the ground of proved misbehaviour or incapacity;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) shall receive such remuneration as the Parliament may fix; but the remuneration shall not be diminished during their continuance in office.</para></quote>
<para>Originally, the justices of the High Court and of other federal courts were appointed for life. But, as a result of a constitutional amendment in 1977, the last occasion we had a successful referendum in this country, a maximum age of 70 has been fixed for federal judges.</para>
<para>The Constitution having indicated that it is a matter for this parliament to remove judges from office for misconduct, we have not, up until now, had any standing arrangement for receiving, investigating or determining complaints of misconduct, corruption or similar conduct on the part of federal judicial officers.</para>
<para>There are a range of mechanisms that might be adopted. People wishing to make a complaint could write to the federal Attorney-General, to members of parliament, to the chief judge or chief magistrate of a particular court; they could raise it in the media or with non-governmental organisations—but there is no clear system provided for the handling of such complaints. What these two bills seek to do is regularise a system, a transparent system at that, for handling complaints against the judiciary.</para>
<para>A couple of events might be said to have provided the impetus for this legislation. The first worth mentioning is when complaints of misconduct were made against Justice Lionel Murphy as a judge of the High Court of Australia. I do not think I need to go through the tortuous history of the multiple parliamentary inquiries—both Senate and other—or the multiple trials that took place in New South Wales in 1985, but it is worth mentioning that, ultimately, what was an ad hoc parliamentary commission of inquiry was established by special legislation to investigate the 42 allegations that were made against Justice Murphy. It was a commission that comprised three retired judges. In July 1986, the commission determined that 28 of the allegations against Justice Murphy were completely lacking in substance but decided that it would go on to investigate the remaining 14 allegations. Then, tragically, it was discovered that Justice Murphy was in fact dying of incurable cancer. He returned to the High Court to sit for one week. The commission halted its work, and subsequently the statute under which that parliamentary commission of inquiry had been established was repealed. Justice Murphy died in October 1986. We will never know how the commission would have gone on to deal with those allegations. However, the ad hoc nature of the inquiry was criticised, and that can be seen to have provided some of the impetus here to establish a regular system, one that is known in advance—not one that is devised in the heat of some political controversy but, rather, an established system, so people know what will happen when a complaint is made against a federal judge and needs to be investigated.</para>
<para>Equally, the events surrounding the removal of then Justice Angelo Vasta from the Supreme Court of Queensland, because of the manner in which they unfolded, demonstrate the usefulness of having an established procedure. Angelo Vasta was removed under a constitutional provision similar to that which is found in the federal Constitution, following the vote of the single house of the Queensland parliament. That vote was taken after a debate, after hearing from Angelo Vasta in his own defence and after the report of a commission of inquiry established by the Queensland government and headed up by a former Chief Justice of the High Court of Australia, the Rt Hon. Sir Harry Gibbs. The inquiry was lengthy, going for three months, with a large volume of evidence. It looked at a whole range of allegations that had come to light during the Fitzgerald inquiry, partly as a result of the diaries of Sir Terence Lewis, the then Queensland police commissioner, who was one of the primary focuses of the Fitzgerald inquiry.</para>
<para>The commission of inquiry chaired by Sir Harry Gibbs looked at those allegations, which included the involvement of Angelo Vasta in a family trust company, a toilet paper manufacturing company. There was evidence given about a mysterious Sicilian benefactor, a very generous brother-in-law, a beachfront Gold Coast unit, overseas trips and a range of luxurious German cars. The inquiry went on to find that Angelo Vasta, along with Cosco Holdings Pty Ltd, the makers of the toilet paper, had misled the tax office—to their respective and sometimes mutual advantage—and that Justice Vasta was an unreliable witness. The inquiry chaired by Sir Harry Gibbs ultimately found—and I stress that these were not allegations of misconduct in relation to decisions that Justice Vasta had made in court; rather, they were allegations of misconduct more generally—that Angelo Vasta had committed an act of misconduct, and the state parliament then voted in favour of his removal, on 7 June 1989.</para>
<para>Again, as was the case when Justice Murphy was the subject of complaints never resolved, after the dismissal of Angelo Vasta from the Supreme Court of Queensland there followed a range of criticisms of the procedures that had been followed. They focused on the role of the parliament and the role of the commission of inquiry. There was criticism of the Queensland government's failure to pay the legal costs that Angelo Vasta had incurred in defending himself and his office. But the focus was on the absence of a procedure that people knew in advance would be followed in the event of a judge being the subject of a complaint of misconduct that might lead to their removal from court.</para>
<para>The two bills that are before the House build on work done by the Hon. Duncan Kerr as a private member. When he was member for Denison in February 2010 he brought before this House a private member's bill called the Parliamentary (Judicial Misbehaviour or Incapacity) Commission Bill 2010. It was not ultimately proceeded with before the last election but was something Duncan Kerr had pursued with tremendous vigour because he saw the need to legislate in this area, to provide, as I have indicated, a clear procedure which was going to be available in the event—and it is acknowledged by everybody participating in this debate and it is acknowledged by people who have publicly commented that we do not expect these provisions to be invoked at all frequently. Indeed, the history of a near complete lack of judicial misbehaviour leading to dismissal would suggest that these provisions are likely to be used extremely infrequently. Nevertheless, it is helpful that there be a clear framework in place.</para>
<para>This parliamentary commission bill is going to provide for the establishment, as needed, of a commission. It will not be a standing commission; it will be a commission established following the making of specified allegations of misbehaviour or incapacity of a particular Commonwealth judicial officer. It would be available to inquire into the conduct of any federal judicial officer, including a justice of the High Court of Australia. It would comprise the three members appointed by force of the bill on the resolution of the houses of parliament.</para>
<para>It is intended that the process to be followed by this commission would, on every occasion, be as bipartisan as possible. Two members, including the presiding member, would be appointed on the nomination of the Prime Minister and one would be appointed on the nomination of the Leader of the Opposition in the House of Representatives, and at least one member will need to be either a former Commonwealth judicial officer or a current or former judge of a supreme court of a state or territory. No current Commonwealth judicial officer would be eligible to be a member of the commission.</para>
<para>The commission would investigate the allegation, or allegations, and report to the parliament its opinion of whether or not there is evidence that would let the houses of parliament conclude that the alleged misbehaviour or incapacity is proved. It needs to be stressed that, under the bill, the role of the commission would be to inquire into allegations and gather information and evidence so that, in the very rare event that the parliament needs to make a decision, it can be well-informed in its consideration of the removal of a judge from office.</para>
<para>The processes to be followed are set out in the Judicial Misbehaviour and Incapacity (Parliamentary Commissions) Bill 2012. The commission would have investigative and inquiry powers, including the power to summon witnesses, take evidence on oath, conduct hearings in private, require the production of documents and issue search warrants. The commission will provide a report to the houses of parliament through each of the parliamentary providing offices.</para>
<para>The accompanying bill, the Courts Legislation Amendment (Judicial Complaints) Bill, will support the implementation of a largely non-statutory reform framework to assist heads of jurisdiction, other than the High Court, to manage complaints about judicial conduct which are referred to them. Again, it is going to be a transparent process. Australians will be able to see how complaints are to be handled and how, if there is any suggestion that a judge needs to be removed, that will be dealt with by this parliament through the means of the appointment of a commission.</para>
<para>I commend both these pieces of legislation to the House and note again the helpful work on which this is based, being the work done by Duncan Kerr as a backbencher in this parliament in 2009 and 2010.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs MOYLAN</name>
    <name.id>4V5</name.id>
    <electorate>Pearce</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am pleased to have an opportunity to speak on the Judicial Misbehaviour and Incapacity (Parliamentary Commissions) Bill 2012 and the Courts Legislation Amendment (Judicial Complaints) Bill 2012 because earlier this year they came before the House of Representatives Standing Committee on Social Policy and Legal Affairs and I had a chance only to speak briefly to that inquiry at the time. A key element of Australia's separation of powers is an independent judiciary which enjoys a strong security of tenure. Removal of judicial officers is deliberately difficult, primarily to ensure that their decisions are not influenced by the threat of removal from office. But, as public officers, those appointed to the judiciary are expected to maintain the highest of standards. To reconcile these positions, the drafters of the Constitution settled on the amorphous phraseology in section 72 that removal is by a resolution passed by both houses of parliament, on the grounds of 'proven misbehaviour or incapacity'.</para>
<para>Constitutional scholars have since grappled with what constitutes 'proven' and 'misbehaviour' and the process through which these should be investigated. Also, with the expansion of the federal judiciary well beyond what was first contemplated under the Constitution, there is the difficult question of how complaints against officers of other courts are to be dealt with, particularly as referring these claims, many of which are vexatious, to the federal parliament would be extremely cumbersome.</para>
<para>These concerns were canvassed in a wide-ranging Senate inquiry by the Legal and Constitutional Affairs Committee, whose report <inline font-style="italic">Australia's Judicial System and the Role of Judges</inline> was tabled in 2009. A recommendation of that inquiry was to establish formal mechanisms dealing with complaints handling and investigation. The recommendation is the foundation of the two bills before this House—namely, the Courts Legislation Amendment (Judicial Complaints) Bill and the Judicial Misbehaviour and Incapacity (Parliamentary Commissions) Bill. Both bills have recently been the subject of inquiries by the House of Representatives Social Policy and Legal Affairs Committee, as well as the Senate Legal and Constitutional Affairs Committee. So the matters that are the subject of these bills have been well canvassed.</para>
<para>The first bill sets out an enabling framework to give legislative basis for the internal complaints-handling systems currently in use by most federal courts and to confirm their validity. The current complaints-handling process of the Family Court was set out in the 2009 report of the Senate committee, and it is a useful guide to all federal complaints-handling processes. Broadly, the process is this: a designated complaints-handling adviser reviews all complaints that are sent into the Chief Justice; complaints regarding delays or the slow handing-down of judgements are referred to the Law Society, as that has traditionally been an area they investigate and provide counsel to the judiciary on; procedural complaints or complaints that outline potential grounds of appeal are immediately responded to, outlining that the grounds should be perused through the court process; and information is given regarding how to appeal decisions or make further applications.</para>
<para>The Family Court has found that many people incorrectly believe that the Chief Justice can personally intervene or overturn decisions without a hearing. Queries are responded to quickly, with the complaints officer advising people of their rights straightaway. The actual number of complaints alleging impropriety of judicial officers is low. They are initially reviewed by the complaints adviser, and a detailed response is drafted by the officer and then reviewed by the Deputy Chief Justice. If there is sufficient evidence or if the complaint is of a serious nature, the complaint may be further investigated by the Deputy Chief Judge or referred to a panel of judges superior to the justice the complaint has been made against. This ensures that vexatious complaints are weeded out and that all genuine concerns are dealt with in a transparent manner.</para>
<para>The judicial complaints bill sets out a legislative basis for such procedures, enshrining a flexible and efficient approach to dealing with the diversity of complaints received by courts. A full system cannot be mandated, as this could potentially conflict with the procedures under chapter III of the Constitution and, if challenged, could invalidate the whole complaints-handling process currently being utilised. I know from being involved with the Standing Committee on Social Policy and Legal Affairs that the committee found that the non-legislative system enabled by this bill has enough safeguards to ensure that legitimate complaints are not sidelined or stifled.</para>
<para>The second bill in this cognate debate, the Judicial Misbehaviour and Incapacity (Parliamentary Commissions) Bill 2012, establishes a procedure for the investigation of alleged misbehaviour. Where allegations of misbehaviour arise, both houses of parliament would adopt a resolution to establish a commission of inquiry. Such an inquiry can investigate any federal judicial officer. It would consist of up to three officers appointed by the Prime Minister after consultation with the Leader of the Opposition. One member must be either a former federal judicial officer—this member cannot be a current federal judicial officer—or a current justice of a state or territory supreme court.</para>
<para>A concern which has been raised regarding such a commission is its inquisitorial style, which is similar to that of a select committee. The bills allow the commission to service warrants and compel witnesses to appear. However, the commission will not pass judgement on the individual. The commission's role is to investigate and report on the threshold question of whether there is evidence of misbehaviour or incapacity. The commission can be assisted by outside organisations such as the police or forensics officers where the commission deems it necessary. Whilst it is explicit that the role of the commission is only to help inform the parliament, there are legitimate questions of where that role ends and where such a commission starts along the path of making a decision about guilt. A particular problem may be encountered where a single piece of evidence which is in dispute would indicate potential misbehaviour. If the commission is called upon to make a decision as to the veracity of that information and ultimately decides that it is true, that is possibly a breach of their informing-only function and strays into the constitutionally-enshrined role of the parliament, which is to decide upon those matters.</para>
<para>Another ambiguous area relates to what actually constitutes misbehaviour. It is not defined in the Constitution; the drafters of the Constitution deliberately left this open to interpretation as they realised that what constitutes misbehaviour would change with the times and could also be dependent upon the circumstances of allegation. Whilst the commission can act as an effective evidence-gatherer, it will suffer the deficiency of not knowing exactly what standard it is applying as it investigates. This may result in difficulties, but, as it stems from the Constitution, resolving the definition cannot be remedied in this bill.</para>
<para>Another concern about this bill is a fundamental aspect of our democracy: the separation of powers. This is the idea that power should be divided between the executive, the legislature and the judiciary so that no one branch of government can hold too much power. Constitutionally the power to remove a judicial officer lies with the parliament to ensure that the executive does not interfere with decisions by threatening to remove the judicial officer, but the proposal to allow a judicial officer on the commission does raise the question of whether it will simply be a matter of the judiciary investigating itself, which is not consistent with the doctrine of the separation of powers.</para>
<para>Further, no guidance is given as to whom the second two officers of the commission should be, and it appears likely that they too will be drawn from the legal profession. As legal or investigative professionals, their experience in determining complex legal questions would be invaluable to help steer the commission through the tricky constitutional issues that such a commission presents; but it may also present a suggestion of bias, as it will appear that the profession is investigating itself. These concerns have led some commentators to suggest that a standing provision for a commission is unnecessary and possibly undesirable. The Law Council of Australia, in its submission to the 2009 Senate inquiry, noted:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It appears that the community's perception of judicial accountability now demands that there should be a procedure enshrined for receiving and investigating complaints against the judiciary. The Law Council believes the existing procedures adopted by the courts perform this function adequately, without incurring unnecessary cost or diverting judicial resources …</para></quote>
<para>There is also argument that the parliament should be allowed the flexibility to respond to the unique circumstances of each case and determine the most appropriate investigation mechanism.</para>
<para>But the Hon. Duncan Kerr SC, in his submission to the 2009 inquiry, noted that:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Any ad hoc procedure put in place after a specific allegation of judicial misconduct or incapacity has been brought to light can, and almost certainly will, be criticised as lacking at least some of the institutional attributes appropriate for a fair hearing and respect for the rule of law.</para></quote>
<para>But through this legislation, with a standing procedure in place, should any allegation arise there would be more confidence in the due process as it will already be known.</para>
<para>In conclusion, while there is merit in all the concerns raised by these bills, there is also good reason to have in place a standing procedure should the need arise. The powers of such a commission are necessarily broad to ensure confidence in the judiciary through a thorough and transparent investigation process. Whilst that fact-finding role may come under scrutiny as to whether it digresses into making a determination of guilt, in the end the final power lies with the parliament to remove a judicial officer from office. And, as the member for Isaacs pointed out in his speech just now, this is a power that, thankfully, has rarely had to be used in this place. Although others have pointed out that the removal of a judicial officer is reasonably rare, it is recognised that, when such an occasion arises, there is a need for an enabling framework and that that enabling framework should be given a statutory basis, and that is what these bills seek to do.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms ROXON</name>
    <name.id>83K</name.id>
    <electorate>Gellibrand</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank members for their contributions to this debate. I also thank the House Standing Committee on Social Policy and Legal Affairs for its advisory report, and for its work considering these bills, in which it recommended that the House pass the bills unamended. I also thank the Senate Standing Committee on Legal and Constitutional Affairs for its advisory report and recommendations.</para>
<para>The Courts Legislation Amendment (Judicial Complaints) Bill and the Judicial Misbehaviour and Incapacity (Parliamentary Commissions) Bill are both important reforms to ensure that complaints against federal judicial officers are handled fairly and transparently in a manner consistent with the constitutional independence of the judiciary. These bills also form an important component of this government's wider court reforms, which will ensure that the federal judicial system provides accessible, equitable and understandable justice for the community.</para>
<para>The Gillard Labor government has acted to ensure that our courts are able to serve individual one-off complainants to the same level that large corporate players enjoy. For example, earlier today I announced changes to court fee structures and a funding increase to the federal courts of $38 million over four years so that our courts can deliver key services, including regional circuit work, which is vital for disadvantaged litigants and small businesses.</para>
<para>Our courts deal with complex and difficult matters every day, and court users have the right to expect that they will be treated fairly and impartially, with their legal rights protected and with matters dealt with quickly and thoroughly. The bills support and augment existing complaints pathways, both within the federal courts and before the houses of parliament, in the rare even of a serious complaint being considered under section 72(ii) of the Constitution. The seriousness and nature of complaints may vary widely, and together these bills provide a range of options for the way complaints about judicial officers may be appropriately handled. This legislation will serve to strengthen the community's confidence in our courts and our judiciary by ensuring that these complaints processes are fair, robust and transparent.</para>
<para>I want to turn to some specific comments raised by honourable members. People have raised similar issues in this debate, so forgive me if I do not identify each member. Earlier on, the member for Berowra and the member for Macquarie queried the need for this legislation. I want to recognise that there has not been a serious complaint warranting parliament's consideration for several decades, and I think that is a good thing. It means that Australia's courts are held in the highest regard and that our judiciary take very seriously the responsibility entrusted to them as holders of judicial office. Despite this, circumstances giving rise to a referral of an allegation to parliament are unpredictable and could occur at any time. A number of members mentioned this. And of course a number of honourable members in this debate mentioned the circumstances relating to the late Justice Murphy in the 1980s and highlighted the uncertainty about how serious complaints about judges could be fairly and appropriately investigated by the Commonwealth parliament.</para>
<para>A very attractive feature of these bills is that they are pre-emptive. They provide a framework that is capable of withstanding any criticism that it may lack objectivity or is politically driven precisely because its constitutional, procedural and governance arrangements have been determined in the absence of an existing allegation. Having a framework in place would mean that any future allegation could be investigated expeditiously and competently and would preserve public confidence that a future process being undertaken by the parliament is fair, objective and apolitical.</para>
<para>Other members expressed concerns that the mechanisms in these bills might invite unmeritorious complaints, especially in the family law context. But I note that these measures are moderate and carefully framed. They allow complaints handling to be tailored to the circumstances of each individual case. For example, a head of jurisdiction may summarily dismiss an unmeritorious complaint if it is appropriate to do so. Independently of the processes outlined in the parliamentary commissions bill, parliament has the ability to deal with unmeritorious complaints appropriately and at an early stage. As the Clerk of the Senate stated during the Senate Standing Committee on Legal and Constitutional Affairs hearing into the bills earlier this year, the houses of parliament are well capable of exercising their constitutional duties; they do it every day. As representatives of the people, they represent the highest source of authority in our system of government. That is why, if a serious complaint against a judge were brought before the parliament for consideration, I am confident that the parliament would fully comprehend the gravity of its constitutional role. It would consider the complaint on the evidence and not be coloured by any purely political considerations.</para>
<para>The member for Macquarie also asked me to advise what the procedure would be for complaints about justices of the High Court. The parliamentary commissions bill applies to the High Court as it does for all federal courts. If a serious complaint is made against the conduct or capacity of a High Court justice, it is entirely appropriate for parliament to consider the need to establish a commission to inquire into that conduct to aid the parliament's consideration.</para>
<para>In contrast, though, it is not appropriate for the judicial complaints bill to apply to the High Court, due to its position in the Australian judicial system. The role of the Chief Justice of the High Court is constitutionally described and is characterised differently from that of heads of jurisdiction of other federal courts. Given the court's position and the Chief Justice's defined role, he or she would not be in a position to establish a conduct committee to investigate allegations without the involvement of the parliament. Others asked me to advise whether strengthening complaints mechanisms might affect the reputation of the judiciary, but it is this government's view that clear, appropriate and effective complaints mechanisms will actually support public confidence in the federal judiciary and its continuing high reputation.</para>
<para>The member for Banks raised the importance of respect for the separation of powers and the non-politicisation of parliament's constitutional role. The parliamentary commissions bill will not replace or interfere with parliament's power or take away the parliament's role in determining whether conduct of a judicial officer amounted to prove misbehaviour or incapacity. The commission would simply investigate an allegation about a Commonwealth judicial officer and provide its findings and evidence to the parliament for its consideration.</para>
<para>It also provides a useful tool that parliament may employ to avoid potential politicisation of a complaint. The bill therefore reflects the importance of a non-political approach to parliament's role in the nomination process for members of the commission. Members of the commission would be appointed on nomination by the Prime Minister following consultation with the Leader of the Opposition. Although each member has not been identified, that has raised the range of issues that were put forward in the debate.</para>
<para>These bills represent important reforms to the federal judicial complaints handling process. The reforms have a long history which has been informed by reflection and consultation with the judiciary, academia and legal research bodies, as well as within government and parliament over the course of the years. I particularly acknowledge the Honourable Duncan Kerr—formerly a member of this parliament, formerly a minister and formerly Attorney-General and now President of the AAT and a Federal Court judge—for his work developing many of the proposals that now appear in this legislation. The bills have been developed taking into account this accumulated history and in close consultation with the federal courts to ensure they appropriately meet the expectations of the community, the courts and individual justices who may be the subject of a complaint.</para>
<para>Policy development in the area of judicial complaints is undoubtedly complex. Reforms need to balance the need to support the independence, impartiality and integrity of the judiciary against a reasonable community expectation of judicial accountability. Again, I need to emphasise how incredibly well served Australia is and has been by its judiciary. Some might consider that the current system of managing complaints continues to serve us well, while others might contend the reforms should go further. I am confident that the government has struck the right balance in its judicial complaints reforms. The reforms achieve real and meaningful advances, for example, in providing for serious complaints to be considered by conduct committees in the courts and parliamentary commissions in the parliament, but all the while the reforms are respectful of the bedrock constitutional principle of the separation of powers between the judiciary and the other arms of government. I commend the bills to the House.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a second time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Consideration in Detail</title>
            <page.no>10004</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms ROXON</name>
    <name.id>83K</name.id>
    <electorate>Gellibrand</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present a supplementary explanatory memorandum to the bill and two addenda. By leave—I move government amendments (1) to (14) as circulated together.</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Clause 7, page 4 (after line 18), after the definition of <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth judicial officer</inline>, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth or State judicial officer</inline> means:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) a Commonwealth judicial officer; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) a judge or justice of a court of a State or Territory.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Clause 13, page 7 (line 28), omit "a judge, or former judge,", substitute "a former judge".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Clause 14, page 8 (line 5), after "Commonwealth", insert "or State".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Clause 48, page 35 (line 13), before "must not", insert "subject to section 82,".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Clause 67, page 44 (line 22), at the end of subclause (1), add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">; and (c) this Act is taken to be an Act establishing a committee.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) Clause 70, page 45 (line 15), omit "(1)".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) Clause 70, page 45 (lines 17 and 18), omit subclause (2).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(8) Clause 71, page 46 (lines 1 to 3), omit subclause (4).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(9) Heading to subclause 73(1), page 46 (line 15), omit the heading.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(10) Clause 73, page 47 (lines 7 to 12), omit subclauses (3) and (4).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(11) Heading to subclause 73(5), page 47 (line 13), omit the heading, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Member who becomes Commonwealth or State judicial officer</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(12) Clause 73, page 47 (line 14), after "Commonwealth", insert "or State".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(13) Clause 82, page 51 (after line 29), after subclause (1), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1A) If:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) a Commission gives records to a House of the Parliament under subsection (1); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the parliamentary presiding officers have been given a separate report under subsection 48(6) that they no longer need;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">then the parliamentary presiding officers must give the separate report to the House of the Parliament referred to in paragraph (a).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(14) Clause 82, page 52 (line 1), after "subsection(1)", insert "or (1A)".</para></quote>
<para>I propose amendments to the Judicial Misbehaviour and Incapacity (Parliamentary Commissions) Bill 2012 to address issues raised by the Senate Legal and Constitutional Affairs Committee in its report on these bills. The amendments will do three things. Firstly, the amendments will exclude serving judges of a state or territory court from being members of the commission. This will address the potential conflict-of-interest issues raised by the Senate Legal and Constitutional Affairs Committee. The bill will continue to require that at least one member of the commission be a former Commonwealth judicial officer or a former state or territory Supreme Court judge. Secondly, the amendments will clarify the status of the commission's separate report on sensitive matters for archiving purposes in order to ensure long-term custody and storage consistent with other records of the commission. Thirdly, the amendments will also clarify the application of aspects of the Parliamentary Privileges Act 1987. This will ensure proceedings of the commission can be used in relation to prosecution of offences relating to a commission's investigation. These amendments ensure there is greater clarity about processes relating to a commission and will assist in addressing operational issues, should they arise.</para>
<para>I also note that I have approved minor additions to the explanatory memorandum of the Judicial Misbehaviour and Incapacity (Parliamentary Commissions) Bill 2012 and the Courts Legislation Amendment (Judicial Complaints) Bill 2012. These additions will provide additional information in the Statements of Compatibility with Human Rights about the bills' engagement with rights under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities to outline that each bill is compatible with those rights.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill, as amended, agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>10005</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms ROXON</name>
    <name.id>83K</name.id>
    <electorate>Gellibrand</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Courts Legislation Amendment (Judicial Complaints) Bill 2012</title>
          <page.no>10005</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" style="" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" background="">
            <a type="Bill" href="r4767">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Courts Legislation Amendment (Judicial Complaints) Bill 2012</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>10005</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>10005</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms ROXON</name>
    <name.id>83K</name.id>
    <electorate>Gellibrand</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Wheat Export Marketing Amendment Bill 2012</title>
          <page.no>10005</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" style="" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" background="">
            <a type="Bill" href="r4783">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Wheat Export Marketing Amendment Bill 2012</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>10005</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr JOHN COBB</name>
    <name.id>00AN1</name.id>
    <electorate>Calare</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In speaking on the Wheat Export Marketing Amendment Bill 2012 I would like to say that on behalf of the coalition I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That all words after "That" be omitted with a view to substituting the following words:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"the House declines to give this bill a second reading and:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) calls on the government to extend the operation of the Wheat Marketing Authority for not less than six months after the resumption of the 44th Parliament to enable the government of the day to modify Wheat Exports Australia or replace it with a another body, to better represent the needs of the wheat industry; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) notes that the coalition commits to a consultation process that will commence immediately and provide stakeholders with a forum to outline what wheat industry issues need to be addressed."</para></quote>
<para>I propose the second reading amendment to this bill as the government has once again abrogated its responsibilities in relation to the wheat industry—we should be used to that. The coalition, through the shadow cabinet and joint party, has resolved to move this amendment. The coalition has further resolved to oppose the bill if the amendment fails.</para>
<para>This bill demonstrates once again that the government has got no idea about how to develop and implement policy. The coalition has been forced to act, as this government has done a pathetic job of consulting with industry about this bill. The Productivity Commission investigated this issue very early on, after Wheat Exports Australia was formed, reporting on changes from the single desk before many of the issues had surfaced. Those in politics understand that policies are rarely perfected on the first attempt and that the sensible thing is to improve the arrangements to manage issues as they arise. But this government, instead of trying to understand the issues, has just looked for the first opportunity to wash its hands of the industry. To do this, the government set up a task force dominated by the large grain marketers who, naturally, would rather not have any oversight of their operations. Surprise, surprise, the task force concluded that the WEA should be abolished! The government has used the Productivity Commission review and the task force to justify its position.</para>
<para>The Wheat Export Marketing Amendment Bill proposes to abolish the Wheat Export Accreditation Scheme and the Wheat Export Charge on 30 September 2012 and wind up Wheat Exports Australia on 31 December 2012 so as to give it time to complete outstanding tasks such as its final annual report and the <inline font-style="italic">Report for Growers</inline><inline font-style="italic"> 2012-13</inline>. The requirement for providers of grain port terminal services to pass the access test as a condition for exporting bulk wheat was to be retained until 30 September 2014. However, this ignores the fact that the eyes of the ACCC on this issue, the WEA, would be gone and unable to provide information to the ACCC. The access test was to be abolished on the condition that a non-prescribed voluntary industry code of conduct covering access to grain export terminals was put in place. However, a number of issues have been consistently raised by individuals and groups from industry, including fair and equal access to wheat stocks information for all industry participants; management of the wheat export supply chain and port capacity information; port access issues, including regional monopolisation of port terminals by bulk-handling companies; the effectiveness of a voluntary code of conduct to manage supply chain issues; the reputation and integrity of Australian grain exports as a whole, including quality and the need to include containerised wheat exports; the record and success of the WEA accreditation system; and the consequences of complete dissolution of WEA.</para>
<para>The dissolution of WEA is a complex issue about which there are many views. We in the coalition have consulted heavily with industry and it is our firm view that the majority of the industry would like to retain the existing arrangements until the issues identified by industry have been addressed. This is complicated by the fact that Australian grain growers, grower representative groups, grain markets and bulk handlers do not have a unified position, there being differences in philosophy and approach both geographically and throughout the supply chain. However, the majority of the people that I have spoken to on this would agree that, while this is a very dynamic industry, there are issues which need attention. Currently 32 companies have been approved for export by WEA, all of which have operated effectively. Importantly for growers, none have gone broke and been unable to pay farmers, so WEA have done their job in making sure that only credible entities are given licences. Of those companies, 19 are actively exporting. While 18.5 million tonnes were exported last year, only seven companies exported more than one million tonnes. If we look deeper into the exports we see that the regions are mostly dominated by the established regional bulk handlers. In fact, 13 of the 16 ports are dominated by the exporter that owns the port. That would seem to suggest that there is still more that could be done to facilitate competition.</para>
<para>I will break it down by topic. There is a strong view within industry, both grower groups and non-bulk handling export marketers, on the importance of wheat stocks information as a mechanism to create maximum competition in determining pricing levels throughout the wheat export supply chain. Many from industry have expressed that there is an imbalance in the availability of information to different stakeholders in the wheat industry, resulting in dissatisfaction amongst grower groups, market and price discovery inefficiencies, and an inability for growers to make informed decisions on what crops to grow.</para>
<para>In the Senate inquiry on this bill representatives from the Australian Stock Exchange stated that it would be desirable to provide wheat stock information to develop market certainty. As the Senate report states:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Grain grower groups strongly advocated for greater availability and transparency of information on wheat stocks. The broad sentiment reflected in a number of submissions highlighted a concern that wheat stocks information does not adequately flow through the wheat export supply chain, reducing the financial return obtainable by grain producers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For example, GPA submitted that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The system is crippled by a lack of information and accurate description of the crop as it is harvested and delivered into the central storage systems. The bulk handlings companies (BHCs) effectively operate regional monopolies and restrict and control the intelligence around up country stocks quantity and quality. This lack of transparency severely impacts the ability of producers and traders to make informed decisions in delivery and compete in the aggregation of cargoes</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The broad sentiment reflected in a number of submissions highlighted are concerned that wheat stocks information does not adequately flow through the wheat export supply chain, reducing the financial return obtainable by grain producers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">GPA submitted that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The system is crippled by a lack of information and accurate description of the crop as it is harvested and delivered into the central storage systems. The bulk handlings companies (BHCs) effectively operate regional monopolies and restrict and control the intelligence around up country stocks quantity and quality. This lack of transparency severely impacts the ability of producers and traders to make informed decisions in delivery and compete in the aggregation of cargoes.</para></quote>
<para>…   …   …</para>
<quote><para class="block">GrainGrowers also supported the push for greater information availability and transparency, adding that recent overseas research has found that effective dissemination of market information reduces the fluctuation and variability of prices and quantities of within markets.</para></quote>
<para>…   …   …</para>
<quote><para class="block">Broadly, exporters agreed with the need for greater availability of wheat stocks information. In its submission to the committee, AGEA commented that, while deregulation has delivered positive outcomes for competition in the industry, further efficiency gains could be achieved through removing barriers to industry performance:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Transparency and access to information is important to ensuring that markets operate efficiently. Access to information regarding the available (i.e. unsold) volume of grain type by port zone and information on grain quality by type by storage location will facilitate more efficient assembly of cargos to meet customer requirements and aggregate information relating to grower‐owned stocks will significantly enhance competition for growers’ unsold grain. Currently this information is only accessible to integrated companies with port terminal operations, thus restricting access by other exporters.</para></quote>
<para>The problem is that some grain is bought by the handlers when it is delivered but an increasing amount is held in warehouses, in which case the handler does not own it; he only holds it on behalf of the grower. But the government has ignored the industry's concerns. It has ignored the basic principles of competition in the same way it has refused to tackle the issue of things like supermarket power.</para>
<para>I guess these are complicated issues and we would not expect this government to understand the issues, be able to consult and listen, and implement policy that actually delivers the requirements. The government have been disastrous in implementing agricultural policy. Whether it is live exports or the Murray-Darling Basin Plan, they have made a meal of it. But the coalition is committed to consulting with the whole industry and actually listening to them and working with them to come up with a solution.</para>
<para>There are varied views on this. If the amendment is successful and we have the opportunity, I seriously encourage all, whether they be the big handlers or growers who have a particular point of view, to not leave it to chance but to have their say on it because currently only a very narrow say has been listened to.</para>
<para>Port access has been identified as another issue that needs to be addressed. Making sure that smaller companies are not discriminated against and have fair access to the ports will help encourage new players and give existing exporters no disadvantage to the bulk handlers that operate the ports.</para>
<para>Grain quality is an important issue that most of the industry believes warrants the attention of the government and should be resolved before we consider abolishing the current arrangements. There is a major concern in the industry that a few operators could ruin our reputation to provide quality wheat on the world market and that buyers will go to the USA and Canada for the premium grades, as their quality is assured through established quality assurance programs controlled by government. This is especially the case for container exports, which have grown to 12 per cent. That is a figure that has taken most of the industry by surprise; it was nowhere near that figure in 2008.</para>
<para>As the Senate report states:</para>
<quote><para class="block">A number of submissions also referred to the United States Federal Grain Inspection Service and the Canadian Grain Commission as examples of national grain regulatory bodies that should be emulated in Australia, and without which the Australian wheat industry would be at a competitive disadvantage internationally. For example, a submission from a consulting company stated that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australia’s major competitors have co-operation amongst trade and government to ensure that quality standards are maintained ensuring consistency of grade is a paramount requirement. The U.S via the Federal Grain Inspection Service (FGIS) and U.S Wheat Associates have embraced the “world” standard that was so rigorously practiced by AWB – AWB may be gone but its adherence to quality and world’s best practice will not long be forgotten.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">4.74 Other submitters agreed with this view, stating that the role of WEA does not need to be as expansive as the United States or Canadian bodies, but that it should include activities such as random audits of grain to ensure that contract specifications are met.</para></quote>
<para>WEA's position on this issue was examined during the Senate inquiry hearing when Mr Woods stated:</para>
<quote><para class="block">One of the things that WEA made public last December in our report for growers was that one of the board members and I were in South-East Asia visiting mills and, very clearly, they were concerned that Australian wheat was not performing and they believed that it was because of lack of varietal integrity, probably because of blending.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">There is not a problem with blending; that is fine; it has always been done—</para></quote>
<para>it always will be done—</para>
<quote><para class="block">But it is when blending occurs across varietal grades that there is an issue. So there needs to be perhaps something along those lines to fix that problem. Again, it is not up to WEA. All we have done is identify the situation as one of a few things that the industry need to be discussing. A lot of people were asking for views which we cannot give, but in our submission we made it very, very clear that in Canada and the US they do have ways of looking at this.</para></quote>
<para>So there is another issue that can be resolved, but the Gillard government does not care to discuss this with the industry as a whole.</para>
<para>On the issue of a voluntary code of conduct, while many of the grain handlers and exporters in the industry believe that most outstanding issues can be resolved by a voluntary code of conduct, producer groups are concerned that voluntary codes of conduct do not work.</para>
<para>During the inquiry of the Senate Rural Affairs and Transport Legislation Committee into this bill, it was acknowledged that there was no precedent for an industry code of conduct for the agricultural sector. The following exchange occurred between the committee and representatives from GrainCorp:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Senator EDWARDS: So you are not working on any kind of a model of a voluntary code of conduct that has been successful in the past, whether it has been involved in the horticulture industry or any other grower industry where you are looking to rely on a voluntary code of conduct … Point me to a model that is successful in this country and which fulfils the charter in which it has been established.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Mr Trigg: The advice that we were provided with, at one of the draft code development committee meetings, from the ACCC was that there were many examples of industry codes of practice. I think there is a general insurance code of practice, for instance. There are a number of them that they—</para></quote>
<para>the ACCC—</para>
<quote><para class="block">have referred to as part of their advice to that code development committee.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senator EDWARDS: Let us talk about the ag—</para></quote>
<para>agricultural—</para>
<quote><para class="block">sector, shall we, because we are not talking about the finance industry here; we are talking about commodities and production … Still no successful voluntary code of conduct in the agriculture sector that you can think of off the top of your head?</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Mr Hart: No, not that we are aware of.</para></quote>
<para>Evidence provided by the New South Wales Farmers Association supported this view:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Unfortunately our industry is not very good at voluntary code[s] of conduct and there are no shining lights of voluntary codes of conduct in our industry.</para></quote>
<para>So the issues are clear, as clear as is the government's inability but, more to the point, their unwillingness to deal with these issues. Oversight does not need to be onerous. In fact, the coalition will be looking for the simplest and least-cost approach to address these issues. For example, a simple solution may be that, with a new lighter touch accreditation, a condition of export is that you are signed up to the voluntary code and you adhere to it. This would give the code of conduct the power to ensure compliance. Of course, the coalition is committed to discussing with industry the best ways to deal with their—and I stress 'their', not the government's—outstanding issues.</para>
<para>Growers have emphasised the importance of ensuring that the wheat industry is not left to operate without a body to enforce a minimum standard of behaviour and have indicated a strong preference to retain the WEA until such time as it can be reformed or replaced with another body that better addresses the needs of industry—that is, quality assurance, port access for all exporters and transparency of stock information, so all grain exporters can bid for growers' grain with confidence. And, finally, should the role of a code of conduct be voluntary or mandatory? The proposed abolition of the current arrangements through the Wheat Export Marketing Amendment Bill 2012 is, in the circumstances, premature, and such a decision should be based on evidence of effective and efficient operation of the export wheat supply chain.</para>
<para>Once again, in the event that we have the opportunity to have a debate, I would encourage the industry—whatever side of the debate they are on—to be involved in it when it happens in the future. I respectfully ask the House to support my amendment in the best interests of the wheat industry.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Keenan</name>
    <name.id>E0J</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I second the amendment and reserve my right to speak.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr MIKE KELLY</name>
    <name.id>HRI</name.id>
    <electorate>Eden-Monaro</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The position that the coalition have taken in relation to the Wheat Export Marketing Amendment Bill 2012 surprises me greatly. Firstly, the shadow minister, the member for Calare, raises the spectre of the AWB, which brings back memories of the greatest public policy failure in Australian history, a heinous period for the Australian Wheat Board—which I will come back to—but also opposes an evidence based approach to policy, given that this bill pursues recommendations of the Productivity Commission, and I will come back to the detail of that. The coalition seem to have a problem with evidence based approaches to policy. We have also seen the continuation of making misleading statements on matters before the House regarding consultation, the passage of information to the industry and the restructure of the industry in relation to reform processes that have taken place post the dismantling of the single desk.</para>
<para>This bill, as I mentioned, effectively implements the recommendations of the Productivity Commission, taking a phased approach, noting that obviously it is best to institute reforms in a way in which the industry can absorb them and bed them down appropriately. The Wheat Export Marketing Act 2008 establishes a system for regulating the export of bulk wheat where the exporters of bulk wheat have to be accredited under the Wheat Export Accreditation Scheme, which is administered by Wheat Exports Australia. The Productivity Commission report on its inquiry into the wheat export marketing arrangements was tabled in this House on 28 October 2010. So there has been plenty of time for the coalition to absorb those recommendations.</para>
<para>This bill seeks to abolish the Wheat Export Accreditation Scheme and the WEC as of 30 September this year and wind up the WEA on 31 December 2012. The requirement for providers of grain port terminal services to pass the access test as a condition for exporting bulk will be retained, however, until 30 September 2014. The access test will then be abolished, on the condition that a non-prescribed voluntary industry code of conduct covering access to grain export terminals is in place. If a code such as that is approved, the market will move to full deregulation from 1 October 2014. All aspects of the industry would then be subject to general competition law administered by the ACCC, complemented by the supporting code. If the code is not approved, the access test will continue.</para>
<para>The bill will bring the bulk wheat export market into line with other agricultural commodity markets and promote further competition in the wheat industry, which we know will lead to increased productivity and profitability. It will also mean that more buyers will be competing for wheat, helping growers to get prices that reflect market value, which has to be in their interests. The wheat export market will be brought into line with other agricultural commodity markets, and we know that full deregulation is always in the interests of this sector, so that we can promote our cause of deregulation globally, and freeing up international trade in this sector, which will be of great advantage to our efficient growers.</para>
<para>Since the reforms that we have instituted were put in place, there are 26 accredited exporters, with 19 of those being active in the last marketing year. What has been the impact of the reforms that we have engaged in so far? We know that the reforms have helped to open a new global export market for Australian producers and have fostered the productivity and profitability that we were seeking. The number of destination countries, with improved access, has been higher than in the three years prior to the new arrangements. In the 2009-10 marketing year, we had 12.1 million tonnes shipped to 35 countries, but, in the 2010-11 marketing year, 12.3 million tonnes of bulk wheat were exported to 48 countries, with an additional 1.7 million tonnes shipped in bags and containers.</para>
<para>The Productivity Commission found that the transition to the wheat marketing arrangements introduced in 2008 had progressed smoothly. That is an independent, objective analysis of the reforms. The Wheat Export Accreditation Scheme was effective as a transitional measure, the commission found, but the net benefits it had provided to the bulk wheat industry would cease with the end of the transitional phase, which is why further reforms are important.</para>
<para>Of course, these reforms were not done without significant assistance and support to the industry, and this included the Wheat Export Technical Market Support Grants Program. That program helped new and small-scale exporters to develop innovative export strategies. In 2010-11, round 2 grants were finalised, and funding of $171,733 was approved for six round 3 grants.</para>
<para>The delivery of the government's information support, which was neglected by the member for Calare, is also very significant. A $3.83 million program continued throughout the transitional period. The information provided by the ABS and ABARES helped the wheat market to operate efficiently and should be continued if the industry are prepared to provide some funding also, in accordance with the Productivity Commission's recommendations. But that information flow has been there and has supported the industry.</para>
<para>In terms of consultation, it is completely false to claim that there has not been that level of consultation. The Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry liaise regularly with industry organisations, including Wheat Exports Australia, Grain Producers Australia, National Grains Australia, Grain Growers Ltd and Grain Trade Australia. Meetings on feed grain, fodder supply and demand issues, including through the Feed Grain Partnership, are held at the request of industry. There were no such meetings in 2010-11, because they were not requested.</para>
<para>I will come back to one of the main reasons why this reform was introduced. Australia was suffering internationally as a consequence of the failed policies of the Howard government and the tragic experience of the Australian Wheat Board. I have some deep personal knowledge of the Australian Wheat Board and the disaster of that period from 2003 onwards. When I was deployed to Iraq, I spent the period from March 2004 deeply involved in exposing some of those issues. I worked very closely with the Volcker UN inquiry. I was very closely involved in establishing the Iraqi Board of Supreme Audit's investigations and their contractual arrangements with Ernst & Young to delve down into those issues and the eight million documents that existed in Iraq at the time revealing the extent of that huge level of international corruption. I assisted United States congressional and Department of Justice inquiries. In fact, I was so deeply involved in this that the UN Volcker inquiry actually made a request to Australia that I be assigned to head up the Volcker team in Iraq. I was also offered a very significant contract from Ernst & Young to pick up responsibility for their operations in Iraq.</para>
<para>Through that period of drilling down, it was very apparent—as the Volcker report found—that the Australian Wheat Board and later AWB Ltd were not the only but certainly the largest source of kickbacks to the Iraqi regime. As a result of these kickbacks from the AWB, effectively we saw about $300 million going into the war chest of Saddam Hussein. So, at the same time as we were gearing up to go to war with Saddam Hussein, sending our soldiers into battle against his forces, the Australian government was sitting back and allowing $300 million to flow into his coffers, to fight our soldiers. In addition to that, the raison d'etre for the war, the casus belli, was to support the UN sanctions regime against Saddam Hussein—and who turned out to be the biggest violators of that UN sanctions regime? It was the AWB and Australia. Minister Mark Vaile and Minister Alexander Downer failed in their duties as ministers, because they had specific responsibilities to monitor the contracts and to maintain due diligence in support of that sanctions regime, to prevent those very things from happening.</para>
<para>Of course, these things started to come to light, and I was certainly reporting them back to Australia. In fact, I vividly remember my report in May 2004 where I said, 'The jig is up for AWB,' and this information flowing back to the Australian government, who then subsequently denied that they had any knowledge of these things until much later. But, of course, as the inquiries and documents started to flow, we found out that lots of warnings were starting to trickle through. The evidence was becoming clear as far back as the year 2000. So for them to deny their knowledge of this really flagged two things: either they were completely incompetent and negligent in something so vital to Australia's international engagement and in relation to a matter in which we were sending our troops into action, or they were deliberately covering up what they knew about this issue. And, of course, they set up the Cole inquiry and limited its terms of reference so that it was not able to delve down into the responsibility of the government.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Bruce Scott</name>
    <name.id>YT4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Deputy Speaker, I raise a point of order. I would just like to draw your attention to the bill before the House. I am not quite sure where the war in Iraq has anything to do with—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>E09</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Is your point of order on relevance?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Bruce Scott</name>
    <name.id>YT4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Wheat Exports Australia, not the Australian Wheat Board—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>E09</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member will resume his seat. The parliamentary secretary will be relevant.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Dr MIKE KELLY</name>
    <name.id>HRI</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the Deputy Speaker. It is entirely relevant because this bill is about the process of moving away from those days, and the member for Calare raised the issue of the Australian Wheat Board as an example of great practice that we should get back to. I am pointing out that those days were a terrible time for Australian wheat exporters, because, as I came back to Australia and held meetings with government officials here, I was told: 'Look, the Howard government are involved in delicate negotiations for a free trade agreement with the United States. They do not want this sort of information out there at this time.' I warned them, of course, that this was going to threaten Australia's position in relation to wheat exports to Iraq—that, if we were not to engage in due diligence in investigating the terrible situation that had existed with the AWB, we would pay for it. And we did, all because the government wanted to pursue its free trade agreement negotiations with the United States.</para>
<para>Certainly I would like to set one aspect of the record straight. At the time that my statements were being reported in the media, there was a misinterpretation in some of that that I was pointing the finger at one particular member of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Heidi Venamore, who worked with me in Iraq. Nothing could have been further from the truth. She was a very diligent public servant doing her best, and certainly the information was coming back to Australia. There was a misinterpretation of that situation, and certainly Heidi Venamore is an excellent servant of Australia and did a very fine job during her time in Iraq.</para>
<para>But the situation that pertained at that time with those limited terms of reference means that Australia really will never know the full story of the extent of the government role in covering up or being incompetent in relation to that period of time. We can never return to those days of the Australian Wheat Board.</para>
<para>We are progressing now to a proper, evidence based, market based approach to the management of the grains sector in this country. Why anybody on the other side of the chamber would be opposed to that defies belief and understanding. Certainly we know that it is providing the efficiency, the effectiveness, the productivity and the profitability that we sought to achieve with these reforms.</para>
<para>I would like to reflect finally on one last point, which I think brings us to an understanding of why the coalition probably do not accept or understand these points. I recall that Prime Minister Howard on 13 March 2003, six days before the start of the Iraq War, said that Saddam had rorted the oil for food program to buy weapons at the expense of his people.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Bruce Scott</name>
    <name.id>YT4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Deputy Speaker, I raise a point of order. The parliamentary secretary is defying your ruling to be relevant to the bill before the House. He is now talking again about the Iraq War.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>E09</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The parliamentary secretary will continue talking about wheat export marketing.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Dr MIKE KELLY</name>
    <name.id>HRI</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Deputy Speaker. I can understand why the coalition would be so sensitive on this issue, given that it was the greatest failing of public policy in this nation's history, where they let our troops down, let the country down and let wheat growers down. If the Prime Minister, Mr Howard, knew in March 2003 that the system was being rorted, then the question was: how could he not have foreseen that the Australian Wheat Board was deeply involved in that? I cite an article by Evan Whitton, who then summarised his interpretation of that position by saying that really, if Mr Howard had been a witness for AWB, the counsel should have said something like, 'Are you a complete fool, Mr Howard?'</para>
<para>Certainly I think that what we are seeing now is a coalition that cannot come to grips with a much-needed reform. As much as they were completely incompetent at that time in regulating the grains sector, we are seeing now, reflected in these suggested amendments and their lack of understanding of how an agricultural market should work and what is in the interests of our growers, that they are failing our grain growers sector.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BRUCE SCOTT</name>
    <name.id>YT4</name.id>
    <electorate>Maranoa</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is with a background in the wheat industry itself that I rise to speak on the Wheat Export Marketing Amendment Bill 2012 tonight. I have a background in growing wheat. The parliamentary secretary, I would imagine, would never in his life have even stepped onto a wheat-growing farm, yet he seems to be a self-described expert in his address—and he walks out of the chamber. I come to this with a background as a former wheat grower. I also come to it from the interest point of view of my own constituency.</para>
<para>One of the bodies that represent the wheat growers in my electorate is called AgForce Grains. That is the farm body that I listen to, because it has genuine concerns that if Wheat Exports Australia is totally abolished, as the government would like to do, there is nothing there to replace it with. This authority has been a regulatory body for many, many years—at a cost to growers, I might add, of 22c per tonne, which they are quite willing to continue to pay to give an assurance to the buyers in export markets of an accreditation of Australian wheat, particularly when it comes to varieties, particularly for smaller lots. It is not true that wheat is wheat is wheat; there are many different qualities in wheat. It is important that we give our customers a quality assurance of the variety of the wheat that is exported.</para>
<para>We are one of the largest wheat exporting countries, and we have established markets all around the world. I have visited some of those countries and spoken to the importers. One of the things they have always liked about our wheat is the quality assurance. I remember being in Kuwait at the Flour and Biscuits Co., and they said they can buy wheat cheaper and nearer to them but it does not perform like Australian wheat. The other thing they like is the quality assurance aspects when they are making the flatbreads they consume. That comes with Wheat Exports Australia giving a seal of approval, in many ways, to the wheat being exported.</para>
<para>We talk about deregulation. What do we have for banks in this country? We have regulations that they have to comply with, and recently there have been more regulations put on them. It is only right and proper that we do have regulation. It is a similar case with the Australian Stock Exchange. It has regulation. What about our insurance industry? It has regulation. The government would see Wheat Exports Australia working without regulation, and at the moment it has some small regulation but it is very important. This proposed regulation will be funded by the wheat growers themselves at a cost of 22c per tonne to ensure the reputation that we have built up over such a long time and that has led us to gain market share against other countries is a reputation that we can keep and that will never be diminished. Can we get that guarantee as part of a totally regulated market? In my view the answer is no.</para>
<para>Witness again my visit to Kuwait a number of years ago. They said one of the things they like about our wheat is that it has got that quality assurance and they know that what they prescribe and what they pay for is exactly what they get. I say it again: they can buy wheat cheaper and nearer to them, in northern and eastern European countries, but it does not perform like Australian wheat. That is one of the untold values that Wheat Exports Australia brings to Australia's wheat exports. The WEA have accredited 38 or 39 companies in Australia. These companies have to be accredited to export wheat. Last year something like 19 companies exported wheat from Australia—some 18.5 million tonnes. That is a significant proportion of our total annual production. It would be almost our total production in a bad year, but of course we have to supply our domestic market. The wheat products we have in Australia would nearly always be made from Australian wheat.</para>
<para>The growers want to transition to a new authority. They are not stuck with the model in place now, but they have not been consulted sufficiently. They want to put in a new body that they have had a genuine say in. The parliamentary secretary said that there had been a report from the Productivity Commission. Is that consulting the wheat growers and the wheat bodies of Australia? No. It is the Productivity Commission's view of what might suit the wheat growers of Australia.</para>
<para>I ask the government to support our amendment and keep this body in place until there is sufficient consultation with grower bodies and peak industry bodies, for heavens sake, like AgForce in Queensland, in my own electorate. They say they are fearful that if the current Wheat Exports Australia were wound up there would be nothing to replace it with. They are absolutely right. The government has not made the case for totally abolishing Wheat Exports Australia. The growers want to see a transition to a new body. They are happy to put in reform but they just have not been given sufficient time or opportunity to put forward models that they believe will work not only in the best interests of Australian wheat growers but also in the best interests of Australia because of the importance of this wheat trade to our export performance as a nation.</para>
<para>The WEA and the industry would like to develop a quality assurance scheme. That is particularly important when you are dealing with a more aggressive market internationally. As an industry and as an exporter you have to be able to differentiate your product from others. That is what the growers would like to do—to make sure that their international customers are happy with the guarantee for the product they are buying. The industry would like to protect the integrity of the wheat classification system that differentiates Australian wheat in discerning markets. It appears the government just wants to take a 'wheat is wheat is wheat' attitude, but there are different qualities of wheat and there are different market needs. The growers have known for decades that there are different market requirements and there are different buyers who have particular niches and market opportunities, and they want some quality assurance in place. The industry would like to put that in place but they need time to work with grower bodies, work with peak industry bodies and work with exporters to do that. It appears that the government is not prepared, by the look of this legislation, to allow that process to take place.</para>
<para>My electorate of Maranoa, the seat of Groom and the seat of Flynn have the bulk, if not all, of the wheat growers in Queensland. The wheat industry is a significant employer of local people. It is a significant earner for the regional and local economies. I know, if there is going to be a wheat harvest—and we hope it is a good harvest this year—that there will be cash in the economy before Christmas. That is what it means. Anything which would diminish the value of that product to the wheat grower, anything which would see it worth less on export markets, would definitely mean that there would be less money in the regional economy. Why would there be less money? There will be less money if you lose a single market anywhere because another exporting country has been able to supply that market, for whatever reason. It could be due to a lack of the quality assurance we have been able to give for decades or because the quality reputation we have built up over decades is no longer there. It is going to impact not only on our export performance but on our regional and local economies.</para>
<para>I talked about reputation but I also want to talk about relationships. Markets are not built through buyers coming in from around the world and saying, 'We want to buy a bit of wheat from you.' As with anything, you have to build up a relationship. As part of that relationship, you have to have trust in the people you are buying from. That trust also has to extend down to the quality of the product you are delivering to that importer through your exporters.</para>
<para>I go back to the point that the wheat growers have come to me and, through AgForce Grains in Queensland, said that what they want is some time. They are happy to reform Wheat Exports Australia. They do not see the solution in this bill before the chamber. They want to be given an opportunity to have more input into the reform process. They certainly want a body, whatever that might be at the end of the day, but they want the design of that body to come out of consultation with growers, with peak industry bodies, with exporters, with port operators and with those who control the silos and our bulk handling and storage facilities.</para>
<para>I say to the government: listen to the growers out there and give them the opportunity to have input into a new body—because they will not support this one. They do not support this one. It may be what the Productivity Commission has recommended but it is not what is recommended by the vast majority of Australia's wheat growers. I say to the government: just for once, take some advice from this side of the House. You have not done so on many other pieces of legislation on important national policy issues. But please take some advice from this side of the House in relation to something we know about. We know about it because of where our members come from and what they have done.</para>
<para>I sometimes look around and wonder whether there is a wheat grower on the other side of the House. I keep looking and looking and I do not see one. So please rely on some of the knowledge and personal experience which comes from this side of the House and on the input which is coming from the people out there—the wheat growers, the voters, the regional economies and the people who work in the industry. Listen to us for once. Through us, you are listening to the growers. All I ask—and I ask it sincerely of the government—is that you give the growers a chance to provide input to this industry's reform. This bill will not do it. This bill, in fact, is opposed by the growers and the peak industry bodies. The government should just give the growers their chance to reform an industry which is a significant export earner for Australia. We do not want to see our reputation diminished over time without the growers being able to have some oversight of what is such an important industry to Australia and to so many regional economies.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr KELVIN THOMSON</name>
    <name.id>UK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Wills</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Wheat Export Marketing Amendment Bill 2012 will implement the Australian government's response to the Productivity Commission review of wheat export marketing arrangements. The bill will amend the Wheat Export Marketing Act 2008 to deregulate the bulk wheat export market, making it consistent with other agricultural commodity markets. These changes will promote further competition, leading to more innovation and higher productivity in the industry.</para>
<para>The Australian government agrees in principle with the Productivity Commission's recommendations and is implementing changes through a staged approach. This will provide a more efficient transition to full market deregulation. The response takes account of the views put forward by industry during an extensive consultation process undertaken during the commission's review, which included two rounds of written submissions and public hearings attended by farmers, grower associations, industry associations, traders, bulk handlers and members of the public.</para>
<para>The proposed approach is expected to deliver net benefits to the wheat industry, which plays an important role in many regional economies. The industry will benefit from the removal of the costs associated with bulk wheat export market regulation and through the increased competition, improved productivity and encouragement of innovation generated by a fully deregulated wheat market. The wheat export charge paid by Australian wheat growers will be removed, putting wheat exports on the same basis as other agricultural commodities.</para>
<para>The implementation of an industry code of conduct will give all wheat exporters long-term security of access to grain export terminal services, which will in turn help ensure that these facilities have the necessary throughput to attract the level of return on investment required to keep them viable while allowing competition in the export sector. It will also provide growers with certainty that, irrespective of which exporter they sell to, their product will gain access to grain port terminal services. This will in turn underpin Australia's international reputation as a reliable wheat supplier by providing overseas customers with certainty that all Australian exporters will be able to meet supply commitments.</para>
<para>The background to this bill is the 2005 revelations about the then single-desk operator the AWB using bribery to maintain the trade of wheat into Iraq in the worldwide scandal known as the oil-for-food scandal. It was revealed that AWB was paying bribes to Saddam Hussein's regime to ensure Australia continued to be awarded contracts under the United Nations Oil-for-Food Program. While there were other companies engaged in corrupt, sanctions-busting behaviour, the AWB bribes were far and away the largest. The Cole inquiry was established by the Howard government in November 2005 to investigate these claims.</para>
<para>Debate interrupted.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>PRIVATE MEMBERS' BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>10017</page.no>
        <type>PRIVATE MEMBERS' BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Greens' Policy Costings</title>
          <page.no>10017</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BRIGGS</name>
    <name.id>IYU</name.id>
    <electorate>Mayo</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this House:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the Australian Greens can formally submit an unlimited number of new policy proposals to the Government for analysis and costing under the <inline font-style="italic">Agreement for a Better Parliament: Parliamentary Reform</inline>, signed on 7 September 2010 to establish 'a basis for stable and effective government'; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) on 20 July 2012, The Treasury made a decision on a Freedom of Information request to refuse access to 12 documents relating to Australian Greens' policy costings because the documents 'would allow a direct inference to be drawn about subsequent Cabinet deliberations' and they contained 'material prepared to inform deliberations of Government';</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) recognises that the Government has previously released policy costings, namely:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) an Executive Minute detailing costings of the Coalition's Direct Action Plan, released in full by The Treasury on 2 September 2011;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) updated costings on reopening the detention facility in Nauru, released by the Department of Immigration and Citizenship on 27 January 2012; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) Treasury modelling provided to unaligned Members, released by The Treasury on 24 February 2012; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) calls on The Treasury and the Department of Finance and Deregulation to release all costings of policy proposals that the Australian Greens have formally submitted to the Government for analysis since the 2010 Federal Election.</para></quote>
<para>I appreciate the opportunity this evening to speak to the motion in my name, and I am proud that the shadow Treasurer saw fit to second this motion, which relates to what I think is a very important issue in this place, and that is the government's double standard with regard to policy costings by the Australian Greens. It also relates to a major issue facing the Australian people between now and the next election, which is the $120 billion black hole that the Australian Labor Party has in its own budget. The reason for this motion is that we suspect that that black hole is far bigger than what we have seen in the reports of recent days because the government have gone to extraordinary lengths to hide this information over the last 12 months.</para>
<para>The background to this motion is that, about 12 months ago, in Senate estimates, Senator Scott Ryan pursued with the relevant departments how many policies the Australian Greens had asked to be costed under the side deal they did with the government when they formed a coalition to govern the country back in September 2010. That agreement between the government and the Greens—I am pleased to see that the member for Melbourne is in the House and is speaking on the motion, and good on him for doing so—gave the Greens the right to submit their policies to Treasury and Finance for costing. A lot of us thought that was a terrific outcome because for once we would get to see what we on this side of the House, at least, believe is the economic lunacy in the Greens manifesto exposed for what it is. We thought the costings process would help the Australian people understand just how dangerous a proposition it would be to elect Australian Greens to this place and to the Senate.</para>
<para>When Senator Scott Ryan, as usual doing the hard work, the hard grind, as senators do, asked those questions in estimates, the officials dodged the question, took it on notice and came back with an answer earlier this year which basically did not answer the question, you will be surprised to know, Madam Deputy Speaker Owens! At that time we thought we should FOI what was there because we did know from the answers we got that the Greens had asked for quite a number of policies to be costed, including the policy areas of taxation, education, health, environment, housing, communities, transport, regional, communications, employment, infrastructure, superannuation, science, veterans, governance and sports. There were quite a variety of policy costings that the member for Melbourne and his colleagues were interested in. So we thought, 'Let's FOI these documents; let's see how much is in there,' because we had heard the Prime Minister and the member for Lyne in September 2010 talking about the sunshine coming in, opening up the roof of the parliament and letting the sun shine in all over this place, all over the Greens' costings.</para>
<para>Of course, when push came to shove—and after, it must be said, a long FOI process with the department—our request was refused. But it was not the refusal that surprised me; it was the reason for the refusal that surprised me. The department claimed that the policy costings were developed for the dominant purpose of forming cabinet documents. But I thought that only the executive government formed cabinet documents. The Greens, these partners, are not in the cabinet, apparently, and not in the government, we hear. But, truth be told, they are in the government and they are in the cabinet room. The member for Melbourne and his colleagues in the Senate are in the cabinet room. We know that now because the Department of the Treasury, the premier department of all the government departments, said, 'We cannot give you those documents because they form the dominant purpose of cabinet deliberations.'</para>
<para>Now, if that is true—and I am sure the member for Melbourne will back this up—it means that the Greens' policy costings on taxation, education, health, environment, housing, communities, transport, regional, communications, employment, infrastructure, superannuation, science, veterans, governance and, let us not forget, sports were produced for the dominant purpose of appearing in cabinet. So let's not have this fake attack we have heard from the member for Hunter and others in the last few days. It was reported in the <inline font-style="italic">Australian</inline> today—this is a classic—that:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Labor frontbencher Mark Butler told the Sky News Australian Agenda program yesterday he believed support for the Greens would "taper off—</para></quote>
<para>are you listening to this, Member for Melbourne?—</para>
<quote><para class="block">as people become more accustomed or get a better appreciation of the Greens party policies about things that matter to Australian families".</para></quote>
<para>How about, at the end of this motion, you release the policies? We will see what the Australian Greens' policies are all about. The minister for mental health wants to! What perplexes me is that the member for Melbourne, sitting in the chamber, does not want them released either. If you are so proud of them, if they are not economic lunacy as we assert, release them, Adam! Get them out there!</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Hockey</name>
    <name.id>DK6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Set them free!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BRIGGS</name>
    <name.id>IYU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Set them free! The Greens are all about freedom when it suits. If it is Julian Assange, it is about freedom. But, if it is their own policies, they want them locked up! 'Send them to Gitmo,' they say! What hypocrisy. And you have to wonder why. It wouldn't be because some of those policies relate to the real intention of the carbon tax, would it? Otherwise, the Greens would not have asked what you could do with certain increases in the carbon tax. We know what the Greens really want on the carbon tax. We know that the Labor Party will tell us before an election, 'That won't happen. We won't have a carbon tax after an election. We won't have an increased carbon tax after an election.'</para>
<para>Let us have a look at the policies. Let us have a look at what the member for Melbourne, Senator Milne and others have sought in their information, because I have a feeling that there may be a proposal in there which talks about how much further you could take climate change. We have appealed this to the Information Commissioner and I say to the Information Commissioner, as I have done in the two letters I have now sent him in relation to this matter in the last month, that we want him to have an urgent look at this because we think the excuse that these documents were prepared for the dominant purpose of being considered by cabinet is a fake excuse. It is a fake excuse and it is trying to get around 'letting the sunshine in'. We know how committed the Prime Minister, the member for Lyne and the member for Melbourne are to that because they signed an agreement in September 2012 which said they would let the sunshine in. The curtains are over the top of this place. So let us open the curtains and see what the Greens' policies say. Let us see what those documents actually say.</para>
<para>In the last week we have seen that the <inline font-style="italic">Financial Review</inline> has belled the cat on the Labor Party's problems in government—Labor's $120 billion blow-out. We know they have a big problem because they are agreeing with everything the Greens want them to do. Last week, the Minister for Health stood there with Senator Di Natale and announced the dental health scheme. Senator Di Natale is obviously behind that plan.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Tony Smith</name>
    <name.id>00APG</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>They have released one.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BRIGGS</name>
    <name.id>IYU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That is right, they have released one. The Greens have apparently had their policies costed, member for Casey, but when the Minister for Health was announcing the dental reform package last week and she was asked where the money would be coming from, she said, 'Don't worry; we'll tell you later.' Maybe all that detail is with the Greens policy costings as well.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Tony Smith</name>
    <name.id>00APG</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I thought it was a saving!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BRIGGS</name>
    <name.id>IYU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No—spending $120 billion more than they take. This is the real issue before the House tonight. We do not know where the money is coming from. That is the reason we are $280 billion in debt. We know that the Labor Party are going to spend and spend and spend between now and the next election—not their money but borrowed money, money for policies they know they will never have to implement. It is about time they were honest with the Australian people and started to tell us exactly what they would do after the next election, were they to be re-elected.</para>
<para>The Labor Party have form. We are coming into the spring racing carnival and it is really important to follow the form. We know the form of the Australian Labor Party. We know the form of the Australian Greens. The Australian Greens usually advertise. They like people to know what they stand for. I am shocked and horrified that the member for Melbourne and Senator Milne do not want this information released. They want to hide this information, to keep it under lock and key. They are using the very questionable tactics of the FOI Act and I say again that the Information Commissioner needs to have a good hard look at this because this is information that the Australian public needs to know. This information should be released. The phoney excuse that these documents were prepared for the dominant purpose of being considered by cabinet needs to be put aside. The Treasurer should do the right thing and this evening, during this debate, come into this chamber, put the documents on the table and give everyone a look at the lunacy that it will cost Australian taxpayers—billions and billions more in the future. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Hockey</name>
    <name.id>DK6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I second the motion and reserve my right to speak.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BANDT</name>
    <name.id>M3C</name.id>
    <electorate>Melbourne</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Talk about leading with your chin! Every so often someone comes in off a long run-up and bowls you such a full toss that you cannot believe your luck. We have just heard from the member for Mayo about form. Let us talk about form because the question of costing policies is something the coalition has significant form on. Obviously the member for Mayo does not want to hear it because he is leaving. Let me tell you first of all about the Greens' story and why we have the Parliamentary Budget Office.</para>
<para>At the last election, the Greens went to Treasury and said, 'We want to submit for costing the policies we are taking to the election because we believe, as the Greens, that we are a political party in the Australian parliament and the Australian public is entitled to look at our policies—exactly the same as anyone else's going to an election—and to know what it will mean for them, including what it will cost and where the money will come from. It was for that reason that we took our policies to the Treasury. Treasury said, 'We do not have the capacity, the ability under legislation, to cost the policies of minor parties.'</para>
<para>So when we found ourselves in the position in this parliament where no one party had a majority, we saw this as an opportunity to reform this deficit in Australian democracy. This is an opportunity now to ensure that all non-government members and oppositions would, from here on in, be able to have their policies costed. So we struck an agreement to establish the Parliamentary Budget Office. Before the Parliamentary Budget Office was established, we wanted to ensure that our policies could continue to be costed in a like manner. I would have thought that those who are interested in democracy and economic responsibility would want people to get their policies costed so that they could then decide: does this need modification, can we pursue both of these at the same time, should one be put on hold while we pursue the other, do we need to go back and re-think and, having had a look, do we need to give more information? After all of that, an Australian political party would be able to go to the Australian people and say, 'Here's what we will do. Here's what it will cost. Here's where we will get the money from.'</para>
<para>After negotiations and after legislation passed through here, the government has established a well-funded Parliamentary Budget Office. That is going to be good for democracy because now there is no excuse not to have policies that you are taking to the election costed. We are now going to have an independent officer, independent of Treasury, charged under statute, making independent assessments of the parties' costings. This will be an independent officer acting in accordance with the Charter of Budget Honesty. People will know that what the Parliamentary Budget Office comes up with will be in accordance with that charter.</para>
<para>The principle of confidentiality will apply—I alluded to that before—and that has got to be critical. This is a point that the member for North Sydney made a lot about, and he will continue to make a lot about it. Parties and members of parliament should have the ability to get their policies costed, have a look at the costings confidentially and, if others want to pursue them, produce them publicly and back them up. The Greens will now commit to the Australian people that we will use the Parliamentary Budget Office. We will go to the election with policies costed by the Parliamentary Budget Office. It is a reform that we drove. The public will then be able to put us under the same level of scrutiny as they do any other political party. The public will know that the government's policies will be costed by Treasury and that the Greens' policies will be costed by the Parliamentary Budget Office; but you can bet your bottom dollar that the coalition's policies will not be costed. Last election, so weak were the coalition's costings of their own policies that they could not even convince two conservative country Independents to support them—because there was a blow-out and a hole in their costings. Treasury found a hole in their costings, and the accountants that they supposedly used to cost their policies were later reprimanded. The coalition has some gall to come in here and talk about appropriate policy costings when loose talk about a $70 billion black hole is probably going to turn out to be close to reality.</para>
<para>And they are still hedging their bets, which is why I am going to move an amendment to the motion before us. On 30 May 2012 the member for North Sydney, who is here tonight, said, 'We'll have a look at who gets appointed as the Parliamentary Budget Officer before we decide whether or not we'll use the Parliamentary Budget Office.' The Parliamentary Budget Officer has been appointed now, so I presume that, when the member for North Sydney gets up to speak, he will be able to give us a commitment that he is satisfied with the independence of the Parliamentary Budget Officer and he will make the same commitment that the Greens have made and have the coalition's election policies costed by the Parliamentary Budget Office. If the coalition do not do this, the game is up. Michelle Grattan nailed it when she said, 'The opposition now has no excuses about how to handle its policy costings.'</para>
<para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That all words after That be omitted with a view to substituting the following words:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">this House:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) notes that the Parliamentary Budget Office (PBO) has now been established in accordance with the Agreement for a Better Parliament: Parliamentary Reform, signed on 7 September 2010;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) notes that the establishment of the PBO is a significant reform that will increase budget honesty and transparency; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) calls on all interested parties, including the Coalition, to submit their policies to the PBO for costing.</para></quote>
<para>I await with great anticipation the seconder of this motion because he has now had time to assess the PBO and the Parliamentary Budget Officer. The Parliamentary Budget Officer has circulated guidelines and explained how the office is going to run its business. The coalition should now be ready to commit to submitting their policies for costing by the Parliamentary Budget Office. If they do not commit to doing so, and if they do not support my amendment to the motion, the cat will have been well and truly belled. The government will go to the election with its policies costed by Treasury, and the Greens will go to the election with our policies costed by the Parliamentary Budget Office. But the coalition will be whistling in the wind, hoping that maybe they will pick an accountant who has not been hauled before the disciplinary tribunal and who can give some fig leaf of validity to their costings, which did not even have enough integrity to win the support of the two rural independents. I commend the amendment to the House.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>E09</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Is the amendment seconded?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Dr Leigh</name>
    <name.id>BU8</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I second the amendment and reserve my right to speak.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HOCKEY</name>
    <name.id>DK6</name.id>
    <electorate>North Sydney</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>There is nothing uglier than a squirming greenie. Seriously, that was really awful! How embarrassing it is that a party which prided itself on transparency argued for the FOI laws and now seeks to defy the FOI laws! This is a protection racket by the government. The government is preventing the release of government funded costings of Greens policies. Let us get this right: on the basis that these documents are cabinet in confidence, the government is refusing to release documents which were submitted by the Greens to Treasury and which were costed by the Public Service. The last time I looked, the Greens were not in the cabinet. What hypocrisy this is from the member for Hunter and the member for Chifley and all these other people feigning anger at the Greens!</para>
<para>My colleague had a wonderful quote from Mark Butler, who said the other day on Sky News <inline font-style="italic">Agenda</inline> that he believes support for the Greens will 'taper off as people become more accustomed or get a better appreciation of the Greens party policies'. Here is a member of the government saying 'what we want is transparency' whilst the Treasurer and his own government run a protection racket to prevent the Greens policies from being released. Then there was the sanctimonious lecture from this weak and incompetent Treasurer saying, 'How dare you people raise the issue of our $120 billion budget black hole! You've got to put your policy proposes to the Parliamentary Budget Office.' He does not believe in transparency—he will not even release the Greens policies which have been costed by his own department—yet he seeks to give us a lecture about transparency. If you listen carefully you can hear the rumble of Senators Christine Milne and Lee Rhiannon up in the Senate, spinning on the spot at the thought that they have their own representative in this place—in the House of Representatives—standing up to oppose transparency in relation to the Greens' own policies.</para>
<para>What a fraud you are, sir; what a fraud! And you will suffer at the next election because we do not back frauds. We do not provide preferences to frauds. From our perspective, this represents everything about the inconsistency of this government—a government that is weak and insipid, led by a Greens representative who is weak and insipid and headed up by an acting Prime Minister who is weak and insipid. And why? Because they do not want to deal with the truth. The truth is their sworn enemy. Transparency is their enemy. And I wonder how the member for Lyne is going to vote on this motion. Let's call him the sun god! I wonder how the sun god is going to vote on this motion. After all, he wanted to let the sunshine in. So he is himself the sun god of this parliament. Let him shine his light into the dark halls of the cabinet, where there is a Greens-Labor Party coalition acting to prevent the disclosure of information that apparently is so important to the destiny of the nation that it cannot be released, even though the Greens themselves are not in the government—or in the cabinet.</para>
<para>Oh what a joke! But we get a little tinker of what the Greens are really up to in partnership with the government. A little tinker came when Bob Brown went out and announced that he was advocating change to the treatment of fringe benefits tax for motor vehicles. He had it costed by the government, then released the policy and, lo and behold, the government adopted it in the budget. So now we know that there are 12 policy proposals that have been seriously costed by the Treasury and that the government and the Greens refuse to release. One of them, perhaps—we do not know—was the Greens' proposal at the last election to have a carbon tax of $23 a tonne. But of course we know that the government has a $120 billion budget black hole of at least that amount, just on its new spending promises. Take out the expected revenue falls from the dropping commodity prices, the expected revenue falls because profit season has been particularly poor this year, and other losses of revenue, including a drop in the number of people who are looking for work, and it is still a $120 billion hole to fill.</para>
<para>So you go back to what the Greens promised at the last election and say, 'Well, where do we start?' How about death duties? That was a Greens policy at the last election. And how about estate tax? How much would that cost? Why wouldn't the Labor Party use that, in partnership with the Greens, to start funding their $120 billion black hole? Or the company tax rate, up to 33 per cent? That was a Greens policy as well. Or how about a 50 per cent personal income tax bracket? That was a Greens policy as well. Then there are higher tariffs on four-wheel-drive vehicles, means testing for first home owner grants and the elimination of personal and business tax concessions. And it went on: road congestion charges—that's another cracker. These are the things that you obviously go to the Treasury to get costed if you are in the business of implementing your policies. And they were, because we know of the policies the Greens took to the last election. The weak Labor Party, the party led by a person with no principles at all, just did what the Greens told them to do and adopted a carbon tax of $23 a tonne. And now the government has used all its resources to prevent the disclosure of what should be publicly available information—used by the Greens, costed by public servants—to determine the policy of the nation. It is a disgrace. You are all hypocrites, entirely hypocrites, having this fake, pretend anger at the Greens. They are your business partners. They are your bedfellows. You use them and they use you, and you are running a protection racket for each other.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>E09</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The member for North Sydney will address his remarks through the chair.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HOCKEY</name>
    <name.id>DK6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Deputy Speaker Owens, of course. In seats like Parramatta, the member has to explain to the people why she was in bed with the Greens, protecting the nondisclosure of publicly funded information.</para>
<para class="italic">Mr Husic interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HOCKEY</name>
    <name.id>DK6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Chifley needs to explain to his constituents—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Husic</name>
    <name.id>91219</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Deputy Speaker, I think it is a negative reflection on the chair to say 'in bed with', and I would ask the member to withdraw it.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>E09</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member will withdraw.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HOCKEY</name>
    <name.id>DK6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I withdraw. Perhaps the member for Chifley can explain why he is in bed with the Greens in his seat—in partnership with the Greens, preventing the disclosure of information that goes to the heart of the amount of tax that his constituents will have to pay for the $120 billion black hole this government has left.</para>
<para>Madam Deputy Speaker, the Labor Party cannot continue to sell its soul to the Greens and then pretend that the Greens are the enemy. They cannot continue to do this, because the Greens are unprincipled. If you need an example of the lack of principle and integrity of the Greens, look no further than the statement from the member for Melbourne just a little bit earlier. It lacked integrity. There were no principles in his statement. He sought simply to try to lay charges against us when in fact he could not defend his own hypocrisy on this matter. That the Greens have no integrity is beyond doubt. That the Greens have no principles is beyond doubt. The fact that the Labor Party is running a protection racket for the Greens is now beyond doubt. Time and time again we get the Labor Party complaining about the Greens, and time and time again all they do is jump into bed with them and consort to ensure that the people who are left worse off are the Australian people writ large. It is the Labor Party way: tax and spend, build up the credit card debt and then feign indifference to the political outcome that, in reality, all they are interested in is saving their own hides, even if it means they have no principles. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr LEIGH</name>
    <name.id>BU8</name.id>
    <electorate>Fraser</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The motion which we are debating this evening is moved by the member for Mayo, who is one of the self-appointed group of modest members. The term 'modest members' is not only a current misnomer but also a historical reference to the great Bert Kelly. In thinking about speaking to the member for Mayo's motion I thought perhaps I would go to my bookshelves and pull down <inline font-style="italic">Economic</inline><inline font-style="italic">s</inline><inline font-style="italic"> Made Easy</inline> by Bert Kelly. As I listened to the member for North Sydney, I was struck by the words in Rod Carnegie's introduction. He says, 'When confrontation and mutual name calling are stock forms of debate it does us all a service to learn and relearn that shouting loud and long need not be as effective as gentle persuasion.'</para>
<para>We have just had 10 minutes of long, loud shouting from the member for North Sydney. It is not quite clear what the member for North Sydney is saying about the coalition's position on preferencing the Greens in the electorate of Melbourne. The historical record shows that the decision by the Liberal Party to preference the Greens Party in Melbourne saw the first election at a general election of the current member for Melbourne. In his speech, the member for North Sydney said, 'We don't back frauds,' and, 'You'll suffer,' but it is not clear whether they are words which ought to be taken as gospel truth and carefully scripted remarks or whether they are merely off-the-cuff rhetoric to be thrown around in a debate and have no matter when it comes to the Liberal Party's decision on preferencing at the next election.</para>
<para>I would be delighted to have a modest member alive and well on the coalition's side of the parliament, but the fact is that they are dead as a dodo. Bert Kelly has no heir. Doug Anthony is alive and well, as Senator Joyce showed us in an extraordinary interview with Marius Benson this morning. The only thing that remains of Bert Kelly is a great sense of humour. You have to admire the humour that the member for Mayo brings to this chamber in moving a motion on transparency of costings. That is because we are speaking about an opposition which has a $70 billion crater in its costings, requiring $70 billion of cuts. Were the member for North Sydney in the chamber, he would doubtless shout that that is a Labor Party fabrication. Let me quote from an interview from the member for Goldstein on ABC 24 on 18 August 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The $70 billion is an indicative figure of the challenge we've got … if we start to impose some discipline we should be able to stop spending in the order of $70 billion …</para></quote>
<para>Or on <inline font-style="italic">Meet the Press</inline> on 4 September 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Q: It's not like a furphy, then?</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">A: No, it's not a furphy. We came out with the figure, right?</para></quote>
<para>Seventy billion dollars is the equivalent of stopping the Family Tax Benefit for three years; it is the equivalent of cutting the age pension for three years; it is an extraordinarily large sum of money. The amendment simply says that if the coalition has to find cuts of that magnitude it ought to follow the Parliamentary Budget Office process.</para>
<para>We have a Parliamentary Budget Office which came into being as a result of a bipartisan parliamentary committee—the member for Higgins and Senator Joyce signed on for the recommendations of that committee. The amendment calls on all parties to submit their costings to the Parliamentary Budget Office. Once upon a time the coalition was going to do just that. The coalition had some problems in the last election. According to Treasury, they had an $11 billion crater in their costings as a result of having them audited by a private accounting firm. Curiously, the member for North Sydney said that what they had done was an audit with a small 'a'. It is a bit strange, because there is no such thing as a big 'a' audit. 'Audit' is one of those words that comes with a small 'a'. They did not do a small 'a' audit. In fact, WHK Horwath was subsequently found to have breached professional standards in the context of the coalition's costings. So, you would think that the coalition would now be embracing openness and transparency in their costings but, sadly, they are doing anything but.</para>
<para>The shadow immigration spokesperson, the member for Cook, has had costings done by a catering firm, suggesting that using a private accounting firm might be the high point in quality of the coalition's costings. There have been suggestions that this might involve cooking the books and that at best we could expect to see some pie charts from the opposition, but they are lines which I will leave the member for Mayo to deliver, given that he is the great prankster in the parliament this evening. The member for Goldstein has told <inline font-style="italic">Sky Sunday Agenda</inline>:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I've got on my desk, as co-ordinator of our policies, 49 policy documents with covers—</para></quote>
<para>It is great, isn't it, that they pick the covers? They haven't got any of the numbers checked, but they have picked the covers. It has a great <inline font-style="italic">Hollowmen</inline> aspect to it.</para>
<quote><para class="block">… narrative, a list of policies, what Labor has done wrong and the costings.</para></quote>
<para>Apparently, the costings have been done. What we are calling on the coalition to do is no more than they indicated they would do when a joint bipartisan report was brought down by the member for Higgins, Kelly O'Dwyer, Senator Joyce and others backing the Parliamentary Budget Office.</para>
<para>The member for North Sydney has said he might use the new budget office in one report. Then he has told <inline font-style="italic">The Insiders</inline> on 6 May 2012 that:</para>
<quote><para class="block">…we want to submit policies to it. In addition to other services, we want to submit policies to it for costing.</para></quote>
<para>And then in a doorstop on 30 May 2012:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Journalist: So you are giving a commitment to submit your election promises to the Parliamentary Budget Office?</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Joe Hockey: We will give some policies.</para></quote>
<para>This is the equivalent of Mr Howard's immigration policy: 'We will give choose the policies we give to the Parliamentary Budget Office and the circumstances in which we give them.'</para>
<para>The Australian people deserve better than that. There are coalition policies that are all over the shop. The coalition wants to continue the superannuation increases but repeal the minerals resource rental tax—the profits based tax—which is a tax so supported across the political spectrum internationally that Sarah Palin signed on to a profits based tax for taxing resources. It is not a left-wing way of taxing resources; it is just a sensible way. When the price goes up, because the price is set by the world, the taxpayer deserves a bigger share of the money. Instead, the coalition wants to go back to the old royalties regime. It also wants to cut taxes on polluters. First it is tax cuts for big miners, then it is a tax cut for big polluters and then it is unwinding the means test for private health insurance. Of course, when the private health insurance rebate was first put in place it did not generate a bump up in the take-up of private health insurance, and we have seen no evidence so far that the means testing of the private health insurance rebate has seen high-income earners drop their private health insurance. But they are getting a tax cut, too, from the coalition. So that is big miners, big polluters and very high-income Australians. If you are a millionaire, you are getting back your 30 per cent private health insurance rebate under the coalition. The coalition says it will support the National Disability Insurance Scheme, but we have no idea how it will go about paying for it.</para>
<para>What Australians are worried about is that what they are seeing from the coalition has a lot of the smell of what is going on in Queensland. Before the election the coalition gives the notion that everything will be okay, but after the election it slashes and burns. The member for Mayo himself is on record in his so-called Modest Member column as saying:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Pensions, disability support, family tax benefits and childcare support, among others, create a cycle of dependency for millions of Australians.</para></quote>
<para>That is just a hint as to where the money might come from. The Australian people deserve better than to have the opposition hiding behind the veil of secrecy. They have the right to expect that they will get what Kelly O'Dwyer and Barnaby Joyce promised them: coalition promises that are properly costed. The amendment calls on the coalition to do just that. I commend the amendment to the House. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TONY SMITH</name>
    <name.id>00APG</name.id>
    <electorate>Casey</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is my pleasure to speak on the motion on the Australian Greens policy costings that was moved by the member for Mayo. This is a motion that has both exposed hypocrisy and demonstrated contortions. It has exposed hypocrisy from the member for Melbourne and contortions from those opposite, who oscillate between their public dichotomy of hating the Greens and loving the Greens and between attacking the Greens and being in coalition with the Greens, while having to rely on the Greens to form government.</para>
<para class="italic">Mr Lyons interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TONY SMITH</name>
    <name.id>00APG</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I say at the outset, in anticipation of mindless interjections from the mindless interjector opposite, who is on mindless interjection duty, that the more you interject the more you will confirm your complete embarrassment and lack of anything sensible to say on this issue.</para>
<para>The previous speaker, the member for Fraser, can talk. He can talk a lot. You would agree with me, Mr Acting Deputy Speaker Symon. He can talk on any subject, but the fact that the one thing even he could not bring himself to do in 10 minutes was defend the fact that the Greens and the Labor Party are concealing the Greens policies says it all. He spoke about Bert Kelly, he spoke about Queensland, he spoke about everything under the sun. I thought he would read the whole book at one point. He would prefer to read that than defend the concealment that he would be embarrassed by and that his government is a party to.</para>
<para>This is the show-me-the-money motion. One cannot help but think about that immortal line from that great film <inline font-style="italic">Jerry Maguire</inline> in relation to this motion. I include you among those who watch great films, Mr Acting Deputy Speaker. I do not include the member for Fraser because he might not know what I am talking about. The Australian people should be shown the money of the Greens policy costings.</para>
<para>As was outlined in great detail by the member for Mayo, the genesis of this motion is in a recent Treasury decision to reject an FOI request for documents that would provide a window into what the Greens policies would cost the Australian taxpayer. As the member for Mayo and the member for North Sydney pointed out, it was claimed by Treasury that to release the documents 'would allow a direct inference to be drawn about subsequent cabinet deliberations', because 'they contained "material prepared to inform deliberations of government"'. Those quotes say it all. At first blush it is hard to believe that we are talking about the cabinet, of which the Greens are not officially members, but that justification for rejecting the FOI request says it all. The rationale used by Treasury bells the cat that is the relationship at a policy level and confirms who is wagging the dog on this issue.</para>
<para>The response by the Greens to the Treasury decision has been quite bizarre in its own right. In a statement to the <inline font-style="italic">Australian</inline>, the leader of the Greens, Senator Christine Milne, expressed her wholehearted support for the Treasury's decision to keep the party's costing under wraps. As the member for Mayo and the member for North Sydney pointed out, this is the party that is part of the new paradigm that was going to let the sunlight in. It was all for transparency. But when it comes to its own transparency—surprise, surprise—it has a different view. Earlier this year, Senator Milne cited a lack of transparency as the source of her misgivings about the proposed trans-Pacific partnership free trade agreement. But there is no misgiving when it comes to the Greens' own policies. In fact, the member for Melbourne issued a clarion call to mandate increased accountability on private sector executive remuneration, but there is no accountability when it comes to their policies. Perhaps most remarkably, Greens Senator Rhiannon also weighed in in favour of new FOI laws. But the piece de resistance is of course the Australian Greens-Labor Party agreement, which stated among its principles—it is principle No. 2.1(a)—that of 'greater transparency and accountable government'. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HUSIC</name>
    <name.id>91219</name.id>
    <electorate>Chifley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I actually do not want to give a hard time to the member for Mayo because he is having a hard time as it is. I think he is doing some very important work on the other side in trying to improve their economic literacy. But he is having a hard time because he, the member for Casey, the member for Kooyong and the member for Higgins—a reservoir of talent there—have been overshadowed by an economic titan in the form of Senator Joyce. They have to sit there and watch as that sort of equivalent of an economic Jupiter sucks all the attention and all the policy straight into his pet issues while they try to get a bit of economic literacy on their side of the fence. So I want to support the member for Mayo in his efforts as he uses this issue to burn out a few demons on their side of the fence and those, past and present, acting as a dead weight on the coalition. Now it is up to a fitter and stronger member for Mayo to put his shoulder to that dead weight and try to get some changes on their side of the fence.</para>
<para>It is rare that you see a coalition member embrace the notion of transparency or financial transparency. I will correct myself actually: it is that they do not normally do it. They do it when they are in opposition because that is always the best time for them to argue for transparency. But, sure enough, they start to choke on their hubris and find it is a lot harder to do in government from their perspective than when they had their solemn hand-on-heart moment that they were going to be the most economically transparent around. The classic example is Peter Costello. He rode the wave of the 1996 election victory and introduced a charter of budget honesty. He showed himself to be a big fan of economic transparency or financial transparency. In December 1996 when he was introducing the Charter of Budget Honesty Bill, he said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">This is the kind of reform which, when enacted, will be a permanent feature, making sure that Australia's economic policy is run better, making sure that the public is better informed, making sure there is transparency in economic policy.</para></quote>
<para>That was in 1996. Boy, a lot changed in a short period of time.</para>
<para>We had the other side complaining about FOIs being knocked back. What happened? The minute there was some scrutiny on the then coalition government's approach to taxation, in particular dealing with bracket creep and all the Treasury documents that existed about the first homebuyer scheme, there was Peter Costello stamping out any opportunity to use FOI by the media—not within this chamber but by the media—to get answers to the way they were managing fiscal policy. It was stamped out. They are champions one day of transparency and the next day they are clubbing the FOI Act themselves when they are in government. But they are here today to lecture us on transparency. Free speech is very important to those opposite. They will defend Andrew Bolt but the minute it comes to an FOI that might expose their approach to fiscal policy they say, 'No, you can't have free speech.' Then we had a whole series of conclusive certificates that were designed to shut down the entire debate by their person, Peter Costello.</para>
<para>Why is it relevant? It is because the member for Mayo thinks that the FOI processes should operate to hand him over info that he demands to see. He is right to call for financial transparency. I do not mind him calling for that. But, at the same time, he needs to be consistent. Look at the litany of errors that those opposite made in a short space of time during the course of the last election. They went to an election where they dodged the very thing they created—the Charter of Budget Honesty. They went to an accounting firm hardly known on the east coast and they were found to have underdone costings and disciplinary breaches and to be out of whack by $11 billion. Then they got into this parliament and opposed the Parliamentary Budget Office and confected a whole set of excuses as to why they did not want to support that.</para>
<para>And it kept going because then when it came to costing, for example, offshore processing, who did they use? They got burnt because they could not pick an accounting firm, so then they went to a catering firm. They used a catering firm to work out their costings on offshore processing. They outsourced immigration to Tetsuya's; they had the master chefs in there working as their ERC. And it keeps on going because in their ERC itself they leak on each other's budget costings to see who is leaking out of their ERC. So you do not have an ERC; you have an entrapment exercise. I understand why the member for Mayo is pushing this. It is as much an education process to their side— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs PRENTICE</name>
    <name.id>217266</name.id>
    <electorate>Ryan</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to support the member for Mayo's important motion today. The people of Australia expect and, indeed, deserve an honest and transparent government, and I strongly support the member's ongoing dedication to minimising the damage that has resulted from the Gillard Labor-Green coalition government. I note that as of last Friday, 7 September, the member for Mayo had 85 as-yet unanswered questions in writing to the government. The government's refusal to release Treasury costings of Greens policies is more evidence that Australians are not receiving those honest answers.</para>
<para>Firstly, I respect the right of every Australian to make an informed decision at the ballot box and to assess what is important to them on election day and vote accordingly. Every member of this House understands they represent not just the people who vote for them but each individual elector and their community at large. At the 2010 election, almost 17,000 people in Ryan gave the Greens candidate their first preference, and I have certainly undertaken to represent the strong concern in my electorate about environmental issues. Many people also vote for the Greens and then give either the ALP or the LNP their second preference in order to send a message that sustainable management of the environment is important to them.</para>
<para>Thousands of hopeful voters in 2008 in New South Wales voted for many Greens candidates in their local government elections. Most grievously, people in Marrickville woke up one day to discover that they had the Greens party trying to implement foreign policy through their local council. I wish I could say that this example is but an exception to the rule for the Greens; instead, it is a regretful situation that the heinous Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions campaign against Israel is a symptom of the hard left New South Wales Greens. On Saturday, voters woke up to the extreme policies of the Greens and sent them a very strong rebuke. Indeed, in Marrickville, the Liberal Party could have two councillors for the first time in the council's 150-year history.</para>
<para>I think it is important in that context, however, to discuss what a Greens government would actually do to this country—and we already have evidence. As a result of the Greens, we have the world's only economy-wide carbon tax and the government is going to waste $10 billion on the Clean Energy Finance Corporation. We have an unfunded dental scheme celebrated by the Greens, yet another example of a multibillion-dollar announcement from Labor-Greens, without having any idea of where the money will come from.</para>
<para>That is why today's motion is so important and why the coalition questions Treasury's decision to refuse the member for Mayo's freedom of information request about Greens policy costings because they contained material prepared to inform deliberations of government. We are not talking about cabinet minutes; we are talking about policy and costing proposals from the Australian Greens, policies which form a direct part of many of the government's most disastrous policies. We know that the Greens pretend to be advocates for transparency; they often demand 'more transparent, accountable democracy'.</para>
<para>The Labor Party has trashed the system of producing regulatory impact statements, which are supposed to follow Office of Best Practice Regulation guidelines. The Productivity Commission's interim report has exposed this Labor-Greens government's trashing of accountable and transparency government. We saw this—as Henry Ergas discussed in the <inline font-style="italic">Australian </inline>today—during the passage of the Illegal Logging Prohibition Bill through the House, when the government ignored modelling from the Centre for International Economics because it exposed the legislation for what it was: poorly designed, rushed-through legislation that would result in far more costs than benefits. As is the wont of this government, it then decided that the solution was to do new modelling and—would you believe, surprise, surprise—an RIS was produced supporting the government.</para>
<para>Today's motion is so important because, on closer inspection of Greens policy, they believe that economic growth and trade are destroying the globe and must be stopped. On their website, the Australian Greens declare, in their own special weasel words, that they want 'an economy that meets human needs'. They declare that they would abolish the private health insurance rebate completely, increase the tax on family trusts, increase income tax, introduce a death tax and increase the company tax rate. They even want to renationalise companies which provide public services.</para>
<para>Australians want and deserve transparent and accountable democracy. With the current Labor-Greens government they have neither. Therefore, I strongly support today's motion and insist that Treasury do the right thing by every Australian and release the requested documents.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FITZGIBBON</name>
    <name.id>8K6</name.id>
    <electorate>Hunter</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This debate has, I think, produced a fascinating dynamic. I have been in this place for 16 years and for 99 per cent of the time I find myself in combat with those who sit opposite. Of course, sometimes I was on the other side. But tonight I see something different. I have been watching this debate with great interest. I have observed those on that side, members of the Liberal Party, launch an attack on the Greens. It has been a cross-bench sort of debate—them versus the other side, as the previous speaker put it, 'The left-wing Greens from New South Wales.' I have been enjoying this immensely, because I thought it was my job of late to attack the Greens. But, tonight, those on the other side are doing it for me. It reminds us that this is not a debate about transparency; it is very much a political debate. It is really about the member for Mayo.</para>
<para>The member for Mayo had this brilliant idea of FOI-ing some costings that might have been put to Treasury on behalf of the Greens. He got a bit of a run on it in the newspapers, but it did not really get him the traction that he was looking for, so he thought he would have another crack at this and put a motion before the parliament. What is it really about? There is no doubt that we in this place are all for transparency, and no government has done as much as this government to further progress the FOI laws and to ensure that they operate more effectively than they ever have before. But where I find myself on a unity ticket with the coalition is on this issue of transparency. I want all of us to face the same levels of transparency.</para>
<para>This government, at the 2010 election, submitted all of its policies for costing and so we should. Because you cannot go out there promising the world to people without being held to account. If we are going to promise to do something we need to demonstrate that we know what it will cost and how we will pay for it. Are we going to raise taxes or cut programs elsewhere?</para>
<para>The coalition have refused to do that. In particular, they refused to do this at the last election. Having promoted this principle 'when in government', now they have walked away from the principle. The same thing should apply to the Greens. If the Greens are promising policies to the broad electorate they should, like us, and indeed like the coalition, have to submit their costings to the Parliamentary Budget Office. So if they are promising, for example, to abolish TAFE fees and charges, they need to demonstrate that they understand what it will cost and how they will pay for it, whether they will cut programs elsewhere or whether they will raise taxes. This has been an issue I have spoken about publicly in recent months. I am very pleased that the Leader of the Greens has now capitulated and made a commitment that, during the next election campaign, the Greens will submit their policies for costing. I therefore assume they will be explaining to the Australian people how they intend to pay for these policies.</para>
<para>It seems that the odd people out are those who sit directly opposite. The Greens say they will submit their election policies for costing. We, of course—as we always do—will submit our election policies for costing to the new Parliamentary Budget Office. The only lone wolf here tonight is those who sit directly opposite. The member for Mayo needs to come in here, rather than just play Joe Hockey off a break. I thought it was very interesting that the shadow Treasurer came in to speak on this motion. There is no written rule but, personally, I am not sure that I would have followed the member for Mayo in here if I were the shadow Treasurer, acknowledging his good work on this subject, particularly given that I am not sure he really believes what the member for Mayo is promoting. I would have sought the opportunity to do this myself. I think, historically, you will find that any shadow Treasurer would have done the same. So you can see, through this motion before the House, the dynamic happening on that side of the House, the tensions between the impatient young Turks on the back bench, looking for these opportunities to make the shadow Treasurer and his colleagues look bad. The shadow Treasurer walked right into that tonight, with his blustering speech against the Greens and everyone in his way. All we on this side want is for everyone to face the same rules. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TEHAN</name>
    <name.id>210911</name.id>
    <electorate>Wannon</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Talking about walking right into things, I think the member for Hunter must have a very short memory, because I recall reading one of the media articles around this issue which quoted the member for Hunter as saying, 'If the taxpayer is funding the costings of minor parties, they should be able to access the results.' Do you remember saying that, Member for Hunter?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Fitzgibbon</name>
    <name.id>8K6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Certainly. I stand by it.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TEHAN</name>
    <name.id>210911</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>So are you going to be supporting our motion then?</para>
<para class="italic">Mr Fitzgibbon interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TEHAN</name>
    <name.id>210911</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You are going to be supporting our motion. There we go. We can tick the member for Hunter as a vote on our side. That is very good. I am glad you are a man of principle and you are going to stand beside us, because that quote really sums up why we are here tonight.</para>
<para>I commend the member for Mayo for moving this motion. I must say I smiled to myself when the member for Melbourne decided to use a cricket analogy, because the member for Mayo—I do not know whether or not people know—was quite a handy cricketer in his day, and I am sure he put a few full tosses to the boundary. But, when the member for Melbourne said it was like being served up a full toss, I do not think he quite had the analogy right. For the member for Melbourne, it is more like ball tampering or maybe match-fixing, because that is what this is all about. This is about the Gillard government protecting the Greens, protecting their soul mates, protecting the party that they formed government with for this parliament. That is what this motion is all about.</para>
<para>The member for Hunter can come in and he can try and throw a few smokescreens here and there, but he belled the cat. If the taxpayers are funding the costings of minor parties, they should be able to access the results. Why can't we access the results? It is very interesting. I did a little bit of research. Before the last election, Bob Brown, as Leader of the Australian Greens, put out a Greens policy initiative called 'Integrity and Transparency in Politics legislative package'. So the Australian Greens believe that integrity, accountability and openness in politics are vital to a healthy democracy. This was Bob Brown before the last election. So I asked myself, 'What's happened?' And then I thought, 'Maybe it's the change of leadership. With a change of leadership, Bob's disappeared and we've got a new Greens leader. Maybe there's been a change of policy approach. Or maybe it is another example of, "We'll say one thing before the election and we'll do another thing afterwards."' I think that is probably more likely, because, as we have seen, the Greens have been very good at influencing this Labor government, getting them to say one thing before the last election and do another thing after. What we are seeing here is the belling of the cat when it comes to the influence that the Greens have over the Labor Party.</para>
<para>The Labor Party can be out saying, 'We need to distance ourselves from the Greens,' starting false wars with the Greens, but the Australian people will not fall for it. They have seen it when it comes to the carbon tax. They have seen it—as the member who spoke before me on this side argued—with the illegal logging bill and the way the RISs were distorted. It was sent back and tampered with and the result that the Greens wanted came out. They got their way with that piece of legislation. It is about time the Greens got the focus on them that they deserve. It is about time the blowtorch was applied to them. And it is about time the Labor Party showed that it really wants to distance itself from the Greens. If you want to do that, do not preference them in 50 seats, like you did at the last election. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr LYONS</name>
    <name.id>M38</name.id>
    <electorate>Bass</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I note with interest this motion moved by the member for Mayo noting that Treasury made a decision on a freedom-of-information request to refuse access to 12 documents and calling on the Treasury and the Department of Finance and Deregulation to release costings of policy proposals that the Australian Greens have formally submitted to the government since the 2010 federal election. I am surprised that he would call attention to this issue, given that it was his own party that went all the way to the High Court of Australia to avoid sharing tax office information about bracket creep and documents from Treasury regarding the first homebuyers grant. In fact, the Liberal Treasurer Peter Costello rendered the Freedom of Information Act virtually useless when the High Court ruled in his favour.</para>
<para>I am sure that the member for Mayo is aware that, under the Freedom of Information Act, decisions are made independently by department officials and that the minister does not decide what information gets released. This motion is just another example of Liberal Party hypocrisy—criticising the Labor government's handling of Treasury documents under freedom of information, when it was their former Treasurer that resorted to issuing 'conclusive certificates' to ensure that the media would have no chance in getting a fair hearing and that there would be no further debate on his deliberately hiding those documents.</para>
<para>I am extremely proud to be a member of the government that abolished these dodgy devices so that 'conclusive certificates' can no longer be used to defeat the Freedom of Information Act. Indeed, the Labor government has pursued some of the most significant reforms to the FOI Act since it was first enacted decades ago. Labor has refined the act so that, in more cases than not, documents are disclosed to those requesting them. We have established the Office of the Australian Information Commissioner to promote a pro-disclosure culture across the federal government. Significantly, under the Labor government FOI fees have been abolished to reduce the risk of fees discouraging the public from putting in freedom-of-information requests. This is in stark contrast to those opposite, who actively used fees as a disincentive, depriving applicants of their rights under the act.</para>
<para>The differing approaches to FOI only serve to highlight the key differences between Labor and those opposite. Labor stands for openness and transparency; the Liberals for secrecy and deceit. They continue to be destructively negative. They have put their own vested interests ahead of the needs of the community time after time—on the mining tax, on increasing superannuation for workers, on making big polluters pay for their carbon emissions—and they are doing it again.</para>
<para>Perhaps the member for Mayo is using this motion to try to draw attention away from the fact that his own party has never complied with the Charter of Budget Honesty, ironically implemented by its own former Treasurer Peter Costello. Or could he be attempting to distract the public from the opposition's still unaccounted budget black hole? Let's not forget that the last Liberal budget left some $70 billion worth of unfunded spending commitments unexplained.</para>
<para>We know that the Liberals and Nationals in government administered the biggest bribery kickback scandal in Australian history, the Australian Wheat Board scandal, and now those opposite would have us believe that they are the only ones who can govern. Since 2007, they have been undergoing the biggest dummy spit in Australia's history.</para>
<para>I thank the member for Mayo for moving this motion, which highlights the hypocrisy and double standards of the Liberal Party. Although I am sure it was unintentional, it only further reinforces the lengths to which the opposition will go to further their own interests and their willingness to deceive the public. After all, we know that the Liberal Party in government were the highest taxing government in Australian history. Their hypocrisy was revealed again in parliament today with the member for Wentworth's investment in the Spanish company Telefonica, alongside one in France Telecom, both of which are delivering fibre to the home, while his party insists on a second-rate broadband delivery system for Australia.</para>
<para>Further hypocrisy can be overcome if the member for Mayo can convince the member for North Sydney to have his budget figures fully costed by Treasury in the same way that he is demanding in his motion that the Greens have their policies examined. The Liberals preferenced the Greens and got the Greens member for Melbourne elected at the last election. The Greens are a secret society, and the Liberals are bathed in the warm glow of hypocrisy.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CIOBO</name>
    <name.id>00AN0</name.id>
    <electorate>Moncrieff</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This is an important motion because it goes to one of the most important aspects of Australian political culture—that is, the culture of the political parties that seek to represent and make decisions for the future of all Australians. We know that at the start of this parliamentary term the Labor Party and the Greens, together with some of the Independent members, made a big song and dance about letting the sunshine in. We heard words such as 'transparency' thrown about, and we heard a government talk about wanting to live up to a new, higher standard, a standard that it said was about providing the Australian public with confidence, in that they would know that this was a government—effectively, a coalition with the Greens—that they could have faith in.</para>
<para>But what we have seen come to pass is that nothing could be further from the truth, because this Labor government, together with the Greens—and here in the lower house, of course, it is the member for Melbourne—is a government that continues to operate on the basis of hiding information and only releasing the spin doctor news headlines that it is after without actually putting down the detail that the public is entitled to. So I absolutely congratulate the member for Mayo for his initiative with this particular motion, because it goes to that central issue—that is, the unreliability of this government when it comes to being transparent and open with the Australian people.</para>
<para>The Australian people should be concerned, because there are some fundamentals at stake in relation to this motion. Most importantly with respect to the Labor Party, we know that their inability to control the budget not only over the forward estimates but in the out years as well is rapidly becoming a major problem. We have seen announcement after announcement, headline after headline, from a desperate Prime Minister and a desperate government, which we estimate equate to around $120 billion of fiscal deficit as a consequence of the government's announcements, with no follow-through in terms of the policy rigour required to demonstrate how that money will actually be used and, most importantly, how the revenue will be derived to fund the policies that they like to be up there announcing.</para>
<para>In exactly the same spirit, we see the Greens. They would have to be the epitome of a political party that is all care and no responsibility. We know that the Greens have submitted policies to Treasury for costing. The member for Mayo through his excellent work on the opposition's Labor waste watch committee, which closely scrutinises the expenditure that the government undertakes—and it has been effectively an orgy of excess when it comes to the ways in which this government is wasting taxpayers' funds—put forward an FOI, or freedom of information, request for 12 documents. We discovered, off the back of that, that the government, through the department, said, 'No, you're not entitled to that information.'</para>
<para>Now, we know the way in which the Freedom of Information Act operates. In particular, the cabinet exemption—that is, section 34—stipulates that, if there is close contextual proximity to matters considered by cabinet, then there is an exemption for the release of that information. The act is clear in saying that it must have been brought into existence for the 'dominant' purpose of a cabinet related matter. How extraordinary then that Greens policy costings—on what, frankly, are mainly fairly zany policies, but that notwithstanding—according to the government are being submitted to Treasury for the dominant—that is, not incidental—purpose of setting government policy.</para>
<para>We have been saying for some time now that it appears to be a case of the tail wagging the dog, and this just reinforces that running through the Gillard Labor government is a very thick green stripe—and I use the word 'thick' very deliberately. There is a very thick green stripe through this Labor government. That is the reason why: if it sets a precedent on this matter when it comes to Greens policies and their costings, it hopes that it will not be subject to the scrutiny required when it comes to the $120 billion fiscal deficit that this government is going to run up by 2020.</para>
<para>It is important because, fundamentally, the Australians that have to pay for this government's largesse, the Australians that have to pay the ultimate price for this government's attempt to buy its way back into power, will be the Aussie kids of today. For the next two decades, they will be paying off its debt. It should stand up to the standards it set— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr STEPHEN JONES</name>
    <name.id>A9B</name.id>
    <electorate>Throsby</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I understand that last week in Perth the member for Wentworth gave an important speech, and in the course of that speech he cast some doubt upon the tactics of members of the coalition in question time and the issues they choose to focus on. I would hate to verbal the member for Wentworth, but I think the point he was making was that they had spent most of the last two years focusing on issues that really should not be in the in-tray of any serious government or any serious opposition. It would appear that it is not only question time in which those opposite indulge in their obfuscation tactics; it also happens during private members' business. To see the member for Mayo dawdle into this chamber and hear him criticise the Labor government for allegedly trying to withhold Treasury documents from release under FOI is breathtaking.</para>
<para>Let us leave aside for a moment the fact that under the Freedom of Information Act neither a minister nor the government decides what information departments release. Under this government at least, decisions are made independently by officials in each department and not by ministers themselves. Under the government's agreements with the Greens and the Independents they can ask us to cost policies and they can ask us to consider policies as part of the budget as well. Where policies are considered for funding, they are covered by the cabinet exemption—completely in keeping with normal practice under successive governments.</para>
<para>The member for Mayo and his Liberal Party mates are the only mob in this parliament who have form in trying to keep Treasury documents beyond the reach of the FOI Act. Let us not forget that when those opposite were in government the Liberal Party poster boy, Peter Costello, the former Treasurer, fought the media tooth and nail all the way to the High Court—the highest court in the land—to avoid giving out tax office documents about bracket creep and Treasury documents about the First Home Owners Scheme. This is the same mob who have come in here today saying there is something crook in the state of Denmark because documents are not being released under the freedom of information laws. Peter Costello was so desperate to conceal this information from scrutiny that he issued a conclusive certificate—a dodgy device designed to shut down debate about Mr Costello hiding those documents, destroying any chance that the media might have of getting a fair hearing on appeal.</para>
<para>I am proud to say that getting rid of these conclusive certificates was one of the first things the Labor Party did on achieving office in 2007—a stark contrast to the approach of the member for Mayo and his Liberal Party cronies. If the member for Mayo would like some clarification about the dodgy way that the Liberal Party and the former Treasurer handled documents under FOI, he might like to take his bluff and bluster down the hallway to the current member for Higgins and have a chat with her, because the member for Higgins used to work for Peter Costello as one of his FOI advisers. She probably remembers sitting around with him in the back of his office plotting with the former Treasurer, scheming up ways they could issue one of these conclusive certificates—they did not call him 'CC' for nothing—and could defeat the purpose of the FOI Act. I am very pleased to say that, in complete contrast to those opposite, we have presided over a regime where the presumption is to disclose, where the presumption is in favour of transparency.</para>
<para>So, given the Liberal Party's shady past, it is hypocritical of the member for Mayo to saunter into this chamber and criticise the Labor government for its record on handling Treasury documents under FOI. If he were in London at the moment he would be standing on the dais and they would be putting a gold medal around his neck—he would get a gold medal in the hypocrisy olympics. You have to wonder who is in charge of the opposition's tactics. The member for Wentworth really did nail it last week when he gave that speech in Perth saying that you have to scratch your head and you have to wonder about the tactics and the strategies and the issues that those opposite are focusing on at the moment. They are certainly not the big issues. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr VAN MANEN</name>
    <name.id>188315</name.id>
    <electorate>Forde</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the member for Mayo's private member's motion relating to the lack of transparency in the Greens' policy costings. The Greens make a wonderful song and dance about open and transparent government and yet, when it comes time to be open and transparent themselves, so the community can really see what they are about and what their policies are really going to cost this nation, they shrink into the shadows and hide in the bushes. Maybe that is where they are most comfortable.</para>
<para>This government has form. In the past it has released policy costings, namely an executive minute detailing costings of the coalition's direct action plan as well as the updated costings on reopening the detention facility in Nauru. The fig leaf that many government speakers have tried to employ in this debate—that they cannot release information because it has been to cabinet, or some other fig leaf under the freedom of information laws—does not stand up to scrutiny They are quite happy to release information when it suits their purposes, but they are not happy to release information that will inform the notion of what this Greens-Labor government is really about.</para>
<para>There seems to be an obvious lack of transparency here on behalf of the Treasury and the Department of Finance and Deregulation. It seems hypocritical at best, given the Labor-Greens push for public scrutiny and more transparency whilst arguing it is in the public's best interests for them to keep these documents to themselves. To highlight this point, I refer to the Labor-Greens agreement signed in September 2010:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Parties agree to work together to pursue the following principles:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">a) transparent and accountable government;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">b) improved process and integrity of parliament …</para></quote>
<para>It would make anyone suspicious of the documents' contents, especially when the majority of surprises within this government have come from the Labor-Greens alliance. The Greens have not hidden the fact they wish to increase the carbon tax. Are these details being hidden from the public within one of these documents? The question of the resulting negative consequences for our economy arises.</para>
<para>For the past two years, the Labor-Greens government have made life increasingly difficult for hardworking Australians. Let us start with the introduction of the world's biggest carbon tax and the creation of a $10 billion slush fund for favoured renewable energy projects. The more we see and the more we hear about renewable energy, the more it suggests this is going to be $10 billion of wasted money.</para>
<para>Thanks to the Labor-Greens partnership, private health insurance rebates and childcare rebates have been cut—this at a time when childcare fees are increasing and public hospitals are struggling with increasing waiting lists. We have also seen the abolition of the Office of the Australian Building and Construction Commissioner, resulting in the return of union militancy to the construction industry. The Greens are also responsible for an increase in the fringe benefits tax on vehicles, for quietly dissolving work-for-the-dole schemes, for establishing an inquiry into the media and for creating marine reserves without proper community consultation. It is becoming increasingly obvious from the drop in support for the Greens that the public have had enough of their demands and are starting to see through the smokescreen.</para>
<para>We know that the real power in this government is held by the Greens and the decision to refuse access to their policy costings does little to dispel this perception. As the Leader of the Greens admitted recently:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… it is happening because we have shared power in Australia. Majority governments wouldn't have delivered this outcome. It is because the Greens are the balance of power and working with the other parties to deliver, not only aspirations but the process to achieve it.</para></quote>
<para>We have seen, over the last little while, the creation of an enormous budget black hole by this government with the assistance of the Greens. It is time that these policy costings were transparently released for the community's benefit. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>CONDOLENCES</title>
        <page.no>10038</page.no>
        <type>CONDOLENCES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>McCarthy, Mr John</title>
          <page.no>10038</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BUTLER</name>
    <name.id>HWK</name.id>
    <electorate>Port Adelaide</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Deputy Speaker, on indulgence, I rise to record my condolences on the death of John McCarthy announced this afternoon by the Port Adelaide Football Club. John was holidaying in the United States with 10 teammates and died from injuries sustained in a fall from a building in Las Vegas in circumstances which, obviously, are still being investigated.</para>
<para>John was only 22. He had spent several years at the Collingwood Football Club after being drafted as a teenager. He joined Port Adelaide this year and played in 21 of our 22 games. John was an exciting player with a heap of potential to play an important role in the club's rebuilding in future years. After a tough year, this will be a difficult time for the Port Adelaide Football Club and our thoughts are with the club, especially John's teammates and the club's staff. Our deepest sympathy is extended to John's family and friends, particularly to John's parents, Shane and Cath; his brother, Matt; his sisters, Frances, Elizabeth and Jane; and his girlfriend, Dani. It is a shocking tragedy to lose someone so young with such promise. May John McCarthy rest in peace.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr IRONS</name>
    <name.id>HYM</name.id>
    <electorate>Swan</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Deputy Speaker, on indulgence, I rise to support the words of condolence spoken by the member for Port Adelaide, the Minister for Mental Health and Ageing. As most members in this place would know, my son is a rookie at Port Adelaide. I was fortunate enough to meet John McCarthy recently. We sat together with a group of Port Adelaide players at Norwood Oval to watch some of their teammates play in the SANFL on a cold Friday night. As I am sure the member for Port Adelaide would be able to tell you, it can get really cold at Norwood Oval during winter.</para>
<para>The message the minister gave, in speaking about John, his playing history and where he had been, is something this parliament should recognise. At the same time, I would like to speak not only on behalf of my son but on behalf of parents who have lost children at an early age. I sit next to the member for Longman who, at the age of 22, is the same age as John. For anyone who has experienced the loss of a child, whether it be at birth or at the age of 22 or 35, it is a tragic loss. So my heart goes out to John's parents, Shane and Cath; his brother, Matt; his sisters, Frances, Elizabeth and Jane; his girlfriend, Dani; and to his extended family and network of friends.</para>
<para>I know Dani spent time at Alberton Oval with the Port Adelaide player group this afternoon. My son relayed the fact that the players gathered today and the players have asked me to deliver a message on their behalf to this parliament. They asked me to say that they are deeply saddened and shocked by John's death and that they will do whatever they have to do to keep their club together—the tight-knit club that they all play with, work with and spend more time with than they do with their own families—through this difficult time. The player group will support in any way they can the family and extended family of John McCarthy. That is the message the player group asked me to deliver to the parliament tonight.</para>
<para>As the minister said, we cannot speak too much about the actual incident; it is still being investigated. But any death, whether or not it is accidental, is still a tragedy. I know from the member for Dunkley that John was from his district, a Pensinsula old boy, and he knows John's parents, and I am sure he wishes to have the opportunity to pass on his condolences to them as well.</para>
<para>One of the things that Australians do is put our sportspeople up on a pedestal, and we saw that after the recent Olympics. Every parent of every athlete who competed in the Olympics would be proud. As the parent of an AFL player I can tell you that one of the proudest moments I have ever had was when I saw my son debut in the AFL as an elite sportsman. We wish the best for our children. No matter what level they are at, we want them to excel and to achieve their dreams. John McCarthy, I am sure, reached his dreams and those of his parents. For his life to end in what was a time of celebration—the end of the season, looking forward to a new season—is an absolute tragedy. I am blessed just to be able to stand here and say to his family and to the Port Adelaide Football Club: the parliament is with you and thinking of you, and the grief that you feel is felt by all of us as well.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the members for their gracious words on this very difficult occasion.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>ADJOURNMENT</title>
        <page.no>10039</page.no>
        <type>ADJOURNMENT</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>McCarthy, Mr John, Small Business</title>
          <page.no>10039</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BILLSON</name>
    <name.id>1K6</name.id>
    <electorate>Dunkley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I too pass on my condolences to John McCarthy's family, his partner, the players, his friends and the extended group of people whose lives he touched. I understand he was part of the Peninsula School, where he was a highly admired athlete and young man. I am sure the Peninsula Old Boys, as they are known, are grieving his loss today, and our thoughts are very much with them.</para>
<para>On a separate matter, I wish to speak about the concerns that many small businesses have raised with me—in fact, I have been inundated with them—about how the introduction of a national business names register has been botched by the government. The concerns are that this is impacting on business viability, that time-poor small business owners and their advisers are involved in battling this new system that is overseen by ASIC, when it was heralded as something that would be a vast improvement for those operating in multiple jurisdictions. It has more recently been characterised as a nightmare for businesses, who have vented their frustrations directly to me, to the responsible ministers and the Prime Minister, and to a number of online journals as well. ASIC have said that it is a matter of some teething challenges and technical errors. I call on the government to act decisively to correct these errors, to put in place a clear strategy to remedy the shortcomings that are painfully evident. I will be seeking a full briefing from ASIC, from the government, on just what steps it will take.</para>
<para>This is at a time when, according to Dun & Bradstreet, small business start-ups are down by 95 per cent. So the traffic that ASIC would have expected to have to contend with is far less than would ordinarily be the case and, certainly, far less than when the idea of a national business names registration system was first identified and pursued by the Howard government. It dates back that far, this good idea. It was supported by the coalition, cautioning the government that, for the small business community to see it as a success, it was all about the implementation. We pointed to a number of concerns. We obtained assurances from the minister that all of these risks had been identified and that they would be easily addressed by the way in which the names registration system would be rolled out. In fact, you might recall that the consequential provisions act was to take effect before the Business Names Registration Act took effect. We worked cooperatively and collaboratively with the government to overcome that self-created obstacle to the implementation of this measure.</para>
<para>Now we face a number of new challenges, and I will just run through a few of them. The delay in actually getting a name registered is causing great concern to businesses and business advisers, particularly small businesses that have been involved in purchasing an existing enterprise, assuming that the business name would be part of that transaction. Instead, they learn that there is a 28-day period before a cancelled business name can be transferred and that, in that intervening period, they just have to hope someone else does not pinch the business name. If you have paid handsomely for a business with an existing and recognised business name, there should be a seamless transition of that business name; it should not place your purchase in doubt. This has been identified as a major concern. Even the use of the ABN as an identifier is a particular challenge. That particular tool has caught some businesses off-guard and they have then had to go and create another business identifier just to find their way through the website.</para>
<para>Other concerns relate to location-specific names. I was contacted by a home maintenance business that had its name registered in one state, and there was a similar business name registered in another state. You might recall, Madam Acting Speaker, that there was to be a designation of the location as part of the transitional arrangements. The concern is, though, that once there is a location designation someone else could come along and say, for example, 'I'm the speaker of the house—ACT,' and someone else could say, 'Well, I'm the speaker of the house—Victoria.' A perfectly legitimate business name that you thought you owned could pop up not only on a state basis but also neighbourhood by neighbourhood. This is yet another concern.</para>
<para>A further concern is about home based businesses. We were assured that privacy would not be intruded upon. The problem is that, when you go to look for an address for the service of notices, your location can be identified and the privacy of your home based business compromised. This needs to be fixed. I call on the government to get on with it— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>School Funding</title>
          <page.no>10040</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HAYES</name>
    <name.id>ECV</name.id>
    <electorate>Fowler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today to strongly condemn the New South Wales Liberal government's recent threat to significantly cut funding for independent and Catholic schools in New South Wales. This radical $66.7 million cut in funding for non-government schools will mean $496 less will go to each child in a non-government or Catholic school. Less funding per student will undoubtedly force the schools to raise their fees or implement painful cost cuts, which will lead to fewer jobs and fewer learning resources for students.</para>
<para>State funding equates to 20 per cent of the annual income for most Catholic schools in New South Wales. This funding goes towards teachers' salaries and meeting operational costs and is therefore fundamental to the operation of any Catholic school. Parents have grown accustomed to being assured that their children are getting affordable yet top-quality education at Catholic schools. The Catholic Church has had a long tradition in education. In fact, for 190 years it has offered quality education to young Australians.</para>
<para>The decision to cut funding for Catholic and independent schools and jeopardise their ability to provide affordable education has come as an absolute shock to these schools as most have already set their budgets for next year. There has been no consultation with school representatives and no consideration for the wellbeing and future of our nation's youth. Providing our youth with quality education and thereby the best opportunities for their future cannot be the area for savage cuts. Our ability and willingness to invest in education will ultimately determine the future prosperity of our nation.</para>
<para>The New South Wales government's failure to recognise the fundamental significance of education for our nation's future stands in stark contrast to the federal government's efforts to implement a historic education revolution. Only days ago, in response to the Gonski review, the Prime Minister outlined Better Schools: A National Plan for School Improvement, which aims to ensure that every student in our nation gets a world-class education. Introducing benchmark investments per student and increasing the funding depending on levels of need and disadvantage will ensure no student is left behind. Providing more and better quality teachers and facilitating access to the most advanced learning resources will certainly enhance the learning experience and bring Australia back to the top of the international education standards.</para>
<para>The federal Labor government has already made more positive reforms in education than any government that has come before it. In fact, our school budget is already double that of the Howard government. Thanks to our BER program, our kids have more than 900,000 new computers to learn on and are enjoying the record investment in improving the quality of their education.</para>
<para>What is the reaction of the New South Wales Liberal government to these historic investments in education? Instead of joining in and contributing to creating a world-leading education system, the O'Farrell government is proposing to take away from the students and jeopardise their future. The federal government increases in school funding should by no means be an incentive for state governments to decrease the funding commitments that have traditionally belonged to the states. And the bullyboy tactics of holding students of Catholic and independent schools to ransom sets a new low, even by the standards of the New South Wales Liberal government.</para>
<para>This situation is eerily similar to where the New South Wales government recently raised the rent for pensioners living in public housing as a result of the federal government's pension increase, which was designed to offset rises in the cost of living. This is fast becoming the hallmark of the O'Farrell government—using any additional assistance as an incentive to reduce funding for those most in need.</para>
<para>I call on the New South Wales Premier, Barry O'Farrell, and his education minister, Adrian Piccoli, to come out and tell the parents what their intentions are when it comes to school funding. They have the opportunity to join the federal government in revolutionising Australia's education system by investing in our youth and in the nation's future; or they can continue with their lazy approach of caring only about the immediate bottom line and leaving behind those who need our support the most. Our Catholic and independent schools are a vital part of this country's education system. They deserve more support and respect than the New South Wales Liberal government is currently giving them.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Bonner Electorate: Mount Gravatt Men's Shed</title>
          <page.no>10042</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr VASTA</name>
    <name.id>E0D</name.id>
    <electorate>Bonner</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is with great pleasure that I rise tonight to acknowledge and thank the members and committee of the Mount Gravatt Men's Shed for the support they give to the men in my community of Bonner. They generously volunteer their valuable time and their caring is second to none. It had become increasingly evident over recent years that there was a great need for a range of activities and services that support men in the Bonner community, particularly those in the 50 to 85 age range. Some of these men suffer from a number of issues such as social isolation, loneliness, mild depression and general issues associated with ageing and adjustment to retirement. A few dedicated men formed a steering committee in 2009 and these men worked tirelessly, with the help of other community groups, who assisted either financially or in kind, along with numerous dedicated volunteers to get the Mount Gravatt Men's Shed up and running. The hard work and dedication has paid off with wonderful results. This month 169 men are proud financial members of the Mount Gravatt Men's Shed, an indication of the huge effort carried out to establish this facility by these committed men and volunteers.</para>
<para>There are approximately 700 registered men's sheds in operation across Australia, and I am incredibly proud to say that the Mount Gravatt Men's Shed is one of only a very small number in Brisbane. It is wonderful to see men getting together to support each other and the community and I look forward to working with them to support the broader Bonner community over the years to come.</para>
<para>I had the pleasure of visiting the committee on 28 August for a progress check on their new facility and again on 3 September to present them with an Australian flag that has hung in this great House to be prominently and proudly displayed in the building upon completion. As the federal member for Bonner, I am extremely proud of this group of men who have achieved so much. Much of the success of this organisation is directly due to the energy and drive of the executive members of the Mount Gravatt Men's Shed. I wish to pay particular tribute to and acknowledge Brian Wheeler, President of the Mount Gravatt Men's Shed. Brian makes an incredible contribution to the community. I thank him for all he has done for the men in the Mount Gravatt area.</para>
<para>Other members of the committee whom I must mention and who deserve our praise are the Vice President, Keith Samuels; the Building Manager, Bob Pope; the Chairman of the Community Projects Sub-Committee, Arthur Muhl; and the Chairman of the Welfare Sub-Committee, Elwyn Jackson. All these people contribute so much of their valuable time to our local community and it is only fitting that they receive our acknowledgement and heartfelt thanks. I know that the sentiments that I have expressed today are shared by all those they assist in the wider Bonner community.</para>
<para>As many in this chamber would agree, community groups like the Mount Gravatt Men's Shed cannot continue to run effectively solely on the blood and sweat of volunteers; they also need the practical support of funding from the community and government. Owing to the invaluable commitment and support that this wonderful group of men provide to the local Bonner community, it is my intention to fight to secure the funding of $130,000 needed to complete this project. With this much needed injection of funds I have no doubt that the Mount Gravatt Men's Shed can continue to be a beacon of hope and support to the men of the Bonner community and to the wider community in general.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Lyons Electorate: Norske Skog Boyer Paper Mill</title>
          <page.no>10043</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ADAMS</name>
    <name.id>BV5</name.id>
    <electorate>Lyons</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Today was another important milestone in the history of an industry that is very important in my electorate. The Boyer paper mill is currently trading under the name of Norske Skog, a world-leading Norwegian producer of newspaper and related paper grades that is represented in 14 countries. Today I learnt that agreement had finally come through for the paper mill to receive both federal and state government help, in partnership with the company, to go into an expansion to diversify production from newsprint to magazine-grade coated paper. It has had to do this to survive in the new, electronic world.</para>
<para>A little history: the mill now run by Norske Skog used to be owned by Australian Newsprint Mills, which evolved from the need for an Australian paper industry last century, and it has a rich and colourful history. In 1920 the Melbourne-based Mussen Group funded research at Kermandie, in the Huon Valley, to make newspaper from Tasmanian hardwoods. A breakaway newspaper syndicate, led by Keith Murdoch from the Herald and Weekly Times and Warwick Fairfax from the Age, formed the Derwent Valley Paper and Pulp Company in 1932. This company negotiated extensive forest concessions in the Florentine Valley with the state government. The two parties came together as Australian Newsprint Mills and began building the Boyer paper mill in 1939. The Boyer mill is still located alongside the Derwent River, 36 kilometres from Hobart. It is a major contributor to the Tasmanian economy and has been so over its lifetime. It has distributed its paper to every state and territory in Australia, supplying around 40 per cent of Australia's demand. A residential suburb for workers' families was constructed at New Norfolk. The mill opened in 1941 and the 10 Australian daily newspapers used Boyer newsprint, so averting serious wartime paper rationing.</para>
<para>The mill's history reflects the history of the timber industry in Tasmania. Logs were extracted from the area around Fitzgerald and Karanja, and workforce camps providing comfortable but basic accommodation were built. Bushmen used crosscut saws and axes to fell timber, and tractors dragged logs to sidings where steam haulers winched them onto rail tracks. Spur lines joined the main railway to Boyer. In 1947, the township of Maydena was built as a base for logging in the Florentine Valley. Thriving communities developed at New Norfolk and Maydena, and the company built amenities, including halls, football grounds and swimming pools. The workforce was a bit like that of the early Hydro and included many single men, often migrants. Extensive silviculture research led to Maydena becoming known as the 'cradle of Australian wet-forest silviculture'.</para>
<para>Tasmania's first modern conservation controversy occurred in 1948, when the government annexed 2,000 acres from Mount Field National Park to extend the Florentine concession. Now, nearly 60 years later, history is repeating itself with the current notorious wrangle going on in Tasmanian forestry which we are attempting to resolve with another agreement. By 1960 the chainsaw had replaced the crosscut saw, increasing the timber extraction rate. Boyer mill expanded, with new machines increasing production. But mechanisation and contracting work gradually reduced the workforce, and the area adjacent to Maydena was made part of the South West Wilderness World Heritage Area, limiting possible expansion.</para>
<para>With outdated machinery and global competition, Boyer mill nearly closed. New Zealand paper giant Fletcher Challenge took over in 1988 and reduced the workforce from 3,000 to 600. Significantly, the change was made with union and community agreement after extensive studies had been done and overseas study trips with union delegates and management undertaken. Maydena depot closed in 1990. In 2002, Fletcher Challenge was taken over by Norwegian paper giant Norske Skog, whose international reputation for professionalism suggested long-term viability for the newsprint industry at Boyer.</para>
<para>Now, with this latest agreement, another opportunity to thrive has been offered. It could mean as many as 100 jobs in construction. We will then secure the 300 jobs in the conversion to making coated paper. This will help us keep the mill going for many years into the future. If we are to secure a future for our traditional industries, we have to assist in the transition. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Farrer Electorate: Telecommunications</title>
          <page.no>10044</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms LEY</name>
    <name.id>00AMN</name.id>
    <electorate>Farrer</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise tonight to talk about telecommunications in my electorate of Farrer. I would like to say that this is going to be a good news story about telecommunications in all of Australia, but sadly I cannot. My comments tonight are prompted by this government's recent response to the 2011-12 Regional Telecommunications Independent Review Committee, the so-called Sinclair review. This response was made public on 23 August this year, which just happened to be the day after the last session of parliament. We should not read anything into the timing; we should only note that this is the first opportunity that I or any of my fellow rural and regional MPs have had to comment on the government's rather disappointing reply.</para>
<para>The minister for Broadband, Communications and the Digital economy was, of course, very excited about the Sinclair review's comments on the potential of the National Broadband Network to improve the lives of regional Australians. He went so far as to suggest that the review confirmed that people living in regional Australia supported the government's investment in the National Broadband Network and the decision to prioritise the rollout of fast, reliable and affordable broadband to regional areas.</para>
<para>The fibre rollout of the NBN so far announced for the electorate of Farrer will cover 0.12 per cent of the electorate. If the minister considers this to be prioritising fast, reliable and affordable broadband to regional areas, I cannot wait to see what will happen when he really gets his skates on!</para>
<para>Even more disappointing than this announcement was the government's feeble response to the Sinclair review's genuine concern about the patchy or non-existent mobile telephone coverage in the electorate.</para>
<para>In a classic case of 'Let's do absolutely nothing', the minister said the government would encourage NBN Co. and mobile carriers to work together to take advantage of future fixed wireless towers to improve services. So here we have a federal minister of the Commonwealth who is so excited at what his very costly NBN is yet to achieve. It not likely to do so within the life of this parliament, or the next three after that, but it is apparently going to fix mobile phone black spots as well.</para>
<para>Of course, this is nonsense. Let me give you an example of why. Last month NBN Co. lodged a development application for broadband rollout in the small Murray town of Howlong. Howlong, just by sheer luck, under this government's flip-flop policy, happens to have just over 1,000 premises. So it could be assumed that the project was for the laying of fibre optic cable to Howlong homes and businesses. No. It was for a 50-metre tower to provide wireless broadband to the area. And where is that tower proposed by NBN Co. to be located? Just two kilometres from Howlong's town centre.</para>
<para>So now we have a small country town designated for fibre optic broadband but with back-up wireless just in case it all falls over or the money runs out, or both. Even if we do believe that the minister's super-fast prioritising of super-fast fibre happens as quickly as he would have us all believe, tell me the sense of locating a tower inside a town which is due for NBN to be rolled down the local street. On any level of common sense the fixed wireless tower would be located as far outside of communities like Howlong as possible to ensure that the wireless footprint can travel as far and wide as possible. Just as importantly, this could then complement the minister's far-flung thought bubble that NBN Co. and the telcos will work together to improve mobile phone coverage in the future.</para>
<para>Placing the NBN tower around 15 to 20 kilometres from Howlong could even deliver a mobile phone service to the town of Savernake, 70 kilometres away, which has no mobile phone coverage. Instead, under this government, one town will have two methods of receiving the NBN and two local towers will be delivering the same mobile phone coverage in Howlong but there is no mobile phone coverage even planned for the town of Savernake—appalling planning. Time after time, the Gillard administration proves why it is hopelessly out of touch, incapable of implementing its policies and hopeless when it comes to spending taxpayer dollars wisely.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Gower, Major General Steve AO AO(Mil) (Ret.)</title>
          <page.no>10045</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr GRIFFIN</name>
    <name.id>VU5</name.id>
    <electorate>Bruce</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise tonight to honour a distinguished Australian who has recently retired from a significant position at one of our great cultural institutions, and that is Major General Steve Gower, who has recently concluded a distinguished career of some 16-plus years as director at the Australian War Memorial. That follows on from an also very distinguished career in the Australian military. He served in Vietnam but also went on to hold senior positions in the Defence Force. I could go through a range of them but I will not, at this stage, other than to say that he is an unusual man who has a very unusual achievement: he has been made an Officer of the Order of Australia in both the military division and the general division. That is not something that very many people, if any, could claim to have achieved.</para>
<para>As Minister for Veterans' Affairs I had the privilege of working with Major General Gower. I have to say that he was a man who always gave you full and frank advice. But he also always impressed you with his enormous knowledge, his breadth of understanding of the issues with respect to the institution he was responsible for, and a genuine passion and enthusiasm for the work he was doing. It is fair to say—others have said it, and I am happy to say it here—that over the last 16 years he took an institution that had always been at the centre of Australia's cultural identity and made it the vanguard of Australia's cultural identity into the future. He looked to new technologies, he looked to the future, he embraced that cultural identity and he developed it through the War Memorial.</para>
<para>He did a range of things in his time, and I will go through just a few of them now: major redevelopments of galleries, including the Second World War gallery, the aircraft hall, post-1945 conflicts to today, and the Hall of Valour, bringing them up to world-class standards using modern museum practice; the development of the Campbell precinct site development plan, which set the future development of the grounds; the construction of two buildings—ANZAC Hall and the CEW Bean Building—which has extended exhibition space considerably, the latter especially to accommodate contemporary conflicts; the acquisition and fit-out of Treloar D, the conservation storage facility at Mitchell; the development and introduction of <inline font-style="italic">Wartime</inline>, the official magazine of the Australian War Memorial; the introduction of the memorial's website; the memorial's induction into the Australian Tourism Awards prestigious Hall of Fame in 2003; the introduction of a national travelling exhibition program; and the reinstatement of the official commissions program, which has seen artists, photographers, cinematographers and curators travel to East Timor, the Solomon Islands, Iraq, Afghanistan and the Sinai.</para>
<para>These and a whole range of other initiatives have occurred on Steve's watch. They are testimony to his excellent work over the last 16 years and to the lasting imprint he will leave with respect to one of our greatest institutions, from a cultural perspective. He is a man who was well respected by the staff who have worked with him and for him over that time, and he leaves behind very huge shoes to fill.</para>
<para>Also, as they say, behind every man there is an even greater woman, and Steve's wife, Heather, certainly fits that bill. Heather, as I said to Steve when we were talking the other day, is by all accounts a great lady. She has been an absolute adornment and significant contributor to his role as director. I had the great pleasure of meeting and spending time with her on a number of occasions. She has not been well, and I know I send the best wishes of all here in the parliament to her.</para>
<para>At this time we should honour not only Steve's excellent work over his time as director but also Heather's excellent support of that work. Together, they have been a significant part of the development of the Australian War Memorial. Steve leaves this position in a situation in which he can be very rightly proud of the work he has done. He can move on from there knowing that future generations will remember his work and the significant contribution he has made.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Durack Electorate: Telecommunications</title>
          <page.no>10046</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HAASE</name>
    <name.id>84T</name.id>
    <electorate>Durack</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise this evening to highlight the negative impact of this federal Labor government and the predicament suffered by the constituents of Durack, together with national and international visitors, with regard to the government's complete lack of sympathy for those unable to access adequate mobile telephone services. In June 2011, there were just over 29 million mobile voice or data services in Australia, up 13 per cent from the previous year. About 99 per cent of Australia's population has mobile phone coverage. However, 75 per cent of Australia's land mass has no reliable mobile coverage.</para>
<para>The West Australian Liberal government recently awarded a $39.2 million contract to Telstra to install 113 new mobile sites in priority areas. This investment will deliver a total of $106 million in value to WA. The program will increase coverage in WA by 22 per cent, from 430,000 square kilometres to 520,000 square kilometres. With Durack covering 1,587,758 square kilometres, this increase in coverage—if it were all applicable solely to Durack—would still only give a third of the electorate mobile coverage.</para>
<para>All of Durack is remote, rural or regional—unlike the metropolitan electorates of Canberra and Sydney, both Labor electorates that have state of the art mobile coverage. Regardless of electorate, I am sure all Australians believe they have a right to use the now common mobile phone. People in my patch have the phones and soon, if we are to believe the Gillard government on this issue, some of them will have access to superfast broadband—yes, they have the phones, it is just that in many areas they do not have the services to use them. One could be excused for calling it a 'Clayton's mobile service'.</para>
<para>A number of people in my patch have to get on the highest point on their property or climb a silo to get reception. This may seem amusing to city folk, but I can tell them it is no way to conduct business or keep in contact with family and friends and it is no way for the people in my patch to report an emergency to the appropriate emergency services.</para>
<para>This Labor government has ignored the Sinclair Review into regional telecommunications. It has ignored the fact that mobile phone coverage is the No. 1 telecommunications issue in regional Australia. It has ignored the fact that the review recommended the government introduce a co-investment program with state and local government to improve mobile coverage. Tired of just slapping regional Australians in the face, this government with its city-centric views has given regional Australians an upper cut. This Labor government has decided not to fund any new program until the NBN fixed wireless network is completed in 2015 at the earliest, if we can believe the government this time.</para>
<para>Back when Australia was a better place to live—free of a mining tax, free of a carbon tax and the 'you think it, we tax it attitude' of this government—yes, back in the good old days when the coalition was in power we spent about $145 million between 2001 and 2007 to improve mobile coverage. We implemented the $15.65 million Extended Mobile Phone Coverage in Regional Australia program, which improved CDMA coverage in 62 locations. We also funded the Towns Over 500 program, which improved mobile coverage for 131 towns in regional Australia with populations of more than 500 people. We funded the $25 million Mobile Phones on Highways program to improve coverage along major Australian highways and we funded the $19 million Mobile Phones on Regional Highways initiative. We also implemented a significant number of small projects worth more than $10 million through the Networking the Nation initiative.</para>
<para>Since 2008, the government has done nothing to improve mobile phone coverage in regional Australia. I am quite sure you, Madam Deputy Speaker, have heard of Cape Range National Park and Ningaloo Reef, a must-see destination in my patch for state, national and international tourists. On the west side of North West Cape, in behind the range there is no mobile service. People spend their holidays snorkelling, kayaking and dangling a line from a tinny. It is an idyllic setting for singles, honeymooners and families. A number of lives have been lost in this area, and I wonder just how many may have been saved had there been adequate mobile service to contact authorities.</para>
<para>For the cost of rolling out the NBN network in one week, many lives might have been saved. The Gillard Labor government needs to know duplicating broadband services in metropolitan areas is simply not good enough. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Fisheries</title>
          <page.no>10048</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr KELVIN THOMSON</name>
    <name.id>UK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Wills</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On the day parliament last sat in August, I urged the government not to approve the super trawler <inline font-style="italic">Margiris</inline> fishing in Australian waters. Since I spoke the Minister for Sustainability, Environment, Water, Population and Communities, Tony Burke, has indicated that he does not, as things stand, have the legal power to stop the trawler, but he did tell Radio 2GB last week that this did not amount to 'the government's view that this is the end of the matter'.</para>
<para>I commend the minister for his ongoing interest in this issue and I also commend my colleague the member for Fremantle for putting together a private member's bill which would block super trawlers the size of the <inline font-style="italic">Margiris</inline> from fishing in Australian waters. I have agreed to second her bill.</para>
<para>The opposition to the super trawler has been widespread. In July, 350 recreational fishermen, towing 100 boats, rallied from Davenport to Burnie. The same day 150 cars with boats attached travelled by convoy through Launceston, while 200 cars drove through Hobart. Some of the protesters said they feared a history of trawlers overfishing the Bass Strait would be repeated if the trawler were permitted. Spreyton fisherman Colin Stephenson said Australian salmon had been overfished by trawlers in the 1960s, with its Bass Strait stock taking decades to recover. Burnie fishing store owner Rodney Howard said he and other commercial operators feared for their livelihoods if the <inline font-style="italic">Margiris</inline> were permitted to operate. He said: 'There will be a huge decline in game fishing because, if bait fish isn't there, the big fish won't be either.'</para>
<para>It used to be regularly said that there are plenty more fish in the sea. This can no longer be said. In 1998 the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization concluded that global fishing capacity was 2½ times greater than global fish stocks could sustain. Since then capacity has increased. The UN and the World Bank have assessed that overcapacity and overfishing are costing the global economy US$50 billion annually.</para>
<para>In 2009, 30 per cent of the stocks of the top 10 pelagic species were estimated to be overfished. In 2011 UN Food and Agriculture Organization statistics showed fishing outcomes on the decline, suggesting that we have passed the point of peak fish.</para>
<para>The global fish catch increased rapidly from 17 million tonnes in 1950 to a peak of 88 million tonnes in 1996. Since then it has declined to about 80 million tonnes—in 2009 it was 79.5 million tonnes. As recently as March this year, <inline font-style="italic">Margiris</inline> was fishing in West Africa, off Mauritania and Morocco, where most of the targeted fish stocks are considered fully exploited or overexploited. Local fishermen find it increasingly hard to find fish and have to go further for longer to get their catch.</para>
<para>Australia is a signatory to the UN Code of Conduct for Responsible Fisheries. The code directs states to take steps to reduce overcapacity and avoid management actions that contribute to overcapacity. These principles, along with a commitment to work towards cuts to fishing subsidies, were reaffirmed by Prime Minister Gillard recently in Rio. Given our commitment through the code to stop overfishing, I want to raise two specific issues about the <inline font-style="italic">Margi</inline><inline font-style="italic">ri</inline><inline font-style="italic">s</inline> proposal. One is the question of the stock assessments. I have been told that blue mackerel numbers were last surveyed in 2004, that redbait were surveyed in 2005 and 2006 and that jack mackerel were last surveyed as long ago as 2003. People are understandably concerned that these stock assessments are too old to ensure an accurate estimate of current fish numbers. I believe these assessments would need to be updated before we could be confident that the super trawler would not risk the population of these species or the broader marine ecosystem.</para>
<para>The second issue is the question of proposed observer coverage. It is said that there will be 100 per cent observer coverage on the <inline font-style="italic">Margiris</inline>. It is expected that this ship will be undertaking fishing or processing operations for extended periods of time, and at times may be working continuously for periods of 24 hours or more. In that situation, if you do not have on the ship three observers who could work eight-hour shifts I do not see how you can have 100 per cent observer coverage.</para>
<para>Tim Winton, keen fisherman and author, says we have been working the oceans too hard. Australia is blessed to have the richness that we have in our seas and the oceans around us. They have been a source of joy and beauty and, yes, food in our lives for decades, even centuries. But we are at risk of killing the goose that lays the golden egg. We need to pull back, take a breath and give the recreational and smaller commercial fishermen a go.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Fadden Electorate: Biggera Waters State School Fete</title>
          <page.no>10049</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ROBERT</name>
    <name.id>HWT</name.id>
    <electorate>Fadden</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I was delighted to attend on the weekend the Biggera Waters school fete in the great electorate of Fadden. The fete is the school's largest single fundraiser and is held biannually. It was wonderful to see hundreds and hundreds of people turn up, children in tow, and show their support for their local school and get involved. Not only was it a picture perfect Gold Coast day; the community pride and spirit displayed at this event was also picture perfect. I was proud to be a part of this school's festivities. To see the P&C, parents, friends, students and wider community don their caps, sunscreen and broadest smiles to come along and show their support was fantastic. It epitomised all that we talk about when we mention community and school pride. Like everyone, I marvelled at the amazing school choirs and the performances on stage by the various school classes and at the great work that was being shown by the students. They gave everything to entertain their community and show off their special abilities and talents to friends and families alike.</para>
<para>There were over 100 volunteer support people who helped make the 2012 Biggera Waters State School fete the success that it was, and I commend each and every one of them. I applaud their commitment and dedication in helping to make their child's school the very best that it can be. My heartfelt thanks go out to the fete's executive and to the P&C, who worked tirelessly to ensure this great day was a success not only in fundraising for the school, which was its main aim, but also for the community spirit it encouraged. These wonderful people put in so much of their time, from the initial planning to arriving at 5 am to set up the marquees, the cake stalls and the myriad rides, attractions and events that go into making a really great school fete.</para>
<para>Whilst it is always difficult to mention a hundred people in the House, I do need to make special mention of the P&C executive, which was responsible for this wonderful day: Kim Buckley, the P&C president; Anthea Donovan, the P&C secretary; Carol Masters, P&C vice-president; Christie Camelleri, the P&C treasurer; Christie Turner, the fete convenor; and Rob Denny. Thank you also to the Biggera Waters State School administration team and the tireless teachers, who have worked so hard.</para>
<para>I also commend the principal, Val Faulks, for all of her great work. Seeing her rise up from personal tragedy within her family to lead her school once more for this event was a wonderful thing. Thank you to Rachel Blond, the junior school deputy principal, and Karen Thomason, the senior school deputy principal, for supporting the P&C and for her commitment to making this event a great success.</para>
<para>I was delighted to be invited, and to take part in the day by donating a $1,000 Coles Myer voucher to the P&C to be raffled. It was also wonderful to be able to provide up to 30 of the marquees to help provide the coverage and shade that was so desperately needed. It is always great to be able to kick in financially to help schools get what they need. I do hope the raffle was a great success.</para>
<para>To the wider school community and all those within it: thank you for generously giving up your time and effort to make your school and community a better place. Without such passionate individuals who work so hard, without the volunteers and without the parents, friends, families, colleagues, schoolkids and students, an event of this scale would not be possible. On behalf of the Fadden community of the northern Gold Coast: thank you for the richness that you put into your area and for the richness you put into your school. Congratulations on an outstanding success. You stand tall as an inspiration of what communities can do when they link hands and search for a common goal.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Telstra</title>
          <page.no>10050</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms SAFFIN</name>
    <name.id>HVY</name.id>
    <electorate>Page</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am still struggling to understand how Telstra can continue with its plan to close its Lismore call centre, which is based in Goonellabah, axing 116 jobs. I recently spoke in this place about Telstra's lack of corporate social responsibility and its lack of corporate conscience. Yes, it offers community awards and does sponsorships but, really, jobs must come first, not the other stuff. Corporate social responsibility is affected if you do not care about your own workers first.</para>
<para>A few things have transpired since I last spoke in this place. One of those is a community campaign that has seen over 5,000 people—I think it is now up to about 5½ thousand—sign a petition that reads:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We the undersigned citizens of the Northern Rivers call upon Telstra Business CEO Mr David Thodey to intervene immediately to halt any plan to axe up to 116 jobs of employees at Telstra Call Centre in Goonellabah.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We further object to Telstra abandoning its workforce in country Australia and moving jobs offshore, while recording massive profits ($3.4 billion) and awarding generous salary increases for executives.</para></quote>
<para>With the community campaign for the petition a whole lot of people have been involved, particularly my husband, Jim, who has been out coordinating and doing the work on the ground, and I thank him for that.</para>
<para>But guess what? Two other things have happened that really, really rile me to do with Telstra. One is that in the midst of axing jobs not only in Lismore but also in Townsville and other places mooted around Australia—and who knows where else?—Telstra bosses gave themselves a pay rise. One local online comment in the <inline font-style="italic">Northern Star</inline> newspaper likened it to 'a reward for inefficiency and incompetence'. I had this to say about it:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… Telstra demonstrated this week that it does look after some on the payroll.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"Today local union members and community members organised a sausage sizzle outside the Telstra Call Centre in Goonellabah to protest against the closure.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"Telstra is proposing to close the centre next month with the loss of 116 jobs, and so far about 5000 people have signed petitions calling for Telstra to keep the centre open and save local jobs.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"I have complained to CEO David Thodey about the cruelty of the cuts, and asked him to treat staff well.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"I did not realise when he promised we would look after Telstra people that he meant to start at the top.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"In what is impeccable timing, Telstra's lodged its annual report with the Australian Securities Commission this week, and it includes the news that Mr Thodey is to receive an extra $247,000 in his fixed salary starting 1 October.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"The report shows that Mr Thodey's salary package, including shares and incentive payments, went from $5.1 million in 2011 to $7.69 million in 2012 and now it is to go up by about a quarter of a million.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"In fact, Telstra has found more than $7 million to increase the pay of its type nine executives in the past 12 months.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"And yet they say they have to make this difficult decision of cutting 116 jobs here in Lismore.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"The sad point is, it appears that the executives' incentive payments and share packages rise the more jobs they cut.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"No wonder so many people are outraged at this corporate heartlessness.</para></quote>
<para>Today we also found out—I read it online in various places and also in the <inline font-style="italic">Sydney Morning Herald</inline><inline font-style="italic">—</inline>that Telstra is getting another windfall, pocketing hundreds of millions of dollars in future years due to the competition watchdog effectively cutting the price paid for each minute a phone call spends on another mobile network, from 9c to 6c. This 3c reduction gives Telstra $18 million. Did they pass it on to us customers? No. Maybe they used it to top up the CEO's and executive's salary rises.</para>
<para>Also, Telstra has increased mobile calls on basic phone plans from 35c to 36c. I also remember reading that they are increasing landline costs. There are two things I want to say. One thing about Telstra is that it is almost like it needs an independently funded ombudsman—a Telstra watch—maybe run through CHOICE or something like that so that it is transparent and we get good access. There are a lot of things happening there that we just do not know about. I have said to locals that it is hard when you are contracted with them. Start demanding that we get serviced by locals and that they have local jobs. It will not happen overnight— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Hasluck Electorate: Broadband</title>
          <page.no>10051</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr WYATT</name>
    <name.id>M3A</name.id>
    <electorate>Hasluck</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today to acknowledge the serious lack of broadband services in my electorate of Hasluck and to speak about the efforts to bring them to the government's attention, particularly the Minister for Broadband, Communications and the Digital Economy. Again and again, Hasluck residents do not receive their fair share of government resources. This is particularly the case when it comes to the snail's-pace rollout of the National Broadband Network.</para>
<para>The coalition agrees that people living in remote areas of Australia need better access to broadband services. Indeed, many in the suburbs less than 30 minutes from the Perth CBD need them, too. Where we disagree is the method of making this a reality. The coalition favours real-world solutions, tried and tested and cost effective. Sadly, the Labor government favours broadbrush approaches to policy at the cost of many tens of billions of dollars.</para>
<para>The recently revised NBN corporate plan reveals spending on payroll and corporate overheads are far higher than expected, while the NBN Co. now needs an additional $2.9 billion of equity investment from taxpayers. It is no surprise that Labor's NBN now carries a total price tag of at least $44 billion dollars. That is without factoring in the cost of any further delays or budget overruns and also excludes up to $10 billion in budget interest payments on the borrowed money being used to fund the network.</para>
<para>Aside from the astronomical cost, the biggest concern to constituents in my electorate is the time taken for the NBN to reach them. My constituents are constantly faced with the same response from Telstra when complaining about the lack of service to parts of Hasluck. Telstra says that the upgrades to services will now not be taking place, as the NBN will rectify gaps in services. According to NBN Co., however, work will not begin in most areas of Hasluck until late into 2013.</para>
<para>The NBN's fibre network is now forecast to reach only one in four of the households originally expected to be able to connect to it by mid-2013. According to the government, the delays can be made up. But consider this: since the first user switched to the fibre network in mid-2010, the NBN has connected new customers at a rate of six per working day. To meet the targets in the new corporate plan, more than 6,000 customers per working day must be switching to the NBN by 2015.</para>
<para>After almost five years in office, Labor's broadband policies are in disarray. Hundreds of thousands of Australians in areas desperately in need of broadband access or upgraded services are not even on the NBN three-year road map. This is unacceptable. To help the coalition understand the needs of my constituents in Hasluck, I invited the shadow minister for communications and broadband—the Hon. Malcolm Turnbull—to visit and hear their stories firsthand. For those in the south of my electorate where the majority of issues with a lack of internet services are, I organised a broadband forum, and Malcolm spoke to a very well-informed crowd of local residents.</para>
<para>The same story was repeated over and over: dismay at the current circumstances and questions on what the coalition would do differently.</para>
<para>The coalition's alternative broadband policy will be more financially responsible. Taxpayers' money needs to be treated with respect. It will provide all Australians with fast, affordable broadband as soon as possible. That means in the next term of parliament, not a decade from now. The most sensible and efficient way to achieve this is by taking advantage of the lessons learnt from broadband policies around the world. The most important lesson is that, while fibre needs to be extended deeper into networks—that is, closer to homes and businesses—it does not need to go to every doorstep to deliver superfast broadband.</para>
<para>The next day I took Mr Turnbull to meet with the City of Swan, a fantastic local government in my electorate and the biggest LGA in the Perth metropolitan area. Following this, we spoke to many constituents in the north of Hasluck, specifically Midland, about issues to do with broadband connectivity and the need for quality service to the area if local businesses are to truly thrive and stay active in the region. Malcolm and I headed back down south, to Southern River, to hold a meeting with local families that are living in a broadband black spot. I am confident that the coalition has the ability and the experience to make a real difference in this area, if and when we are elected to government.</para>
<para>I call on Minister Conroy to intervene and actually try to speed up the rollout, which, in turn, will save taxpayers' money and improve services to everyday Australians in my electorate of Hasluck. In particular, I heard stories about the greenfield sites that are prepared and about the homes connected to the fibre, but they will not be connected until the NBN is rolled out in that area. I find it fascinating that South Perth and Como, which have high-quality cables, are high on the agenda for the rollout of the NBN, which does not make sense when there are areas of greater need.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Suicide</title>
          <page.no>10053</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BYRNE</name>
    <name.id>008K0</name.id>
    <electorate>Holt</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise tonight to comment on a pretty profound and provocative program on this evening's <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline>program entitled <inline font-style="italic">There is No 3G in Heaven</inline>. The telecasting of it coincides with World Suicide Prevention Day today. I would like to commend reporter Liz Jackson and producer Mary Ann Jolley, who not only dealt with an incredibly difficult and painful subject very sensitively but told a story that needed to be told. As I have said, this evening <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline> telecast a program which focused on the Summit on Youth Suicide, which I convened on Saturday, 11 August 2012. Close to 300 people attended.</para>
<para>I wish to deeply thank everyone who attended this summit and to acknowledge the bravery of the people who shared their stories about their friends and family members who had taken their own lives. I know how incredibly difficult it was for each of those people to share their story. Because they have shared their incredibly powerful and extremely emotional stories, we as a community are in a better position to address this issue. I am extremely proud of how we as a community came together to not only talk about these stories and share these stories for the common good but also protect, in my view, the most precious assets in our community, our kids.</para>
<para>I want to point out to every person who attended the summit and who had been affected by youth suicide that they no longer have to shoulder the burden of coming to terms with the tragedies themselves. It is up to the community and community leaders to accept responsibility for what has occurred and to ensure that appropriate action is taken to prevent further tragedies from occurring. As I have said before, the loss of one life is one life too many.</para>
<para>Since the summit, I have met with and continue to meet with many members of the local community to discuss ways to better prevent people taking their own lives. The summit was the starting point of a conversation and we need to keep talking. For example, last week I met with Maree Dale, who was shown asking a question to <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline>. She expressed her frustration at the fact that she sought help for her son, who took his own life, but that it was made incredibly difficult when every six weeks the mental health expert looking after her son moved on. Accordingly, Maree has conveyed to me the need to train more mental health professionals so that one professional can stay looking after their patient for the entire period when they need support. Maree has also informed me that people looking for mental health care need to trust their carer and that it is hard to build that trust when your carer moves on. It is difficult to maintain the continuity of treatment and the continuity of the same person providing the treatment.</para>
<para>I also met with Reverend John McMahon, who runs a youth suicide prevention program, Motov8, and with Drew Gormlie from Spiritworx, who runs training programs such as ASIST, Applied Suicide Intervention Skills Training. That organisation provides practical training for caregivers seeking to prevent the immediate risk of suicide. Both John and Drew must be commended on their efforts to take action locally.</para>
<para>As the <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline> program clearly showed, there is much work for us to do in delivering sufficient mental health services to the Australian community. However, I want to specifically acknowledge the work of two people: Professor Patrick McGorry, Australian of the Year 2010; and Jo Robinson, who is Executive Director of Orygen Youth Health and who also works for headspace. Both Patrick and Jo are doing tremendous work in raising awareness about the issue of suicide. Both of them made substantial contributions at the forum that was being conducted. I am looking forward to working with Patrick and Jo in the future to ensure that the rollout of headspace centres and other suicide prevention programs for young people continues.</para>
<para>I would also like to briefly mention a person who was not on the program, Dani Rothwell. Dani was one of the young people who first raised the enormity of the issue with me. She had lost friends to suicide and asked that I specifically raise that issue. She was one of the driving, moving forces that led me to convene this forum. Time is running short, but I would like to commend the people who were actually on the program, who spoke from their heart about their loss: Dee McIntyre, Carol Menzies, Jessica Cummings and Thom Heartland. Jessica and Thom created a Facebook page: 'Coming Together to Prevent Youth Suicide'. Also present were Julz Courtis, Yollondah Ametoglou, Susan Ametoglou and, as I have just said, Maree Dale.</para>
<para>Can I finish with the words of Dee McIntyre, who had lost Paige. She was the first person who was featured on the program. She said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It's a really hard thing to deal with and as a family and as a parent, you, you do want your privacy and you do need your privacy when it first happens but I think that we really need to look at the bigger picture and we need to get a message across to society and to the kids that this is a huge problem because it is and I want to talk about it so that it's out there and that people are aware that it's happening and that it could be their kids that it's going to happen to.</para></quote>
<para>I would like to commend Dee and all the people who participated in the summit. We must do whatever it takes to stop this from happening.</para>
<para>House adjourned at 22:30</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>10054</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo></debate>
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            <a type="" href="Federation Chamber">Monday, 10 September 2012</a>
          </span>
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          <span class="HPS-Normal">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">The DEPUTY SPEAKER (Ms </span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">D'Ath</span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">) </span>took the chair at 10:30.</span>
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    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>CONSTITUENCY STATEMENTS</title>
        <page.no>10056</page.no>
        <type>CONSTITUENCY STATEMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Gippsland Electorate: Tourism</title>
          <page.no>10056</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CHESTER</name>
    <name.id>IPZ</name.id>
    <electorate>Gippsland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Recently, I had the opportunity to launch the Gippsland Tourism Conference, which is an important event that provided local tourism industry operators with insights into the industry. I told the gathering at that time that I am tired of hearing about the potential for the Gippsland tourism industry, and that it is time for us to deliver on that potential that has been talked about for the best part of 20 years.</para>
<para>Tourism is an important industry to the Gippsland region. It generates about $840 million in direct economic benefits for the Gippsland community by attracting 1.7 million overnight domestic visitors and about 61,000 international visitors. In addition to that there are 2.9 million day-trip visitors, which adds up to a tourism industry creating 4,850 full-time jobs and supporting over 1,300 businesses. But I believe we can do so much better.</para>
<para>The broader Gippsland region—and I am including the neighbouring electorates of McMillan and, to some extent, Flinders—has some of the most extraordinary natural assets in Australia, but it remains largely undiscovered. I know the member beside me was in the Gippsland region over the weekend and discovered the Wild Dog Winery among many great attractions in the Gippsland region. There is no other region in Australia that can boast the diversity of natural attractions that are on offer in Gippsland, from the magnificent Gippsland Lakes to the Phillip Island penguins to the wilderness of Wilsons Promontory, Croajingalong and the Alpine National Park. There are extraordinary beaches along Ninety Mile Beach and a network of rivers and streams that are the envy of all other places, as well as our beautiful country towns and coastal villages.</para>
<para>We need to get better at selling the message that Gippsland has it all, Gippsland is open for business and there are some very good reasons to take a break in our own backyard. This week I have initiated a campaign to encourage Gippslanders to explore our own region in the coming September school holiday period. The message is very simple: we have an extraordinary region just waiting for you to explore, and when you take a break in Gippsland you are helping to create jobs in our region. I am also launching a photography competition where I am asking people to send in their favourite scenes of Gippsland, and the best 12 shots will feature in a 2013 calendar that my office is preparing.</para>
<para>I am sure we are all aware on both sides of the House that the tourism industry is facing enormous challenges, with stiff competition from cheap overseas destinations and the high Australian dollar making it easier for Australians to travel internationally. But I believe there is a role for governments at all levels to spend more of the marketing budget on promoting regional destinations with a message to see Australia first. I believe there is a need for more support for regional festivals and events to overcome the current city-centric focus of governments. We need to get better at helping the industry to attract and retain skilled workers and to support new investment in infrastructure, particularly on public land, that will encourage Australians to explore our regional areas.</para>
<para>In Gippsland we have extraordinary natural attractions, but much of our infrastructure in our national parks, along our foreshores and in other reserves needs to be overhauled. Governments also have a key role in assisting regions which have been affected by natural disasters when brand damage occurs through fires, floods and cyclones. I believe there is a need for a regional tourism disaster fund to help these regions get back on their feet. I encourage all Australians to see Australia first in the upcoming school holiday period.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Brisbane Valley Rail Trail</title>
          <page.no>10057</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr NEUMANN</name>
    <name.id>HVO</name.id>
    <electorate>Blair</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Brisbane Valley Rail Trail is a 161-kilometre recreational trail from Ipswich to Yarraman utilising the old Brisbane Valley rail lines. The longest rail trail in the country, it provides walkers, cyclists and horse riders an opportunity to experience the history and landscape of the beautiful Somerset region. It follows the old rail line near the Brisbane River south and north of the Wivenhoe Dam, and travels through farming landscapes, native and plantation forests and rural, residential and country towns.</para>
<para>Not all the sections of the trail are yet open. It was an initiative of the former Queensland Labor government with the support of the local councils and the local community. The Queensland LNP government has now mothballed and abandoned the historic rail trail which brings much-needed tourism and economic benefits to the Somerset region.</para>
<para>The Queensland LNP government recently announced that it would cut all funding to Somerset's premier tourist attraction. The townships of Linville, Moore, Toogoolawah, Esk, Coominya, Lowood and Fernvale rely on the Brisbane Valley Rail Trail. Recreational users visit these struggling towns and villages. In July this year the Fernvale-to-Lowood fun run along the trail attracted thousands of people.</para>
<para>The cuts threaten not just tourism for the area but heritage for the region. The rail trail has preserved the heritage rail tunnels and bridges. The rail trail has preserved a green corridor for the functionally extinct koalas in the region. This is cruel and heartless by the Queensland LNP government. It is short-sighted and stupid.</para>
<para>The state member for Ipswich West, Sean Choat, an LNP member, referred to the trail as something that is 'nice to have' and expressed disappointment. In fact, he was politically disingenuous and politically deceptive in a recent meeting of the Somerset Regional Tourism Association, which I attended on 4 September this year, when he failed to express to the tourist operators that the state LNP government in Queensland had already mothballed and abandoned the project at the time of the meeting. He claimed that, with the debt situation, he could not afford it, but we have now seen exposed the folly and foibles—in fact, the faulty nature—of the Costello audit by Professor Walker and his economist wife, Dr Betty Con Walker. The reality is that the Brisbane Valley Rail Trail is crucial to the economic development of my electorate, and it is short-sighted and stupid, as I said, for the LNP state government to do it. I call upon the state LNP members in the region—Deb Frecklington, the member for Nanango, and Sean Choat, the member for Ipswich West—to do their jobs and stand up for the region and stand up to Campbell Newman and not on his behalf.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Aston Electorate: Small Business</title>
          <page.no>10057</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TUDGE</name>
    <name.id>M2Y</name.id>
    <electorate>Aston</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As I go around my electorate, the overwhelming message I hear is that small businesses are doing it particularly tough at the moment. Across the retail precincts, we are now seeing some shops vacant when we have not seen vacancies for years. Individual shop owners tell me that customers are few and their sales are down. Indeed, this is borne out in official data, which shows retail sales falling to two-year lows. Manufacturing is also hurting and we witness a further net decline in jobs. There are over 1,000 manufacturers in my electorate and they tell me that they are being hit particularly hard by the high Aussie dollar and the carbon tax. Small businesses related to the construction industry are also finding it tough, as housing approvals dropped 17 per cent in July. I could go on and mention nearly all other sectors of the economy.</para>
<para>The government is fond of quoting our national growth figures, but the growth is nearly entirely driven by the mining states—Western Australia, Queensland and the Northern Territory—while the rest struggle. As policymakers we need to make it easier for small businesses, but at the moment the government is doing the exact opposite. The carbon tax, for example, is adding 10 per cent to 20 per cent to wholesale electricity charges and making other inputs more expensive. The Fair Work Act is discouraging businesses from employing staff, particularly on the weekends. Changes to superannuation are adding costs to doing business. The elimination of the entrepreneurs tax offset is increasing the tax burden by 25 per cent for very small businesses. And there are new layers of green or red tape almost daily.</para>
<para>Australia has dropped from 40th in the world to 80th in the world in productivity over the last five years, according to the latest rankings by the Global Economic Forum. In rankings on the burden of regulation, we have dropped 28 positions. Tim Reed, the CEO of MYOB, which is headquartered on the edge of my electorate and sells to thousands of small businesses, says that the government has created an atmosphere of 'fear and uncertainty' among the nation's small business owners.</para>
<para>This government, because of its overwhelming domination by former union officials, thinks money just grows on trees, when we know that the money is made by business owners who frequently put their houses on the line in order to build up their enterprises. These business owners ought to be rewarded, not seen as a money pot for the government and penalised for being successful.</para>
<para>We need a fundamental change in policy with regard to small business. We need to eliminate the carbon tax, bring greater flexibility to workplace relations, cut red tape and put small business success as a central economic objective again. Unfortunately, however, a change in approach is not going to occur immediately and will only occur with a change in government.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Richmond Electorate: Madura Tea</title>
          <page.no>10058</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs ELLIOT</name>
    <name.id>DZW</name.id>
    <electorate>Richmond</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today to speak about an outstanding business in my electorate. I am always pleased to be talking about businesses that are doing exceptionally well and talking them up, not talking them down as we often hear on the other side.</para>
<para>I am really pleased to talk about this great local business in my electorate: Madura Tea, an outstanding tea company. Madura Tea is located at Clothiers Creek in the Tweed Valley. This is a perfect environment for the production of many agricultural products, but especially tea. What a great site they have there. This company was established in 1978, and very proudly the company is still 100 per cent locally owned. It is run by four local families. What is really important is that this is the only Australian owned tea production facility in the entire country, so we are very proud of the fact that it is on the North Coast and that it does so well.</para>
<para>Madura Tea has grown to become the leading producer of specialty tea within Australia and throughout the world. The estate currently has some 24 blends of tea, which I understand make about one million cups of tea a day, so what a great achievement that is for them. Indeed, the Madura Tea Estate pioneered the production of green tea in Australia and they now boast one of the most modern tea-packing facilities in the world. I would encourage anyone on the North Coast to pop by and see those facilities; they are remarkable.</para>
<para>Because of all this it came as no surprise to all of us on the North Coast that last month the Madura Tea Estate was recognised for producing one of the best-tasting teas in Australia. The ratings agency Canstar Blue awarded Madura Tea the Blue Taste Award for tea bags after surveying 2,500 consumers. So I would like to congratulate the directors Gary Davey and Ron Ford, who accepted the award, and who also gave credit to their very hard-working staff for this remarkable achievement.</para>
<para>Madura Tea was competing against some major tea brands, like Dilmah, Nerada, Bushells and Lipton. They won this award based purely on taste, against all of their overseas rivals. Director Gary Davey was quoted as saying that the award was 'totally unexpected'. He said that it was great to win the award because the taste of the product was one of the company's main focuses. They have tried to maintain the taste profile for a long period of time.</para>
<para>This award proves that quality will always win out in the long run. It has for Madura Tea. We are all very proud of them. They have won a host of awards—a range of different awards—over the years, right throughout the country. I would like to finish by congratulating the staff at Madura Tea. I know how hard they work. I also congratulate the owners. They have a very long list of achievements.</para>
<para>I encourage all keen tea drinkers to go out there and try for themselves. You will not be disappointed. Madura Tea is outstanding, and we are very proud of their achievements—particularly this latest award, but their ongoing achievements as well. They are certainly outstanding in the local electorate in the great work that they do in employing so many people. To have them on the world stage and continuing to achieve so much is a great credit to the North Coast.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>McKechnie, Mr Robert</title>
          <page.no>10059</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs GRIGGS</name>
    <name.id>220370</name.id>
    <electorate>Solomon</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Last Friday I attended the funeral service of Robert McKechnie, or 'Bob' as he was affectionately known in our community. Bob was one of the Territory's last surviving Korean War veterans. He sadly passed away on 1 September. On Friday, Bob was remembered for his ability to tell a good story as well as for his commitment to community service. I was fortunate enough to have known Bob, and I feel very blessed to have had the opportunity to spend some time with him and to listen to some of his many stories.</para>
<para>Bob's health was not too good in the last year or so of his life. Sadly he spent quite a bit of his time coming to blows with the federal bureaucracies that we all know. Bob had asked me for my assistance to help him obtain a stair lift for his home because he was having enormous trouble navigating the steep stairs of his two-storey home. This came after the chemotherapy and operations he had had.</para>
<para>Bob had written to the Department of Veterans Affairs requesting funding to get assistance for the lift, but unfortunately he was knocked back. We believed that he was eligible under the Veterans' Entitlements Act for this piece of equipment. I am pleased to say that despite their knock-back of his application, after my involvement the department reconsidered—after I spoke with the minister's office—and Bob was able to get the stair lift. He got that in March, and I will never forget the look on his face when he had the first ride on this stair lift in his house. He told me it made such a big difference to him and his wife because he was able to move freely around and was not confined.</para>
<para>Bob was a highly respected man who will be sadly missed by us all. He was also heavily involved in rugby league, and was the passionate president of the Totally and Permanently Incapacitated associations, or the TPIs. At his funeral they said that they broke the mould after Bob, and that is so true. He was a one-of-a-kind, a true gentleman, and we will never forget him. My condolences to Dorothy, his wife, his family, his friends, the veteran community and his TPI mates. Rest in peace, Bob: you will never be forgotten. Thank you on behalf of a grateful nation. We honour you and your services to our country. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Braddon Electorate</title>
          <page.no>10060</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SIDEBOTTOM</name>
    <name.id>849</name.id>
    <electorate>Braddon</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Good morning, colleagues. Firstly, I congratulate the City Marians Hockey Club on the 75th anniversary of its existence. It is a terrific club and a very good night was had by all on Saturday evening. As you may well know, there are six senators in Tasmania who happen to be female, and they all came to visit my electorate for two days last week. We had a terrific time going around one of the most beautiful parts—if not the most beautiful part—of Australia.</para>
<para>We went to Petuna Seafoods, which is a wild fishing and aquaculture company, and met with them. We then went for a ride on the newly restored <inline font-style="italic">Julie Burgess</inline>, a ketch in the Mersey River in Devonport. The Commonwealth has contributed significantly to its restoration, particularly in the skills that have been developed in relation to that. We then went on to the Devonport Maritime Museum, which again has been funded with state and federal money to develop the maritime history of Devonport. We then went to Home Hill, which is the home of Joe and Enid Lyons. It is in fantastic working order and wonderful condition, and I am hoping to get it even more national significance. I hope anyone who visits the Devonport region goes to visit that extraordinary home with its extraordinary history of the people that inhabited it.</para>
<para>We then went to the University of Tasmania Cradle Coast Campus in Burnie to attend a mummy masterclass blog and information session on the development and use of social media and how you can use it, particularly to inform. We met with the Burnie City Council and went to the Makers' Workshop in Burnie, which is a fantastic facility which the Commonwealth has contributed towards, with Burnie investing in itself. There, under the auspices of ConnectPink and the McGrath Foundation, we had a 'working mums have a night off' function, which was very successful and made a very good case for further funding for another breast care nurse for the north-west coast of Tasmania.</para>
<para>On the next day we made our way to Fonterra, the fantastic dairy company in Wynyard, to Nichols Poultry and Redbanks Farm at Sisters Creek, with a huge array of fantastic food and products organically grown and developed, along with a wind farm. We then made our way to the Myrtle Park retirement unit to see our good friends there who are trying to develop an affordable housing scheme using self-help means, and finished off at the Yolla District High School to celebrate their solar school's success. This was a great example of the continuation of the BER projects in my region. Thanks to everyone who helped to contribute to a fantastic two days.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Mayo Electorate: Silent Ripples</title>
          <page.no>10061</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BRIGGS</name>
    <name.id>IYU</name.id>
    <electorate>Mayo</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to talk briefly about a walk which has occurred this morning in Strathalbyn in my electorate. Silent Ripples, a local group working with local bereavement organisations, organised a walk 'out of the shadows and into the light' to deal with the issue of suicide in the local community. All of us in this place know that suicide, particularly in regional areas, is a major issue, and it has been a substantial issue in the Strathalbyn area in recent times, and on the Fleurieu.</para>
<para>I congratulate the organising committee of Amy Chandler, Rhiannon Holdsworth, Donna Sell, Felicity Stanway and Laura Pelle for organising this walk. This morning 300 people attended, and they walked alongside Mayor Kym McHugh, a great local mayor, and the leader of the opposition and local member for Strathalbyn in the state parliament, Isobel Redmond, from the lawns of the visitor's centre to the soldier's memorial garden for a community breakfast.</para>
<para>There are a couple of points I would like to make about this walk. Firstly, the power of social media in engaging people in rural communities is starting to be something that smart young people, who care passionately about their communities, are using to engage with people across the board to raise local issues like this—community acting on behalf of the community, which we know is a most powerful way to address these issues, which very often remain hidden. Today, on World Suicide Prevention Day, it was an appropriate occasion to have this community based event to provide the opportunity for people to get out and show their support for the families that have been affected. It was also an opportunity for those who are suffering from mental illness in some way to see that there is a broader understanding in the community. There are people there in support. I pay tribute to the people organising these events—for their community spirit, for their love of their town, for their love of their area, for their love of their fellow citizens. It is an indication of the great community spirit that exists in so many rural and regional communities throughout our state and also throughout the country. I pay tribute to the people who organised it. It is a pity I could not be there. I am required to be in Canberra today. It was a terrific event, and well done to all involved.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Common Ground Adelaide</title>
          <page.no>10061</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms KATE ELLIS</name>
    <name.id>DZU</name.id>
    <electorate>Adelaide</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today to break the habit of a lifetime and stand in the nation's parliament to say nice things about Alexander Downer, more specifically to say nice things about the organisation which Alexander Downer is chairing and which is doing some remarkably good work within my electorate in Adelaide, but also across South Australia. That organisation is called Common Ground Adelaide. It is an amazing accommodation and housing company which works to provide affordable rental housing to low-income working people. It is really important that they do this right within the heart of the city of Adelaide. It is important that we do not create an accommodation system where low-income earners can only afford to move right to the outskirts of suburbia. It is important that we have a mix within our city and it is vital that we have affordable low-income housing available to low-income families. As well, they are working with people who are homeless or at the risk of homelessness.</para>
<para>I had the opportunity to visit the Common Ground facilities in Light Square recently at the invitation of their deputy chair Mary Patetsos, along with a number of my colleagues from the parliament—the Hon. Don Farrell, Mr Steve Georganas, the member for Hindmarsh, as well as Senator Anne McEwen—and see firsthand the remarkable work that is going on there. There are 52 rental units in Light Square and 38 rental units in Franklin Street in the city run by Common Ground, and they are currently doing some great work with 35 units under construction in Port Augusta, which are to be completed by the end of 2012. This is a really important model because what Common Ground does is work to mirror the original non-profit Common Ground project in New York, which was founded in 1990. It seeks to provide a pathway for individuals towards stability and self-sufficiency.</para>
<para>I want to acknowledge the incredible hard work of the support staff at Common Ground who work tirelessly with the tenants to get them back on their feet. It is important that we have services to provide shelter, it is important that we have places where people can go for a bed for a night, but it is also important that we have organisations like Common Ground that provide so much more than that. The model is based on the premise that access to stable high-quality housing is a vital first step towards a satisfying and balanced life. They work with tenants to design individualised support plans, with focuses on skills building, on creating connections with other people and services, and on achievement of personal goals and improvements in health and income. They also work with tenants on educational and vocational services. They are doing a remarkable job for hundreds of South Australians and I thank them wholeheartedly for their work.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Higgins Electorate: Carbon Pricing</title>
          <page.no>10062</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms O'DWYER</name>
    <name.id>LKU</name.id>
    <electorate>Higgins</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Millions of people will be better off under the carbon price. That was the claim made by the Prime Minister in her efforts to justify her broken promise to the Australian people. Yet just like her promise to the Australian people before the last election that there would be no carbon tax under her government—a promise she broke less than a month after the election—the Prime Minister's promise that 'millions will be better off' also does not withstand scrutiny and simply cannot be believed. In fact, millions will be worse off according to the government's own calculations. It is true that millions of small businesses will be worse off under this new carbon tax.</para>
<para>I want today to talk about one example in my own electorate of Higgins: the Malvernvale Hotel, which is located right across the road opposite my electorate office. They received their first power bill after the introduction of the carbon tax only to discover it had increased from $6,005.38 in June to $7,365.37 in July, a rise of $1,359.99. For the month of July, the carbon charge was $1,162.87, which represents 85.5 per cent of the increase and 15.8 per cent of the total bill. The Prime Minister has consistently claimed the carbon tax would increase electricity bills only by 10 per cent. Clearly, this is not the case. The Prime Minister's recent attempt to deflect attention from the carbon tax by shifting the issue of higher power prices to the states does not stand scrutiny. Of the increase in the Malvernvale Hotel's bill, 85.5 per cent—the overall majority—is directly attributable to the carbon tax.</para>
<para>To try to pin the blame on the states for the significant increase in the Malvernvale Hotel's power bill is downright wrong. It is also interesting to note that the government is only now looking to take action against the states on electricity prices. It was this government that took no action as state Labor governments increased power prices through unsustainable feed-in tariffs for some green electricity schemes. Coalition state governments are now having to fix Labor's mess, and for the Prime Minister to attempt to shift the blame to the states is the ultimate hypocrisy.</para>
<para>There is, of course, a better way, and we all know what that is: to get rid of the government's carbon tax, a tax that has required two major changes within its first nine weeks of operation. We know that there is a better way. The better was is to elect a government that is guided by principles and competence, a government that will act in people's interests and not simply talk about it: a coalition government.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Calwell Electorate: Banksia Gardens Community Services</title>
          <page.no>10063</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms VAMVAKINOU</name>
    <name.id>00AMT</name.id>
    <electorate>Calwell</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to acknowledge a wonderful community resource in my electorate, known at the Banksia Gardens Community Services. I am sure that every member of this House has at least one neighbourhood house working for and within their local community. I am lucky to have at least seven—several actually—doing a wonderful and fantastic job in providing formal and informal learning opportunities. They are a space for social engagement and a range of resources to link community members together in joined endeavours. Banksia Gardens, of all those neighbourhood houses, is a very special place. It is a hive of activity and engagement and a shining example of how innovative the community sector can be. Banksia Gardens was recently nominated in the Learn Local Awards of the Victorian government award. It received a commendation in the outstanding organisation category.</para>
<para>Some of its highly successful programs include a homework club for school students, school holiday programs, VCAL classes for students wishing to complete secondary education outside the formal school structure, accredited vocational training in children's studies, computer classes for older residents, multicultural playgroups, employment programs and Community Connections, a dynamic program that is working to build a safe, cooperative and supportive neighbourhood within Banksia public housing estate. I recently nominated the Community Connections program for a community justice award for the innovative way it has worked to reduce crime and antisocial behaviour in an area that was once notorious for being unsafe and intimidating.</para>
<para>The Banksia Gardens study group has well over 100 young people receiving academic support on a regular basis. Several young people, as well as parents, have reported significant improvements in academic performance. Recently, an additional program called Aiming High has been introduced, geared specifically to Victorian Certificate of Education students who have been identified by their school as having significant potential to excel. Apart from intensive tutoring, Aiming High aims to provide students with broader support, including support with scholarship and university applications.</para>
<para>The Bring the Gardens to the Valley program provides academic and social opportunities for students with a disability, including a homework and activities club. The Girls Circle is a 10-week personal development group program for girls aged 10 to 14 looking at issues such as self-esteem, body image, healthy lifestyles and managing and expressing emotion. It has been so successful that the centre is looking to start a similar program for boys. The centre's work experience projects, training and supports for the job application process have helped give a number of local people—young and not so young—valuable confidence, practical skills and experience in the quest to find meaningful full-time work.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>10064</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Marriage Amendment Bill 2012</title>
          <page.no>10064</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" style="" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" background="">
            <a type="Bill" href="r4749">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Marriage Amendment Bill 2012</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>10064</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms BRODTMANN</name>
    <name.id>30540</name.id>
    <electorate>Canberra</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I support this bill. I support it because, after much thought, I am convinced that it is an argument about justice that all should be equal before the law. So, in good conscience, I can make no other choice. I make this decision even though many people I know and some that I love violently disagree. I respect and understand their choices. I ask them to respect and understand the choices of others.</para>
<para>The highlight of my brief time in this House was a speech by the President of the United States, Barack Obama. At the time of his birth in 1962, President Obama's parents could not have been legally married in 16 states of the country he now governs because his father was black and his mother was white. Three years before he was born, a trial judge in Virginia sentenced an interracial husband and wife to one year's jail, with the words:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Almighty God created the races white, black, yellow Malay and red and he placed them on separate continents. And but for the interference with his arrangement there would be no cause for such marriages.</para></quote>
<para>In 1967, the US Supreme Court would unanimously overturn that ruling in a famous civil rights case. There was a deep irony in the surname of the couple that brought the case: Mildred and Richard Loving. In Loving v Virginia, the Supreme Court ruled 'marriage is one of the basic civil rights of man'. In an interview, the famous conservative US lawyer Ted Olson recalled this case. He said that, in preparation for it, a lawyer asked Richard Loving, 'What shall I tell the justices of the Supreme Court?' He said, 'Tell them I love my wife.'</para>
<para>Ted Olson was one of the lawyers who successfully challenged California's constitutional ban on same-sex marriage. His involvement shocked many of his conservative friends. He said this fight 'shouldn't be considered a liberal issue or a conservative issue; it should be considered a matter of equal rights and equal dignity to individuals'. He went on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">People are not, do not choose to be gay. They are born with characteristics that cause their sexual orientation to be what it is. They deserve happiness and equality and dignity and respect and absence of discrimination in their lives the same as the rest of us do.</para></quote>
<para>I have wrestled with this issue, because I have honestly tried to weigh all the arguments. Some constituents tried to convince me to vote against this bill by arguing that the union of a man and a woman is natural and same-sex unions unnatural. Some gay constituents opposed it and some gay friends wondered why anyone would want to get married. Some constituents urged me to consider the children of same-sex unions now that the law, science and innovation has shattered the natural barriers to same-sex couples being parents. And it caused me to reflect on my own family, because this is not just an intellectual exercise. I cannot divorce it from my own experiences and the people I know and love.</para>
<para>Madam Deputy Speaker, I would have preferred that my father had not left my mother when I was 11. It was not my choice, it was not the choice of my sisters and it was certainly not the choice of my mother. It was the choice of my father, and I bitterly resent and take deep offence at the suggestion that I was not raised in a family, or that I am damaged or dysfunctional because I was raised by a single mother, because families come in many forms. Over the ages, children have been raised by aunts, by uncles, by grandparents, by siblings, by cousins, by friends, by benefactors, by the church, by the court, by nannies and by boarding schools. What is critical is that children in all circumstances are loved, respected, nurtured and safe. Coming from a single-mother family, I know for a fact—I speak from experience—that the construct of that family did not matter to me. The only thing I needed to know when I got home from school was that I had someone there to reassure me, to nurture me, to tell me that I was okay and that life was okay.</para>
<para>Then there is the experience of my wider family. I am the proud godmother of Alice Rose Uhlmann-Foy. She is a precocious five-year-old, with an unbridled passion for potato chips. She is a girl well on her way to being Prime Minister. I find it impossible to believe that she could have more devoted parents than Elizabeth Uhlmann and Kate Foy. Both know that nothing is more nurturing than the life and love of family. The world is a better place because Liz and Kate have two beautiful daughters, Alice Rose and Emma Kathleen. I cannot deny for them anything that I would wish for myself, and the best thing in my life is my marriage. My marriage stabilises me. My marriage energises me. My marriage encourages me constantly to be better than I am.</para>
<para>Kate and Liz know that their life has not been an easy thing for some in our family to reconcile. It directly challenged the deep faith of my beloved late mother-in-law, Mary Rose Uhlmann. Mary was devoted to her family and her church. She was the president of the Catholic Women's League. She argued in the committees of this House against the use of the kind of reproductive science that have allowed Liz and Kate to have children. And yet her love for Liz and Kate and her granddaughters was ferocious and it was unconditional. Liz and Kate gave their first daughter Mary's middle name in recognition of that strong love, because Mary found a path to love both her faith and her family, and in her dying words she implored us to 'love one another as I have loved you'. Yet I do not doubt that she would oppose this bill today, and Liz and Kate and I would expect nothing less.</para>
<para>Since this debate got a head of steam, I have met with many constituents on this issue. I have been struck by the most unlikely people being in favour of same-sex marriage, and the most unlikely being opposed to it. I have been struck by the strength and passion of both sides of the argument. Both sides have presented well-considered and well-grounded reasons for their views—many based on their faith and many based on their own morality. Both sides have been deeply respectful—in the main. And I say that because I have also been struck by the intolerance of a handful of people calling for tolerance and by the level of contempt among an invisible minority that peddles its views in the social media. I have been the victim of a campaign, as I am sure many in this chamber have been. Attempts have been made to 'out' me. Attempts have been made to put me on 'for' and 'against' lists. Some of these attempts have come from my own party.</para>
<para>In the short time that I have been a member, the thing that has disturbed me most about modern public life is the belief among some individuals and groups that I will be bullied into supporting their cause through blackmail, and that if I do not support a cause and then go out and advocate for it—as if supporting it is not enough—that I will be exposed to the world as an unbeliever. I have also been offended by the suggestion that those who do not support same-sex marriage are homophobic. Mary Rose Uhlmann was not homophobic. The constituents I have met who are opposed to same-sex marriage are not homophobic. Like those who support it, they are driven by a deep faith and a deep morality, and I respect that. But I respectfully disagree.</para>
<para>We are not here today discussing unions sanctioned by the church, we are talking about the sanctions by the state. No church should ever be forced to marry same-sex couples and I will never support that. But the state already recognises unions like de facto couples that the churches do not. Before the law of this Commonwealth, all women and men should be equal no matter their colour, their creed or their sexual orientation. People have the right to choose the individual they love, and if they choose to marry, the state should not stand in their way. Strong relationships are the foundation on which we build a strong community.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SIMPKINS</name>
    <name.id>HWE</name.id>
    <electorate>Cowan</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I guess here we are again, another occasion when the time of the parliament is taken up with this matter of same-sex marriage. I believe it was going to be five minutes each for 15 speakers and yet there has been trouble filling that list. Perhaps that shows that enough has been said on this matter and that what we really need to do is get to a vote to decide once and for all on the merits of the bill and the issue.</para>
<para>I do, however, question why we are here at all. Before the 2010 election it was very clear: the two major parties made the commitment that there would be no change to the definition of marriage. We know that voters so often make their decision based on the views they have gathered of a number of different policies, or perhaps just one policy. This is an emotive issue with many Australians, but when I consider how many of my constituents contacted my office to express their views, it does say that views on the subject are not extensively stressed: 1,224 of my 93,321 constituents have to date contacted my office to state their views on whether the definition of marriage should be maintained or changed. To put it in context, ten times more people in Cowan opposed this Labor government's attacks on private health insurance than want a change to the definition of marriage. It is important to put these matters in perspective, and I am certainly not trying to denigrate the strongly-held views of anyone; however, some 1.3 per cent of my constituents have expressed their views and of the total number in my electorate 0.3 per cent have expressed a view that the definition of marriage should be changed.</para>
<para>The next question may be why more people have not expressed a view. Perhaps more of my constituents are interested but remember that before the last election the Liberal Party said there would be no change to the definition of marriage. Perhaps they also remember that before the last election the Labor Party also said there would be no change to the definition of marriage. I therefore suggest that if the policies of the two major parties before an election are clear then the parliament of this nation should vote consistently with what was said before the election. Maybe that is the reason why so few people have expressed a view either way, because they are confident that what was said before an election will be adhered to after an election. So the people of this country in my view have not contacted their MPs in support of a change in the definition of marriage because they expect us to keep our word. If I say that I will do something before an election, I should maintain that exact position after the election. That is certainly the view of this side of politics, as the Australian people have become so clearly aware of on so many occasions in the last two years; but it is not the view of the other side. My contention is that this is clearly not a big enough issue for even a majority of Australians to contact their MP about and, given that the election promises of both sides were clear, there is only a mandate to maintain the definition of marriage. We said what our position was and the coalition maintains that position and will not break faith with the electorate.</para>
<para>As I said before, we have a stated position and we maintain that position, a clear contrast to the Labor Party. What is said by Labor before an election cannot be trusted after an election. The Labor Party was happy to hide its position on carbon tax and the definition of marriage before the election yet is gleefully willing to flip as it marches to the tune of the Greens after the election. Perhaps that is not correct with all who are in the Labor party. Before the election we knew how many of you wanted same sex-marriage legalised but just went along with no change to the marriage definition line to try to save the government. This is usual. Power always comes before principle with Labor—untrustworthy but nevertheless reliable in a perverse way.</para>
<para>But enough said on that. I think the time has come for this matter to be decided. Having seen betrayed every Australian who voted for Labor, influenced by the policy position of no change to the definition of marriage, it is now time to stand up and be counted. From my position, I know that 153 of my constituents will by unhappy with my vote—possibly very unhappy—and 1,071 will be happy with my vote. But what I say to them all is that, when I say before an election that I will maintain the definition of marriage with my vote in the House of Representatives, I will be absolutely true to my word. What I say to my constituents and those in this House of Representatives is that I respect deeply held convictions, because they come from beliefs about what is right and wrong. What I do not respect is suppression of such views for political expediency before an election and a reversal after the election. In this matter, every member of the Labor party knew that their side promised no change to the definition before the 2010 election and yet said nothing to demonstrate their alternative views. The Prime Minister had three choices before the election: she could have stated that there would be no change to the definition of marriage; she could have said that Labor's position was to recognise same-sex marriage; or she could have said that she would allow a free vote. But she and the Labor Party, the government, chose to have a policy of no change to the definition of marriage. That is the position, the banner under which almost every elected member of this parliament came into this parliament.</para>
<para>When those of us on this side say it, we mean it and we will carry on with it. I say again that we have seen plenty of time spent in this parliament debating this issue. There have been a couple of bills and I really think it is time that we moved on. I look forward to a vote and I think the people of Australia look forward to a vote. Everyone—either on no change to the definition of marriage or on change to the definition of marriage—wants resolution of the issue once and for all, and I look forward to this vote. I hope that it comes on as quickly as possible after this debate is concluded.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms HALL</name>
    <name.id>83N</name.id>
    <electorate>Shortland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to support the Marriage Amendment Bill 2012, which is before the parliament. I find the last member's contribution to this debate quite offensive, because, as a member of a parliament voting on a private member's bill where I have been given the right to have a conscience vote, I take that very seriously. A lot of consideration has gone into this for me, and I take a very personal perspective to this piece of legislation.</para>
<para>I would like to commence by thanking each and every person who has contacted me on this debate. Like the member for Canberra, I have been contacted by friends who support the legislation and friends who oppose it. There are people whom I respect very much in my everyday life who oppose this legislation and people who have similar feelings and support the legislation. I ask each and every one of them to respect where I am coming from in relation to this legislation and to hear my story.</para>
<para>As well as that, I would like to put on the record that I conducted a survey and, overwhelmingly on that survey, people supported same-sex marriage. It was only a sample—it was only a couple of thousand people—and I think, on that, about 80 per cent supported same-sex marriage.</para>
<para>There were people who completed the survey outside the electorate. But for those within the electorate it was about 80 per cent. It was higher for those outside the electorate.</para>
<para>I have been contacted by a number of people via email, and I have met with people both in my electorate office and here in Parliament House. Regardless of people's positions, I have listened and I have taken into account their thoughts in relation to same-sex marriage. I would like to share with the parliament my story and the reason that I am finally 100 per cent behind supporting same-sex marriage. I have three nieces and a nephew. Their father and mother died when they were very young. Their father was a person who was maybe bisexual but was probably more likely homosexual. He died when the children were very young. My mother-in-law, a strong Christian and a very conservative woman, was responsible for raising these children. The eldest and second eldest are both in heterosexual relationships. I attended the second eldest niece's wedding in March. I was overwhelmed by the fact that my nephew, who had been married in the UK to his same-sex partner, was at the wedding. The youngest of my nieces was there with her partner. Once again, she is in a same-sex relationship. My 92-year-old mother-in law is very accepting of her grandchildren even through initially it was confronting. It was a wonderful celebration of the marriage of the second eldest niece. My youngest niece said to me, 'Jill, could you do for me whatever you can so that I and my partner will be able to be married.' I thought about it and I thought: is it fair that these two women in a very loving relationship, two women who are highly educated, two women who care deeply for each other, are unable to marry, whereas the older two girls can. I reached the conclusion that she was being denied justice, she was being denied equity, she was being denied the ability to share in that same relationship, that same institution.</para>
<para>I understand that some people come from a religious background. I have been approached by both sides: those who are members of the clergy who support same-sex marriage and those who are members of religious organisations and clergy who oppose same-sex marriage. I have listened carefully to what all of them have said. This morning I noticed that I have received emails from both the Australian Council of Churches, which is opposing it, and the another group of religious leaders who are supporting it. So even amongst the church this is an issue that has caused division. There are divided opinions on this issue. In my electorate last week I received a very moving email from a woman whose perspective on it is very similar to my own.</para>
<para>She has two children who have been married and she has a daughter who is in a same-sex relationship. She would like for them to be able to enjoy the same situation that her other two children have. My good friend Fredric Holten and his partner, Christopher, have constantly lobbied me that they should be able to share being part of a marriage institution, as their brothers and sisters are.</para>
<para>I would never, never impose upon any minister or clergy that they should have to marry people in a same-sex relationship who wish to be married, but I do believe that people in same-sex relationships should have a choice. Currently, people who are in heterosexual relationships can choose whether or not they wish to marry, but those in same-sex relationships do not have that choice.</para>
<para>I support the private member's bill. I am pleased to see that he has just come into the chamber. I thank him for putting it before the parliament. I do agree we need to vote on it. I think that it is time that this legislation was voted on. When it is voted on I will be supporting it, both from the personal perspective I bring to it, from my nieces and nephew, and also from the perspective that I think that it is fair. It is a human right—people should have the right to formally have their marriage and their relationship documented.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ENTSCH</name>
    <name.id>7K6</name.id>
    <electorate>Leichhardt</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In speaking to this private member's bill, the Marriage Amendment Bill 2012, I certainly would like to reconfirm my commitment to removing financial and legal discrimination against same-sex couples. I have been a very, very strong and a very public advocate on this issue since—from memory—about 2002, at a time when legislation was put forward in this place reaffirming the Marriage Act. While I had no issue at the time with the Marriage Act, I was somewhat puzzled that there was a decision to put it forward at that time. I asked what it actually did in relation to the debate. I was told that, really, it was just reaffirming it; it was not going to make any changes. That caused me some concern because, in my view, if there were not going to be any changes and all you were doing was bringing it out into the public sphere again then all it was going to do was provide the opportunity for those individuals within the gay community to be subjected to more criticism or discrimination, which I thought was totally unnecessary. So, at that point in time, I spoke out against it.</para>
<para>I then had the opportunity of meeting some very fine Australians: Rodney Croome was one that came to see me, an activist from Tasmania, and David Scammell, was another one, from Sydney, who came to see me. They gave me some information in relation to problems associated with the gay community which at the time horrified me. I spent the next number of years raising these concerns and trying to get support, initially from within my own party, which was in government at the time, and also from within the opposition. I found very strong resistance on both sides to addressing this issue, but there were people who would—and I have one here beside me; Mr Turnbull was a very strong supporter right from the beginning, and I always appreciated that—through advocacy and introducing individuals who had suffered this discrimination to the Prime Minister of the day and to other members who were prepared to listen. We were able to work up a whole range of reforms which eventually came to this place in 2008 and were supported very ably by both sides of parliament. When I left in 2007 I was very proud of the fact that it was something I had initiated and actively pursued. To see that come through with those discriminations, particularly in relation to superannuation and legal stuff through Centrelink, it gave me a great deal of satisfaction.</para>
<para>However, I had a short break of 2½ years, and when I came back I realised that there were areas that we had missed. Of those areas we had missed, one was in relation to aged care, and there is still a lot of work to be done there. The first person I met when I came back into this parliament after my break was Rodney Croome, wearing a slightly different hat as one of the champions of the Australian Coalition for Equality. I met him in my office and we had a lengthy discussion about his campaign. At the end of that discussion I explained to Rodney that I could not support his campaign.</para>
<para>I could not support it for a good reason. In building support for the reforms we saw in 2008 I was certainly not identified as a member of the gay community—in fact, quite the opposite—but I found that the definition given to me through the media showed that people had the view that I was not pushing my own agenda but rather focusing on the interests of others. There were a lot of other family members of gay people who said that if somebody of my background—a Far North Queensland, crocodile-farming, wool-catching Liberal—was prepared to be publicly advocating on behalf of their family members they would be prepared to come out and support me as well. Many of my colleagues also decided to come out in support, and it was that support that eventually saw that legislation go through. However, in doing so I had to give some strong commitments to those colleagues that I was not using this as some sort of a Trojan Horse to introduce marriage. I made that commitment and I intend to continue to keep that commitment.</para>
<para>As I explained to Rodney when we had our meeting in late 2010, I have come to realise that there is another area of discrimination of which the surface has hardly been scratched: that is, the issue of transgender and intersex. There is a huge amount of work that needs to be done there, and with tripartisan support we have been able to establish the first Parliamentary Friendship Group for the LGBTI community. Graham Perrett is, of course, one of my deputies as is Senator Sarah Hanson-Young. We have already had one very successful function in the parliament and it is our intention to have another one very shortly.</para>
<para>In commencing that work and raising those issues I made a commitment that I would champion the issues, particularly the issues of transgender and intersex. I have been working with Peter Hyndal from the A Gender Agenda group, who has in a recent conference prepared a paper of priorities that need to be addressed. That will be available in the next couple of weeks and will give us an idea of the issues that need to be addressed and the priorities in which we set them. I intend to work with Graham and Sarah to have another function in the future to be able to launch this and, hopefully, get some support to see some changes there.</para>
<para>I am doing this because my experience over the last 10 years has been that as soon as you throw the 'm-word' into this debate everything else gets lost and the focus comes onto that. I believe it is important that we focus on some of these other issues. There are some very serious issues in the transgender and intersex community that have to be dealt with in relation to identity, which is causing huge problems with them. Sadly, if these issues are not addressed, we are going to see very high and unacceptable levels of suicide in those areas. I have to say that I found the comments of Jim Wallace from the Australian Christian Lobby suggesting that this was a lifestyle choice, like cigarettes, to be absolutely appalling and I was disgusted with such a comment.</para>
<para>I would suggest it is more of a personal comment than a comment from the broader Christian community. I have a lot of Christian people, including members of the cloth, who come to me and very strongly support the advocacy that I have taken.</para>
<para>I have also offered as a means of, if you like, achieving another goal to prepare a private members' bill in relation to a civil partnership arrangement. I in fact had one prepared. It is not a civil partnership for gay people or transgender people, it is civil partnership per se that any person of any orientation has the choice should they want to go down that path. I had that prepared but I was asked by members of the Marriage Equality Coalition not to introduce it during the course of this debate, to allow this debate to run its course, after which I will give some consideration as to whether or not I introduce that private members' bill.</para>
<para>I will continue to be a very strong advocate of the LGBTI community. I think it is important that people like me stand up. People, like my good friend Malcolm Turnbull, have also been very strong advocates, and more and more members in the coalition are very strong in making sure that these discriminatory issues are dealt with, and we will continue to do that. I personally will continue to pursue the transgender and intersex issues that need to be addressed. Hopefully, like we saw in 2008, we are going to see some very significant reforms introduced that will start to give people of these sexual orientations the recognition and the acknowledgement that they so desperately need and deserve. I will continue to pursue it and, hopefully, we will get to a successful conclusion. In the meantime, in relation to this particular bill, for the reasons that I have stated previously I will not be supporting it.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TURNBULL</name>
    <name.id>885</name.id>
    <electorate>Wentworth</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Following on from my very good friend the member for Leichhardt, let me return the compliment. He has been a vigorous, persuasive and very effective advocate for the rights of same-sex couples and people of a homosexual orientation, and has done a great deal of work, perhaps made more effective because of his unlikely persona as the crocodile farmer from North Queensland, speaking up for the gay community in the widest sense of the word.</para>
<para>Turning to the Marriage Amendment Bill 2012, as honourable members are aware, the coalition has taken a position as a party, and as a coalition party room, not to allow a free vote on this issue. So, like the member for Leichardt, I will not be voting in favour of this bill. Were, however, a free vote to be permitted I would support legislation which recognised same-sex couples as being described as in a marriage. I want to explain to the House why I would do that and also suggest an alternative.</para>
<para>The arguments that have been put against gay marriage fall into three categories. The first one we can call a taxonomic one. They say a marriage is between a man and a woman. You cannot make a table into a chair simply by calling it a chair. It is a table; it does not matter what name you give it. The weakness with that argument is that the definition of marriage has changed again and again over time. In my estimation, at least one-third of the marriages extant in Australia today would not be recognised by the Catholic Church, or indeed by the Anglican Church, because one of the parties to that marriage has been married before and their former spouses are still living. So the truth is that society has defined and redefined marriage again and again.</para>
<para>The second argument that is often put up is that homosexuality is a sinful activity, that it is an abomination and that those who practice it will go to hell, and therefore everything should be done to discourage homosexuality. That view, which I guess people are entitled to have if they wish, is one that has no place in this parliament. We have legislated again and again to accord recognition to same-sex couples and to cease discrimination against people because of their sexual orientation. Whatever view people have about the sinfulness or otherwise of homosexual conduct, it is not something that is relevant to the legislative mission of this parliament. Similarly, although many people take the view that adultery is sinful and wicked and that people who commit adultery should not be able to walk out on their partners and marry someone else, we have had no-fault divorce in this country since 1975. The moral arguments may be very persuasive within a religious community, but they simply are not going to be helpful to this House.</para>
<para>There is another argument that is put up against gay marriage. You hear this from the bishops, and in a speech which I will table shortly—a longer speech than I have time to deliver today—Archbishop Jensen made the point that if same-sex couples are entitled to have their relationships described as a marriage it will undermine the marriage between people of different genders. If ever there is an argument that is calculated to persuade you that same-sex couples should be able to term their relationship a 'marriage', it is that one. The proposition that my marriage to Lucy of over 30 years will be undermined because of a gay couple living together down the road or having their relationship described as 'marriage', is absurd. This whole issue drips with hypocrisy, and the pools are deepest at the feet of the sanctimonious. The reality is this: the threat to marriage, and to marriages, is not what gay people may do; it is lack of commitment, it is cruelty, it is indifference, it is adultery. It is all of those things that take the passion and the love out of a relationship. It is lack of commitment that is the threat to marriage. And yet where do you hear the people who most strenuously oppose gay marriage giving the positive message in favour of greater commitment in relationships today? When do you hear them say: 'You should love each other more. You should work harder. Those of you that are together, you should work harder to love each other, to respect each other, to forgive each other, to be more committed.'</para>
<para>Gay people say: 'We want to be together. We want to support each other. The law recognises us as being together.' We have got dozens of acts which this parliament has passed which recognise same-sex couples for a whole range of areas, and gay people say, 'We want our commitment to be given greater recognition.' If there is one thing that we know we have too little of in our domestic arrangements across the nation, and perhaps across the developed world, it is commitment. So in some ways, the advocates of gay marriage and the gay community are holding up a mirror to the heterosexuals, and saying to us: 'Look, we want to make a stronger commitment. What about you? How strong is your commitment?'</para>
<para>The peak of absurdity of this criticism of the case for gay marriage is made by Andrew Bolt, who, after I delivered the speech which, as I said, I will table shortly, said that there is another argument against gay marriage. He said that homosexuals are more promiscuous than heterosexuals. I am not sure on what basis he had researched that, or understood that, or came to that view, but that was his premise. And he said, 'Therefore, if homosexuals are allowed to call their relationships 'marriage' they will be less faithful to each other than heterosexuals are, and this will set a bad example, and therefore undermine heterosexual marriage.' I observed at the time in response that if you accepted this premise as being correct then, if Italy had recognised gay marriage, Silvio Berlusconi would have had even more bunga bunga parties. My former chief of staff, Chris Kenny, now writing for the <inline font-style="italic">Australian</inline>, responded to this in a very witty tweet. He said: 'Bunga Bunga is an ancient Perugian dialect for 'The gays made me do it.'</para>
<para>The case against gay marriage, therefore, is a very weak one, in my view. Nonetheless, it is these issues about faith—as Michael Kirby himself has observed, many times—tied up with morality and family arrangements that are ones where people are naturally very conservative and change takes a long time, and it is important the community comes along with the change. As the member for Leichhardt said, raising the marriage issue has been, in the past, quite an obstacle to a lot of the reforms that have been achieved.</para>
<para>My submission to the advocates for gay marriage is simply this: the numbers are not there, in this parliament, for this bill to be passed. That is the reality. In my view, the numbers would not be there even if there were a free vote on the coalition side. I am sure the numbers will be there in due course. Look at countries around the world, countries that are close to ourselves. The United Kingdom is proposing to legalise gay marriage. New York has already done it. New Zealand is talking about it. This is something that is coming, I would anticipate. But what we can do in this parliament, and I know the member for Leichhardt is very committed to this, is legislate for civil unions.</para>
<para>I know that will be seen as being not quite good enough but, as I have said in other contexts and on other occasions, one of the greatest mistakes of those who advocate reform is to allow the perfect to be the enemy of the good. It is better to get something than nothing. It is for that reason—like my friend—we would support legislation to enact civil unions legislation. In conclusion, I seek leave to table this 5 July 2012 Michael Kirby lecture, which goes into this matter at some greater length.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CHAMPION</name>
    <name.id>HW9</name.id>
    <electorate>Wakefield</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Throsby for bringing this private member's bill to the parliament. I note the speech by the member for Wentworth. He seems to be longing for a conscience vote. Conscience votes are never easy. In many ways, I find myself longing for the warm embrace of my party, to be honest. I remember reading Edmund Burke's maiden speech, where he said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Your representative owes you, not his industry only, but his judgment; and he betrays, instead of serving you, if he sacrifices it to your opinion.</para></quote>
<para>Honourable members interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CHAMPION</name>
    <name.id>HW9</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>He did! As my colleague notes, Edmund Burke ascribed to great principles but he lasted just two terms in the House of Commons. Perhaps that is a lesson for us all. This is an issue which a minority in the electorate feel very passionately about. To all those who lobbied me—or wrote to me, emailed me or stopped me in the street and had street-corner meetings, sometimes appearing at the same time and arguing opposite opinions—I would like to thank you, for being part of the democratic process. MPs are, of course, swayed by their constituents' opinions, even if we are, as Edmund Burke said, exercising our own judgement.</para>
<para>There are two broad views reflective of public debate and they have been made in this House a number of times. I do not intend to go into them in great detail. Principally, there were the advocates of change under a campaign of equal love. They argued, I think, for an expansion of liberty, for the expansion of the right to marry and the recognition of this right by the state. Others have gone into that argument in some detail, so I will not bother the House with it.</para>
<para>Against this, there were those who basically argued for the status quo: for traditional marriage and for the traditional family to be the bedrock of the formation of our society. Many of those people argued with some vigour and passion for tradition and stability. They were of course in the main religious people, people of strong religious faith. I respect their views. I do have a great deal of sympathy for tradition and of course for the value of the status quo. I think in all of these debates, there does tend to be an undervaluing of the status quo, of the virtues of what we have already. Perhaps that is a slightly conservative view, but it is one that I would normally hold. Both sides argued their cases strongly and politely, and I certainly respect their views. I think the broad area of public opinion lies somewhere in between. Most people are not ambivalent about it, but it is not the first question in their mind when they approach their politician.</para>
<para>But for me, this debate does have a personal aspect. It is not just a theoretical debate but in some degree a personal one. That is because my sister Simone is a lesbian. I do not know if love is equal. I suspect it finds no such equilibrium, but love, if it is to survive, does have to be practical. I must say, I find it impossible to deny my sister the right to marriage. I have wrestled with this question. I, frankly, would have preferred to avoid debating it and talking about it, but when it comes right down to it, no matter what my sympathies are for the status quo and for tradition, I find it impossible to deny my sister the same right that I have. Just as I would like to have her at my marriage, I would like to be present at hers. That is why I will vote in favour of this bill.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MARLES</name>
    <name.id>HWQ</name.id>
    <electorate>Corio</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This is a very difficult issue, but I rise to speak in favour of the member for Throsby's bill. I very much thank him for putting it before the House. This is the first conscience vote debate in which I have participated as a member of parliament. In participating in it, I have tried to be as open as I can with those in my community, in my constituency and indeed here in parliament about what I am thinking, but also to provide them the opportunity to engage with me on this issue. As a result, I have spoken with many, many people about this issue both in the electorate of Corio and also here in the parliament. Like the member for Wakefield, I would like to thank them for the way in which they have participated in this debate and in the democratic process and to note that they have participated in this with an enormous degree of grace and civility. Indeed, I would say that the way in which this debate has been conducted, at least in respect of my involvement in it, has been as good as any debate in which I have participated and is a model for the way in which debates ought to occur within our public policy.</para>
<para>I would also particularly like to thank those who have come to me with a different view to the one that I hold in relation to this debate. They have, as I said, put forward their views with an enormous amount of dignity and respect. This is rightfully a conscience vote. One's view on this issue is founded very much on the convictions that one has—often religious convictions—about the meaning of marriage. I do not want to evangelise my particular perspective on this, as I might in relation to other areas of public policy. There are those, particularly from churches, who have a deeply held view, as a matter of faith, that marriage is an act between a man and a woman. That is a view which I disagree with but which I have an enormous amount of respect for. I want to place that on record here today as well.</para>
<para>Many from churches have expressed a concern to me that a change to the civil laws which would allow same-sex marriages would give rise to a pressure on their churches to marry same-sex couples against the traditions of their church, against their faith and against their belief. What comes from that concern is a need from us all to have a renewed conviction in the freedom of religious expression. My views on the freedom of religious expression have not changed in this debate; these have been deeply held convictions of mine all along. But, surprisingly and unexpectedly for me, during the course of this debate the need to defend the freedom of religious expression has been a need which is greater in this society than I first thought. There are churches that feel a sense of threat about societal norms impacting upon their ability to express their faith. In taking the position that I do in this debate I also take a position that their right of freedom of religious expression must be defended, and I absolutely commit myself to that.</para>
<para>Many in the conversations that I have had saw the legalising or allowing of same-sex marriages in our civil law to be the first step down a slippery slope which would see the recognition within our civil law of other forms of relationships. This is an argument that I understand but, ultimately, it is not an argument with which I agree; I do not think we are taking a step down a slippery slope which will lead to unanticipated places. But, at the end of the day, in considering whether or not a particular set of relationships ought to be allowed in the Marriage Act one can only view that on the merits of the particular instance at hand. For me, the merits of that instance are very clear.</para>
<para>During the last term of parliament this government amended 85 separate pieces of legislation to remove all forms of discrimination against same-sex couples as to how they are treated in terms of property, superannuation and so on. This was an uncontroversial step to take and it was an unambiguously good thing to do. It recognised that same-sex couples in loving, committed relationships, which are intended to be permanent as any heterosexual relationships are—and just as in heterosexual relationships, some have children and some do not—ought to be removed of any form of discrimination within our law. That was seen to be the right thing to do, and I, as a member of the government at that point in time, was a proud participant in the removal of that discrimination from our laws.</para>
<para>Marriage can be seen, and is by many people in our society seen, as an expression of faith, as I indicated. But for many marriage is seen separate to religion. It is, first of all, a statement between two people about the level of commitment that they have to each other. It is also a statement by that couple to the rest of society, to their parents, to their friends, to their extended family and to their community as a whole about the way in which they want to be viewed as a couple. Indeed, making that statement to their surrounding community is part of the statement they make to each other about the commitment that they have. To deny the ability of same-sex couples to make that statement to their parents, their friends, their community and their society seems to me to deny them a human right. It seems to me to be as much a form of discrimination as the other instances have been which we removed from legislation in the last parliament. For me, supporting same-sex marriage being allowed within our civil legislation is as simple as removing another form of discrimination as we did in the last parliament.</para>
<para>That is why I am supporting the legislation as has been put forward by the member for Throsby, and I do that with a very much renewed sense of protecting those churches and those religions who do see marriage in a particular way, as a particular expression of faith, as between a man and a woman, and that the rights of those churches to continue to operate in the way they have need to be protected, and indeed this bill would protect those rights. With that in mind, I very much support the legislation that has been put forward by the member for Throsby as legislation which will remove discrimination from our books, which will remove a denial of human rights from our books and which will allow same-sex couples to engage in our society on the same terms as heterosexual couples.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HAYES</name>
    <name.id>ECV</name.id>
    <electorate>Fowler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As the House is aware, members of the government have been given a conscience vote on this bill, which is appropriate given the significance of the issue and the fact that there are likely to be very strongly held views on either side of this debate. Therefore I believe it is important—at least important to me—not only that I exercise my vote but that I explain the rationale in coming to my decision. It is not the first time that I have had the opportunity to speak about the issue of same-sex marriage. The last occasion was when members of the House were invited to consult broadly with their electorates and report back to the House on the result of those discussions. When I did, it certainly triggered an avalanche of correspondence from those who are less than happy with my position, but may I say that that was certainly not the experience with those that I represent in my community in south-west Sydney. Indeed, when I had the opportunity to speak at the ALP conference last year, I was written up in some publication as being a vile, right-wing politician. So much for holding a view that was not necessarily embraced by everybody.</para>
<para>The conscience vote is just that. It is not a free-for-all, it is not poll driven and it is not a vote dictated by focus group research. It is a vote to be exercised in accordance with one's own personal beliefs. Therefore can I again indicate to the House that it is my strong personal belief that marriage is between a man and a woman. I also strongly believe that to change the federal Marriage Act, as sought by the member for Throsby's private member's bill and to recognise same-sex marriage, would not only violate the sanctity of marriage but redefine the traditional meaning of marriage itself. In coming to this debate, I have been accused by some of not having an open mind or of simply doing the bidding of the Catholic church. I am not sure how one can have an open mind when it comes to beliefs or matters of conscience. If beliefs can be so easily swayed by others, maybe that says more about the substance of the person than anything else.</para>
<para>But, in fairness and in all honesty, my background and the environment I grew up in does have a level of influence on my views on a range of matters. I do hold certain religious beliefs. As members of the House know, I am a Catholic and grew up in a very strong Catholic household. Understandably, my background and all those experiences that go to make up me certainly have a measure of influence in respect to my views on a range of matters, including industrial relations and, probably in particular, my brand of politics. But as I indicated when I last spoke in the House on same-sex marriage, I have very much sought to differentiate my personal beliefs from that of my constituents.</para>
<para>Resulting from community consultation, petitions and letters that I received, as well as an extensive online survey, I think I understand, and I am well aware of, the overwhelming view of my electorate when it comes to the issue of same-sex marriage.</para>
<para>The Marriage Act 1961 was amended in 2002, under the Howard government, to include in section 5 that the definition of marriage 'means the union of a man and a woman to the exclusion of all others, voluntarily entered into for life'. This was supported by the parliament because it codified the traditional definition of marriage that has been long held under common law.</para>
<para>I believe the definition of marriage sits comfortably with the historic understanding and acceptance of what marriage really is, an understanding that it is applicable across all cultures and societies. I appreciate that over the last 15 years there has been a strong move to disturb this historic understanding of marriage, in an attempt to redefine marriage so that it applies equally to same-sex couples. I understand that. It is a move which originated in some states of America. It is true that outside the USA marriage has been redefined in a number of jurisdictions—I think 11 in total—all of which are restricted to western countries, including South Africa. But the fact remains that an overwhelming number of countries do not support marriage as being between any two people, but as being between a man and a woman.</para>
<para>I do not accept that marriage is open to all regardless of gender. Opposite-sex couples complement each other, according to the biological construction of their relationship, in a way that same-sex couples cannot. The relationship between opposite-sex couples and same-sex couples is different. If the relationship is not the same there cannot be a discrimination when providing the definition of marriage is exclusively between a man and a woman.</para>
<para>To ensure that there is no difference in the legal treatment of couples who set up a relationship outside marriage, since 2007 the Labor government has amended 84 pieces of Commonwealth legislation to put beyond doubt that there can be no discrimination against same-sex couples who establish a live-in relationship. Yet it will be argued by those supporting this bill that not to legislate a change in the federal Marriage Act will amount to a continuing discrimination of same-sex relationships and a breach of human rights. In respect to human rights, I am aware that, over the last two years, the European Court of Human Rights on two occasions has had this matter before it—the issue about discrimination of same-sex couples—and on both occasions the court ruled that there is no specific human right for a same-sex couple to marry.</para>
<para>Following the passage of the 84 pieces of legislation by the federal Labor government to remove discrimination against same-sex couples, it must follow that not to amend the federal Marriage Act does not amount to discrimination. To not amend the federal Marriage Act to apply to any two people, in my opinion, does not form a continuing discrimination. The traditional definition of marriage as a union between one man and one woman, to the exclusion of all others, voluntarily entered into for life, is a reflection of a society that has considered or constructed the relationship that best serves the nurturing of children.</para>
<para>As I indicated, that traditional definition of marriage is one that is largely observed by all cultures and all societies. I cannot say, in all good conscience, that not amending the federal Marriage Act to apply for same-sex couples would amount to a continuing discrimination. I am very proud to be a member of a government that has worked to alleviate discrimination. We moved those 84 pieces of legislation to do just that. But when it comes to the federal Marriage Act, members have been forthright, from the start of this debate, about the definition of marriage. Despite my friendship with the member for Throsby I cannot support the bill where what he seeks to do goes against my strongly held views. I know that my view is echoed throughout my community. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FITZGIBBON</name>
    <name.id>8K6</name.id>
    <electorate>Hunter</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Marriage Amendment Bill 2012, and I congratulate the member for Throsby for bringing the matter forward. I think it is worthy of debate in this place, and the contributions have certainly been worthy. I am very pleased that the member for Throsby brought forward a very sensible bill and—I hope I do not offend him by saying—maybe a minimalist bill, one which goes to the core of the issue we are debating without wandering off into extraneous issues. We have a clear question before us here: should the Marriage Act be amended to remove what some people might describe as discrimination, and therefore allow same-sex couples to marry, under that act?</para>
<para>I think this is the fourth occasion on which, over my 16 years in this place, I have risen to speak on a matter which has been determined, within the Labor Party at least, a matter of conscience. Certainly euthanasia was one, stem cell research was another, and I am pretty sure I was here for the debate over RU 486. These conscience vote issues bring a certain civility to the parliament. They put a sombre note into the air, but they force people to think very deeply about their position of these issues. Certainly, from the Labor Party's perspective, there is no opportunity here to hide behind the collective decision. What we do on these issues is a matter for us and therefore we are accountable to our electorate, very directly.</para>
<para>When I voted against the bill to allow euthanasia, I often found that people assumed my position was based on my Catholic upbringing. Indeed it was not. While it is very true that I am a Catholic and have had a strong Catholic upbringing, my real fear about euthanasia was that, rather than enacting a law to give people a choice, it would have been a law which would deny people a choice. In other words, pressure could have come from other interested parties to choose that option. So people should not assume that everything we say in this place is necessarily based on our upbringing, our Christian faith or otherwise.</para>
<para>Obviously, like all members, I have spent a lot of time thinking about this issue and, like the member who spoke before me, I am very proud to be part of a government which, since 2007, has removed discrimination from every piece of legislation sitting on the Commonwealth books. For all of that period of reform I sat on the front bench with the then Attorney-General Robert McClelland, and I can assure all members that that was not easy for the then Attorney-General, and it was not easy for the party. What we did was a huge challenge. It was not an uncontroversial thing—it was quite a controversial thing. But we did it and we should be proud of it.</para>
<para>I am not convinced that the current wording of the Marriage Act does equate to discrimination. From my perspective, the Marriage Act is an instrument for procreation between opposite-sex couples, and I will be arguing today that that is what it should remain.</para>
<para>I have consulted very broadly within my electorate and, like all members, I have had lots of emails and other correspondence on this issue. Again, like everyone else in this place, I know gay and lesbian people and include some of those people as my friends. I think I understand why people want the act changed. I think it mainly goes to the idea that they are being discriminated against, although I do find it interesting that marriage as an institution is in decline amongst heterosexual couples, and some in the gay community seem to be running against the tide in trying to secure the opportunity, and it is a curiosity to me. We do have civil unions in most if not all states and therefore the opportunity does exist to formalise and legalise a same-sex relationship.</para>
<para>On conscience votes, it is worthwhile asking ourselves why we are here. Are we here to push our own personal views on these issues or are we here to represent those who elect us, our constituency, and therefore the collective majority? I am convinced after talking to many people in my electorate that my constituency is not ready for this change. I am not saying that there are not many in my constituency who do support the change, there certainly are, but I would be very surprised if it is anywhere near 50 per cent. That might be contrary to the national snapshot or any national poll. But of course our electorates vary considerably in terms of their demographic make-up, et cetera. I find that the majority of my people do not want this change. I have said publicly that maybe that will change as time goes on and as more conservative, older voters pass on, like we all will one day. But I have found, and I have said it publicly before, that many couples, particularly the older ones, in my electorate are challenged by this concept and have told me that they feel that extending the Marriage Act to same-sex couples would in some way devalue their own marriage certificate—something they hold very close to their hearts. You have to be careful to generalise but I would argue that they hold this marriage certificate much more closely than maybe some of the generations that follow them, particularly those who have gone through their golden wedding anniversary, or through to 60 years. They do feel, rightly or wrongly, that the extension of the Marriage Act to same-sex couples would somehow devalue their marriage certificate. I do not necessarily agree with that, of course, but I understand the sentiment and I understand the pain they would feel based on the stories they have articulated to me. There would be pain caused by this change to the Marriage Act.</para>
<para>I do not have a very strong view on the issue, personally. I do not think it matters much to our society, quite frankly, whether same-sex couples marry or not. I do not think it benefits them greatly and I do not think it disadvantages the rest of our society greatly either. I will probably be attacked for saying this, but I think this is a sort of 11th order issue. I believe it is an important debate, and I said so, but in this place I would much rather be debating some of the more challenging social issues that we face as a parliament and as a people. The unemployment payment, which is topical at the moment, we approach from the wrong angle. We should not be arguing about the rate of pay; we should be arguing about the way in which we treat all unemployed people the same, whether they are likely to get a job or not likely to get a job. There is a lot we could be doing productively in that area.</para>
<para>But here we are today, in any case, having an important debate. Again, I do not have a dogmatic or hard opinion on it. It has been a tough question for me, as I am sure it has been for most of us in this place. On this occasion, again, I do not have the opportunity to hide behind the collective of the party but I do have an opportunity to do what I think is the view of the majority of my constituency. I do not think my electorate is ready for this change and on that basis I will not be voting for this change.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms RISHWORTH</name>
    <name.id>HWA</name.id>
    <electorate>Kingston</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Marriage Amendment Bill 2012. I would like to start by recognising that there are many strong beliefs about the issue of marriage equality. Passionate views both in support and in opposition of the changes to the Marriage Act have been expressed to me both in my electorate and around the country. I have respected these views. I am very pleased that the Labor Party has allowed MPs a conscience vote on this issue, because it does recognise that there are varied religious beliefs and social views about the issue of same-sex marriage.</para>
<para>When I consider my position on this issue I believe very strongly that, as a representative in this parliament, I need to consider both my own personal views and the views of those whom I represent in parliament, the communities of Kingston. But I think there is a dilemma for any representative of parliament when there is no clear consensus in the electorate. I have listened to constituents express their views on this issue and have, indeed, watched some individuals change their mind during meetings.</para>
<para>I attended one particular street-corner meeting and the feeling was that the majority was against the changes to the Marriage Act until one woman brought up the complexities of law and the lack of recognition that her friend had experienced in a hospital where her same-sex partner was indeed unconscious. This story was shared at the street-corner meeting and made some people change their position on what they believed. Some found it quite incredulous that some hospitals did not automatically recognise same-sex relationships.</para>
<para>Whilst I recognise there are a lot of legal complexities around this case, at the street-corner meeting I did watch people grapple with this issue—about recognition, about relationships and about the rights that these relationships should have. Indeed, I watched as some people were questioned and changed their opinion on this issue.</para>
<para>So with no consensus and so many different views in my electorate, I have also had to reflect on my values and beliefs. I have reflected on these and there has been no easy conclusion, because I can see parts of all sides of the argument. One of the earliest values I remember learning from my parents was to treat people as you would like to be treated. I remember believing this in my early childhood and it motivated me into my adult years. This value has become more refined in adulthood, a little bit more complex and articulated as values of fairness, equality and compassion and the importance of being free from discrimination. While matters of public policy are not always straightforward, these beliefs have driven me, whether it be my passion for a universal healthcare system, to eliminate stigma in mental health, to fight for equal rights for women in this country and around the world or to ensure workplace rights are protected. When it comes to this debate I need to apply those values, think about those values and consider them.</para>
<para>When I look at these values that have driven me in so many areas of public policy and apply them to this debate I find it difficult to justify how I can stand in the way of changes to the Marriage Act. I do respect the views of others who hold a very different opinion to me. The freedom to express different opinions underpins our vibrant democracy. That is why I do believe it is so important that, under the proposed bill, a minister for religion be under no obligation to solemnise same-sex marriage. I think freedom of religion is incredibly important and it needs to be maintained and certainly should occur if ever same-sex marriage were to be legalised.</para>
<para>I would like to conclude on a final note by reflecting on my own personal circumstances as well and that is that my own wedding is about to take place in four months time. I am pretty excited. Of course, I am looking forward to it so much. I have no doubt that my wedding day will be one of the best days of my life and, importantly, it will be the start of a lifelong commitment that I will share with my fiance, Tim. I have reflected on the fact that there will be gay friends and family sharing this special occasion with us. When I look into my own conscience I do not know how on that day I could look them in the eye if I had used my voice in parliament to stand in the way of them having the exact same opportunity. I cannot stand in their way.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr GARRETT</name>
    <name.id>HV4</name.id>
    <electorate>Kingsford Smith</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to support the private member's bill, the Marriage Amendment Bill 2012, knowing that it is a matter of great interest to the community Australia wide and to the community in my electorate. Also, it affords the opportunity through those decisions taken by the government and the Labor Party to exercise what is described as a conscience vote on this matter. It is the case that the Labor Party, when it met at national conference, amended its platform. It changed its platform to say that Labor will amend the Marriage Act to ensure equal access to marriage under statute for all adult couples—irrespective of sex—who have a mutual commitment to a shared life. I certainly support that change that was expressed at the conference.</para>
<para>I have, as the local member for Kingsford-Smith, sought the views of my constituents on this issue. In doing that, I can say that the majority of expression of views are in favour of same-sex marriage. It is the case that some members of the Labor Party and certainly in Kingsford-Smith, including individual branches, are not in favour. Some members are. The fact is that there is a polarity of views on this issue and also a polarity of views amongst religious organisations. I indeed have received letters and representations from churches in the electorate opposing this bill, as I have received letters supporting it. I do note the Reverend Andrew Johnston, who heads of the chaplaincy organisations of the University of New South Wales, saying welcomely that it was wonderful to hear the local member state again his public support for this fundamental issue of justice.</para>
<para>I acknowledge those views. I respect the views that those opposed have expressed, but I do not share them. I do not believe that the arguments put forward suggesting that the traditional bonds of marriage would be weakened by amending the Marriage Act are arguments of force. I do not believe they have thrown up any material or compelling reasons as to why members should not support this amendment. If churches wish to marry persons on the basis of the traditional interpretation of marriage, they are still free to do so. There is no obligation imposed on ministers of religion to recognise same-sex marriage in the Jones bill. I, like many others, am a strong supporter of marriage. I have been in that 'happy state' for 27 years or more. I expect that to be the case as long as I draw breath. I greatly value family life. I recognise that at its best it is providing the durability and the reliability that growing up within a family can provide for people.</para>
<para>It is the essential frame within which the young are nurtured, protected, educated and socialised. All of that occurs in families. It is universal—for the most part—of our human species and it should be seen as such. But the fact is that families are diverse. They are representative of a community. The choices of people living in families, who see themselves as family and see family as an essential part of their lives, deserve to be respected. Commitment to marriage, a desire for the same recognition by the state of that commitment by same-sex couples, does not in my eyes represent a weakening of the institution at all. If anything, I would argue that it is a strengthening. To that extent, I am clear that what the bill in front of us is actually proposing is an opportunity for more people within the community, who have a strong and enduring commitment, to have it recognised by the state.</para>
<para>In 2012 there are differing attitudes and priorities around marriage as well. There are increasingly numbers of de facto relationships, second marriages are increasingly common and so it goes. But the desire by one group in the community to have their relationship duly recognised by a sign of intention to have permanence and enduring commitment does not represent the destruction of an institution that I have already referred to as being in a state of evolution and change. The fact is that it is the integrity and commitment within relationships that has at its heart the endurance that we seek both in families and communities more broadly.</para>
<para>Finally, and importantly, I do not consider that sexual orientation in and of itself is sufficient to deny any person a right to which others are entitled. The desire for recognition of a commitment to a permanent same-sex relationship as a marriage is, amongst other things, the desire to be treated the same as others, to be seen in the same light as others, to be equal to every other citizen in our democracy. The fact is that these people are in our families, they are our workmates, they are members of the community at large and they are the people that we as members of parliament represent. If the integrity of marriage as an institution sanctioned by the state is not sufficient reason to prohibit same-sex couples from having their union recognised, which is what I am arguing, then the question is: what reason remains? I can see none of any legislative or compelling moral or intellectual force.</para>
<para>I do not believe we should discriminate against people on the basis of race or religion—nor should we permit discrimination on the basis of choice of partner or prohibit the equal recognition of that choice and commitment by the state. In fact, I do not believe that the denial of the rights and opportunities of one group over another contributes to the shared societal goal of healthy relationships across the board and across the diverse terrain of human society. This parliament should not deny our brothers and sisters, our nieces and nephews, those we work with, our children, those whom we represent, the right to be considered equally in the eyes of the law and fellow human beings, entitled to have their commitment to a permanent relationship duly recognised by the state. I support the bill.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CLARE</name>
    <name.id>HWL</name.id>
    <electorate>Blaxland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I have always thought that marriage is between a man and a woman. That is what I grew up with. That is the way it has always been. It is what society says it is. But society's views are not set in stone. They change, and so have mine.</para>
<para>I have been thinking a lot about this issue over the last few months. I am getting married later this year to a wonderful woman named Louise—the most important person in my life. Our relationship is the most important thing in my life. I have been thinking about how I would feel if I could not marry Louise. Louise is a Vietnamese Australian. If we had met in another place at another time we might not have been able to get married. One hundred years ago interracial marriages were illegal in most parts of the United States. In the 1950s half of the states in the US still had laws banning interracial marriage. The US Supreme Court only struck out these laws in 1967. In Australia, the Northern Territory ordinance act 1918 banned Indigenous people from marrying non-Indigenous people. It was not revoked until 1953. Similar laws existed in other countries.</para>
<para>It has made me think, in the words of Paul Keating's poignant and oft-quoted Redfern speech, 'How would I feel if this were done to me?' I am fortunate, we are fortunate, that we live in a more equal, more tolerant time—more so every day. Society's views have changed about lots of issues over the years. A bit over 100 years ago women were not allowed to vote. We used to think that was right. We used to think that was the way that it should be. We do not anymore. Fifty years ago Aboriginal people were not allowed to vote. We used to think that was right. We do not now. Sixty years ago there were parts of Australia where Aboriginal people could not get a drink at the same bar as other Australians or sit in the same part of the cinema. People used to think that that was okay. We do not now. Things change. Society has changed.</para>
<para>The way that we look at homosexuality has also changed. One hundred years ago we sent people to prison for it. Forty years ago it was a crime in every state of Australia. It was still a crime in Tasmania 15 years ago. Today there are very few people who would say that gay people do not deserve the same rights in the workplace, our legal system and the health system as everybody else. But we once did. Our views have changed. Four years ago we passed legislation that gives gay couples the same rights as de facto heterosexual couples when it comes to superannuation, inheritance rights, social security and veterans entitlements, hospital visits and the right to file a joint tax return. It was not a contentious debate. It probably would have been if we had had it 20 years ago—but not any more. It is an example of how society's views have changed. This debate about gay marriage also shows us how society's views have changed. There would not have even been a debate on this 30 years ago. It would have been inconceivable. In 30 years time I suspect there will not be a debate either. In 30 years I suspect that people will look back at this debate like other contentious debates and wonder why it was so contentious—the way we look back at debates about women's suffrage, Indigenous rights, and equal pay for women.</para>
<para>If this was a debate today about civil unions rather than marriage, I suspect it would not be a big debate either. Most Australians and most politicians agree that gay couples should be able to have a civil union, to legally bind themselves together and have a ceremony and a certificate to mark the occasion. That has not always been the case either. People did not always think that, but most people do now. If this were a bill about civil unions rather than marriage I suspect it would pass with the support of about 90 per cent of the members of this parliament. That shows us just how much things have changed over the last few years. The debate now is about whether that legally binding agreement should be called 'marriage'. I recognise that there are strong views on both sides of this debate. I understand why. It involves change to something that we have all grown up with. Big social changes are often controversial. When homosexuality was removed as a crime it was very controversial. In New South Wales in 1984 it passed by only two votes. The debates over giving women the right to vote were also contentious at the time. Here is a quote from the House of Representatives debate in 1902:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I have a mother, and I have a wife and a sister and daughters, and I wish to continue in the position of their supporter and their protector, and not to place them under the necessity of protecting their own political position. I do not wish them to have extended to them the right not only to vote, but to sit in this Chamber. It is man's duty to be here, and it is woman's duty to attend to the family.</para></quote>
<para>Imagine somebody saying that today. The debates about equal pay and the debates about counting Indigenous people as part of the population of Australia were also contentious at that time. In all of these debates the argument that eventually won the day was that people should be treated equally, that all people should have the same opportunities in life. And this is an important principle. Everyone should have the same opportunities in life regardless of the colour of their skin, their religion, their sex or their sexual preference. I know a lot of people have a different view of this issue. I respect and understand them. I held it for a long time myself. I have changed my mind because I think this debate, at its core, like other debates I have mentioned, is about fairness.</para>
<para>We should treat others the way we would like to be treated. As Barack Obama has said on this issue, 'In the end the value that I care most deeply about is how we treat other people.' We should treat others the way we would like to be treated. We are all equal and we all deserve the same rights and the same opportunities in life, whether it is the right to vote, the right to equal pay for equal work, the right to practise your religion, the right to drink in the same pub, sit in the same cinema or marry the person you love.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BUTLER</name>
    <name.id>HWK</name.id>
    <electorate>Port Adelaide</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is a pleasure to follow the Minister for Home Affairs and his very thoughtful contribution to this debate. I particularly thank the member for Throsby for bringing forward this debate through his private member's bill, a very timely piece of legislation before this parliament.</para>
<para>I am on the public record about these matters. I have written in newspaper op-ed pages about this, I have spoken at many public events, including a very large rally outside the front of the ALP National Conference late last year. My views on this matter are well known for those who take an interest in this policy area. It is important that this matter be debated before the parliament, and I thought it was important to reiterate my views in a parliamentary debate.</para>
<para>I, along with other members, have also asked for the views of my electorate over the last many months, particularly since the resolution was passed by the House asking members to do that. In my electorate—a forthright and frank group of people—hundreds of people have sent emails, put calls through, attended street corner meetings and in other ways—at the pub, the shopping centre and suchlike—expressed their views about this matter to me, and I thank them for that. They have been frank and constructive and, without exception, their views have been politely put, so I do thank people for that.</para>
<para>I want, particularly though, to read a passage from an email that I received from one constituent which had a very powerful impact on me. It was a message received last year, before the debate at the ALP National Conference. One of my constituents wrote this: 'When my grandchildren ask me why I can love my partner and not be married, it is painful to explain that I live in a country that does not let people like me get married. After 33 years, three children and two grandchildren, I think I can attest to love, commitment and the hard slog of long-term relationship that goes side by side with the beautiful family moments.' That to me really summed up so many of the messages that I received.'</para>
<para>In their feedback to me, the electors of Port Adelaide in this fairly ad hoc process that all of us have held—it is not a scientific poll by any means—do support this change. The support from the emails, the calls and the other messages that we have received has been running at about 60 per cent in Port Adelaide. Those numbers reflect most of the research that is has been done over the past couple of years in Australia. We have seen polls conducted by Newspoll, by Galaxy and by Morgan, all of which put public support in the community for same-sex marriage at about 60 to 70 per cent. Australians are not alone. There is a big movement on this question across a whole range of developed nations. As a result, parliaments across the developed world are moving on this question. Many others have referred to the shift in the UK under a conservative coalition government. There is movement in New Zealand. President Obama has indicated an open view about this that supports same-sex marriage. There has been important legislation in a number of states and provinces in North America, including particularly the legislation in New York State that was passed last June, that is very much reflected in the Jones' Bill, if I can refer to the member for Throsby's private member's bill in that way.</para>
<para>I support this measure not because of Newspoll and not because of New York but because this is the right thing to do. I have thought that for quite some time. This, if it passes, will be the latest chapter in a series of reforms about homosexuality in this country stretching back a number of decades. They are a series of reforms in which the Labor Party have proudly played a very, very leading role. Whether you go back to the role that Don Dunstan, the Labor Premier of my own state, South Australia, played in being the first jurisdiction to decriminalise homosexual acts or whether you look at the very proud moment I had as a member of this government in our first term when we repealed a whole range of provisions in dozens of pieces of legislation that had discriminatory effect because of a person's sexual preference, you will see a very proud legacy that Labor has had over some decades now, and it is one that I think we should extend through supporting this particular bill.</para>
<para>It is now a very well-established principle in Australia that civil society does not discriminate against an Australian on the basis of their sexual preference. This bill extends that principle to the institution, particularly of civil marriage.</para>
<para>It is often not noticed in this debate, particularly in some of the newspapers, that marriage in Australia is now predominantly a civil institution. Back in the late 1980s, when I became entitled to get married—although I did not take it up quite that quickly—about 60 per cent of all marriages were conducted in a church or another religious institution. That number is down now to about one in three. And in some jurisdictions, particularly Queensland, where the member for Moreton lives, and in WA, that number is now fewer than three in 10. Now, less than 30 per cent of marriages in those jurisdictions are conducted through a religious celebrant. There is no question that marriage now, in Australia, is predominantly a civil institution—and it does not look as if there is going to be any reversal of that trend. If you take this as a market, the religious sector's market share of this is dropping by about one per cent every year.</para>
<para>This bill applies the longstanding civil principle of equal treatment, regardless of a person's sexual preference, to civil marriage—as happened in New York state—while, importantly, permitting religious organisations and religious celebrants to continue to observe their traditional view of marriage as a ceremony between a man and a woman. That is a very sensible position for this parliament to adopt, and it is one which, if adopted, will make a very great difference to many Australians—not only to those who have communicated their views to my office but to those who have communicated their views to all 150 members of this House of Representatives.</para>
<para>I just want to finish by reading an email from Molly, who wrote to me only last Friday. She said, 'As with so many families, we cannot wait to celebrate at our beautiful daughter's wedding ceremony. With votes such as yours it is getting closer and closer.' That is why I will be voting in support of the bill.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms ROXON</name>
    <name.id>83K</name.id>
    <electorate>Gellibrand</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Let me say from the outset that I have attended same-sex weddings. They happen in Australia often. For those who have not attended one I would say that there are many things you would find familiar. There are vows, rings, thousands of photos, and even confetti. There are proud parents and happy friends dressed up to the nines. The ceremonies get followed by receptions with food, wine, dancing and, of course, those obligatory embarrassing speeches. What they miss is not love, family or commitment; what such ceremonies lack is a legal certificate that our Commonwealth Marriage Act currently prevents them from having. These weddings are unofficial, but that does not stop them from occurring.</para>
<para>The status of homosexual Australians has changed dramatically over the past 40 years. A major part of this has been legal change. We have gone from laws that criminalise and lock up gays to laws that protect their rights. In the sweep of history much of this change has actually been quite recent. Our government has a very proud history in this area. Three years ago, this Labor government changed 85 Commonwealth laws to remove discrimination and to equalise treatment. This covered a broad range of areas, including Medicare, social security, superannuation and many more. These are changes that have a financial impact. They are changes that put government benefits on an equal footing and laws that properly acknowledge caring relationships. Earlier this year I was proud to remove the impediments for same-sex couples to obtain certificates of no impediment for marriage overseas in the various countries that already allow same-sex marriage.</para>
<para>I must admit that I have always believed that these myriad changes in our legislation were the priority for reform—the practical matters that benefited all Australians wanting to be treated fairly and equally. In fact, it was not long ago that many in the gay and lesbian community also had this view—wanting to ensure protection for all who were treated unfairly because of their homosexuality, not just for those who wanted to marry. But the course of this debate has changed. People's views have changed. And the symbolism of same-sex marriage has grown. And that action taken to remove other discrimination has now served to highlight marriage restrictions as an ongoing barrier to equality.</para>
<para>It is time for us to accept that a person's love and commitment for another is a cause for celebration and recognition, not for exclusion and derision. The critics of this bill are concerned about the fabric of our society and our values, but I personally do not see how this bill will do any of those things that are claimed. There will still be the same number of same-sex couples and the same number of straight couples. The only change is that it will remove a legislative statement that straight couples can achieve a higher status of commitment than same-sex couples. In fact, to me, the values that this bill promotes are essentially conservative ones in saying that, if you love someone, you should form a bond with that person for life. I for one cannot and would not say that my love for my husband is stronger or better or more worthy of government recognition than the commitment of our gay friends who want to take this step. I certainly cannot see how their marriage would in any way diminish or affect ours. This change would actually strengthen and encourage commitment. It is saying that Australia promotes monogamous relationships; it is saying that we promote commitment, love and family. Ultimately, these are values that strengthen our nation's social fabric.</para>
<para>However, people of good conscience can have a different view of such things and social change can be difficult and confronting for many. In my electorate I have been lobbied strongly in both directions, both for and against this change. Particularly because of this division, I want to thank the Prime Minister for having the good judgement to allow members and senators of the government and of the Labor Party a conscience vote on this issue. She has shown that she understands that there are diverse views on this matter and is willing for people to express them. This is significantly different from the view taken by the Leader of the Opposition, who has banned, among others, members such as the member for Wentworth and Senator Birmingham from voting in favour of this bill. The Prime Minister's decision and the ALP conference's support have allowed me as Attorney-General, with carriage of the Marriage Act, to voice my opinion which is different from hers and to support this bill. Despite the support of many who have spoken in favour of this bill, I am not confident that this will be the year that same-sex marriage will become law. I believe that it will happen when both sides of politics allow their MPs a free vote on the issue. But I do believe that this change is inevitable. So it is a matter of when, not if, it is achieved, and I would like to support the bill before the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms KATE ELLIS</name>
    <name.id>DZU</name.id>
    <electorate>Adelaide</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Marriage Amendment Bill 2012 and I would like to take the opportunity of thanking the member for Throsby for putting forward this bill and therefore allowing this debate. There are some people and some commentators out there who love conscience votes. They love knowing that they are hearing individuals' own rationale, that they are hearing not just party key lines but the thinking that has gone behind a decision. Over the past eight years I have been through a couple of conscience votes. But I find them gruelling. My No. 1 priority in this place will always be representing the electors of Adelaide and their views. That is what I have always strived to do. Whether it be on the River Murray or on their health and education needs, standing up and giving a voice to the people of Adelaide is the key role that I have been elected to undertake.</para>
<para>The thing that I find so hard is that there is no one clear view of the people of Adelaide on this issue. I have heard from hundreds, if not thousands, of local constituents. Church groups have organised a really strong email campaign. Many of their members are opposed to this legislation. Individuals have come out at the various street-corner meetings held across the electorate with a variety of different views—some for, some against and some in the middle. In fact, at a recent street-corner meeting in Walkerville a man came along pleading with me, saying why couldn't we, instead, put forward a piece of legislation changing the name of the Marriage Act to the 'Tarriage Act', under which you could either get married or get 'garried' depending on the nature of your relationship. All different ideas and all different views have been put forward to me.</para>
<para>But I have also heard from those strong and incredibly brave individuals who have come to share with me their personal stories and why this matters so much to them—as young people, realising that they were somehow different, how they felt excluded, and what would have helped them and made them feel less like they did not fit the mould.</para>
<para>I have read through all of those emails and all of those perspectives, and I have considered them and I have respected them. It is true to say though that there has not been a consistent view. For each who has passionately argued in favour of change, there has been another who has argued just as passionately for the status quo. In those circumstances, whilst I am incredibly grateful and proud of the ongoing dialogue that I have with our local community on so many issues, and have appreciated all of the representations and encouragement, where there is no clear agreement, where community opinion is divided, as are party views, as are individuals' opinions, all I can do here today is to follow my conscience. And whilst I am incredibly reluctant to ever let down my constituents, those who have a different view to mine on this issue I hope will at least see that I respect their views and that ultimately it has been my pledge to our community in Adelaide to stand before this parliament with integrity at all times. When we are in this place at those times when we are subjected to criticism, when we are in the midst of controversy or of the tough politics that sometimes go on in this place, the thing that I turn to for comfort and for confidence is knowing that I have spent my time here with integrity, that I have done what I believe in, that I have stood up for what I know to be right. My view and my personal integrity mean that I will be supporting this bill here today.</para>
<para>In a question of inclusion or exclusion, I choose inclusion. For some, this debate has been about theology. We have heard quite a lot about that. For others, it has been about entrenched ideology. Some have had their views determined by legal principles. To me it has come down to something that is much simpler than that—it has come down to the issue of people. I look to the people that I know, real people in real relationships that are formed based on real love, and then the decision actually becomes a far simpler one. I honestly believe that our nation and our world would be a better place if we formally recognised and celebrated loving and long-term stable relationships, no matter the genders involved. It is as simple as that.</para>
<para>We have all got those particular stories, or particular individuals, that have shaped our views. For me, in particular, it is one of my oldest and dearest friends, Michael, and the beautiful relationship that Michael has had with the wonderful Rob ever since our days back in university, which sadly, was now some time ago. They love each other. They support each other. They inspire each other to be better. They have been together for over a decade. They have travelled the world. They have changed careers. They have explored lifelong dreams. Yet their relationship is not formally recognised. I look at that in comparison to the fact that I could have gone and married any bloke who was silly enough to have me over those many years since university. But they have a meaningful, true love relationship. That, to me, is something that is incredibly important.</para>
<para>That is just one story, but there are literally millions of those stories—of loving unions that been excluded from our structures, that have been shut out from recognition. I for one cannot stand here today when the member for Throsby has provided us with this opportunity to argue to further entrench that exclusion—I cannot do it.</para>
<para>There are a number of issues that I would like quickly to bring up. One is that some people have said to me that I should oppose this bill so we can uphold the institution of marriage. I find that a pretty confusing proposition because, as many people have argued, marriage has changed over the years. Marriage has continued to adapt to the community, to the society, and to the values that we hold dear. I for one, would like to think that if we want to see marriage as a relevant and strong force in the future of this nation, then we want to ensure that it remains modern and that it represents the values of our community, and they are values of equality. If we want to make sure that, in fact, we protect marriage moving forward, then we must hold up and celebrate loving, stable relationships.</para>
<para>The other thing that I would like to briefly touch on today is that I make my contribution to this debate as we also celebrate National Suicide Prevention Month. I cannot make this contribution without also focusing on the fact that we still have too much discrimination. We still exclude people too much. We have too much making people feel that they are broken if they are different. We as leaders in this country, we as the decision makers of this parliament, must do absolutely everything we can so that, when young people come out, at whatever age that may be, they are told that that is okay, that it is something that we value in our community and that they have a loving future before them that is accepted by this nation and by this parliament.</para>
<para>Sadly for the member sitting alongside me who has put forward this bill, I do not suspect that it will get anywhere close to passing this parliament at this time. But it is important that we keep putting forward our views and that we keep arguing for equality. It is important that we keep making perfectly clear to all that love is a good thing, that stable relationships are such an important and positive force in our community that we should recognise and celebrate them, because what it actually does is encourage them.</para>
<para>Sitting suspended from 13 : 01 to 16 : 00</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>STATEMENTS ON INDULGENCE</title>
        <page.no>10089</page.no>
        <type>STATEMENTS ON INDULGENCE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Vietnam Veterans' Day</title>
          <page.no>10089</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FRYDENBERG</name>
    <name.id>FKL</name.id>
    <electorate>Kooyong</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This year it is 50 years since Australians were first involved in the Vietnam War, in which nearly 60,000 Australians served, of whom 521 lost their lives and 3,000 were wounded. Whatever one thinks of the merits of the Vietnam conflict, it was a horrific war with huge casualties. Over two million people were killed, 3.6 million people were wounded, and our staunch ally the Americans saw 304,000 of its personnel injured and 58,169 killed, of whom a remarkable 11,465 were just teenagers. Today we commemorate the 46th anniversary of Long Tan, when on 18 August 1966, 108 Diggers took on nearly 2,500 North Vietnamese regulars and Vietcong in the rubber plantations of Long Tan. Eighteen of our men lost their lives with many more injured. For those in the Delta company 6RAR, it was a day of heroism and sacrifice, and that day has stood as a monument to the courage and resolve of Australians in uniform. Against the odds, the Australians stood up and won.</para>
<para>Born early in the 1970s, I am too young to remember the controversy of the Vietnam war, but I have heard many a time about the political differences created by Australia's deployment. What is more, I have learnt about the difficult reception many of our Vietnam veterans received on their return home. Whatever one's belief about whether or not the deployment was right to start with, we should always embrace our soldiers who are in the field in a bipartisan way. Those men and women in uniform are putting their lives on the line to defend our nation, our interests and our values. I hope we never see another period when Australian servicemen and women depart for the battlefield and return to the family home without the full support of our political and civic leaders. To all those men and women who served in Vietnam and to those 108 brave Australians who fought at Long Tan against the odds, we say, 'Lest we forget.'</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms KING</name>
    <name.id>00AMR</name.id>
    <electorate>Ballarat</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I too rise to support the motion on Vietnam Veterans' Day, which is held on the anniversary of the Battle of Long Tan. Although in this place we often speak of the deeds of our service personnel in Vietnam and the enormous sacrifices in the Battle of Long Tan itself, it never gets any easier to talk about, and nor should it.</para>
<para>This year we have a very special reminder with the Long Tan Cross here in this country. Retired Lieutenant Colonel Henry Smith said that when we see the cross for the first time and reflect on that aftermath of Long Tan:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It was carnage, the battlefield was like a cyclone devastated area, trees blown apart.</para></quote>
<para>I think it has been very good that we have the cross here in the country at the moment. But, of course, that was not the worst of it. There were 17 of our own brave soldiers killed in that battle, with one more dying later from his wounds. Lieutenant Colonel Smith has raised the possibility of the cross returning on a 99-year lease. It is on loan at present. He is quoted as saying that the cross is more than just a symbol of Long Tan:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It's a symbol of 520 soldiers we lost dead and some 3000 that were wounded and all the effects on their families and loved ones.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It's wonderful to see it here in Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It's an Australian built memorial in a museum in Vietnam. I wouldn't want to upset international relationships but I believe it belongs here</para></quote>
<para>I suspect, knowing many of the fabulous Vietnam veterans in my own community, that this is a battle they are well and truly willing to fight, just as they have fought for proper recognition of their brave deeds and just as they have had to for appropriate health support. This is a campaign where in the long term I hope very much that they are successful in.</para>
<para>We recall the battle of Long Tan on 18 August 1966 as one of the legendary battles of our own wartime history. The 105-strong Delta Company 6th Battalion RAR defeated the Viet Cong force estimated to be up to over 2,500. The outcome was 254 Viet Cong casualties, with some reports of up to 1,000 being killed and three enemies captured. Australia suffered 18 casualties, with a further 24 soldiers wounded. It is difficult to comprehend how anyone in Delta Company survived a battle between 105—and three New Zealanders there as well—on one side, and up to 2,500 on the other.</para>
<para>During the Vietnam War there was an understanding that the Viet Cong attack on the Australian base at Nui Dat was imminent, and that attack came on 17 August 1966 when the Viet Cong attacked the Australian base by mortar and rocket. Bravo Company was sent out to patrol the suspected Viet Cong base on the night of 17 August, and they were later relieved by Delta Company around midday on 18 August. Delta Company made contact with the Viet Cong at 15:40 hours when they were patrolling a rubber planation in Long Tan. Following the initial contact, the Viet Cong and Australian army soldiers would be in direct contact with each other for many, many hours to come. During this time, the soldiers were surrounded by enemy battalions firing mortars and automatic weapons.</para>
<para>President Lyndon B. Johnson awarded D Company Sixth RAR with the US Presidential Unit Citation. The men of D Company still wear that Presidential Unit Citation. The issue of proper recognition for Long Tan veterans first came to my attention with someone who I like to consider as a friend—Bill 'Yank' Akell is one of my constituents. He was a 19 year old at the Battle of Long Tan, and features in one of the many photos of that amazing force after the battle. As you see in the amazing man he is now, you can just see what a young person he was in that battle. In my first year of being elected as the member for Ballarat he came to tell me the story that instead of receiving the Republic of Vietnam's Gallantry Cross with Palm Unit Citation, they had received a doll. I thought he was joking. I remember thinking, 'That just seems such an incredibly odd story. How can that possibly be true?' But, of course, it was.</para>
<para>Bill is someone who, again, I admire very much. He enlisted in the Australian Army on 14 May in 1964 and he was a member of the 105-strong Delta Company. As part of the battle, Bill—a signaller—was tasked with rushing alone from the company headquarters to 10th platoon to deliver a spare radio set to platoon commander, Geoff Kendall,. The 10th platoon had gone off the air, and it was vital that communication was restored between 10th platoon and company headquarters. Bill played a vital role in ensuring communication was resumed between the platoon and company headquarters. When you realise, again, that Bill was just 19 years of age, it is pretty amazing.</para>
<para>This is one of a number of stories about the Battle of Long Tan. Bill and D Company were not evacuated until much later that night. As a further sign of true courage the battalion, led by D Company, was assigned back into the area the very next day. It then took a change of government to resolve many of the issues regarding the recognition of D Company. I certainly commend Bill on his endeavours to support his commander, Harry Smith, in actions to seek recognition for those in Delta Company. Long Tan was a very real battle which affected real people and their families. The Battle of Long Tan will always be remembered as one of the most significant engagements in the Vietnam War. It is not the only battle of Vietnam, and it is important that we remember all the others as well, but the bravery and courage of our Australian soldiers in such demanding circumstances will not be forgotten.</para>
<para>We should not and do not forget the service of all our personnel in the Vietnam conflict. Without question they entered the fray on behalf of their nation. Many paid the ultimate price and, as we know, many more continue to pay that price today. We should certainly not overlook them and their families.</para>
<para>I particularly commend the many Vietnam veterans not only in my own community but also across the country who have continued to fight for fair services for veterans and now for younger veterans in particular. I recognise the work of some of the Vietnam veterans in making sure there was a Vietnam Veterans Health Study to look at the significance of issues that are now emerging with the children of Vietnam veterans, and that has been a very important study to have done. It was a long time in getting that put together.</para>
<para>I also commend people in my own community who took the decision to hold special commemorations this Vietnam Veterans Day. I attended a very small ceremony in Clunes. It was the first time they had held a ceremony on Vietnam Veterans Day at all. It was a very moving service and one which for some, hopefully, healed some of the wounds from that terrible time when Vietnam veterans returned home.</para>
<para>Finally, I was delighted that Bill and his wife, Carol, were able to come to Canberra both to see the Long Tan Cross and to be here at the service in Canberra. He tells me it was a freezing cold day, a very challenging Canberra day for the commemoration, but that it was beautifully done. If you know Bill, he is a big six-foot-plus fellow and incredibly tough. He said that, for him, it was a very emotional experience, and when the song <inline font-style="italic">I was only 19</inline> was played he said that he had a bit of a tear in his eye. I think that, for Bill to say that, it was obviously a very special, very moving and suitable occasion to remember the Vietnam War.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr McCORMACK</name>
    <name.id>219646</name.id>
    <electorate>Riverina</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It was a very cold day at Wagga Wagga on Saturday, 18 August this year when Vietnam veterans commemorated the 50th anniversary of Australia's involvement in Vietnam, but no-one was complaining because the suffering that our soldiers endured in Vietnam was so significant that hardly anybody could afford to complain about the chilly winter of Wagga Wagga. Compared with what our men and women endured in Vietnam it just pales into insignificance.</para>
<para>It was against the backdrop of an overcast sky that almost 100 people gathered in the aptly named Victory Memorial Gardens on that very cold Saturday to mark that very important occasion. The Victory Memorial Gardens commemorates our victories in World War I, but our efforts in Vietnam should never be understated and will never be forgotten. Wreaths were laid at a very special memorial. It is a black granite four-sided obelisk on a six-sided base with gold inlaid lettering. This particular memorial was unveiled on 18 August 2007. Around the base the words etched into that splendid memorial are 'mateship', 'courage', 'professionalism', 'loyalty', 'innovation', 'teamwork' and 'Lest we forget'. These are words which sum up the wonderful dedication and commitment that our brave men and women put into the Vietnam campaign. This began when the first members of the team arrived in 1962, and they were followed by almost 60,000 Australians, including ground troops and Air Force and Navy personnel, who served until 1975.</para>
<para>It was Anzac Day, April 25 1975, when the last of the embassy staff were flown out of that particular conflict situation. It was Australia's longest involvement in any conflict. The war was the cause of the greatest social and political upheaval in Australia since the conscription debate of the Great War of 1914-18. Many soldiers, sadly, received a hostile reception on their return home. Group Captain Tony Checker of the Royal Australian Air Force base at Forest Hill, Wagga Wagga, made an address at this 50th commemoration service. He said: 'Under a clouded sky we remember a clouded war. Australia's involvement was contentious and vigorously debated.' He summed it up when he said, 'It is shameful that Australian soldiers had to wait until 1987 for their welcome home parade.' He was quite right: that is shameful.</para>
<para>The Riverina's contribution to the Vietnam War was significant. Many soldiers served from the Riverina and went to the Vietnam War, including 140 who listed their place of birth as Wagga Wagga. There were many others from the Riverina, too: there were 103 from Griffith; 29 from West Wyalong; 44 from Narrandera; 57 from Temora; 65 from Leeton; and from Gundagai there were 20, including a young lad by the name of Neil Anthony McInerney, who was killed in action in South Vietnam in 1968.</para>
<para>It was a tragic story which I recounted in my Anzac Day booklet this year. Private McInerney had been home from his active service only a month earlier to attend his father Barton's funeral. He left for Vietnam soon after. There were six children in the close-knit family—five boys and a girl—and losing two members in such a short space of time was, indeed, heart wrenching. That was the sacrifice that many families made so that they could serve their nation in Vietnam. Private McInerney had spent 195 days in the 1st Battalion of the Royal Australian Regiment before his death on 7 October. He was only 20 years old.</para>
<para>The mind boggles at the sacrifice of these young people, many of whom had been conscripted by a numbering system—a mere lottery—to go and place their lives on the line in the service of our nation and of people from another country. These were people they had never met and had perhaps only ever read about—maybe they had not even done that. They were conscripted to serve and they did so gallantly, bravely, courageously and with great sacrifice. Five hundred and twenty-one Australians died in the Vietnam conflict and more than 3,000 were injured, and the mental scars endure to this day. As long as there are Vietnam veterans about we will continue to remember the sacrifice made in Vietnam—indeed, long after the last Vietnam veteran has passed from this earth we will go on commemorating their wonderful service.</para>
<para>This is particularly prevalent in Wagga Wagga because it is the home of the soldier. Every recruit in the Australian Army does their initial training period at the Kapooka Military Base at Blamey Barracks, just outside Wagga Wagga. This city is also the home of a Navy base and a Royal Australian Air Force base. The military is very important to Wagga Wagga, as are the Vietnam veterans who so bravely served our country in its hour of need.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr LAURIE FERGUSON</name>
    <name.id>8T4</name.id>
    <electorate>Werriwa</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As the previous speaker indicated, the intensity of the debate in this country about this war was at a level only seen previously in the First World War. Perhaps because our federal member, Tom Uren, who had been a prisoner of war, was one of the leaders of the war debate from the beginning, the area witnessed meetings with Jim Cairns, Gordon Bryant and others who initially were very unpopular in Australia due to their opposition. I have many recollections of that period—the demonstrations in Canberra against visiting Vice President Nguyen Cao Ky, and the 1966 elections. I have never seen such intensity at the polling booth between the Labor Party and the Liberal Party in my political life. It really did nearly get to fisticuffs at the polling booth at that election. One thing that people do agree about is recognising the service of those people who did go to Vietnam.</para>
<para>Recently, in my electorate, President John MacDonald, Secretary John Lees and other members of the Vietnam Veterans Association again recognised this day. Each year they hold a dinner the week beforehand and then on the day have a very significant attendance of people. I think it is partly demographic. There are a few army bases nearby and the population profile and the settlement patterns mean that Vietnam veterans are particularly prevalent in that area. Over the years I have had the opportunity of being involved with other people who have been very active in this front. Granville, of course, is the centre of the Vietnam Veterans Federation, in 8 Mary Street Granville, where I previously had my state electoral office. Tim McCombe, of course, has received the Order of Australia for his work on that front. Equally, in Granville the RSL club has contributed and John Haines, the Vice President of the New South Wales Branch, has done so much as a Vietnam veteran to try to increase Australia-Vietnamese understanding and to basically help underprivileged people in Vietnam.</para>
<para>The local Macarthur branch has this event each year commemorating the 521 Australians who died and the 60,000 who served. This year John MacDonald spoke extremely well about the Australian Army Training Team's arrival in 1962, its work and its role as the harbinger of more extensive Australian participation in that war. Of course, the Vietnam Veterans Association has an important slogan: 'Honour the dead but fight like hell for the living,' perhaps does give their emphasis that they not only want to commemorate those who gave so much but to make sure in contemporary Australian society the issues are on our minds, whether it is post-traumatic stress disorder or, as the previous speaker on this side of the House spoke about, the question of health studies that not only look at the soldiers themselves but also their families. These are matters that the Macarthur branch does drive home. It is not only, of course, the Vietnam Veterans Association but the two local sub-branches at Ingleburn and Campbelltown. Ray James, through the Ingleburn branch, has been very active not only on this front with the Vietnam veterans but also in commemorating Korea and making sure that the memorial gardens and museum effort out there at Ingleburn are first-rate. So I want to join with the other speakers in recognising the heroic effort of the Australians at Long Tan against huge numbers, persevering and achieving so much, and I would like to join with other Australian groups that recognise this day each year.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms O'DWYER</name>
    <name.id>LKU</name.id>
    <electorate>Higgins</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The day 18 August is a solemn day for this nation. It is a day when we pause to remember those who fought and died in the Vietnam War. Up until recently, the Vietnam War was the longest major conflict in which Australian troops were involved, although this has recently been overtaken by our commitment in Afghanistan. This is not a record we take any pleasure in, as no person in Australia wants to go war; however, unfortunately, there are times where we must stand up in our national interest and do what is right even if it is not what is desirable.</para>
<para>We pay tribute today in this chamber to those that fought so hard and gave so much so that we can live in peace and freedom. I take the opportunity to honour all of those who have laid down their lives in service of our country and pay tribute to the families who have sacrificed so much.</para>
<para>The initial contribution from Australia to the Vietnam War was just 30 military advisers. But as the task grew, so did Australia's commitment, ultimately culminating in 60,000 troops being deployed. Of these, over 500 died and over 3,000 were wounded.</para>
<para>The date of 18 August was chosen to commemorate the Battle of Long Tan, which took place in 1966, in which 108 Australian and New Zealand troops managed to overcome the odds and defeat over 2,000 Viet Cong soldiers on a rubber plantation just outside the village of Long Tan.</para>
<para>The battle was marred by torrential rain and monsoon-like conditions. When the guns finally fell silent and both sides counted their losses, it became apparent that 18 Australians and over 245 Vietnamese had lost their lives. The Battle of Long Tan saw the largest loss of Australian life in a single operation in this war.</para>
<para>Three years after the Battle of Long Tan, a cross was raised on the site of the conflict and the day was marked as Long Tan Day until ultimately, in 1987, the then government of the day renamed it Vietnam Veterans Day, to honour all those who died in the war.</para>
<para>The Vietnam War was a particularly brutal one for so many reasons, the main one being that it was the last time Australia practised compulsory conscription. It was also brutal because of the nature of the conflict, often fought in the most extreme conditions, deep in the rainforest and largely guerrilla in nature. It was also brutal because so many soldiers who returned to civilian life found it particularly difficult, through no fault of their own, to integrate back into the community.</para>
<para>I join with a number of speakers, who have already mentioned this in the chamber, in saying that the way in which we treated our returned soldiers who served our country in the Vietnam War was a national disgrace. It is a lesson for all of us: in no way will this shame ever be repeated. We must not ignore, nor underestimate, the work and the service that those men and women gave to our country, just as we also recognise the continued work and service that so many of our RSLs around the nation do.</para>
<para>In my electorate of Higgins I am very fortunate to have a number of very impressive and very active RSLs—the Prahran RSL, headed up by Rod Coote, with secretary, Noel Sanderson; the East Malvern RSL, with president Ken Johnson and secretary Terry Panton; Toorak RSL, with president Peter Stokes and secretary Harry Moyle; and the Oakleigh-Carnegie RSL, with president Hugh Gordon.</para>
<para>I am particularly attached to all of my RSLs, but I am a member of two in particular, having been a member for a period of the Melbourne University Regiment. The two RSLs that I am very involved in are the Prahran RSL, of which I am a patron, and the East Malvern RSL. I want to pay particular tribute to Rod Coote, who is the president of the Prahran RSL, and also secretary Noel Sanderson. That RSL went through some very difficult times. Both of these men served in the Vietnam War and they took it upon themselves to revive that RSL and to preserve its great history. They have done that in the most splendid and magnificent fashion. It has now become a focal point for our local community of Prahran. I want to pay tribute to them not only for the very hard work that they were involved in engaging with the community but also for the very significant welfare work that they do for so many of our returned veterans.</para>
<para>The volunteer nature of Australians is what binds us as a society and, as I said before, our RSLs play a very significant part in being the glue that binds our neighbourhoods into communities. We must always protect and nurture this wonderful Australian tradition so that it is always encouraged and respected.</para>
<para>Again, I would like to take the opportunity to pay tribute to those who laid down their life in the Battle of Long Tan on 18 August and to all of those who served our nation in the Vietnam War and for the sacrifices that their family members made for us so that we may live in peace in this country.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ZAPPIA</name>
    <name.id>HWB</name.id>
    <electorate>Makin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I too rise to make a statement on indulgence. It has been 50 years since the start of the Vietnam War and 40 years since it ended. As each year passes the Vietnam War becomes more distant. At a guess, half of the Australian population was not even born until the war had ended.</para>
<para>With each passing year we lose more of the Australian solders who served in Vietnam. As other speakers have said, it was a war in which many Australians opposed our involvement. The war was justified at the time by a campaign of fear of the Red Peril moving southwards, along with a simultaneous struggle for supremacy between the United States and the then Soviet Union. Hindsight can be very revealing where in the absence of emotion, fear, prejudice and self-interest past events can be judged more objectively and more rationally. For those who served Australia in Vietnam such reflections and judgements are academic. Our soldiers carried out their duties and they served their country. Vietnam veterans will forever carry with them the brutality, horror and psychological scars of war, as do the soldiers who served before them, those who served after them and those who continue to serve Australia today.</para>
<para>History has shown that Australian soldiers were not treated well on their return from the Vietnam War. In more recent years several steps have been taken to acknowledge and correct the wrongs of the past. As a result, Vietnam veterans are today more widely receiving the rightful recognition they deserve. The commemoration of Vietnam Veterans Day on 18 August each year is perhaps the most significant public display of our nation's gratitude to the Australians who served in the Vietnam War. Over 500 Australians died in Vietnam, 59 from my home state of South Australia. Of course, 18 August is also the commemorative date of the Battle of Long Tan, a battle that reinforced the Australian characteristics of valour, courage, mateship and true grit that emerged in Gallipoli half a century earlier.</para>
<para>Over the decade-long war there was no shortage of acts of bravery but the Battle of Long Tan holds a particular significance given the extraordinary odds the Australian regiment prevailed over and the number of casualties that resulted. The background to the Battle of Long Tan is that in the early hours of the morning of 17 August 1966 the Australian operations base at Nui Dat was fired upon by Vietcong. On 18 August 105 Australians and a three-man New Zealand artillery team were sent into the Long Tan rubber plantation under heavy machine gun fire and mortar attacks from Vietcong forces estimated to be over 1,500 and possibly up to 2,500 troops. Australia suffered a loss of 17 lives in the battle and a further death of the result of wounds. An additional 21 soldiers were wounded. This comprised around one-third of the number of overall Australian and New Zealand soldiers who were engaged in a battle. It is estimated that the Vietcong forces lost some 245 lives in the battle as well as over 350 casualties. Long Tan is one of those events where the soldiers who were present emerged with mixed emotions—perhaps a tear of joy knowing that they had survived a terrible ordeal and a tear of sadness knowing that 18 of their mates would not return home.</para>
<para>In my own community the Battle of Long Tan has become the rallying point for Vietnam veterans in the area. A short distance from my home in Pooraka a memorial has been established in Henderson Square in the Montague Farm estate to commemorate Australia's involvement in the Vietnam War. Each year on 18 August a memorial service is held at Henderson Square to acknowledge our soldiers who served in Vietnam and to remember those who lost their lives or were injured. Other than when I have been here in Canberra, I have attended each of those services, as I did again this year. Once again the Montague Farm memorial service was supported by the Salisbury Council, children from Mawson Lakes Primary School and the Pooraka Neighbourhood Centre. I particularly thank Nichola Kapitza from the City of Salisbury for her input into organising the service and Heather Hewitt and her team from the Pooraka Neighbourhood Centre for hosting the luncheon refreshments after the service. The presence and poetry from the Mawson Lakes Primary schoolchildren were also heartening because it tells me the children are interested in what happened in the past and that the Vietnam story will be passed on through them to future generations.</para>
<para>The next morning, Sunday, 19 August, as I have also done in the past years, I attended the Vietnam Veterans' Day service in Adelaide at the Torrens parade ground where a state memorial in memory of those who served in Vietnam now also stands. The service was lead by Mr Harley Doyle, Vietnam Veterans Association of Australia state vice-president, with an address by Premier Jay Weatherill and a wonderful rendition of <inline font-style="italic">Amazing Grace</inline> by Linda McCarthy. A special feature of the Adelaide service was the inclusion in the parade and the service of an Australian Vietnamese contingent, reflecting the joint efforts of Australian and Vietnamese people in the war. Following the service, a day with activities and entertainment was organised to make it a family day for all those who attended. A week later, on Saturday, 25 August, I also attended the Vietnam Veterans Memorial Service held at the Tea Tree Gully Memorial Gardens. That had been organised by the Tea Tree Gully RSL. This is the second year that the Tea Tree Gully RSL has organised the service, and it is hoped that this service will also become an annual event.</para>
<para>Through the numerous Vietnam veterans activities that I have been associated with over the years, I have come to know many Vietnam veterans as personal friends. They are good people whom I have the utmost respect for. They have served Australia and honoured their fallen mates, and they do their best to get on with their lives after Vietnam.</para>
<para>Once again this year, a group of Vietnam veterans embarked on their walk for charity. This year, the walk was from Bublacowie on the Southern Yorke Peninsula to Adelaide via Clare and Kapunda and was the first walk for charity through the major farming areas of Yorke Peninsula. This was the fourth walk the group had organised, having previously walked from Port Augusta to Adelaide twice and once from Renmark to Adelaide. The purpose of the walk for charity is twofold. Firstly, to raise funds for the Legacy Club of Adelaide, the Vietnam Veterans Long Tan bursaries and the Foundation Daw Park, which is the fundraising arm of the Repatriation General Hospital. Secondly, it is to raise awareness of and to promote a healthier lifestyle for Vietnam veterans. The unavoidable effects of age are now preventing many of the veterans from participating in the walk and this year may have been the last of the organised charity walks.</para>
<para>I will also take this opportunity to acknowledge the recent deaths in Afghanistan of Sapper James Martin, Lance Corporal Stjepan Milosevic, Private Robert Poate, Lance Corporal Mervyn McDonald and Private Nathanael Galagher and to offer my condolences to the family and colleagues of each of those soldiers. As with every Defence person, each of those soldiers served Australia without questioning the rights or wrongs of the war. It particularly saddens me that three of those Australians were killed by a cowardly person whom they trusted and whom they would have risked their own lives for.</para>
<para>Finally, yesterday I attended the annual charter lunch of the para sub-branch of the National Servicemen's Association. The proceedings commenced with a roll call of branch members who had passed away in recent years. It was a sobering moment for those present, knowing that so many of their mates have now passed on. It was, however, equally comforting to know that their colleagues had not forgotten them. As with the Vietnam vets, I have had a long association with the Nashos and I very much appreciate the genuine friendship I have with so many of them.</para>
<para>This motion is about remembering the Australians who served in Vietnam. As we do that, we remember all of those people in Australia who have served in our defence forces and continue to serve in our defence forces. It is perhaps one of the very special parts of our society where Australians serve. I do not think there would be another sector quite like it. It is understandable that the mateship you see amongst them is so strong, and it is understandable that we as a nation should show our respects and our appreciation for the service they give to this country through motions such as this. I commend the motion to the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GAMBARO</name>
    <name.id>9K6</name.id>
    <electorate>Brisbane</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I also wish to rise today to support the comments of previous speakers and to support the motion. I am speaking today on the Prime Minister's statement on Vietnam Veterans Day, which on 18 August this year commemorated the 50th anniversary of the arrival of Australian troops in Vietnam.</para>
<para>This year, only a few weeks ago, I had the great honour of paying tribute to Australian Vietnam veterans, along with Lord Mayor Graham Quirk, in Anzac Square, Brisbane. I would like to particularly mention and note the fantastic work that is being done by Mr John Smith, the president of the Queensland branch of the Vietnam Veterans Association, who organised the ceremony. John is based in Burpengary, but I see him at a number of Vietnam Veterans Association functions all throughout Brisbane, and a few months back, on the south side of Brisbane, we had the honour of attending a Vietnamese dinner, which some 400 people attended as well. I want to thank John for the incredible advocacy work that he does, and though he is situated in the electorate of my colleague the member for Longman his work extends far and wide.</para>
<para>The association do a great deal of advocacy work. They provide support to those who need veterans' affairs assistance and they continually lend a helping hand to members of the returned service community that need assistance. Just recently, I had the pleasure of having a look at a submission that John had made to improve the facilities where they meet—to put solar panels in and to improve the clubhouse and the headquarters of the Vietnam Veterans Association. His tireless work really should be put on the record, and I commend him and the association for all the wonderful work that they do.</para>
<para>It is very fitting that we honour Vietnam veterans, and particularly Vietnam Veterans Day as a special day on our nation's calendar, where we recognise the 521 men who paid the supreme sacrifice on active duty in the Vietnam War from 1962 to 1972.</para>
<para>The particular parade that I just spoke about was very moving for a number reasons. There were a number of speeches that told about how Vietnam veterans were treated—the scorn, the derision—and how some politicians of the day treated them appallingly. It is something that we must never ever do. I heard, quite literally, first-hand accounts of many of the service men and women, and the pain is something that has stayed with them for many years. We really need to respect and honour them. It is good to see that we have given them the respect and the honour that they deserve. They are a proud part of our Anzac heritage, but as I said, sadly that respect was not given to them upon their return from conflict.</para>
<para>Australian troops were first sent to Vietnam in 1962 and the numbers increased over a 10-year period that saw more than 58,000 serving in the conflict by the end of the war. Vietnam Veterans Day also marks the anniversary of one of Australia's most iconic battles of Vietnam, the Battle of Long Tan. The Battle of Long Tan is best remembered as a classic Australian struggle against a much bigger enemy, and we really need to commend the 108 men of D Company, 6RAR who fought a much bigger and much stronger opponent to win the day and to be nationally and internationally recognised for their tenacity, their courage and their bravery under fire.</para>
<para>I want to make mention of the number of RSL clubs in my electorate, and particularly the United Service Club, which is housed at Wickham Terrace in one of Brisbane's most historic buildings. It is a fine club, and I want to pay tribute to the number of meetings that are held there. Particularly also, I want to acknowledge the Clayfield Sub-Branch, under the stewardship of former senator Bill O'Chee. He would probably have to be one of the youngest presidents that the club has ever known, but he throws himself into his duties with such vigour and such diligence. The Clayfield Sub-Branch also does a lot of community work, particularly with the schools in our area, to make sure that the young schoolchildren of today know of the history and can pay respect to the fine men and women who served in the past. So I want to commend Bill.</para>
<para>Sadly, in January, we had a fire at one of the schools, Eagle Junction School, and one of the beautiful stained-glass windows in the library had been donated by returned servicemen and women.</para>
<para>I was recently with the principal, Principal Justine Botell, and she proudly displayed this wonderful window that had been saved—the stained-glass window that had been given to the school from returned servicemen who had served in Changi. It was wonderful to see that stained-glass window restored to its original position. The veterans' community plays an enormous part, and I want to acknowledge the great work that they do with the Vietnam veterans, particularly the active work in this area.</para>
<para>A fine tradition continues today, but so does the risk that our troops undertake in the name of this great country of ours. Just recently we lost three fine men who were based at the Enoggera Army barracks in my electorate. Much has been said in this place and will continue to be said in paying tribute to our Vietnam veterans and to all of the defence men and women who have lost their lives in the service of our nation—and, quite rightly, much more needs to said in their honour. No words that I say today can express the incredible sacrifice that they have made. No words are adequate to express the pride we should have in the honour that they have bestowed upon Australia. They should not be forgotten. Lest we forget.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83D</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I too would like to associate myself with the contributions made by all honourable members. I worked for many years in the Department of Veterans' Affairs before I came to this place and I knew many Vietnam veterans. I saw their medical histories and particularly those of veterans who suffered from post-traumatic stress disorder and I saw the impact on them personally and also their families. I honour the 521 veterans who died and I pay tribute to their defence of our country and the price that they paid so that we can enjoy our freedom today. I thank all honourable members.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Fred Hollows Foundation</title>
          <page.no>10099</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr McCORMACK</name>
    <name.id>219646</name.id>
    <electorate>Riverina</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>'Every eye is an eye. When you are doing the surgery there, that is just as important as if you were doing eye surgery on the Prime Minister or a king'. The philosophy of ophthalmologist Fred Hollows is exactly why the foundation is marking 20 successful years of eradicating avoidable blindness and improving the eye health of more than a million people. That was his philosophy.</para>
<para>Fred Hollows was born in New Zealand in 1929 and dedicated his all-too-short life—he died at the age of 63, and you sometimes wonder why it is that somebody with so much to offer, so much more to give, dies at such a relatively young age—to improving the overall health of Aboriginal Australians and the eye health of others in developing countries. He was a man with a vision: a dream to eliminate avoidable blindness by 2020. While much work remains to be done, 80 per cent of blind people can be treated for their condition, and the work of the Fred Hollows Foundation is going a long way to helping those afflicted people.</para>
<para>Fred Hollows was not only passionate about restoring sight and increasing eye health but was equally passionate about improving the health outcomes of Aboriginal people. According to Joy McLaughlin, who heads up the foundation's indigenous program in Darwin, Aboriginal people have six times the rate of avoidable blindness—six times—and vision loss as the rest of the population and a life expectancy is 10 years lower than other residents of Australia.</para>
<para>Fred Hollows wanted to see Aboriginal people help themselves to maintain the same level of health as the rest of the population. So in 1971 he set up the first Aboriginal medical centre in Redfern in Sydney. However, his wife Gabi feels her husband would be disappointed at the current status of aboriginal health. His widow says, 'I think he would have liked to see more improvement by now, but he would still be beside himself with joy to see how many Australians from all walks of life have made the foundation a success.' Since 1992 his foundation has restored sight to more than a million people and established intraocular lens factories in Eritrea and Nepal, where, according to the Fred Hollows Foundation website, more than five million low-cost lenses have been manufactured. That is a great achievement. 'The most expensive little bits of plastic in existence,' Fred Hollows was often heard to remark. However, as I say, he has made a great achievement.</para>
<para>The Rotary clubs of Australia also contribute to the Fred Hollows Foundation. I am proud to say that, in my electorate of Riverina, among those clubs which contribute largely to the Fred Hollows Foundation are the Wagga Wagga Sunrise and Temora Rotary clubs, whose members donate very valuable funds to helping eradicate and eliminate unnecessary blindness.</para>
<para>According to journalist Tony Magnusson, the Fred Hollows Foundation is now working to eradicate avoidable blindness in 19 countries. Just last year, they performed 300,000 operations and treatments, trained more than 10,000 staff, built or renovated 50 facilities and donated more than $3 million in equipment. The most common cause of blindness is the cataract. Fortunately, it can almost always be treated with a simple surgical procedure which utilises the intraocular lens. Just last year in Nepal, the foundation performed more than 8,000 cataract operations and 21,000 sight-saving or -improving procedures.</para>
<para>It was in the early 1990s when Fred Hollows realised that producing soft lenses in Asia and Africa would not only help to reduce eyesight problems in those countries and on those continents but would also help local economies—ever the businessman! He would be proud to know that the foundation was able to fulfil his dream of establishing lens factories in Nepal and Eritrea, which have produced millions of lenses which are distributed around the globe. Not only was this increasing eyesight outcomes but also, as Fred Hollows realised, it would improve the economies of these countries. He was also very keen to see that happen. He would be even happier that both those factories became locally owned and operated, exemplifying his belief that developing countries have to run their own shows.</para>
<para>Sadly, Fred never lived to hold a lens in his hand and say that it had been made in one of the poorest countries in the world. Former Deputy Prime Minister and Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade special envoy Tim Fischer returned in June 2012, after visiting the eastern African laboratory in Eritrea. A longtime supporter of the Fred Hollows Foundation, as with so many other great causes, Mr Fischer described his visit to the laboratory and the importance of the work done there as an exemplar of the good things that can be done in very isolated parts. The former Nationals leader said the establishment was momentum-building, and that Fred Hollows would be proud, as it was something he had always envisaged.</para>
<para>Millions of people worldwide are also able to celebrate their health and eyesight, thanks to a man with an extraordinary vision. In the words of Fred Hollows, 'I believe that the basic attribute of mankind is to look after each other', and that is exactly what is being done.</para>
<para>I will conclude by quoting from the article by Mr Magnusson in the QANTAS in-flight magazine, the <inline font-style="italic">Australian Way</inline>, which really summed up the great work that Fred Hollows is doing:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Practical solutions were what Fred Hollows was about. "He wasn’t one to sit back and wait for the bureaucrats to decide what they wanted to do," says McLaughlin, who believes that if Fred were alive he’d be angry about Indigenous health status. "I think he would have hoped to have seen more improvement by now." Gabi Hollows agrees that there’s no silver bullet when it comes to Indigenous health. "Unfortunately, we still have third-world conditions in a first-world country." Even so, she says Fred would be "beside himself with joy" to see how Australians from all walks of life have made the foundation such a success. "He would have nothing but thanks."</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms HALL</name>
    <name.id>83N</name.id>
    <electorate>Shortland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It gives me great pleasure to rise to speak on the motion before us today. Last parliamentary sitting week, I, along with many members of this parliament, attended the launch of <inline font-style="italic">In Fred's Footsteps: Twenty Years of Restoring Sight</inline>, where both the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition spoke about the great work and the legacy of Fred Hollows.</para>
<para>Over the past 20 years, the Fred Hollows Foundation has developed from the initial ideas of Fred Hollows and Gabi, and all those who were associated with them at the time, and has continued to work towards restoring health services, providing eye surgery and looking after the sight of Indigenous Australians and of those people in developing countries.</para>
<para>I was recently fortunate enough to visit Pakistan. In Pakistan, we visited the hospital where the eye program is being run in conjunction with the Fred Hollows Foundation, AusAID and the Pakistani Dr Rubina Gillani, who has been one of the leading advocates and workers in that area. She has been out to Australia; she met with John Howard when he was Prime Minister and she has really promoted and followed through on the philosophy of Fred Hollows. We also met with Professor Carr, a leading Pakistani ophthalmologist. We were very taken with the work that is done there. The hospital we visited was in Lahore, but the work does not start and finish in Lahore. They are training health workers so that they can go out into rural and remote communities within Pakistan. We saw young women being trained to work with young women, and we saw young men being trained. We learned about the philosophy of the program in Pakistan.</para>
<para>The Fred Hollows Foundation in Pakistan works with the most disadvantaged people—people who, in the past, would have had a sentence of blindness for life. They are working in removing cataracts and dealing with issues such as blindness associated with diabetes. I do not know whether members who are present know that in Pakistan 18 per cent of the population suffers from diabetes. The program is raising awareness about diabetes and is getting the message out about how people can look after their eyes. It has transformed the district eye care system by allowing doctors to perform high-quality cataract services efficiently and quickly. This is providing services in the community and services to those people who in the past would never have been able to access those services.</para>
<para>The foundation started work in Pakistan in 1997. About two per cent of the population there, which is over three million people, were blind, with about 70 per cent of those cases being due to cataracts. The Pakistani ophthalmology community is strong and well trained. It has been based in urban areas but, as I mentioned, it is the people in rural areas who are missing out on ophthalmology services, and that leads to even greater disadvantage. Of course, if you cannot see, you cannot work, and you cannot get the food that is required for living in a country such as Pakistan.</para>
<para>It was in 2001 that the foundation also received some AusAID funding, and we were particularly interested to see how our AusAID money was working in conjunction with the Fred Hollows Foundation. I do not think that there was a person who visited that hospital who was not convinced that the money that was being spent in conjunction with the Fred Hollows Foundation was well spent. There are 25 district hospitals that were in the initial group. That has expanded and will continue to expand.</para>
<para>I have spoken about Pakistan, because I was privileged to visit that hospital to see those young people training, to learn about how the services are being delivered, to learn about the problems with vision that people in Pakistan are experiencing and to learn how, through the Fred Hollows Foundation, people are having their vision problems addressed. It made me even happier to learn that AusAID was involved in it.</para>
<para>That partnership between Fred Hollows and AusAID—not only in Pakistan but in developing countries throughout the world—is something that has benefitted millions of people. It is something that really fits with the philosophy of Fred Hollows and follows <inline font-style="italic">In Fred's Footsteps: Twenty Years of Restoring Sight</inline>, the book that was released. I have talked of Pakistan, and generalised that to activities in developing countries, but we can never forget that Fred Hollows started his work, working with Indigenous people in Australia—and the work that he did there equally changed the lives of the people. He was totally committed to helping those people that were disadvantaged and needed assistance with their sight, a commitment that I think every member of this parliament welcomes.</para>
<para>As an individual, I donate to the Fred Hollows Foundation and I would encourage other members to do the same, because it is a charity, it is an organisation, that delivers real results on the ground here in Australia and in developing countries. Congratulations to all those involved with the Fred Hollows Foundation. It is an organisation that is delivering on its goals and objectives.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms O'DWYER</name>
    <name.id>LKU</name.id>
    <electorate>Higgins</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I associate myself with the remarks made by the Member for Shortland and the Member for Riverina just before me. One of the most rewarding parts of my job is to stand in this chamber to speak about remarkable Australians who have made the lives of others that much better. Today we get a chance to pay tribute to the life, the work and the enduring achievements of Fred Hollows AC.</para>
<para>His is a legacy that is felt not only in this country but around the world. Fred Hollows was a pioneer. His advances in ophthalmology and his application of that work in some of the most underprivileged parts of the world has given sight to millions of people transforming lives and futures. From humble beginnings Fred Hollows followed in his father's charitable footsteps and sort a life of service for those most in need.</para>
<para>Born in Dunedin, New Zealand, in 1928, Fred grew up in a traditional household and like most Kiwi boys loved his rugby. Having a very religious upbringing, Fred joined a seminary before a summer job at a mental hospital changed his perspective and his life's ambition—and thank goodness for all of us for that. Fred dropped his divinity studies and took up psychology and chemistry, yearning to learn how the brain worked and what it was that made people so unique.</para>
<para>Fred was then offered a place in the Otego University Medical School—a challenge he accepted without hesitation. After practicing for many years as a general practitioner—something he found particularly demanding—Fred saved up enough money to travel to London where he embarked on a diploma from the Moorfields Eye Hospital/UCL Institute of Ophthalmology. In 1965 Fred moved to Australia to become Associate Professor of Ophthalmology at the University of New South Wales in Sydney. From 1965 to 1992 he was head of the ophthalmology department, overseeing the teaching at the UNSW and the Prince of Wales and Prince Henry hospitals. In his first year he set up a small eye unit at the Prince of Wales Hospital and performed the hospital's first cataract extraction. In the mid-1970s, Fred was the driving force behind the establishment of the National Trachoma and Eye Health Program. Under this program eye care was provided to many people in remote Aboriginal communities with Fred visiting more than 460 communities himself.</para>
<para>Fred dedicated his life's work to those less fortunate than himself. He travelled the world using his skills to make life better for those in need by returning sight where otherwise it would have been impossible. He trained locals in countries like Nepal, India, Sri Lanka and Eritrea to perform much-needed surgery and eye treatments. He also found a solution to make surgery a realistic option for very poor people for the first time by manufacturing a lens for cataract surgery for $7 rather than $300.</para>
<para>No matter how poor or how remote the community in which he performed surgery, Fred was guided by the attitude that, 'Every eye is an eye. When you are doing the surgery there, that is just as important as if you were doing eye surgery on the Prime Minister or the king.' Here is a man who saw everyone as an equal. No one person was more deserving than another, and he applied his services with these values as his guide.</para>
<para>While Fred was born in New Zealand, we were formally able to claim him as one of our own when he became an Australian citizen in 1989. As an Australian, he was honoured for his life's work in 1990 when he was named the Australian of the Year, and in 1991 when he was made a Companion of the Order of Australia, Australia's highest honour. In setting up the Fred Hollows Foundation 20 years ago, he was able to ensure that his life's work would be able to be continued beyond his life—that his legacy might be continued.</para>
<para>In conclusion, I would like to call on my colleagues in this place to commit to the vision that Fred Hollows articulated when he established the foundation. I quote again:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Our vision is for a world where no one is needlessly blind, and Indigenous Australians enjoy the same health and life expectancy as other Australians.</para></quote>
<para>Anything less will be a failure and, as was said of the US space mission—it also applies to this vision—failure is simply not an option.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs PRENTICE</name>
    <name.id>217266</name.id>
    <electorate>Ryan</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today to acknowledge the amazing work of the Fred Hollows Foundation as they celebrate 20 years of restoring people's sight. I was pleased to be part of that recognition recently on 23 August at the official launch of <inline font-style="italic">In Fred's Footsteps: 20 Years of Restoring Sight</inline>, a new book that charts the foundation's impact and achievements over the last two decades, and the following week, at a photo exhibition and event hosted by the Premier of Queensland, Campbell Newman.</para>
<para>For the past 20 years, the Fred Hollows Foundation has been working to restore vision to millions around the world, as well as teaching people in developing countries to undertake cataract surgery and manufacture eye lenses for themselves. Indeed, since 1942 they have worked with blindness prevention organisations in 42 countries throughout Africa, Asia, the Middle East, Australia and the Pacific region.</para>
<para>Over the last two decades, the foundation has never lost sight of Fred's central vision of helping people in Indigenous Australia and developing countries to help themselves. It has learnt and grown through the passion of its people and supporters, both in Australia and in developing countries, who are committed to Fred's dream of equity in eye health. The book <inline font-style="italic">In Fred's Footsteps</inline> charts the foundation's impact and achievements over its first two decades, including the early breakthroughs of building intraocular lens factories in Nepal and Eritrea, and training eye surgeons in developing countries to perform modern cataract surgery, and its later work in building sustainable eye-care systems and lobbying on the world stage for resources for eye health.</para>
<para>Fred Hollows believed that everyone, everywhere, should have access to the best that modern medical knowledge can provide. As Fred once said: 'Every eye is an eye. When you are doing the surgery there, that is just as important as if you were doing eye surgery on the Prime Minister or the king.' As Brian Doolan, the CEO of the Fred Hollows Foundation said in the book's introduction:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Fred Hollows was not a charity worker in the sense of handing out goods and cash. His way of working was not to go into a community, fix a few eyes and then walk away. Fred was a social activist who saw the answers to people gaining access to world-class eye health care as a matter of rights, of justice, and of requiring broad social change if that dream were to be realised. He worked with people, beside people, building local capacities, local systems and structures, training local people to take control.</para></quote>
<para>A number of Fred's key beliefs can be traced back to his work leading the National Trachoma and Eye Health Program in the Australian outback in the late 1970s. Fred spent three years visiting Aboriginal communities to provide eye care and carry out a survey of eye defects. More than 460 Aboriginal communities were visited and 62,000 Aboriginal people were examined, leading to 27,000 being treated for trachoma and 1,000 operations being carried out. As well as doing whatever surgery was possible, Fred and his team would never leave a community without providing a detailed report with statistics and an action list for GPs for glasses and any other referrals needed.</para>
<para>Following visits to Nepal in 1985, Eritrea in 1987 and Vietnam in 1991, Fred started to work towards reducing the cost of eye health care and treatment in developing countries. Fred organised intraocular lens laboratories in Eritrea and Nepal to manufacture and provide lenses at around $10 each. The foundation continued Fred's overseas work and, following his death, the foundation initiated a training program in Vietnam for surgeons in collaboration with the Vietnam National Institute of Ophthalmology. Since Fred's initial visit, the foundation has helped train and equip hundreds of doctors to perform modern sight-restoring cataract surgery and has expanded its support to cities and provinces throughout the country, in close partnership with local eye-care service providers.</para>
<para>I recently attended the amazing photo exhibition <inline font-style="italic">Fred Hollows: A global vision</inline> at Parliament House in Brisbane. Featuring photos from a range of renowned photographers, the exhibition covered nearly two decades of Fred's work in Aboriginal communities and overseas. Many of the images captured Fred's driving force to empower the communities he and his team were helping.</para>
<para>The Fred Hollows Foundation now operates in more than 20 countries. In the past five years alone, nearly one million sight-restoring operations and eye treatments have been carried out, which is approximately one every 2.6 minutes. The foundation has successfully developed a clear five-point strategy that is highly aligned with the international VISION 2020: the Right to Sight. Basically, that strategy is to (1) treat the disease, (2) ensure the local people are trained, (3) give the workers the tools to do their job, (4) build political will, and (5) ensure organisational strength.</para>
<para>Over the past 20 years, more than 220,000 Australians and 10,000 organisations have put their hands in their pockets to support the work that Fred began. The Fred Hollows Foundation is a truly extraordinary organisation—indeed, it is a development organisation, not a medical charity. I commend the foundation on its 20th anniversary and urge all Australians to help it to continue its vital work both in our own communities and overseas. As Fred himself said in 1992:</para>
<quote><para class="block">What we are doing is revolutionary, something the big health organisations aren't doing. They send eye doctors. What we are doing is giving these people the chance to help themselves. We are giving them independence.</para></quote>
<para>The world is a better place thanks to the aspirations of Fred Hollows and the ongoing work carried out by his widow, Gabi, and the Fred Hollows Foundation.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SNOWDON</name>
    <name.id>IJ4</name.id>
    <electorate>Lingiari</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>When I first arrived in the Northern Territory in the 1970s, it did not take long to hear about and understand Fred Hollows and the work that he had been doing in communities right across remote Australia but particularly in the Northern Territory. Other speakers have spoken at length about the history of the Fred Hollows Foundation and of the man himself. I just want to talk about my own knowledge of people who have been engaged with and benefited from the work of Fred Hollows and the foundation.</para>
<para>It is very easy to take for granted the things that we have. You, Madam Deputy Speaker Vamvakinou, wear glasses; you have had access to an optometrist et cetera. Many Aboriginal people in Australia and many people from Third World countries do not have that access to eye care by way of primary check-up—just to check their eyes and provide glasses—let alone the ability to address that huge issue of poverty: cataracts.</para>
<para>Fred Hollows really was a man before his time but a man who made his own time and made something very special for all of us. Without his vision, without his own tenacity and pugnaciousness, without his abruptness and abrasiveness from time to time, we would not be talking about the successes that have flowed from his magnificent work.</para>
<para>I have know many people who were involved in the Hollows campaigns in the 1970s, some of whom live in this town and have become prominent in other areas of life. I recall that Jack Waterford, who is a journalist with the <inline font-style="italic">Canberra Times</inline>, spoke very fondly of his work with the Hollows foundation, following Fred around. There are so many others. When Fred passed away the mantle was taken up by his wife, Gabi. She drove the Hollows foundation under its first chair, Ray Martin. It was their ability to secure the support of so many good people that built upon the work and ambition of Fred.</para>
<para>I have a personal experience of being the patient of one of the doctors who does work with Aboriginal patients in Central Australia. This is part of what the Fred Hollows Foundation does in and around Central Australia, working through the Alice Springs Hospital and working with Dr Tim Henderson and his team. Their objective is to make sure they can give as many people sight as possible through the cataract surgery they have been providing. It just so happens that I have had cataracts removed from both of my eyes by Dr Henderson, who is a remarkable individual himself, having an enormous commitment to his craft but also a passion for improving life outcomes for Aboriginal people. He has been very successful in doing so. But they have done it in partnership with a number of organisations, and the catalyst in many ways has been the Fred Hollows Foundation, the Central Australian Aboriginal Congress from Alice Springs, the Anyinginyi Congress Aboriginal Corporation in Tennant Creek, the Northern Territory public health system through the hospital in Alice Springs, and of course Dr Henderson and his team.</para>
<para>When you see the outcomes of this work, it is very hard for those who do not suffer from poor sight or who are not blind to really understand the impact of seeing. I was just flicking through a document which relates to Dr Henderson in Alice Springs called <inline font-style="italic">The Fred Hollows Foundation: Saving Sight in the Red Centre</inline>, where Tim says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We treat lots of eye conditions, but cataracts take up three-quarters of the surgery, partly because this procedure can have the biggest positive impact for patients.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">City colleagues visiting to help with the surgery weeks have commented on the high concentration of difficult cases and reported that what they would usually see as a one-in-50 case is more like one-in-five in Alice.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It's difficult to over-emphasise quite how much of an impact it [eye surgery] can have, particularly with Aboriginal patients, because of the role of the elders within the community ... generally, the patients you are restoring sight for are often responsible for retaining the cohesiveness and function of the community, and passing on all the men's business and women's business and maintaining the culture. And if they can't see to do that they can't show important areas and sites. So that's where you really get far more than just the normal impact you would get for someone with poor vision. You are actually impacting the whole community.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Our patients go from darkness one day to full sight the next—it's as dramatic as that. And the reaction after surgery is priceless, with people grinning from ear to ear.</para></quote>
<para>Recently I was in Siem Reap in Cambodia. Those of you who have read Fred's book will know, if you turn to page 107, that it refers to 'Cambodia: Eyes on the Future'. I was in Cambodia on a holiday with my family. I was walking through the streets and I saw this hospital called Fred Hollows. I thought, 'Hello! What's happening here?' So I rang my good friend Brian Doolan, who is CEO of the Fred Hollows Foundation, and said: 'Brian, would there be any chance I could make a visit to this hospital? I don't want to put anyone out, but Elizabeth, the kids and I would love to go and just say hello and become acquainted.' A short while later, Brian rang back and said, 'Yes, when would you like to go?' I said, 'How about Friday morning? Would that suit?' I was thinking we would go along, have a cup of tea and a bit of a chat.</para>
<para>We rocked up at the appointed time and there was an enormous banner out the front welcoming me and my partner, Elizabeth, to the hospital, and all of the staff were lined up for us to meet. The person responsible for that was the Cambodia Country Manager, Sith Sam Ath, who is a wonderful, smiling, lovely person responsible for the Hollows foundation's activities in Cambodia.</para>
<para>It just so happens that we spent time in that hospital, met the staff and had a long conversation but also met some of the patients. I referred before to the statement from Dr Henderson about the impact that restoring sight has on individuals. I know that when we had the launch of this document here in the parliament recently, some stories were told about how individuals reacted when their sight was returned.</para>
<para>In the waiting room of this hospital was an old lady with her granddaughter. The old lady was sightless because of cataracts and was due to have the operation the next day. I asked her granddaughter what the impact would be upon the life of this woman as a result of this operation. It was made very clear to me that, as well as her being able to see, this would have an enormous impact upon her family, because this young granddaughter was unable to attend school because she was her grandmother's carer, as her grandmother could not see. So the immediate impact of having her sight restored was to enable her granddaughter to go to school. When we think of the secondary impacts of these operations and what they mean to communities, it is very important to acknowledge that the impacts are far more than we might at first think.</para>
<para>There is no doubt that the operation, which, thanks to the work of Fred Hollows, can now be achieved for around $25 in these communities, is a very simple operation. Indeed, from my own experience the operation took about 20 minutes. It is very sophisticated and obviously you need artisans to do this work, but it is a comparatively simple operation. To be able to provide this operation to so many thousands of people around the world—millions of people, really—and to restore their sight is to do a very good thing, a magnificent thing which has an enormous impact not only directly on the individuals but on their families and communities, as is outlined by Dr Henderson in his report.</para>
<para>When you wander around the bush, as I do, what you know most certainly is that, if you can improve people's capacity to see and do, they will get better life outcomes.</para>
<para>There are many great Australians who have been involved in this activity since Fred's time, and we ought to acknowledge the work of those people. I want to particularly acknowledge the work of Gabi and her family, the people on the board and the wonderful people that work for the Fred Hollows Foundation under the stewardship of Brian. Gabi herself is irrepressible—there is really no question about that. Without her drive and determination, we would not have this organisation as it is. The people who work for the organisation are absolutely committed to the best possible outcomes they can achieve for Aboriginal people in the case of Australia and for those in other nations where they work.</para>
<para>It is a great privilege and a great honour to know these people and to see the product of their work on such a regular basis. For those of us who are not in medicine—and, clearly, I have no knowledge of medicine, except to say that, when you are crook and someone can fix you, you are doing pretty bloody well—when you can go to an optometrist, who can help you with glasses, or an ophthalmologist, who can do an operation that restores your sight, you know you have got some pretty incredible people. To those people who are involved in this work, let me just say thank you and to the Fred Hollows Foundation I say on and ever upwards. There is no question that this organisation and Fred's life have caught the imagination of the Australian community. As result, they have been able to achieve the support of a great many ordinary Australians for their daily work. Let me just say thank you to the Fred Hollows Foundation for the magnificent work they do.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HUNT</name>
    <name.id>00AMV</name.id>
    <electorate>Flinders</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to support the acknowledgement of the 20th anniversary of the Fred Hollows Foundation. I want to do it through reference to my own experience in this space with the work of the foundation across different countries. There are really three areas: Australia, Eritrea and Cambodia. Let me begin with Australia and not with grand statistics but with a human story, because ultimately sight is about a succession of human stories and each life touched is transformative.</para>
<para>One of the stories which comes from the foundation is of Reggie Uluru. Reggie is 72. He is from the Mutitjulu community at the base of Uluru. On his left eye he had an eyelid which had turned inwards, began to scratch and scar the cornea, and this caused a form of blindness. Similarly, he was facing full blindness because he had a cataract developing on his right eye. With the support of the Fred Hollows Foundation, he travelled to Alice Springs and visited the Barkly integrated eye health program, which is a subprogram of the Fred Hollows Foundation. The ophthalmologist, Tim Henderson, examined Reggie Uluru's eyes and he decided to operate the next day. He made a transformation in terms of one eye, with more to be done in terms of cataracts subsequently. Reggie got his sight back. That is one story of one man in one community, but it is also a story of the Fred Hollows Foundation.</para>
<para>Many years ago, my work at university included, among other things, the evolution of an independent state in Eretria. As I was doing the work and doing the study and engaging with people from Eretria—which at that stage was not an independent country but was on a pathway to independence—one of the extraordinary things I found was that there had been this Australian larrikin called Fred Hollows who had done work in Eretria, which was at that stage a site of ongoing civil war in the struggle for independence. He made Eretria one of the centrepieces of his work, because it was a sub state in Africa with virtually no support. After his passing and after the independence of Eretria, the foundation continued Fred's work.</para>
<para>I will just give some figures, knowing that each one is critical.</para>
<para>Across the entire country, the work of the foundation doubled the annual number of eye surgeries and screenings in Eritrea over the past seven years. One organisation led to a doubling of eye health care actions. They created an intraocular lens factory in Asmara, the capital, that produced more than two million lenses for this one country. The Fred Hollows Foundation contributed $1.2 million to building an outpatients department at the Birhan Eye Hospital, again in Asmara. It is not the money; it is the fact that this entire operation, this entire process, this entire network of eye health care came from one larrikin Australian who helped create a lot of cooperative Australians and then brought in people from around the world. Perhaps most significantly, they launched an initiative to help prevent and treat trachoma.</para>
<para>But then you move from Eritrea to Cambodia. When I was in Cambodia in 1998 taking care of the Australian election monitoring mission, one of the things I came across was the legacy of Fred Hollows. If Eritrea has been through a difficult half-century, Cambodia may have been through the most difficult. Of all the countries in the world there are a few that have seen the legacy of complete state breakdown, genocide, dysfunction and human suffering. Into that environment came Fred Hollows and then the foundation. What did they do? I saw the legacy when I was there in 1998. People were talking about the work of this Australian larrikin. That was the way he was perceived—as a classic Aussie who just did amazingly good things.</para>
<para>The foundation established the Ophthalmology Residency and Refraction Training Program, which doubled the number of ophthalmologists and refractionists in Cambodia. That is about teaching how to fish, not giving a fish—and that is the ultimate form of aid. It is creating capacity in its deepest form in a state where otherwise it would not exist. They have trained 19 ophthalmologists and 24 refractionists, and upgraded the skills of 30 basic eye doctors and more than 2,800 eye health workers. These are the people who go out into Svay Riang and Preh Veng and the kampongs of Cambodia. They confront people, they work with people and they treat people who have never seen an eye health worker before. What a figure; what an example! From 1998 to 2012 the prevalence of blindness in Cambodia decreased from 1.2 per cent of the population to 0.38 per cent. In other words, eight out of every 1,000 people got their sight back as a consequence of the work of the Hollows Foundation and its broader reach in Cambodia. Eight out of every 1,000 people could see at the end of that period as opposed to beforehand. The foundation supported 28,500 cataract surgeries, screened 163,000 people, built five new eye facilities and renovated 10 eye units. That is what happened in Cambodia. I remember visiting a treatment centre for people with blindness whilst I was there and it seemed like a big task but, boy, they achieved it.</para>
<para>That then brings me to the third country, and that country is Australia. The work of the Hollows Foundation has focused on Indigenous Australia in particular. As part of that work I again saw what has occurred with the help of programs to eradicate cataract blindness amongst Indigenous people in Far North Queensland, clearing the backlog of eye surgery in Central Australia and helping to establish the Central Australian eye program. The Sunrise Health Service in the Northern Territory became one of the most effective in Indigenous Australia in dealing with eye health care because of the direct intervention of the Hollows Foundation.</para>
<para>But that work continues and, in our own country, it is unfinished. Two years ago I met with Professor Hugh Taylor. He was a mate of Fred Hollows and, indeed, was one of the people who said to Fred Hollows, 'If this work is going to survive you and me, there will have to be a Hollows foundation.' Hugh was one of the drivers behind the Fred Hollows Foundation and it is to everybody's great satisfaction that that approach was taken up. Hugh Taylor says that much work has been done but there are still thousands and thousands of eyes that can be repaired against avoidable Indigenous blindness. The task now—and this is the agreement I have made with Hugh—is not to rest until we have a VISION 2020 program for Indigenous Australia with bipartisan support and adequate funding so there is no effective rate of avoidable Indigenous blindness. Of course there will be cases of blindness, but it is where there is the difference between what occurs and what could be transformed that there is an absolute moral duty, task, responsibility and role for each person in this parliament. If we can complete that vision, we should do it.</para>
<para>My contribution to this is to recommit to the goal agreed with Professor Hugh Taylor, who in turn is carrying on from his work with Professor Fred Hollows, to work until we have a fully bipartisan commitment to a program which will, finally, eradicate avoidable Indigenous blindness in Australia by 2020.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms SAFFIN</name>
    <name.id>HVY</name.id>
    <electorate>Page</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I had not planned to speak to this debate, but, sitting here listening to all of the contributions, I felt driven to. I want to make a short contribution not along the lines of the comments we have heard so far, which I associate myself with, but really about Fred Hollows the larrikin. The honourable member for Flinders called him a larrikin a couple of times, and that is how people always think about Fred. He was a larrikin, but he was a larrikin who did enormous good. In doing so, he also had what I would call a disdain for officialdom and bureaucratic humbug. He epitomised secular goodness. It was something that Fred spoke about as well. He did good at home and he did good overseas. He was a good citizen and a good neighbour to our friends.</para>
<para>I want to share my experience of reading about Fred. Over the years I attended various functions and heard him talk and raise money, but I want to describe what I read in a book about Fred. I am just going on memory. It has been a long time since I read it, but it really epitomised how Fred operated. Fred decided that he wanted to get some of the army tents that you can use to travel in outback Australia and even carry out procedures and things like that—those good, secure army tents. Somebody said to him that you had to go through the procedure of writing to the minister and all the officialdom. Somebody wrote the letter and sent it off and, in the interim, Fred made contact with people who could actually liberate those tents and give them to him. He already had the tents. He waited months for the letter to come back. Of course, if you ask for things officially, we know that often you will be denied, and in that letter he was. The letter apologised to him. It came from the minister, duly outlining why Fred could not have the tents and so on. When the import of the letter was conveyed to Fred, the tents were already in outback Australia being used very well. That is just one story. Everybody has their Fred stories. They are the things that characterise his will to make things happen and his larrikin nature. People probably forgave Fred a lot that they might not forgive others because of what he did and how he helped people. He restored sight to people—what a gift. That was my Fred story that I wanted to share.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>CONDOLENCES</title>
        <page.no>10110</page.no>
        <type>CONDOLENCES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Martin, Sapper James, Milosevic, Lance Corporal Stjepan, Poate, Private Robert</title>
          <page.no>10110</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FRYDENBERG</name>
    <name.id>FKL</name.id>
    <electorate>Kooyong</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today to pay my respects on the condolence motion on the deaths of Lance Corporal Stjepan (Rick) Milosevic, Sapper James Thomas Martin and Private Robert Hugh Frederick Poate. All three men were tragically killed by an insider attack at Patrol Base Wahab in Uruzgan province on 29 August this year. This was a tragedy for their families and is a tragedy for our nation.</para>
<para>Private Robert Poate was a member of the 3rd Battalion, Royal Australian Regiment Task Force Group, and was from the 6th Battalion, Royal Australian Regiment—6RAR—based in Brisbane, Queensland. Private Poate enlisted in the Army in 2009 and was posted as a rifleman. He had a reputation for 'creating mischief without getting caught'. He was very proud of his service and he won numerous awards, including the Australian Active Service Medal with clasp ICAT, the Afghanistan Campaign Medal, the Australian Defence Medal, the NATO Non-Article 5 Medal with clasp ISAF, and the Infantry Combat Badge. He participated in Operation Slipper in Afghanistan from June to August 2012 and is survived by his parents, Hugh and Janny, and his sister, Nicola.</para>
<para>Lance Corporal Milosevic, known as Rick to his family and Milo to his mates, was deployed to Afghanistan with the 3rd Battalion, Royal Australian Regiment Task Group and was from the 2nd/14th Light Horse Regiment, also based in Brisbane, Queensland. He enlisted in the Army in 2008. He was 'quickly identified for his talents' and became a light armoured vehicle crew commander for the ASLAVs. He won the following awards and honours: Australian Active Service Medal with clasps Iraq 2003 and ICAT, the Afghanistan Campaign Medal, the Iraq Campaign Medal, the Australian Defence Medal, the NATO Non-Article 5 Medal with clasp ISAF, the Army Combat Badge and the Returned from Active Service Badge. He served in Operation Slipper in Afghanistan in 2012, as well as Operation Kruger in Iraq in 2010.</para>
<para>As is often the case when an Australian diggers loses his life, the family issues a statement which Defence releases. The statement on behalf of Lance Corporal Milosevic's family includes these lines:</para>
<quote><para class="block">At Kapooka, Rick was awarded Most Outstanding Soldier, and during his Junior Leaders Course, he was presented with the award for the Trainee of Merit.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Our family is now united by grief as we try to come to terms with the loss of Rick … this is our private time to grieve and we would like our privacy, especially that of Rick's children, to be respected.</para></quote>
<para>The family deserve their privacy. They also need to know that Lance Corporal Milosevic served his country bravely and we are all very proud of his service and his sacrifice.</para>
<para>Sapper James Thomas Martin was on his first operational deployment as a member of the 3rd Battalion Royal Australian Regiment Task Group. He enlisted in the Australian Army on 24 January 2011 and was later allocated to the Corps of the Royal Australian Engineers. He completed a number of additional courses, including Combat Engineer High Threat Search, Communications and Weapon courses, and was highly decorated with honours, including the Australian Active Service Medal with clasp ICAT, the Afghanistan Campaign Medal, the Australian Defence Medal, the NATO Non-Article 5 Medal with clasp ISAF and the Army Combat Badge.</para>
<para>The statement released by the family on behalf of Sapper James Martin reads:</para>
<quote><para class="block">He was very thoughtful, caring and considerate of others. This really showed when selecting gifts for family members on special occasions. James always seemed to be able to choose something perfect, even if it was something totally unexpected by the recipient at the time. The family's bookshelves are peppered with books gifted by James; and Holly's iPod filled with music selected by him.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">James was a wonderful person and he will be sorely missed by his family and anyone who knew him.</para></quote>
<para>I visited Afghanistan with the Australian Defence Force last year. I saw firsthand the enormous sacrifice and contribution being made by the more than 1,500 Australian defence personnel, men and women in uniform. In this place as elected representatives of the Australian people we have a huge responsibility to ensure that our men and women in uniform get the best protection possible but also to ensure that they are participating in a just cause. I believe that, despite the difficulties and the challenges we are facing, and despite the tragic loss of 38 Australian lives, we need to remain the course in Afghanistan. By being in Afghanistan we are taking the fight right up to the terrorists who have taken the lives of more than 100 Australians since 9-11. In each case the perpetrators of those attacks, whether in New York, Bali or Jakarta, had links back to Afghanistan. This is why we are there. But there needs to be an exit date, and there is—in 2014. As parliamentarians we have enormous responsibilities, and I say to the families of each of these three men: your country is extremely grateful for the service and sacrifice of your fathers, your brothers and your sons.</para>
<para>So I say of Private Robert Hugh Frederick Poate, Lance Corporal Stjepan Milosevic and Sapper James Thomas Martin: your lives were not lost in vain; we are proud of your sacrifice and, on behalf of a grateful nation, we say lest we forget.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr LEIGH</name>
    <name.id>BU8</name.id>
    <electorate>Fraser</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Among the fallen that we remember today is Canberra-born Private Robert Poate. This young, promising and highly qualified soldier's life was cut short by a rogue Afghan solider in Uruzgan province last month. He was on his first tour of duty. Today we offer our deepest condolences to Private Poate's colleagues, friends and, most of all, his family: Hugh, Janny and Nicola. As a soldier, a mate, a brother and a son, this tragic loss has been keenly felt by Canberra's close-knit community.</para>
<para>After enlisting in 2009, Private Poate rapidly earned a reputation for his professionalism and his leadership qualities. Private Poate completed specialist training as a Protected Mobility Vehicle Driver one year after his initial employment training and went on to complete training as a Protected Mobility Vehicle Commander last year. He was also renowned for his strong leadership skills, completing a promotion course for corporal, also in 2011. Private Poate was recognised for his achievements and was awarded the following awards: the Australian Active Service Medal with clasp ICAT, the Afghan Campaign Medal, the Australian Defence Medal, the NATO Non-Article 5 Medal with clasp ISAF, and the Infantry Combat Badge.</para>
<para>But, beyond the official acclamations, Private Poate will also be remembered for his larrikinism. His close friend rugby paralympian Cody Meakin remembers Private Poate as being 'just a lad'. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">He was cheeky, always had a cheeky grin. Nothing ever phased him … He was just a top bloke, one of the most genuine and loyal blokes I had the pleasure of hanging out with. He always had time for me. Not because he felt sorry for me, but because he genuinely wanted to hang out.</para></quote>
<para>Cody Meakin has since had his wheelchair inscribed with a special tribute to his fallen friend. He says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… hopefully it'll give me a bit more in the tank, to try that little bit harder …</para></quote>
<para>Private Poate's brothers by choice in the 6th Battalion of the Royal Australian Regiment offer a similar portrait:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Private Poate had a reputation for creating mischief without getting caught and was proud of his family, his military service, his Canberran origins, and his red hair, which he vehemently defended as being strawberry blonde.</para></quote>
<para>The broader Canberra community also share warm memories of Private Poate. Justin Garrick, the head of Canberra Grammar School, where Private Poate spent 15 of his too short 23 years, recalls:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… an open and purposeful young man and an all-rounder in the academic, sporting and co-curricular life of the School. He was also the son of Mrs Janny Poate, who recently retired as receptionist at the front office of the Senior School after more than two decades’ association</para></quote>
<para>The service that was held at Canberra Grammar to remember Private Poate reminds me of that quote sometimes attributed to the Duke of Wellington that the Battle of Waterloo was won on the playing fields of Eton. All the descriptions of Private Poate paint a portrait of a talented, spirited and fiercely loyal young man. His death is a loss for the whole nation.</para>
<para>He died in a green-on-blue attack, part of a worrying trend in Afghanistan. This year over 30 NATO troops have died from such attacks, more than twice as many as last year. The leader of the US war effort in Afghanistan, Marine General John Allen, is convening a meeting of all US and NATO flag officers to assess the phenomenon. I am not sure that we know everything about what is causing these green-on-blue attacks, but I do think in part that they reflect our success in changing the Afghan military for the better. I think what we are seeing with these green-on-blue attacks is the desperate attacks of an extremist movement that knows it has run out of all other options apart from infiltrating the Afghan military. I do hope we are able to revamp the screening processes for Afghan soldiers, because the abuse of trust that these green-on-blue attacks cause is extraordinarily damaging for Australia in Afghanistan.</para>
<para>The loss of Private Poate reminded me of those classic words from Pericles's funeral oration<inline font-style="italic">—</inline>2,500 years back, but they ring through the ages. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… for the Athens that I have celebrated is only what the heroism of these and their like have made her … none of these allowed either wealth with its prospect of future enjoyment to unnerve his spirit, or poverty with its hope of a day of freedom and riches to tempt him to shrink from danger … reckoning this to be the most glorious of hazards, they joyfully determined to accept the risk …</para></quote>
<para>As Pericles said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">So died these men as became Athenians. You, their survivors, must determine to have as unfaltering a resolution in the field, though you may pray that it may have a happier issue.</para></quote>
<para>The selfless bravery of Private Poate and the other brave men who have lost their lives in Afghanistan, their dedication and their service should provide this House with a great perspective on our own responsibility. His contribution has made a difference. It will not be forgotten. May he and his fellow soldiers rest in peace.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GAMBARO</name>
    <name.id>9K6</name.id>
    <electorate>Brisbane</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is with much sadness that I rise this afternoon to speak on this motion of condolence on the deaths of Lance Corporal Stjepan Milosevic, Sapper James Thomas Martin and Private Robert Hugh Frederick Poate. These three men were based at Gallipoli Barracks at Enoggera and their loss has had a devastating impact on the Defence community in Brisbane. I recently telephoned Brigadier Greg Bilton, Commander of the 7th Brigade, to offer my sincere condolences. He just confirmed to me how devastated the Defence community was. The Defence community is tightly knit and, particularly in the Enoggera area, enjoys the support of the local community as well.</para>
<para>As we know, these three soldiers were killed in an absolutely appalling green on blue attack on Australia's worst day in Afghanistan. It has been noted that not since the Battle of Nui Le in Vietnam on 21 September 1971 has Australia lost five men over a 24-hour period. Following the deaths of two other soldiers in a helicopter crash on the same fateful day, Australian soldiers killed in Afghanistan now number 39.</para>
<para>Lance Corporal Milosevic joined the Army at 36. He was awarded Most Outstanding Soldier and, during his junior leader course, he was presented with the award for Trainee of Merit. He was promoted relatively quickly to lance corporal and in his four years of service he fought both in Iraq and in Afghanistan. The family's statement upon hearing of this terrible loss had this to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Rick was a typical Australian bloke, friendly, with a dry sense of humour and a natural charm. He had a comfortable ease. He would show respect to everyone he met.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We are all proud of what Rick was able to achieve—not only as a soldier, but as a loving partner, devoted father, son and brother.</para></quote>
<para>I extend my condolences to his partner, Kelly, daughters Sarah and Kate, and his mother, brothers and sisters for their loss.</para>
<para>Sapper James Martin was remembered by his family as a loving son, brother and grandson. He took great pleasure in playing the guitar. He loved to read books regularly and was also an avid gamer. He loved playing cricket and he liked to watch a game of AFL with family and friends. He enlisted in the Army as a combat engineer and was on his first tour of duty. There is a lovely story about his first letter home from Kapooka, where some of his mates were homesick and were discussing pulling out of the really tough training. Kapooka is a very tough environment. I have visited on many occasions. Putting aside the coldness of the place, James wrote to his family saying, 'I will not give up this opportunity for anything. I will be an Australian soldier.' Such passion, determination and courage is truly admirable. His death is felt by all Australians but especially his mother, Suzanne, his sister, Holly, and his brother, Angus.</para>
<para>Private Robert Poate enlisted in the Army in 2009 and was also on his first tour of duty. He was initially posted as a rifleman to the 6th Battalion Royal Australian Regiment, 6RAR, before completing specialist training as a protected mobility vehicle commander. In a statement the Department of Defence said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">He will be fondly remembered by his ‘Brothers by Choice’ in 6 RAR as a larrikin and an incredibly professional soldier.</para></quote>
<para>Private Poate, as we heard earlier from the member for Fraser, who spoke about attending Private Poate's memorial service, was a Canberra Grammar Old Boy. He is survived by his parents, Hugh and Jenny, and his sister, Nicola.</para>
<para>All three soldiers were deployed to Afghanistan with the 3RAR task force. These three soldiers made the ultimate sacrifice for our nation and history will record them as true Australian soldiers. I want to pay tribute to their families. I know that they have made the ultimate sacrifice. Many will have opinions about how long we should stay in Afghanistan, but what is very clear is that we need to stay the course. We need to stay there until the mission is completed and we need to continue the fight against terrorism. Our thoughts and prayers are with the families and friends of these fine Australians. We honour their service and we salute their contribution. May they rest in peace.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs PRENTICE</name>
    <name.id>217266</name.id>
    <electorate>Ryan</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I join the Prime Minister, the Leader of the Opposition and the Minister for Defence in honouring Lance Corporal Stjepan 'Rick' Milosevic, or 'Milo' to his mates, of the 2nd/14th Light Horse Regiment (Queensland Mounted Infantry); Sapper James Thomas Martin, of the 2nd Combat Engineer Regiment—indeed, Premier Campbell Newman's own regiment; and Private Robert Hugh Frederick Poate, of the 6th Battalion Royal Australian Regiment, who were tragically killed in Afghanistan on 29 August 2012. I pass on my condolences on behalf of the Ryan electorate to their families, friends and colleagues.</para>
<para>As part of the defence family, I was honoured to attend the memorial for these three brave men at the Gallipoli Barracks, Enoggera, last Friday. All three were based in Brisbane and had been serving with the 3rd Battalion Royal Australian Regiment Task Group on operations in Afghanistan when they were killed by an insider attack while they were off-duty in the Baluchi Valley region of Uruzgan province.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">A division having been called in the House of Representatives—</inline></para>
<para>Sitting suspended from 18:01 to 18:23</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs PRENTICE</name>
    <name.id>217266</name.id>
    <electorate>Ryan</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As part of the Defence family I was honoured to attend the memorial service of these brave men at the Gallipoli Barracks, Enoggera, last Friday. All three were based in Brisbane and had been serving with the 3rd Battalion, Royal Australian Regiment Task Group on operations in Afghanistan when they were killed by an insider attack while off duty in the Baluchi Valley region of Uruzgan province. Let there be no mincing of words here today. These men did not die in battle, as every soldier is prepared to do. They did not die under orders from their superiors, or standing to the last man with their comrades against all odds or rescuing a mate under fire. They were murdered, and it was done by a man whom they had volunteered to help, teach and train so that he in turn could contribute to the rebuilding of his country.</para>
<para>Our national commitment to the war in Afghanistan has particular resonance with the men, women and their families at Gallipoli Barracks in the electorate of Ryan. When the House last adjourned, as part of the ADF parliamentary program, I travelled with my colleague the member of Dickson and two of our Senate colleagues to Afghanistan, where we spent 10 days embedded with our soldiers in Kandahar and Tarin Kot. It was a confronting visit, where I saw first-hand the sacrifices made by those men and women who choose to live the life of a soldier, who choose to serve our national interests, who choose to serve our country and who choose to put their lives on the line when called to do so.</para>
<para>To lose three men in such a dreadful way so soon after our return home to Brisbane was indeed very sobering. It reminded us all of the true responsibilities of office and the significant decisions that we make on behalf of our community and country. Lance Corporal Milosevic joined the army when he was 36, carrying on a proud family tradition. In his four short years of service he served honourably in Iraq and Afghanistan. His colleagues said his dedication to the army combined with a strong sense of right and wrong saw him rise within army ranks, where he achieved so much in such a short period of time. He was a leader. He put his soldiers ahead of himself. He loved his family and spoke of them often. I pass on my sincere condolences to his wife Kelly, daughters Sarah and Kate, his mother, brothers and sisters.</para>
<para>Twenty-one-year-old Sapper James Martin was on his first operational deployment as part of the 3rd Battalion, Royal Australian Regiment task group. Once James had made his decision to enlist in the army as a combat engineer, he remained very determined and focused on his goal. In his first-ever home at Kapooka, when some of his section mates were homesick and discussing pulling out of the training, James wrote to his family saying, 'I would not give up this opportunity for anything' and 'I will be an Australian soldier'. I pass on my sincere condolences to his family and friends.</para>
<para>Private Poate was known for having outstanding leadership potential, which led to him completing a promotion course for corporal in 2011. Private Poate had a reputation for creating mischief without getting caught and was proud of his family, his military service and his red hair—which he vehemently defended as being strawberry blonde. I pass on my sincere condolences to his parents, Hugh and Jenny, and his sister, Nicola.</para>
<para>In closing, I would like to quote a part of <inline font-style="italic">T</inline><inline font-style="italic">he</inline><inline font-style="italic"> S</inline><inline font-style="italic">oldiers</inline><inline font-style="italic"> P</inline><inline font-style="italic">rayer</inline>, which I was privileged to share with the families and colleagues of Lance Corporal Milosevic, Sapper Martin and Private Poate during the memorial service at Gallipoli Barracks last Friday.</para>
<quote><para class="block">Help us to accept our share of responsibility with a strong heart and cheerful mind. Make us considerate of those with whom we live and work and faithful to the duties our country has entrusted to us. Let our uniform remind us daily of the traditions of the army in which we serve.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">When we are inclined to doubt, strengthen our faith.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">When we are tempted to sin, help us to resist.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">When we fail, give us the courage to try again.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Guide us with the light of your truth.</para></quote>
<para>For a soldier and for the comrades he or she leaves behind, this was a cruel death. Betrayal from within, betrayal from a comrade, is something that damages the whole company far beyond the grief of losing a mate. The feeling that you may be attacked from within makes a soldier doubt themselves and everyone around them and is therefore more a terrorist attack than an act of war. It is for this reason that we should not falter from our mission in Afghanistan. We must not allow the deaths of these brave men to be in vain. Lest we forget.</para>
<para>Debate interrupted.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>PRIVATE MEMBERS' BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>10116</page.no>
        <type>PRIVATE MEMBERS' BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Landcare Week</title>
          <page.no>10116</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SIDEBOTTOM</name>
    <name.id>849</name.id>
    <electorate>Braddon</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank my friend the member for Gippsland for recognising the importance and role of a Labor initiative, namely Landcare. Like the members for Gippsland and New England, I live in a beautiful place—a place that has rugged coastlines, beautiful beaches, rolling hills, free-running freshwater rivers, mountains, farmland, forests and so on.</para>
<para>As a nation, we value our landscapes and indeed our environment, as the member for Gippsland alluded to, probably slowly at first but more so lately. In 1989, this was recognised by the Hawke Labor government and Landcare as a movement was initiated. This influence has been recently recognised in the naming of a medal for encouraging Australians to adopt sustainable and productive agricultural practices, the newly named Hawke medal. In fact, I will be meeting the inaugural Hawke medallist, Lynne Strong, a dairy farmer in New South Wales from Clover Hill Dairies at Jamberoo and advocate for sustainable food production. Lynne is a past winner of the Primary Producer Award, runs the Art4Agriculture program in schools, which includes the Archibull Prize and Young Farming Champions, and works as a mentor to young food producers. Lynne was also the runner-up in the 2011 Rabobank Farm Industry Leader of the Year award and a Eureka Prize finalist. Whilst I am recognising Lynne, I would also like to acknowledge and congratulate the Young Eco Champion, Megan Rowlatt, who is the 2012 National Young Landcarer of the Year.</para>
<para>What is Landcare? When you look at it, Landcare means different things to different people, as the member for Gippsland suggested. For some people it is about being part of a community group volunteering their time to clean up, protect and improve the condition of our coasts, bush, rivers and land. Around Australia there are about 6,000 of these organisations, such as my local Landcare group, which recently cleaned up our local waterways. To others it is about an ethos to care for the land. This ethos crosses boundaries, from farmers, as the member for Gippsland rightly pointed out, to land managers, volunteers and Indigenous Australians. You could be from a city, a regional town, a farm or, indeed, the outback. But I think it goes deeper than just an ethos or just taking part. It is about all of these things—government, non-government, communities and business—pulling together to make sure our decisions, plans and actions are made with a view of the current and future health and prosperity of Australia.</para>
<para>We can show that Landcare has become part of Australia. According to a recent survey by the National Landcare Facilitator, over 70 per cent of farmers identified as being part of Landcare, over 90 per cent identified that they practice Landcare on their farms and 30 per cent of farmers identified as being part of a Landcare group. Surveys like this show how Landcare is one of the most enduring and recognisable community movements in Australia. The Australian Landcare movement, ethic or whatever we would like to call it has also spread to other parts of the world, with community groups now operating in over 20 countries.</para>
<para>During National Landcare Week last week, many groups celebrated by attending things such as the National Landcare Conference to share and learn, the National Landcare Awards to celebrate the achievements and contributions of many individuals and groups, such as Lynne Strong, and working bees in local areas, as I mentioned earlier in relation to my own vicinity.</para>
<para>One way the government is supporting Landcare is by funding Landcare facilitators and coordinators in natural resource management regions. Community volunteers and farmers often mention the importance of having regional facilitators that provide assistance, information and, importantly, linkages. The Commonwealth government has provided $33.6 million in funding for a Regional Landcare Facilitator position in each of the 56 natural resource management regions across Australia for four years until June 2013. These Regional Landcare Facilitators assist Landcare and production groups to achieve their strategic goals by helping them plan projects, apply for funding and coordinate training.</para>
<para>Labor has always been a key supporter of Landcare. Our history demonstrates this. Labor recognises the vital role played by the Landcare community in the delivery of on-ground outcomes, the sharing of best practices and the promotion of the Landcare ethic. Since 2008, the government has funded 1,196 competitive grants worth over $119 million through Landcare. This includes the 784 community action grants worth $14 million. Through the first phase of Caring for our Country, the government has provided over $178 million over five years to support Landcare activities. This funding has supported Landcare by raising awareness, encouraging community engagement and providing grants for community groups and farmers. The second phase of Caring for our Country will continue to support Landcare, with over $200 million over five years dedicated to Landcare related activities. This will be drawn from the $702 million that has been allocated for the sustainable agriculture stream of Caring for our Country.</para>
<para>The government recently conducted widespread consultation processes to allow community input into the future program. Consultation sessions were held in all capital cities and several major regional locations. Written feedback was received from over 130 contributors. This feedback is now being incorporated into the design of the new program.</para>
<para>In my region of north-west Tasmania, including the West Coast and King Island, the Landcare movement has had some really good outcomes. One example is the Kindred Landcare Group, which is just up the road from my village of Forth, which started in 1990 as an extension of the Kindred community hall committee. That is a little bit like a lot of Landcare groups, which grew out of community based organisations that were concentrating on enhancing their communities. They have been very successful in raising the awareness of erosion, for example, in vegetable cropping in their area. You might know that the area I live in is very much related to vegetable growing. The group of mainly farmers—again, highlighted by the member for Gippsland—researched and devised ways to limit erosion by managing paddocks differently than they had in the past. These ideas and practices have developed over time from trying to divert water off the paddocks to trying to infiltrate rainfall into the paddocks instead of letting it just run off. The message also spread to the greater region.</para>
<para>What we have now is a new machine called a 'ripper mulcher' which operates across farms. It rips the ground across the paddock's slope with a tine and then fills the ripline with straw to help intercept water and stop channels developing, thereby lessening erosion. It is simple and effective but, again, it would not happen without the practical application and interest of local farmers and the community.</para>
<para>There is another local regional Landcare group from Wynyard which over many years has revegetated and fenced the banks of the beautiful Inglis and Flowerdale rivers, thus improving habitat for native creatures including the endangered giant freshwater crayfish found only in freshwater streams flowing into Bass Strait. Caring for our Country, including Landcare, seeks to achieve:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… an environment that is healthy, better protected, well-managed and resilient and provides essential ecosystem services in a changing climate.</para></quote>
<para>Since 2008 under Caring for our Country the Cradle Coast region, which covers the electorate of Braddon, has been allocated almost $9.5 million. Funding of $490,000 over four years since 2009-10 has been provided for the employment of a regional Landcare facilitator to support Landcare and other community groups across the Cradle Coast region. In addition $1.3 million of competitive grants over five years has been provided for a bunch of community groups. Projects have included eradicating weeds, protecting platypus, shorebirds, penguin habitats et cetera, improving riparian vegetation, stabilising dunes, improving remnant vegetation and improving farm sustainability. The total for all projects over five years is $11.2 million. Of this $900,000 is funded from the Landcare operation.</para>
<para>Despite a campaign by some opposite in the lead-up to the last budget, Labor will continue to invest in this area. The second phase of Caring for our Country with more than $2.2 billion over the five years of 2013-18 to achieve a real and measurable difference to Australia's environment is a commitment by this government to both Caring for our Country and Landcare. I thank all of those that involve themselves in this wonderful movement and I thank the member for Gippsland for introducing this really important topic.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr McCORMACK</name>
    <name.id>219646</name.id>
    <electorate>Riverina</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I take issue with the member for Braddon, the parliamentary secretary. It was Labor in the 2010 budget that cut $11 million out of the budget for Landcare. So this side of politics is very supportive of Landcare and of all the good work it does. It was that side of politics which wanted to cut the money out of the budget most unfairly. Landcare is a very important issue, and I am sure it has bipartisan support, but sometimes the bipartisan support is not as forthcoming from that side of politics as it is from this.</para>
<para>Last week was National Landcare Week, a commemoration of the extraordinary contribution by volunteers to practical environmental projects throughout Australia. Landcare Australia was formed by the federal government in 1989 to manage public awareness and run a sponsorship campaign for the Decade of Landcare. 'From the farm to the city, landcare is for everyone' was the motto for Landcare Week—and a motto Landcare Australia works towards achieving. The phrase 'landcare is for everyone' has been turned into a specific campaign known as LIFE. It utilises three-dimensional animation to illustrate the diversity of Landcare and explain the different ways people can get involved to preserve the environment. This is an organisation which works to connect people, communities, business and industry to work together to protect the environment using practical measures.</para>
<para>In 2010-11 Landcare Australia provided funding for 850 on-ground projects throughout the country in addition to supporting awareness initiatives and recognising the work of farmers and volunteers. Mr Acting Deputy Speaker you know and I know just how much farmers need support and protection in this great nation of ours. Unfortunately, some of those people on the other side of politics need to be constantly reminded of the job that farmers do, and that is to grow the food that feeds our nation. I think sometimes they just forget that important fact.</para>
<para>Murrumbidgee Landcare covers my electorate of Riverina as well as neighbouring electorates. There are 15 Landcare networks within the Murrumbidgee catchment, with 140 Landcare groups with about 2,000 volunteers. What an amazing statistic! Murrumbidgee Landcare stretches from the high rainfall environments of the Murrumbidgee River's headwaters in the Snowy Mountains to where it joins the Murray River near Balranald, covering a total of 84,000 square kilometres. Land uses in this area range from grazing to dairying, from broadacre cropping to irrigation, intensive agriculture and horticulture, small area holdings and urban land holdings. There is no more important food bowl area in the nation. My colleague here from Western Australia might disagree—and she does not even know what I am going to say—but the Murrumbidgee Irrigation Area grows the food that helps feed our nation and other nations. Indeed, it contributes $5 billion worth of exports to our balance of payments. That is a tremendous statistic, and we should always pay great respect to the MIA in the Riverina.</para>
<para>The Riverina has a range of environmental challenges, stretching from the effects of several years of drought through to recent flooding events. Murrumbidgee Landcare works to incorporate the sharing of knowledge about sustainable agriculture, revegetating the local reserve, maintaining the primary school nursery, collectively addressing the feral pest problem, dealing with erosion, remediating wetlands and monitoring waterways. With the number of volunteers that the organisation has, if government had to pay for all of this work it just would not get done. The fact that Landcare is happily getting in and doing the job with commitment and dedication speaks volumes for what that organisation means and represents to this great nation.</para>
<para>The Landcare groups also emphasise the importance of the land and the local environment which support and sustain their communities and in which the community has a whole investment—an investment which reaches beyond property boundaries. This importance has been particularly apparent during the Murray-Darling Basin Plan meetings which I have attended in the Murrumbidgee Irrigation Area, which falls within the Murrumbidgee catchment. People in these communities have a great appreciation and respect for the environment. There are no better stewards of the environment than farmers. They have a true understanding of how the land provides for the community. That is why it is so critical to have a Murray-Darling Basin Plan which incorporates a triple bottom line which will maintain a healthy, sustainable river system into the future whilst also protecting the livelihood of the people in these important regional communities.</para>
<para>Landcare organisations are not only limited to adult volunteers. In Wagga Wagga, students at Wagga Wagga Public School have formed their own Landcare group and have begun water bug monitoring in the Wollundry Lagoon near the school. What a marvellous initiative—kids getting involved in a practical way in the environment under the banner and auspices of Landcare. It is a fantastic initiative to teach children about the importance of the environment and what they can do to help protect the environment for their future.</para>
<para>I recently met with Mr Peter Beal, the secretary of the Narrandera Landcare group, to discuss the group's Rocky Water Holes bridge project.</para>
<para>This is a community driven, collaborative project to construct a pedestrian-and-bicycle-only bridge over the main canal in the Lake Talbot precinct at Narrandera. The bridge will link and enhance the usage of existing walking tracks as part of the Narrandera Shire Council's strategic plan to develop the potential of tourism and healthy living in Narrandera and the Riverina at large. The bridge will also provide access to the koala reserve—there is a colony of koalas that has been protected and monitored near Narrandera—as well as Lake Talbot, the Murrumbidgee River and the nearby Narrandera Wetlands, another Narrandera Landcare Group initiative.</para>
<para>The bridge is also significant as it is to be constructed from an old, rare 1943 Australian Army panel bridge. It is a great initiative of Landcare volunteers working with the local council to make the local environment more accessible for the community and visitors to the area. I look forward to visiting the bridge when it is constructed and open for use.</para>
<para>The Wagga Wagga Urban Landcare Group is also extremely active in the community. It holds regular tree-planting days, which often involve other community groups, the Wagga Wagga City Council and many school children. These plantings are priorities for the lower discharge areas and high recharge areas. The Landcare group also worked in collaboration with Wagga Wagga City Council on a $3 million urban salinity program. Members of the group are often called upon to lead tours of urban salinity sites, and have created an extensive web based salt-tour guide of Wagga Wagga, which people can download for their own use.</para>
<para>There was a lot of concern about urban salinity in an near the Wagga Wagga showground—so much so that there was great fear for the showground and the suburban houses around it. But Landcare, in conjunction with the council, were able to assess the situation and put proactive measures in place. Now that situation has eased, much to the gratitude of nearby residents, who obviously have a lot of investment in their homes, and of the Wagga Wagga Show Society, one of the city's most important institutions, which has been there for decades.</para>
<para>Landcare Australia, and all the individual groups across Australia, play an important role in managing our country's environmental and natural resources sustainably. I commend them on the great work that they do and also acknowledge the many, many hours—the innumerable hours—and the effort put in by volunteers in every community, including the Riverina, to help those communities in Australia be sustainable today, and for future generations.</para>
<para>Finally, I urge continued bipartisan support for Landcare and its ongoing inclusion in future budgets.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms SAFFIN</name>
    <name.id>HVY</name.id>
    <electorate>Page</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak and totally support the motion of the honourable member for Gippsland on Landcare. I, too, share the passion and commitment to Australia's unique Landcare movement. It is like a lot of volunteer movements in Australia—they are unique and they provide so much for our community. The volunteers provide a lot of work and a lot of hours and actually effect change in our community. But it is not the first time that the honourable member for Gippsland and I have come together to speak in unison. Previously, it was on the member's private members motion on wetlands and wetland care.</para>
<para>There are over 6,000 Landcare groups across Australia, and in my seat of Page I have counted about 69. That is a rough estimate based on the estimated 450 groups in the broader area from Taree to the Tweed. No-one knows for sure how many Landcare groups we have. That frustrates a few, particularly the people who need to count—and it is important—but that is symbolic of the grassroots nature of Landcare. It is a grassroots movement, and a lot of Landcare groups spring up where a few locals get together and see a need to do something for the land.</para>
<para>I have here with me the newsletter of the newly established Evans River and Coastal Landcare group. It was formed in 2012. The newsletter itself demonstrates the grassroots nature of Landcare. I will read a few things from it. First of all it says the president is Ian Drinkwater and the secretary is Lyn Thomson, and then it has a photo with a whole group of locals sitting around at a table, with lots of activity. I recognise them as locals not only involved in Landcare but also involved in a whole range of other areas. One of them I recognised is Donella Kinnish. She has just finished her term as a councillor at Richmond Valley Council and she is very active in the community. I quote from the newsletter where it says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Evans River & Coastal Landcare group was formed in 2012. Our workdays are the first Sunday of each month at various sites around Evans Head.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We have undertaken tree plantings on the Sand Dunes south of the Evans Head Surf Club; happily we have had great success. Many of the trees were surrounded with protective wire and have done so well that we are now removing the wire, liberating their branches.</para></quote>
<para>It goes on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We are also working on the Bushland Reserve located on Ocean Drive Evans Head. Here we are removing weeds, <inline font-style="italic">lots of weeds</inline> and allowing the natural vegetation to come through. We are planning to upgrade the walkway which traverses the reserve from Sunderland Street to Ocean Drive.</para></quote>
<para>Then it talks about members having taken part in workshops on weed and plant identification, and they are planning to hold more workshops on various aspects of natural resource management this year. It lists the days that this will happen. It asks to contact them for locations.</para>
<para>The local Landcare groups do wonderful work everywhere but particularly those in my area of Page. I try to get to know them all. They are all volunteers. Like a lot of voluntary work, volunteers give both precious time and money. Even though they volunteer, they are often out of pocket. They are passionate about their work and their care of their land.</para>
<para>I would like to read onto the public record as part of my contribution what the National Farmers Federation said in last week's e-newsletter—last week being Landcare Week from 3 to 9 September—a matter noted in the motion we are speaking to tonight. The heading said 'Farmers by another name: environmental stewards'. I could not agree more. There are four paragraphs and they speak so well about farmers and their role in Landcare. It says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Farmers are best known for growing crops and raising animals to provide the food and fibre needs for Australian families, but this week, it’s all about the work they do on farm to look after the environment.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This week marks Landcare Week, an opportunity to recognise the role Australian farmers’ play as environmental stewards and land managers …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Landcare was founded more than 20 years ago by the NFF in a joint partnership with the Australian Conservation Foundation—</para></quote>
<para>Wasn't that seen as groundbreaking at the time! A lot of people claim ownership of Landcare starting, but they were definitely very involved. It goes on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… with positive outcomes for both the environment and agriculture …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"Today … Landcare has grown into an environmental movement.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">“Farmers are Australia’s frontline environmentalists, looking after 61 percent of Australia’s valuable land resources …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">“Farmers know that good environmental outcomes and increased agricultural production go hand in hand, which is why …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">94 percent of farmers undertake some form of natural resource management—</para></quote>
<para>on their farms.</para>
<para>The <inline font-style="italic">Land</inline> newspaper on 6 September gave extensive coverage of a survey undertaken by National Landcare Facilitator, Brett de Hayr, that involved about 550 Landcare and associated groups and about 1,000 producers, trying to get a picture, in the words so aptly put in the newspaper, of 'a movement that is firmly embedded in the culture of Australian farming'. The key findings are telling but not surprising. Ninety-three per cent said they practise land care; 73 per cent said they felt part of a land care movement; 95 per cent said no to the question, 'Has Landcare reached its use-by date?'; and 85 per cent said they would still be active in two to three years.</para>
<para>Other key findings or observations, perhaps already known but borne out and affirmed in the survey are the following: the Landcare model could have a substantial role in addressing some of the issues facing agriculture; Landcare could help tackle issues such as food security, the environment and climate adaptation; and Landcare could build a stronger relationship between the city and the bush. Even more telling is the sustained belief in Landcare's ability to build the social capacity of rural communities. The <inline font-style="italic">Land</inline> article went on to say that the people component of Landcare is an often overlooked benefit of Landcare. I could not agree more.</para>
<para>I want to turn to what I call the socialisation part of Landcare. These are things I know and understand, having been around when Landcare began, and being involved in various ways over the past decades, when it became more formalised. It was embraced by the federal government, when Bob Hawke was Prime Minister. He was a champion of it and it is appropriate that the national award was named after him.</para>
<para>Landcare now has many owners, having been so wholly embraced by the community. It was exciting in those days, and it is still exciting to visit a Landcare group to look at the great work they do to see their projects, hear about their projects and give them support.</para>
<para>When I was elected, in 2007, I started a conversation with the then ministers for the environment and for agriculture, Ministers Garrett and Burke, about the value of Landcare, the need for it to be supported, the importance of regional Landcare coordinators, the importance of community action grants and a new or revamped national body—and also to get things really shaking. I remember over the years some of the farmers talking and rumours starting every now and then that the word 'Landcare' was going to disappear. I always reassure them that it is never going to disappear, because Landcare is a brand and it embodies values of the community, of landholders and of the farming community. Nobody would ever touch it. I stressed to the ministers the people power component of Landcare. I told them that that is critical to effect change, and that Landcare by its very nature does that. I stayed engaged in that conversation for a few years. Also in that conversation was Jack Lake, known to many in agriculture, who was then the Prime Minister's agriculture adviser.</para>
<para>In the survey from the National Landcare Facilitator that I talked about, it was found that the ability to sustain community engagement and funding were two main areas of concern. But Landcare was also figuring out how to evolve to tackle new challenges. I know that Landcare is up to that. It needs our support and I will continue to give it my wholehearted support.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms MARINO</name>
    <name.id>HWP</name.id>
    <electorate>Forrest</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to focus on the contribution of farmers to Landcare. Landcare in Australia has a long and successful history. Our farmers know that they manage their land in trust for future generations. The farmers I know and work with, and have worked with for a lot of years, have an absolute commitment to protecting and improving their soils, water resources and air quality. On a daily basis they are frontline environmental stewards. They are the private landholders who manage 61 per cent of Australia's land, 21 per cent of which is held under freehold title and 42 per cent of which is leasehold. This is a total of nearly five million square kilometres. The care of that land is under the management of private Australian citizens, most of it by farmers and pastoralists. We underestimate the size of the job they do. Australian farmers know that land has to be cared for if it is to maintain or improve its productivity. They have a vested interest in protecting it. They also have to earn their livelihood from it, so they understand the need for sustainability.</para>
<para>According to the state Department of Agriculture and Food, agriculture, forestry and fishing contribute $40.7 billion, or three per cent, to Australia's GDP. Moreover, it makes up 10 per cent of Australian exports, and it was the sector that kept us out of technical recession during the global financial crisis.</para>
<para>This vital industry knows that, to remain productive, healthy soils are paramount—and the cost of failing is dramatic on your property. Land and water degradation in Australia, excluding weeds and pests, is estimated to already cost our nation up to $3.5 billion a year. Weed and pest costs are estimated to be at least as much again. A failure to act on land protection will see these impacts get totally out of control.</para>
<para>In the May 2003 budget the Howard government announced $122.2 million over three years for the National Landcare Program, and a review of Landcare funding that reported later that year. That review found the Australian government funding under the National Landcare Program, and the Landcare component of the Natural Heritage Trust, had 'served as a catalyst for major community investment on sustainable production and natural resource management'. Most importantly, Landcare funding has been able to leverage significant private investment in caring for our precious natural resources. The review found that, for every Australian government dollar spent on Landcare projects under the program, private parties have made a corresponding investment of at least $2.60—great leveraging.</para>
<para>In 1999 an ABS survey indicated that landholders in Australia were 'voluntarily investing' $220 million a year in natural resource management and activities on their properties. That is completely overlooked. That voluntary investment continues to increase. The ABS has identified that 94.3 per cent of Australian agricultural businesses reported undertaking NRM activities to prevent or manage weeds and pests and land and soils. Undertaking these activities cost almost $3 billion, or $21,094 per agricultural business, or $7,522 for each 1,000 hectares under management.</para>
<para>Farmers plant extensive amounts of trees. They fence off rivers. They restore wetlands. They are constantly focusing on water use and productivity efficiencies—even on water use efficiencies. Now, without a doubt, the government's investment in Landcare is substantially influencing landholders' investments on their properties. Landcare participants are more likely to invest their own funds on Landcare related practices, including managing and controlling animal pests and weeds; and fencing and tree and shrub establishment—and 75 per cent of broadacre and dairy farmers, and 50 per cent of all farmers, use Landcare groups as a source of information on farm management.</para>
<para>I want to acknowledge, in the time that is left to me, the extensive work that is carried out by farmers, and also the wonderful volunteers who help with the Landcare movement. We see them out on a regular basis doing everything from planting trees to managing the riffles in the waterways. They do an amazing job, and I think this country would be much poorer without them. We live in one of the driest and sparsest countries in the world, and the job that the volunteers and farmers do should not be overlooked. But I want to reinforce the private investment made by farmers on a daily basis into Landcare.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms HALL</name>
    <name.id>83N</name.id>
    <electorate>Shortland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is with great pleasure that I rise to speak on the motion that acknowledges that Landcare week was from 3 to 9 September. In my contribution to this debate I would like to acknowledge the fine work of Landcare groups within my electorate. Landcare groups attract a large number of volunteers, and I know that amongst my immediate circle of friends there are a number of volunteers who are retired who find being involved in Landcare not only satisfying but it really gives a purpose to their lives, as they transform areas.</para>
<para>There are a couple of Landcare organisations that I would particularly like to mention. The first one is the Galgabba Point Landcare group. Sharon McCarthy is the person who coordinates that group, but it was originally started by Sharon in conjunction with Zoe Russell, a wonderful woman who was totally committed to the environment—a woman I had so much admiration for. They have transformed that area. There are a large number of volunteers working there; there are people involved in mutual obligation programs. I think offenders programs are involved in it. Also a number of training programs are involved.</para>
<para>The Galgabba Landcare Group has created a special place on the foreshore of Lake Macquarie. Initially, I remember going out there when the group first started. It was Clean Up Australia Day and we spent the whole morning pulling tyres and rubbish out of this denuded area that was full of weeds. To go there now, it is a very tranquil, special place. People come from all over just to look at the bird life. There is a bushwalk that goes through it, and it is a credit to every single person that has been involved in that Landcare group.</para>
<para>Last year in National Volunteers Week they were awarded my National Volunteer Group of the Year along with the Budgewoi Birdie Beach Dunecare group which links into Landcare. Phil Heaton who coordinates that is a similar person to Sharon and has a massive vision about regenerating and looking after that area. They work closely together—it is a little different with the dune care.</para>
<para>I have close association with a number of Landcare groups in my area. The Green Point Landcare Group has continued the work that was undertaken when Green Point was handed back to the people of Lake Macquarie after a deal between Lake Macquarie Council and a local developer. Belmont Wetlands is the most beautiful place that you could ever visit. It was an area that was denuded by mining, by BHP, and it is gradually being regenerated by these wonderful volunteers that are involved in reclaiming, revegetating and bringing the area back to life.</para>
<para>I failed to mention when I was talking about Galgabba that they have just been awarded a $6,880 grant under the Caring for Our Country Program. As I was saying, Friends of Belmont Wetlands are a wonderful group. The Pelican Blacksmiths Landcare Group is another group that has brought an area back to life. The Lake Haven Gorokan Landcare Groups, the Summerland Point-Gwandalan Tidy Town and Landcare Committee are wonderful. They are always finalists in the Tidy Towns. My good friend Sandy Freeman is involved with the Allambee Gardens Bushcare Group at Valentine and the Warners Bay Landcare Group—I know so many people that are involved in that group that have transformed the area. I had a family day in the park at Bunya Park and they took people for a tour of the area.</para>
<para>The Flaggy Creek Landcare Group—once again, they have transformed an area and made it wonderful and accessible. I am a member of the Lake Macquarie Landcare Network and I take my membership very seriously. I congratulate each and every Landcare group in Lake Macquarie and all the volunteers involved.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr COULTON</name>
    <name.id>HWN</name.id>
    <electorate>Parkes</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I also rise to speak on the motion introduced to this House by the member for Gippsland. I note that the member for Gippsland is one of the true champions of environmental issues in this place and he comes from a practical background rather than some sort of philosophical position.</para>
<para>It is important to note that the Landcare groups across Australia, especially the ones in the electorate of Parkes, are the real environmentalists in this country. They are the people who get their hands in the dirt. They put their own money, their own investment and their own time to work together to improve the overall environmental health of the environments in which they live. It is important to note that the environment of Western New South Wales, the environment in the Parkes electorate, is in a healthier, more sustainable position than it was 40 or 50 years ago. The people in the Parkes electorate have done a wonderful job in caring for the environment in which they live.</para>
<para>There are many Landcare groups in the Parkes electorate and they play a very important part. I will mention a couple. The Central West Catchment Management Authority covers an area of approximately 83,000 square kilometres and includes a number of individual Landcare groups. The Little River Landcare Group are probably the most famous of those. They are very well known for the innovative way in which they have undertaken natural resource management across their region. The group are committed to the vision of 'vibrant communities and healthy landscapes' and the subsequent mission to work with the community to converse and manage the catchment's natural resources. In order to achieve this vision the Central West CMA strongly advocates the value of increasing the community's capacity to engage in natural resource management activities. To work towards this mission the CMA has carried out four major themes: land, water, biodiversity, and people and communities. Time does not permit me to go into all the individual programs that the CMA has in the Central West area. Needless to say, they are very well regarded. They are finding it increasingly difficult with the restrictions that this government has placed upon them with the reduction in funding but are battling on regardless.</para>
<para>Another of my Landcare groups is the Buckwaroon Catchment Landcare Group in the Cobar region. They have come up with a very innovative model for which they are now trying to get funding. This model works in conjunction with the property management under the property vegetation plans where, under strict guidelines, the farmers clear the understorey, the woody reeds and the regrowth across their properties, leaving just the larger trees and restoring what is basically a woody wasteland into a productive and healthy environment. One of the problems with this was that the vegetation that was removed was just burned, with no real benefit to anyone. They have a proposal to use this biomass—and the tonnage is significant—to generate electricity in small, individual, freestanding generation plants. Here this waste is chipped and fed into the plant using a system of pyrolysis to generate heat and electricity. This would be ideal to work in conjunction with the mining activities that are happening in the far west of New South Wales where they are a long way from the grid and might be on the end of a delivery line—this model would deliver quite a substantial amount of electricity onsite. It would have not only economic benefits but also the environmental benefit of using that biomass that comes from regenerating the grasslands in that western region.</para>
<para>I conclude by endorsing the work that the member for Gippsland has done in introducing this motion into the House, and I wholeheartedly support it.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs ELLIOT</name>
    <name.id>DZW</name.id>
    <electorate>Richmond</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I, too, am very pleased to rise to speak on this motion which notes the great importance of National Landcare Week, from 3 to 9 September, as well as the extraordinary contribution by volunteers to practical environmental projects throughout Australia. It is also an opportunity to highlight the great contribution that our farmers and others in our rural and regional areas make to enhance the environment, and to congratulate them on that great work that they do. I also note the government's commitment to deliver funding to ensure the success of so many projects that we see right throughout our rural communities. We certainly have a very proud record of delivering to assist people in those situations.</para>
<para>It is also a good opportunity to acknowledge the more than 6,000 community groups that are volunteering their time to protect and improve the condition of our coast, bushland, rivers and land right throughout Australia. It is great to see all those groups working so closely with our farmers and with the government to keep protecting our wonderful environment. I am very privileged to have many of those fantastic groups in my electorate on the North Coast of New South Wales, and I am always pleased to see the outstanding work that they do.</para>
<para>We know that Landcare is one of the most enduring and recognisable community movements throughout Australia. Indeed the Landcare ethic has also spread to other parts of the world, which is great, with similar groups now operating in over 20 countries. It was wonderful to see their conferences held last week, which was a good opportunity to discuss policy and research developments and to have a robust discussion on things that really matter to the Landcare movement: caring for the environment, sustainable production, future generations, maintaining communities—all these very important issues. Of course, they also had the Landcare awards as well and I am very pleased to have heard the great news that at that ceremony some of the councils in my local area were successful. There was a joint project between the Tweed and Byron Shire councils and they were announced winners in the Local Government and Landcare Partnership category. The partnership between the neighbouring councils and community Landcare groups has resulted in extensive bush regeneration. The program is to restore urban bushland at over 50 sites, covering more than 225 hectares of bushland right throughout the shires. So I congratulate them and the remarkable work that they do.</para>
<para>The Australian government recognises the vital role played by the Landcare community in delivering some of these outcomes on the ground. That is why we continue to keep supporting it through investments like Caring for our Country, and we will continue to invest in the second phase of Caring for our Country, with more than $2.2 billion over five years, to achieve a real and measurable difference to Australia's environment.</para>
<para>Of course, there are a number of opportunities for Landcare groups to access funding through Australian government programs. Under Caring for our Country, as I mentioned, there are Community Action Grants available, and I have certainly seen many of those in my electorate being very successful. They are specifically for Landcare and other local community groups. Grants are also available through the Biodiversity Fund and Action on the Ground, both components of the Land Sector package under the government's Securing a Clean Energy Future plan. The Biodiversity Fund will invest over $946 million over the next six years to help land managers store carbon, enhance biodiversity and build greater environmental resilience across the Australian landscape. We also see great projects through Action on the Ground, as well.</para>
<para>As I said, in my electorate I see many different examples all the time of Landcare groups and Dunecare groups. We have seen over 20 community action grants as well, some of them large and some of them small, making a huge difference. There is one at Burringbar and Mooball Catchment Landcare Incorporated. They have conducted a riparian restoration project, which is fantastic. We see Dunecare groups doing remarkable work all the time. Recently the Cabarita Beach Dunecare project received funding to restore a significant coastal habitat at Cabarita on the Tweed Coast of New South Wales. It is a very important habitat for threatened species.</para>
<para>We have some great large organisations, the Big Scrub Rainforest Landcare Group and the Caldera Environment Centre. They have also received funding to continue their great work. It was very sad to hear recently that the coordinator of the Caldera Environment Centre recently passed away, a man by the name of Paul 'Hoppy' Hopkins. He was known as Hoppy and was the coordinator. He was very much involved in the Caldera Environment Centre and a great environmental warrior for many years on the North Coast of Australia. We are all very sad to hear of his passing last week. He made a great commitment to the environment.</para>
<para>Under Caring for our Country, we have seen some major funding right across the Northern Rivers, which has made a real difference to many programs. What we see from National Landcare projects is a demonstration of the community's commitment to the future of our country by caring for it right across the board, whether it is in the rural areas, the coast or right across the community. I would like to thank all the volunteers who give so much of their time to improve our future and the future of our country. We are very proud on the North Coast of New South Wales to have such a strong commitment to our pristine environment. It is, of course, the most beautiful environment in all of Australia and we work very closely together to maintain it and ensure that it continues.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr VAN MANEN</name>
    <name.id>188315</name.id>
    <electorate>Forde</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As in the case of my other colleagues, I rise to speak tonight on a motion by the member for Gippsland with regard to National Landcare Week. I would like to take the opportunity at the outset to thank all the Australians involved for protecting and enhancing our environment through practical, on-the-ground initiatives. There are organisations like the Logan and Albert Rivers Catchment Association, WetlandCare Australia with the work at Carbrook Wetlands and the North-East Albert Landcare and Catchment Management Group, which is the group I would like to recognise and focus on tonight.</para>
<para>North-East Albert Landcare and Catchment Management Group have been active in the revegetation of the Pimpama River Catchment area since the early 1990s. Members of the group, who come from a diverse range of backgrounds whether it be cane farmers or those living in suburbia, all share an interest and passion for improving the overall health of the Pimpama River Catchment and our local environment.</para>
<para>North-East Albert Landcare and Catchment Management Group has a long-term goal of revegetating and regenerating the riparian areas and corridors of the Pimpama River, to provide a continuous wildlife corridor from the Darlington Range to the bay and to protect the biodiversity of the area, including the rare and endangered species of flora and fauna in addition to koalas. These projects are supported by the local community, including the local councils, local schools and local businesses. Partnerships have also been formed between the Rural Fire Brigade and other not-for-profit organisations such as Conservation Volunteers Australia. One of the biggest industries in the area, the quarry industry, has also been quite helpful in that regard.</para>
<para>Another fantastic partnership was with Twin Rivers and their reskilling for employment program, where a number of local job seekers formed a green army working under experienced Landcare members. The green army undertook activities including propagating local native plant species at the local Landcare nursery, in addition to clearing large areas of overgrowth and weeds in order to make areas accessible for revegetation and restoration. I would also like to thank the Ormeau Progress Association for making their property available for that nursery. I met a number of the participants from this program at a morning tea in celebration of the program's completion last year. All the men and women involved seemed to have enjoyed their experience, and some have even secured jobs within a related field.</para>
<para>It is hard yakka for the volunteers taking part in restoration projects. For those acquainted with removing weeds from gardens, these volunteers are required to remove some of the most heavily invasive weed species in order to make the area accessible for restoration. It is important to recognise the extraordinary efforts of these people and it is important that we continue to support community organisations involved in practical, on-the-ground environmental initiatives.</para>
<para>The coalition recognises the value of establishing environmental workforces in an effort to improve our environment. As part of our platform, we seek to establish a green army with a standing environmental workforce of some 1,500 individuals. The green army would be available on an ongoing basis, supplemented by volunteers, to tackle local and regional environmental priorities that most urgently need assistance for projects like creek and riverbank restoration.</para>
<para>I have seen firsthand the activities of my mother and her group of Landcare and green army people on Mount Tamborine and the magnificent work they have done in restoring properties, restoring rain forests, revegetation and restoring habitats for local animals and also for the general wellbeing of the local community. These are just some examples of the many on-the-ground initiatives which are occurring in our electorate of Forde that are designed to protect our environment for future generations. I look forward to continuing to work with these community groups in my electorate and to ensure ongoing support for the people involved in Landcare and other environmental groups.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr LYONS</name>
    <name.id>M38</name.id>
    <electorate>Bass</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is a pleasure as a Lyons to be appearing before the member for Lyons. I rise tonight to support the motion from the member for Gippsland in recognising the vital and important contribution that Landcare volunteers around Australia make. With last week being National Landcare Week, it is a fitting time to reflect upon the terrific work that our hardworking volunteers do for environmental projects right around Australia. Landcare volunteers undertake countless hours of work each week to improve their local environment. As the member for Gippsland mentioned, this includes our Australian farmers. Many Australian farmers are taking a holistic approach to their farming practices to ensure that they are farming in a manner that is sustainable not only for their own businesses but also for the environment.</para>
<para>It is particularly fitting to speak on this motion, as a local primary school in my own electorate of Bass, Youngtown Primary School—which you would drive past many times, Mr Deputy Speaker Adams—was awarded the People's Choice Award at the National Landcare Awards in Sydney last week. Youngtown Primary School was one of 88 finalists in the awards, which aim to celebrate the achievements of individuals and groups who make a valuable contribution to the land.</para>
<para>The school's environmental program has seen students working alongside adult mentors to learn a range of environmental skills including planting, plant handling and soil preparation. The students have also built and planted trial swan-nesting boxes and are undergoing habitat revegetation incorporating a study into macroinvertebrates including frog habitats and identification. The students have shown strong commitment to and passion for the local environment—terrific qualities, especially for primary school students. They are learning in a practical and meaningful way which is teaching them important skills and knowledge. This project is being undertaken at Glenara Lakes, a village for seniors in my community. This intergenerational project has formed strong partnerships between the students and senior citizens which has furthered the students learning and developed and enhanced these terrific projects.</para>
<para>I would like to take this opportunity to congratulate the Youngtown Primary School's current principal, Troy Roberts, and past principal, Shireen Thomas, and all the staff and students involved in the terrific project on this national award. I would also like to congratulate residents of Glenara Lakes on their commitment to assisting the younger generation with their commitment to the school's project. It is pleasing to see that an intergenerational project such as this has become so successful. Landcare plays a major role in raising awareness of farming and land management practices and delivering environmental outcomes that go towards ensuring the sustainability and preservation of our natural resources.</para>
<para>The Australian government recognises the important role that Landcare and thousands of volunteers around Australia play. From 2008 to 2013 the Australian government has committed over $180 million to Landcare through the NRM program. The government continues to support the Landcare movement and recently announced the extension of Caring for our Country, with $2.2 billion over the next five years. There are over 4,000 Landcare groups around Australia. These groups of dedicated volunteers are undertaking invaluable work in our local communities. Their work is often quiet and unrecognised, but it is very greatly appreciated.</para>
<para>In concluding, National Landcare Week provides us all with a chance to reflect upon and truly appreciate the extraordinary work that our Landcare volunteers, including our farmers and land managers, undertake to ensure the sustainability and preservation of our wonderful natural environment. I would again like to congratulate the national award winners, Youngtown Primary School and the residents of Glenara Lakes, for their terrific project and for their commitment to the environment. Finally, I would like to urge everyone to become involved with a local Landcare group to further this terrific work and to ensure that our environment is kept sustainable and preserved for generations to come.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr JOHN COBB</name>
    <name.id>00AN1</name.id>
    <electorate>Calare</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the extraordinarily important issue of land care. I applaud the member for Gippsland for bringing the motion before the House. The member has long been a strong advocate for the local community and is well respected for his drive and passion for supporting his region, perhaps exemplified by his time as leader of the Champions of the Bush. This motion recognises Landcare Week and highlights the extraordinary contribution of volunteers and Australian farmers in enhancing the environment on public and private land.</para>
<para>Landcare is a community based approach and has played a major role in raising awareness and improving farming and land management practices and, in doing so, delivering environmental outcomes across Australian landscapes. Caring for the land includes a range of activities such as soil conservation, management of erosion and salinity, sustainable farm practices, restoration of native habitats, revegetation, control of weeds and pests, and the development of local natural resource management skills and knowledge.</para>
<para>As stated on the Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry website:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We all have a role in looking after 'our patch' to ensure the land and water we use for agriculture and our natural environment is healthy and sustainable.</para></quote>
<para>While a key element of Landcare is a voluntary network of more than 6,000 groups across Australia, there are many, many farmers and landholders who undertake this important work but are not affiliated with any particular Landcare group.</para>
<para>Labor will trumpet their involvement in Landcare, and certainly the Hawke government played an important role, providing funding for this burgeoning community movement. But unfortunately the current Gillard government is a far cry from the Hawke government and not only has it slashed funding since the 2008-09 budget year but now less than half the funding is going to community Landcare groups and farmers. In fact, in 2010, the federal Minister for Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry, Joe Ludwig, announced 116 grants worth $31.3 million for Landcare, sustainable agriculture and feral pests and weed management. But according to an investigation by the <inline font-style="italic">Canberra Times</inline>, more than 50 per cent of the funds went to state government departments, government agencies, statutory authorities and federal and state grants administration partnerships.</para>
<para>A few weeks ago I was in WA with the member for O'Connor. Farmers told me there was very little opportunity to get funding for saltbush and other worthwhile projects that would really be valuable in tackling region-wide salinity issues. This sentiment is repeated right across the country, on the east as well. So much money is going to bureaucrats and less is getting on the ground where it is needed. As a result many farmers have become disillusioned with the so-called government support for Landcare. That is a terrible pity, because farmers over the years have got behind Landcare, to their own surprise in a lot of cases. I know because I deal with them all the time. They have got behind it, but in recent times that has come crashing down because the money seems to be being pushed towards areas of population rather than areas of need, and without the flexibility that used to exist. I have been talking to the shadow minister for the environment and we agree the current funding arrangements need to be reinvigorated with more of the available money ending up on the ground where it can lead to better outcomes for sustainable land management by the whole community.</para>
<para>But despite this government, Landcare has been an outstanding and resilient program that helps the community help themselves. This government is obsessed with wasting millions of taxpayers dollars on environmental regulation and compliance and using the big-stick approach to environmental management while Landcare is an example of how government can encourage through community engagement better outcomes. This is a model we will be looking to duplicate if we have the good fortune to be given the responsibility of government. I congratulate every volunteer, every farmer, every community member that has enthusiastically engaged in this program to enhance their region for the future. I commend this motion to the House and encourage everyone to get behind this motion and support this important issue.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HUNT</name>
    <name.id>00AMV</name.id>
    <electorate>Flinders</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am delighted to speak in support of the member for Gippsland's motion in relation to Landcare and the contribution of our farmers and Landcare groups right around this country to practical measures to improve our environment, to reduce salinity, to restore riparian areas and to restore other forms of riverbank and coastal areas in need of protection. I want to deal with this motion in there simple stages: firstly, to look at the issue of Landcare; secondly, to look at our reforms; and thirdly, to acknowledge the contributions.</para>
<para>In terms of Landcare, this is a great program, a great part of Australia. The national Landcare symbol of the caring hands is understood and recognised widely. On that front there are three different arms that come together. Firstly, we have Landcare Australia which is the custodian of the intellectual property and the organisation. I have met with them and they do a tremendous job in being an advocate, a promoter, a source of education and training within the Landcare network. Secondly, there is the Landcare Advisory Council assisting the minister and the government. Again, they do good work, but sadly many of their recommendations have been ignored or avoided by the government. Thirdly, the Landcare networks represent the local Landcare groups. This is the heart of Landcare in the Australian model.</para>
<para>These groups operate right around the country. I have been with farmers in the Otway ranges, on the Mornington Peninsula and in Gippsland. I have been with Landcare groups up and down the coast of New South Wales, Queensland and, in particular, inland in both of those states. Similarly, I have seen the contribution of these groups in South Australia, Western Australia, the Northern Territory and Tasmania.</para>
<para>They are the frontline of the Landcare movement. They operate on the smell of an oily rag on many occasions. They operate as volunteers and wherever possible they get some assistance.</para>
<para>That brings me to the reforms that these groups have talked about. There are three reforms to Landcare which, as a coalition, we would undertake. The first is simplification. The simplification of Landcare is essential. What Landcare coordinators and Landcare volunteers have complained about to me is very clear. They have said that they are becoming bureaucrats. They want to be on the ground doing practical work to implement Landcare programs. They are finding that they are overwhelmed with paperwork and with layers of bureaucracy which are making it almost impossible for them to do their job. Our approach will be very clear. We will radically simplify the Landcare bureaucracy. We want to make it short, simple and something which is only required on an intermittent basis, not on a permanent, heavy, grinding basis. Our pledge and our commitment to the Landcare groups and the Landcare networks of Australia is that we will radically simplify the paperwork.</para>
<para>The second of the reforms we want to make is all about local funding. We will make the overwhelming bulk of funding directed through the NRMs to local groups. We do not want to see a massive bureaucratic network where the money is ripped away and sent to state organisations and bureaucracies. As the previous coalition speaker mentioned, according to an investigation by the <inline font-style="italic">Canberra Times</inline>, more than 50 per cent of the funds announced by the federal agricultural minister, Joe Ludwig, in 2010, went to state government departments, government agencies, statutory authorities and federal and state government grant administration partnerships. We want to make it simple and we want to make it local.</para>
<para>The third thing we want to do is make it long term. We will make long-term agreements with landholders whether it is three, four or five years.</para>
<para>That then brings me to my final comment. All of this is about allowing Landcare networks and Landcare groups to do what they do best and that is improve the land, care for the country, make the changes, and we will allow them to do that.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms LIVERMORE</name>
    <name.id>83A</name.id>
    <electorate>Capricornia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am very pleased to join with so many colleagues to speak in this debate which marks, very importantly, National Landcare Week. There are not too many private members' motions that attract the number of speakers that this motion has tonight. I think that, in itself, is a very clear tribute to the Landcare movement and to the many thousands of volunteers who work so hard within their various Landcare groups. It is a testament to the way that Landcare has become a national institution. It is something that is instantly recognisable and it is something that is widely appreciated and celebrated throughout our country. Of course, there is no better time to do that than in National Landcare Week.</para>
<para>I want to make the point about the beginnings of Landcare. It is now in its third decade and continues to grow from strength to strength. It was kicked off in 1989 officially when Rick Farley of the National Farmers' Federation and Phillip Toyne of the Australian Conservation Foundation lobbied the Hawke Labor government to begin the Landcare program. They did it in a big way by announcing the Decade of Landcare Plan back in 1989. I mention that because Rick Farley was a much loved son of Capricornia. I am not sure if he actually grew up there but he spent many years working with the honourable Doug Everingham, who was in those days the member for Capricornia. Rick Farley and his contribution to agriculture and to our nation is very fondly remembered in Capricornia and, of course, right across Australia.</para>
<para>I also want to make mention of a terrific new innovation or initiative that we have in Capricornia. I have spoken in here many times about the Fitzroy Basin Association, which is the natural resource management body in Capricornia, looking after, as it does, the largest catchment on the east coast of Australia. The Fitzroy Basin Association coordinates lots of Landcare activities, but, very importantly, it has opened up an education centre called FLOW, which is right in the heart of Rockhampton's CBD. The idea of FLOW is really to get that message of land care, environmental management and stewardship to the broader community. I am sure we have heard throughout the debate how important natural resource management is considered to be by our farmers. They have the most direct involvement in it and have so much to bring to the job of protecting our natural environment here in Australia.</para>
<para>But, of course, it is not just farmers who should be taking up that message and that burden. The idea of FLOW, the education centre right there in East Street run by the Fitzroy Basin Association, is all about getting that message out. They tell me that, in just the few months they have been open, they have experienced enormous success in attracting many school groups and business groups into the centre. They tell me they have had 2,653 visitors already since the opening in March this year and they are expecting a great deal more interest during the school holidays, when they put on school holiday activities. This is all about getting the next generation of land carers to understand the role that we can all play in looking after our natural environment.</para>
<para>I mentioned FLOW because I have agreed to be a referee for the organisation in their nomination for the Regional Achievement and Community Awards being run in conjunction with the Queensland government and WIN, one of our local TV stations. I wish FLOW all the best as they seek the recognition they deserve in that award event. I wish the Landcare groups in my electorate all the best. I congratulate them on the work that they do and will continue to work with them to attract the funding that they need to run these very important projects.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ADAMS</name>
    <name.id>BV5</name.id>
    <electorate>Lyons</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker Grierson, for taking the chair early to enable me to speak to this motion. The National Landcare Network is thousands of locally based community groups who care for the natural resources of our country and do a magnificent job. Australia is proud to boast more than 4,000 community Landcare groups, 2,000 Coastcare groups and many thousands of volunteers across the country. Through Australia's people and communities, the Landcare movement is making a big difference in caring for our country and has done so for many, many years. All around Australia Landcare volunteers are proving that together we can repair, revitalise and manage our precious natural resources.</para>
<para>This unique partnership between communities, government and organisations is achieving many great things, including improving our farmlands. Many primary producers are active participants in Landcare, and many in my electorate of Lyons are very active and have done lots of work over many, many years. They make significant contributions in combating soil salinity and erosion through very sound land management practices and sustainable productivity. More and more people are seeing the importance of the economic benefit to be gained from doing things in a sustainable, scientific way.</para>
<para>More than 40 per cent of farmers are involved in Landcare and many more practice Landcare farming. Groups involved in breathing new life into our waterways work to conserve, rehabilitate and better manage our creeks, rivers, river systems, and wetlands, and there are a lot in my electorate of Lyons, which takes up about 50 per cent of the land mass of Tasmania. Groups work to conserve all those waterways in a great way, and I have seen the benefits that are achieved by people working on their weekends and holidays, putting things back together as they should be in a natural way. Around our coasts, Coastcare groups are active in improving local coastal and maritime environments, and there are many of those groups around the great amount of coastline that makes up the Lyons electorate—the whole east coast, basically, of Tasmania and some of the northern and southern coasts as well. Every year, Landcare plants many millions of native trees, shrubs and grasses for a range of benefits, including improved soil and water quality and, of course, to stop bare land being there and blowing away or being eroded. They restore bushland and conserve sensitive areas on both public and private land.</para>
<para>So today I would like to recognise Landcare Week, which ran from 3 to 9 September, and to give recognition to the thousands of volunteers who work all year round to keep our land and waterways clear of weeds and erosion and restore them to good health. Using the words from their website, 'From the farm to the city, Landcare is for everyone.' Landcare connects community groups, farmers, governments, business, industry, scientists, researchers, schools and youth groups to work together to protect our land and coast for future generations.</para>
<para>I think it was Joan Kirner in Victoria who actually started a pilot program of Landcare, and we should give some recognition to how that occurred. I think my colleague who preceded me, the member for Capricornia, brought in what occurred later on in the Hawke government, who took it on and made a commitment for 10 years. Since then, the coalition governments have taken it on, because these are good projects. They certainly unite people to do good work in their communities and restore natural vegetation and natural processes. This is very good, and of course most of it is done in a great voluntary way in that great Australian process of all getting in, getting your hands dirty and achieving good results. I congratulate all those involved as volunteers.</para>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Meniere's Disease</title>
          <page.no>10138</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BILLSON</name>
    <name.id>1K6</name.id>
    <electorate>Dunkley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Meniere's disease is a condition that really is an enormous imposition on many Australians, and I am pleased that the House has afforded some time this evening to talk about the condition and what we can do about it and the support that is available. The motion that stands in my name recognises the work of Meniere's Australia, a fantastic group of people. Their efforts in developing and improving services to Australians living with the condition—which can, as I mentioned earlier, be extraordinarily distressing—are to be commended. Their work with Meniere's disease and other vestibular disorders is to be recognised tonight in this debate.</para>
<para>The motion also recognises that vertigo, dizziness, balance problems, hearing loss, and tinnitus are common symptoms of Meniere's disease, which leads to sudden debilitating attacks that can cause loss of employment, social isolation and loss of confidence, particularly for people concerned that the condition limits their mobility and capacity to get out of the home and also impacts on their personal capabilities of leading an active and independent everyday life.</para>
<para>The motion also recognises the exact number of people that live with vestibular disorders. Meniere's disease is not well known and the conditions are underdiagnosed and underreported. It touches on some research from the United States that indicates up to five per cent of the population may be living with one or more vestibular conditions, which in our case would translate to around one million Australians.</para>
<para>The motion also points out the simple, and I hope obvious, fact to the parliament that Meniere's Australia support groups could do a whole lot more with a bit of additional support in the counselling they provide, the practical advice they offer to families and those suffering with vestibular conditions, and the information and peer support network could extend further. For those that are listening, particularly philanthropic organisations or even those operating in the hearing loss area, some support for Meniere's Australia would be a terrific measure.</para>
<para>Meniere's disease is a condition in which there is excess fluid in the inner ear. The excess fluid disturbs the ear's balance and hearing mechanisms and produces a range of symptoms, some of which I touched on earlier. It is quite a frightening condition in that the attacks usually centre around vertigo. I had the misfortune of an inner ear infection a few months ago and Meniere's Australia representatives reminded me that I had a first-hand sense of what many of their members were experiencing quite regularly. It is very disturbing when one's mobility is completely compromised and you are not even sure whether you can lie still in bed with any great grace. You can imagine the enormous impact this must have on the quality of life of people who suffer from this condition and these quite debilitating symptoms regularly.</para>
<para>The attacks of vertigo usually occur in clusters with varying periods of remission. It might be matter of days or some years between attacks. The attacks can occur without warning and you cannot predict how severe the vertigo will be or how long it will last. Tinnitus, distorted hearing, pressure in the ear and a feeling of fullness in the ear due to the fluid build-up often occur in conjunction with vertigo. In the early stages of the condition, hearing returns to normal levels following an attack but the disease progresses measurably and permanent hearing loss occurs. Estimates vary but around 90 per cent of people with Meniere's have the disease in only one ear when first diagnosed. However, around 50 per cent of these may go on to develop the disease in both ears.</para>
<para>According to the ABS population health survey in 2005, Meniere's disease affects one in every 600 Australians. It appears that Meniere's is diagnosed, if it is diagnosed at all, around the late 30s to early 50s. It is uncommon for children to be diagnosed with the condition. Unfortunately this period, this window in people's lives, when diagnosis is most likely occurs coincides with some of the busiest times in their lives in careers and families.</para>
<para>There is no known medical cure for Meniere's. The condition can be managed to some degree through medication, diet, stress reduction, exercise programs, natural therapies and, as a last resort, perhaps surgery. This is where Meniere's Australia's work becomes so important in providing information to sufferers and their families about how to manage the condition, how to sustain the best quality of life and how to engage in their community and with their work and families, mindful that there is no medical cure for the condition. There are treatment options for acute attacks of vertigo as well as options for managing the symptoms that are experienced and possibly some steps that might reduce the severity and frequency of further attacks.</para>
<para>Although it is not life-threatening, the disease can be life destroying. There is a great deal of fear and uncertainty which may accompany the symptoms and a sufferer may appear perfectly well and then be unable to stand up straight or unable to hear properly or be coping with severe and uncontrollable ringing or roaring noises in their ears. This can result in enormous problems for their employment, resulting in financial hardships and difficulty with family and friends. So, whilst the condition may be able to be alleviated and managed, it is, sadly, normally a progressive condition that is irreversible. As I said, the causes as well as treatments remain unknown. The anxiety it provokes can be extraordinarily debilitating and create of itself a sense of stress, suffering and helplessness. This is why organisations like Meniere's Australia are so crucial to steer sufferers and their families through what can be an extraordinarily horrendous time for them and a time of enormous adjustment.</para>
<para>Meniere's disease falls between the cracks in the current health care system. Sensory hearing loss is identified as one of the worst consequences of Meniere's disease, and I was happy to be talking with the Australian Hearing Service, which has a terrific outlet located in my electorate in Frankston, about the overlap between the treatments and services they provide and conditions such as Meniere's which may not immediately appear to be a hearing condition, but that is where some of the most profound symptoms arise. However, there is the chronic illness component with the vertigo attacks and the vestibular impairment that is not addressed well by these current health system arrangements.</para>
<para>When we looked at a 2007 report known as <inline font-style="italic">Listen here!: The economic impact and c</inline><inline font-style="italic">ost of hearing loss in Australia, </inline>the economic consequences through lost productivity and direct cost was enormous: about $6.7 billion a year lost to the Australian economy because of hearing loss conditions, and Meniere's is very much a part of that. It is well documented that the real cost might be as high as $11.75 billion, which in 2007 was 1.4 per cent of GDP, according to research by Access Economics. This is an enormously significant impact on an individual's life and their families but the consequences for the nation, in my view, warrant it getting greater attention in our health strategies.</para>
<para>We need to know how many people actually have this condition—that is the first impediment in tackling it: in not knowing what the incidence and prevalence of different conditions around Meniere's and the hearing loss that results actually is. I mention that 2005 survey that shows that there is one in 600 or 606, as the case may be, is what the ABS puts it at. But there are potential data collection points right throughout the health system, when patients present with symptoms of hearing loss, vertigo and tinnitus at ear, nose and throat and neurologist clinics and hospitals across Australia. Some effort to capture that would help to inform policymakers about what is the best thing that we can do.</para>
<para>While all this is going on and there is a lack of coordinated effort in terms of the health system generally, the Meniere's Support Group and Meniere's Australia are simply getting on with the work. In their own survey of their members in 2006, they captured the spread of diagnostic age between 30 and 50, and 54 per cent of those that were members were diagnosed while they were still actively in the workforce—so you can see that economic consequence. Twenty-one per cent of the members reported that they had to take paid leave because of their Meniere's condition and 16 per cent said they had reduced working hours.</para>
<para>Tonight's motion is to add strength to the arm of Meniere's Australia. I am a little bit parochial. Its information resource centre happens to be located in Dunkley at very modest offices as they look use new technology to share their learnings about how to cope with the condition and maintain a quality of life. Natasha Harrington-Benton is the director of Meniere's UK and she was in our country recently to do presentations in both Melbourne and Sydney with Professor Steve O'Leary and Professor Bill Gibson, hoping to internationalise the work and the insights, and to make sure that there is more peer support and resources available. Neither the group here in Australia, nor in the UK, get government funding. It is a bit of a shout out to the philanthropic community to get behind Meniere's Australia. I also want to tip my hat to John Cook and the very dedicated team at the resource centre; and also to Lynn Polson OAM. Her work for Meniere's Australia—and John's—is to be commended. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expir</inline><inline font-style="italic">e</inline><inline font-style="italic">d)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms HALL</name>
    <name.id>83N</name.id>
    <electorate>Shortland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is with great pleasure that I rise to speak on this motion and I congratulate the member for bringing it before the House. Meniere's disease is one of those diseases that people know very little about and it can actually take a person's life away from them. I want to dedicate the first part of my speech to what Meniere's disease is. There are the classic symptoms of vertigo, dizziness, alliance problems, hearing loss, tinnitus—they are all very common features of Meniere's disease leading to the sudden debilitating attacks where people really cannot function. It also leads to loss of employment, social isolation, loss of confidence and personal capabilities in everyday life. I have three acquaintances who have suffered from Meniere's disease.</para>
<para>They have had all the symptoms: the vertigo, the nausea and the vomiting. People do not realise how bad that can be. People cannot lift their head off their pillow because their Meniere's disease is so bad. Symptoms include the vertigo, the dizziness, the fluctuating hearing loss, the tinnitus, the feeling of pressure or fullness in the ear, and the excess fluid disturbing balance and the hearing mechanism. It produces all those symptoms. When you are suffering from those symptoms and you could have a severe attack at any moment, it is really debilitating.</para>
<para>It often takes a while to diagnose that a person is actually suffering from Meniere's disease. One person I saw having a very severe attack looked like they were having a seizure. They had exactly the same sorts of symptoms. The person had lost control of their body and they were unable to function, but it was Meniere's disease. In the earlier stages it is really hard to predict how often a person will have an attack. It is hard to diagnose and the periods of remission change from time to time—they will lessen, they will disappear and then they will return. I have been told that vertigo creates a sensation of spinning. The whole room you are in starts spinning around you, and it can last from 10 minutes to several hours.</para>
<para>The woman that I saw having a Meniere's attack rarely leaves her house now. Her life has totally been taken from her. She does not drive and she is reliant on her partner for the basic support within her house. Regarding the room spinning, if she has an attack she manages to get to a wall of the room and then walks along the wall to gain some sort of stability. It is a horrible feeling. There is nausea, seasickness, dizziness and the feeling that you are going to fall, so she has the security of the wall. It is terrible. It can even lead to loss of bowel control and your basic functions. The fact that you cannot predict when you are going to have an attack is a really debilitating side-effect of being a sufferer of Meniere's. There is the unsteadiness when you are moving rapidly—and that can happen even when you are not having an attack—the tinnitus and the distortion of hearing.</para>
<para>The brother-in-law of one of my staff members suffers from Meniere's disease. He described it to my staff member as though somebody is kneading his brain. That is the feeling. He was in a very responsible job and he had to give up work, so he is now unemployed. I do not think that we can emphasise enough the debilitating effect of it. Meniere's disease is one of the silent diseases that not many people are aware of, including the debilitating nature of it.</para>
<para>In my research I found that Meniere's disease has three stages. Stage 1 is when the vertigo is in a form where you get dizzy. By the time you present for your diagnostic test, your ears have returned to normal.</para>
<para>That leads to it being very difficult to diagnose a person like the one I was talking about, the woman who is so debilitated by it. It took a very long time before they could diagnose the problem. Half the people that are affected with it at this stage go into remission. Stage 2 is where it is easier to diagnose Meniere's disease. The attacks of vertigo continue, the tinnitus increases, the feeling of pressure or fullness in the ear may worsen and hearing fluctuates but never quite returns to normal levels, so it is always there.</para>
<para>The important fact is that it is a chronic, lifelong disease, it is a very debilitating disease, and there is absolutely no cure for it. It is commonly found in adults that are in their 30s or older. The member for Dunkley mentioned 30 to 50, and that would probably be the age group that it is mostly found in. I am sure he has researched it well. It really causes underlying psychological problems. People lose their confidence, their self-esteem and their independence.</para>
<para>The other part of the motion that I would like to turn to now relates to Meniere's Australia and the work that they do. Support groups in our society—such as Meniere's Australia, the post-polio support group that I am closely involved in, asthma support groups and the Heart Foundation support groups—really do a marvellous job. Meniere's Australia is a not-for-profit non-government organisation which promotes the development of Australia-wide services and supports people that are living with Meniere's disease. Meniere's Australia was founded by the Meniere's support groups of New South Wales and Victoria. I know the member for Dunkley has already shared with us the fact that the office is in his electorate. It is affiliated with the Meniere's Research Fund, which is administered through the University of Sydney medical foundation. The mission of the Meniere's Research Fund is to raise funding to support research into Meniere's disease and to finance the expansion of the Meniere's disease research laboratory. The fund currently holds $1.5 million, sourced from donations, community fundraising and funding grants. It has a target of raising $2.5 million, but $2.5 million would just be scratching the surface.</para>
<para>I have been advised that the government recognises, and the minister has told me that she recognises, the importance of Meniere's Australia. She knows that their work helps people along and gives them the support they need when they are suffering from Meniere's disease. All these support groups—and Meniere's Australia is no different—need to have the work that they do acknowledged. I know that sufferers of Meniere's disease rely on Meniere's Australia. I congratulate them on the fine work that they do, and I think that research into this disease is well and truly needed. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CRAIG KELLY</name>
    <name.id>99931</name.id>
    <electorate>Hughes</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am pleased to second the motion moved by my good friend the very handsome member for Dunkley. I welcome the opportunity to discuss an issue that is important to many families across our nation and to participate in this debate in expanding both our parliament's knowledge and the knowledge of those listening in at home on a disease that affects approximately one in 600 Australians. Meniere's disease is a disorder of the inner ear, associated with a change in the volume of fluid inside a portion of the inner ear called the labyrinth. It causes episodes of vertigo and tinnitus, which is a constant buzzing or humming noise in one's ear; a feeling of fullness or pressure in the ear; and fluctuating, progressive low-frequency hearing loss.</para>
<para>Meniere's disease was named after a French physician, Prosper Meniere, who first identified the cause of this disorder back in 1861. It is a disease that can develop at any age but it is more likely to happen in adults aged between 40 and 60 years of age. Also there is no definitive test for Meniere's; it is only diagnosed when all other causes have been ruled out.</para>
<para>A diagnosis of Meniere's is not promising. Although Meniere's will not directly kill you, it is likely to make your life miserable in a way that few other diseases can. A Meniere's episode generally involves severe vertigo, imbalance, nausea and vomiting with the average attack lasting for two to four hours. After a severe attack, most people find that they are extremely exhausted and then need to sleep for several hours.</para>
<para>The condition affects people differently: it can range in intensity from being a mild annoyance to a chronic, lifelong disability. It is important to appreciate how devastating the impact of the symptoms can be, and the natural deteriorating progression this can have on individuals suffering from the disease. Those who have experienced it describe it as frustrating, disabling, and disheartening—something they say, you could wish only upon your worst enemies.</para>
<para>Currently, there is no known medical cure for Meniere's; however, the condition can be managed to some degree through medication, diet, stress reduction, exercise programs, natural therapies and, as a last resort, surgery. It is a progressive disease which worsens, more slowly in some and more quickly in others. Some patients experience periods of remission for no apparent reason. Some remissions may continue for many years; even decades. Other remissions are sadly short-lived. Although the attacks of vertigo may decline with time, the hearing loss and tinnitus generally persist.</para>
<para>Many people suffering from Meniere's disease lead productive, near normal lives; while others face greater challenges in coping. I can think of only a few situations more stressful and draining on one's mental condition than the combination of a droning, ringing noise inside your ear and not knowing when you may lose control of your body, suffering an attack of vertigo, nausea and vomiting. It is no surprise that those suffering from this disease in many severe cases may end up losing their jobs and will spend their lives on disability. However, thankfully the statistics show that the majority, perhaps between 60 and 80 per cent of sufferers, will not need permanent disability and will recover with or without medical treatment.</para>
<para>Many theories exist about what happens to cause Meniere's disease but no definite answers are available. Some researchers think that Meniere's disease is the result of constrictions in blood vessels, similar to those that cause migraine headaches, and others think is brought on by allergies. This demonstrates the importance of medical research and that is why this motion is important to recognise the great work being done by the broader community to provide awareness, much needed counselling, practical advice and information to peer groups, individuals, families and their carers.</para>
<para>Ultimately, it is medical research that has the potential to ease the pain, suffering and hardship of those suffering from Meniere's disease.    That is why in this place we need to declare a war on waste and inefficiency. We need to declare war on those who seek to divert our scarce and precious resources into inefficient methods of production, for we have seen that this waste and inefficiency has an opportunity cost, and one of those opportunity costs is reduction in the spending on medical research to reduce the pain, suffering and hardship of those affected by diseases such as Meniere's. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr NEUMANN</name>
    <name.id>HVO</name.id>
    <electorate>Blair</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>For some people their favourite Alfred Hitchcock movie is <inline font-style="italic">Rear Window</inline> but mine is <inline font-style="italic">Vertigo</inline>and that is because I am a James Stewart fan for a start and I thought that Kim Novak was pretty hot. One of the things we would say today about the character played by James Stewart—Scotty, if I remember rightly—who is a former police detective who becomes a private eye and suffers from vertigo is that he had Meniere's disease.</para>
<para>We know a lot more about it these days than they did in 1954, when the novel was written, and when the movie was produced and filmed, in 1958. Medical science has developed a lot since that time, and there has been much development in this area.</para>
<para>Sadly, the character in the movie is affected in such a graphic way and shows all the symptoms on Meniere's disease—the vertigo, the dizziness, the nausea. All those symptoms are displayed clearly in the Jimmy Stewart character. I think the novelist was describing someone who had Meniere's disease, and Alfred Hitchcock did a terrific job in that.</para>
<para>The government has provided advice through the competitive funding rounds, the research base and the hearing loss prevention program and the National Health and Medical Research Council medical research grants. But there is a lot more to be done. We have provided assistance and advice to the Office of Hearing Services with information about what steps can be undertaken and what funding sources are available from state and territory governments as well as some private sources.</para>
<para>This is a chronic incurable condition of the inner ear and it produces a range of debilitating side effects, ergo Scottie in <inline font-style="italic">Vertigo</inline><inline font-style="italic">. </inline>It can affect hearing and balance to a varying degree and there are different stages, as the member for Shortland said. It is characterised by a period of vertigo. All of us who have played sport and had a hard knock or felt unwell would have experienced vertigo. Imagine how debilitating it would be to have that on a daily basis. Then there is the low-pitched tinnitus. My wife has had tinnitus for quite some time and I know how it has impacted on her. But there is hearing loss as well. This is a terrible condition which affects people. All the symptoms that previous speakers have talked about really show the impact it has on people's lives—from mild annoyance to chronic lifelong disability.</para>
<para>I am sure there are many people with Meniere's disease amongst the 800,000 people on disability pensions in this country. Sadly, it is not diagnosed as freely and effectively as it should be. Meniere's Australia is a not-for-profit organisation and, like so many in our electorates across the states and territories, they do great work in advising and informing people of the condition and assisting the understanding and appreciation of what these people suffer from. Many years ago there would have been tremendous misunderstanding about this condition. People would have been accused of faking it. People would have said, 'What's wrong with you?' This is a real condition that affects a lot of people.</para>
<para>Meniere's Australia provide fora for health professionals and individuals who experience these problems. They seek funding opportunities and they provide information and resources to doctors and allied health professionals who deal with the people who suffer from this condition. One of the most constructive things a person can do if diagnosed with this condition is to learn as much about it as possible. These supports groups are extremely valuable. I would urge anyone in my electorate who suffers from these conditions to seek medical advice. This disease affects about 190 per 100,000. Gender studies indicate that women are more likely than men to suffer from this condition. There is no definitive test for Meniere's disease. It can only be diagnosed when all other things are excluded. I was recently talking to Dr David Careless, a physician in my electorate, in relation to another disease and he told me there are many diseases like this where you only work out what the condition is after doing all the tests. He said it has been his sad duty on many occasions to tell a patient that they have chronic fatigue, fibromyalgia or some other condition. It is only after doing all the tests that they understand. Information is critical.</para>
<para>There are things that can be done—environmental changes, dietary changes and exercise—but nothing solves the problem. There is a lot more we can do to ease the stress and anxiety. I commend the member for Dunkley for this motion and I commend Meniere's Australia for the work they do in helping people across the country.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr McCORMACK</name>
    <name.id>219646</name.id>
    <electorate>Riverina</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>One in six Australians has a hearing loss. With the ageing of our population, hearing loss is projected to increase and affect one in four by 2050. Hearing loss can result if there is a problem at any point in the hearing pathway—in the outer, middle or inner ear, or in the complex auditory nerve pathway to the brain. Many people who experience hearing loss can feel isolated and frustrated.</para>
<para>However, there can be a lot of different avenues that it can take for someone with regular hearing loss, such as congenital hearing loss that has been present since birth, or acquired hearing loss that occurred later on. Yet there is a disease known as Meniere’s disease, which can see sufferers slip through the cracks of the healthcare system and not receive the treatment they so desperately need or deserve.</para>
<para>Meniere’s disease is a debilitating progressive condition of the inner ear—or, put simply, it is a condition in which there is an excess of fluid in the inner ear. Meniere’s disease can produce symptoms such as vertigo, a form of dizziness where your surroundings appear to spin, or tinnitus, an abnormal ringing noise inside the ear, or fluctuating hearing loss or a feeling of pressure or fullness in the ear due to a fluid build-up.</para>
<para>A great deal of fear and uncertainty can accompany these symptoms. A sufferer may appear well but may be unable to stand up straight, unable to hear properly or be coping with severe and uncontrollable ringing, humming or roaring noises. These types of issues are associated with the disease and can make people feel isolated, frustrated, embarrassed and even difficult to cope with.</para>
<para>There are different estimates of the number of Australians with Meniere’s disease. According to research from the United States of America up to five per cent of the population in that country may be living with one or more vestibular conditions such as Meniere’s disease. Hearing Australia's best estimate is that there are 40,000 people with Meniere’s disease, with new cases of about 4,000 people annually. According to Meniere’s Australia, a not-for-profit organisation, hearing loss with Meniere’s disease can fluctuate according to the stage of the disease.</para>
<para>Dietary and lifestyle changes are important in managing the personal impact of Meniere’s disease. There is increasing evidence that further loss of hearing can be prevented by receiving the right information. So there needs to be a greater understanding by health professionals so that they can quickly diagnose a problem, and they need to work with individuals in the mental health sector as issues within the inner ear can cause stress, anxiety and depression. One of the biggest issues with Meniere’s disease is that it can go undiagnosed. So, anybody with the sort of symptoms that I and other speakers have mentioned should seek the necessary medical help and service.</para>
<para>Many sufferers of Meniere’s disease and other vestibular disorders can experience social isolation and loss of confidence, which can result in problems with their employment and their relationships and it can possibly catapult them into financial hardships and difficulties with their families and personal lives.</para>
<para>According to <inline font-style="italic">Listen Hear! The economic impact and cost of hearing loss in Australia</inline>, identified productivity loss related directly to hearing impairment accounts for more than half of the total financial costs, or some $6.7 billion a year. It is well documented that hearing loss represents a real financial cost to Australia of $11.75 billion per annum, or 1.4 per cent of gross domestic product, according to the research study by Access Economics.</para>
<para>Meniere’s Australia was unable to identify any particular support groups within the Riverina electorate. However, a spokeswoman for MA did say that one of the biggest issues they had with getting support for Meniere’s disease sufferers was having someone well enough to hold the forums or support groups.</para>
<para>Many sufferers of Meniere’s disease find out about their condition after it is too late to turn back. Once their vertigo or tinnitus has reached the extreme, many feel they are no longer capable of functioning. It is one of the reasons Meniere’s Australia was established. In 2007 it was registered with the objective of working to improve the diagnosis, treatment and management of this debilitating disease.</para>
<para>There is unfortunately no treatment for Meniere’s disease, but many things can be done to assist sufferers in the early stages. One of Meniere’s Australia's biggest challenges is making the community more aware of the issue, because with more support Meniere’s Australia's support groups would be able to provide much-needed counselling, practical advice, information and peer support to individuals, their families and their carers.</para>
<para>I commend the member for Dunkley for bringing this important private member's business matter for discussion in the parliament. This debate helps to raise awareness about Meniere’s disease and the umbrella group that is doing important work to combat the disease. It shows the member for Dunkley's care and concern for this little known condition. I commend the motion to the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr STEPHEN JONES</name>
    <name.id>A9B</name.id>
    <electorate>Throsby</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Although the disease which we discuss today was first discovered by the French physician Prosper Meniere in 1861, I dare say it has been discussed and the name has been used in this chamber more in the last 30 minutes than it has been in the last 30 years. I follow the honourable member in thanking the member for Dunkley for bringing this important issue before the chamber so that we can discuss it and hopefully add to the sum of understanding about a condition which is probably more prevalent on the Australian community than many might think.</para>
<para>Around about 40,000 Australians are thought to suffer from some degree of Meniere's disease. Most people will not have heard of it until they have a family member or friend who is affected. No doubt there are people working in this building who are affected by it, even people who are listening to this debate today or reading it afterwards in the <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>. I know of constituents who suffer from Meniere's disease because I have had contact from them directly. Indeed, I have a staff member who suffers from the disease and I have watched how it has from time to time debilitated her and severely impacted on her enjoyment of life and her capacity to work over the time that I have known her.</para>
<para>It seems that those who have this syndrome are affected in vastly different ways. As has been mentioned already, Meniere's is a syndrome in which excess fluid disturbs the balance of the inner ear and hearing mechanisms and produces a range of symptoms. Some of these symptoms include vertigo, tinnitus, fluctuating hearing loss and a feeling of pressure or fullness, like the ear is full of water. Sometimes it is like the feeling you get after having a swim in a swimming pool. Experiencing these symptoms can be debilitating, demoralising and very distressing.</para>
<para>For those with Meniere's, the random onset of these symptoms is extremely frustrating. One minute you are fine and functioning normally then the next minute you are suffering from vertigo, where you lose all sense of balance and are kept virtually immobile. To move even slightly causes the room around you to spin, causing a disturbing sense of disorientation. Vertigo attacks like this can last for hours and sometimes days and can even be accompanied by vomiting as your body responds to the lack of balance. For those witnessing attacks of vertigo, it can be hard to understand what is actually happening to the person in front of them. The symptoms are hard to understand and explain, even for those who are suffering them. The words, 'I'm sorry—I feel dizzy now and have to lie down,' can interrupt business meetings, running daily errands or social outings.</para>
<para>Because the symptoms are so broad and non-specific, Meniere's is often misdiagnosed. The relatively low profile of Meniere's means that it can be hard to get the correct diagnosis and treatment. It has three stages: stage 1 is the lowest impact and stage 3 the worst. Some sufferers do not progress beyond stage 1, where the symptoms pass more quickly and where people can stay in remission for months and sometimes even years. They are the lucky ones. For people in stage 1, managing the triggers for Meniere's is all important. Dietary changes can lessen the long-term effects of Meniere's disease. For example, because Meniere's is caused by an excess of fluid in the inner ear, for many reducing salt intake can lessen the symptoms of the disease. That is hard, because salt is prevalent in just about everything we eat.</para>
<para>For those in stage 3, Meniere's is almost completely debilitating. In stage 3, Meniere's will force drastic changes to how life is lived every day. Some people are no longer able to go out of the home unaccompanied. They may have to give up driving and their independence. For some people whose Meniere's is triggered by bright lights, they cannot enter a shopping centre or supermarket. I have a constituent in my electorate who has stage 3 Meniere's and managing the disease completely dominates her life. Her frequent incapacity affects relationships with family and friends and caused her to abandon her employment. She has been jeered at as she staggered along the road, trying to get to a safe resting place, by passers-by who mistakenly thought that she was drunk. It is an unfortunate consequence of the public awareness of this health issue being very low. Meniere's is a difficult and challenging syndrome, and once again I thank the member for Dunkley for raising the matter in the House today. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>GRIEVANCE DEBATE</title>
        <page.no>10148</page.no>
        <type>GRIEVANCE DEBATE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>R U OK?Day</title>
          <page.no>10148</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TEHAN</name>
    <name.id>210911</name.id>
    <electorate>Wannon</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I also praise the member for Dunkley for the excellent motion that he moved. The member for Dunkley is a very good man—and a Richmond supporter, to boot. It was a very, very good motion and I commend all members on the way they spoke to it. They did so extremely well.</para>
<para>I rise tonight to talk about an event which is going to occur on Thursday, R U OK?Day. It is a significant day that is growing in importance year in, year out. R U OK?Day was started by Gavin Larkin in 2009. He started it because in 1995 his father, Barry, took his own life. I commend Gavin on having the courage to start R U OK?Day in 2009. I call on all members to get behind this day because it addresses an issue that is a scourge upon this nation and one that, sadly, seems to be growing rather than diminishing. I hope that as part of R U OK?Day we can again start the debate around the issue of whether we should take a different approach to how, as a community, we discuss suicide.</para>
<para>I commend to the House an article on this matter, 'A deadly silence that has to end', by Patrick McGorry, which appeared in today's <inline font-style="italic">Age</inline>. Patrick McGorry is probably the pre-eminent Australian expert on the issue of youth mental health and youth suicide. He is calling for us as a community to reconsider the way we discuss these issues. I think it is of vital importance that we do that. At the moment the issue seems to be getting worse in the Australian community, not better. We need to start asking ourselves: what is the conversation we as a community should be having about suicide?</para>
<para>As I grew up, the idea that seemed to override whether we should discuss suicide or not was that one suicide can potentially lead to two and possibly a third. In the country town where I grew up, there seemed to be the urban myth that it is better that it not be discussed. Maybe the facts do reinforce that we have to be very careful about how we discuss this issue as a community, but surely we need to have the discussion. We need to see whether there is a way we as a community can raise this issue and deal with it in a much more transparent way. R U OK?Day in a way is starting that process. On this coming Thursday, 13 September, it asks all of us to stop and ask people close to us, 'Are you okay?' They might be family members, relatives, work colleagues or someone we might not know as well. Asking that question might just lead to them saying, 'No, I'm not. I've been feeling a bit down lately. I'd love to go and talk to someone about how I'm feeling.' It might just be the trigger which causes someone to get help when it comes to this very sensitive and difficult issue.</para>
<para>What we have to remember behind all this is that suicide is a major health concern for Australia. It ranks 15th at the moment in overall causes of death in Australia. For young people it is now the No. 1 cause of death. This is a staggering statistic. On average, six people take their lives every day in Australia. That is far too high. So what we need to do is start raising awareness and start looking at the best ways to address it. Obviously, tackling mental health issues in the youth area is vital, and this is why the progress we have made on both sides of the House in addressing mental health has been significant—but we must continue. It is why, especially when it comes to young Australians, we must continue to support headspace. I have a headspace in my electorate in Warrnambool, and I encourage all those involved with headspace in Warrnambool that they continue to make sure that it develops. I also hope that we can develop some sort of hub-and-spoke model, where it is not only Warrnambool but also the south-west region—Camperdown, Hamilton and Portland—which can benefit from that headspace.</para>
<para>We need to address the issue with young people, but we also have to make sure that older members of our community know that there is someone to turn to if they are feeling down or feeling depressed. That is why, on Thursday, we can play a small part in helping that by stopping and saying to people, 'Are you okay?' If we do that we will be, as members of this place, starting to inform the national debate that we need to have. I refer to Patrick McGorry's article. In that he states that there is a way we can have the conversation without potentially triggering those mirror events which we have seen in communities where there has been one suicide which has potentially led to others taking their lives as well. This is a way we can start doing that which, hopefully, will not lead to those types of copycat events.</para>
<para>In conclusion, I encourage everyone to get behind R U OK? Day. I encourage everyone to take on board the idea that Gavin Larkin had in starting R U OK? Day in 2009. Pause, and stop to reflect on why he did that: it was because of the unfortunate passing of his father. We should also realise that this is a way we can start to have the conversation we need on this issue. I have put out a press release today asking everyone in my electorate of Wannon to sit down with someone, have a coffee and ask, 'Are you okay?' on Thursday. I would hope that as many people in this place could do the same. This is an issue that we have to get on top of as a community. It is an issue towards which we need to put as many resources as we can. These are not necessarily financial resources—we obviously need those in place—but if we utilise, in this instance, our human resources there is not the significant cost. This means stopping, pausing and saying to someone: 'Are you all right? Are you okay? Do you need to talk to someone about something? That can be equally as important when it comes to this area as addressing through financial means the other causes and consequences.</para>
<para>I appreciate having the time tonight to talk on this issue.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Regional Express: 10th Anniversary</title>
          <page.no>10150</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr McCORMACK</name>
    <name.id>219646</name.id>
    <electorate>Riverina</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I would like to commend the member for Wannon for bringing that to the attention of the House. The R U OK? Day is a wonderful initiative. I am pleased to see that he is going to take a forward role in advising the constituents in his electorate in Victoria of the value of and the need for R U OK? It is a wonderful initiative and I will try to remember to ask people in this House too on Thursday, because this House can be quite an adversarial house. It is important we all remember that we are humans and that we all have feelings and it is important to ask even members on the opposite side, 'Are you okay?'</para>
<para>I rise tonight to talk about Regional Express and the wonderful 10-year anniversary that that organisation celebrated on the weekend in my home town of Wagga Wagga, which is Rex's home town as well. Rex's motto is 'Our heart is in the country', and it certainly proved that on Saturday by holding its 10-year birthday in my electorate at the Australian Airline Pilot Academy, where the latest cohort of would-be pilots are busily learning the trade of flying aeroplanes.</para>
<para>Rex airlines really celebrated in style. They had an open day, which hundreds and hundreds of Riverina residents attended at the Australian Airline Pilot Academy. They had a jumping castle and all sorts of fun and games for the kids. They also had a luncheon at which Warren Truss gave quite an illuminating address. He spoke of the wonderful dedication and service that Rex airlines has brought to regional areas and talked about the difficult times that led up to Regional Express taking wings, so to speak, in 2002. It was on 14 September 2001, just three days after the horrific events of 9/11, that Ansett collapsed and, with it, took Kendell Airlines and Hazelton Airlines—two wonderful regional companies. From those troubled times, Regional Express started and now it provides a wonderful service for the people of the Riverina and, indeed, regional people throughout Australia. I commend Rex on its first 10 years. Hopefully there will be clear skies and many more years of aviation by that wonderful company to follow.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Environment</title>
          <page.no>10151</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms LIVERMORE</name>
    <name.id>83A</name.id>
    <electorate>Capricornia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The House has just debated a motion recognising National Landcare Week. One of the features of Landcare projects in my electorate in the time that I have been an MP has been the increasing awareness of the impact of land based activities on the health of the Great Barrier Reef and the uptake of farming and land management practices to reduce nutrient and soil runoff into the waters off our coast. Like so many others, Landcare volunteers want to play a part in protecting this special part of Queensland. I want to use tonight's grievance debate to do my bit to protect the Great Barrier Reef—its beauty, its ecology, its significance as a tourism destination and its stature as one of the natural wonders of the world.</para>
<para>I am afraid—and I know there are many people in my electorate who are afraid—that these things are at risk due to the scale of development bring proposed up and down the Queensland coast. Of particular concern to people in my electorate is the proposal by Xstrata to develop a port facility for loading coal at Balaclava Island, south of Keppel Bay at the mouth of the Fitzroy River.</para>
<para>In light of the recent monitoring mission and resulting report to UNESCO by the World Heritage Centre and the International Union for the Conservation of Nature, I do not see how the Xstrata proposal can possibly proceed. But I can assure the House that I will be working with all those concerned residents of the Capricorn Coast, the tourism operators and others who care about our local environment to oppose this project.</para>
<para>The reason is very simple: we are talking about the Great Barrier Reef here, and you do not mess with the Great Barrier Reef. You do not take any chances with the Great Barrier Reef. You do not say, 'Well, the coal industry takes precedence, and we'll get all we can out of it while the going is good; and when the boom is over, then we can take a more measured approach and start taking better care of the reef.' There is only one Great Barrier Reef, and if we destroy all that makes it special and unique, there will not be a second chance. It does not matter how much money we make out of our mining exports; we will not be able to buy a new one.</para>
<para>All Australians have a right to feel proud of the incredible natural asset that is the Great Barrier Reef—and I know that, for us Queenslanders, it inspires an even greater sense of awe and gratitude to have this remarkable treasure on our doorstep. But with that pride and sense of ownership comes a responsibility on us as a nation to understand the reef, to monitor its health and to avoid any complacency about the risks it faces—and, most importantly, to protect it from harm.</para>
<para>One of the ways that the Australian government chose to protect the reef was to nominate it for inclusion on the World Heritage List. The Great Barrier Reef was inscribed in 1981, in recognition of the reef's outstanding universal values. The reef's World Heritage List status is another source of pride for Australians, but we need to understand what that status means. Being on the list means that the reef belongs to the whole world and that the Australian government, on behalf of all Australians, has accepted certain obligations to protect those outstanding universal values which justified its inclusion on the World Heritage List—and that means all of the reef's outstanding universal values, not just the ones that do not get in the way of mining development. Since 1981 there have been many measures introduced at the national and state level to manage the reef in a way that is consistent with those World Heritage List obligations. It is widely acknowledged that Australia has set the standard in many respects when it comes to the protection of an asset like the Great Barrier Reef. But we cannot afford to be complacent, and we cannot grab the benefits that come from the current boom in development and growth along the Queensland coast without facing up to the price being paid by our environment, the most obvious of which is the Great Barrier Reef.</para>
<para>I described the Xstrata project that is the subject of my speech tonight as being south of Keppel Bay. But it is probably more instructive to describe it as being slightly to the north of Gladstone Harbour, because its relationship to Gladstone Harbour takes us to the heart of the matter. According to the UNESCO report from June this year it was the approval of projects in 2009 in Gladstone Harbour, and on Curtis Island, that caught the attention of UNESCO and led to the decision to send a reactive monitoring mission to Australia to assess the state of the conservation of the Great Barrier Reef. Let me assure the House that this mission was no sightseeing cruise. It was and remains crucially important to the continued status of the Great Barrier Reef on the World Heritage List, a matter of very great importance to each and every Australian, I am sure. The international community, as represented through UNESCO, are asking us whether we can be relied upon to safeguard this international treasure. And I am afraid to say that the answer in the report is a clear warning to us. The report concludes that the 'reef does not currently meet the requirements for inscription on the list of World Heritage in Danger but risks meeting those requirements if remedial measures are not undertaken'. In other words, we are on notice. The world is watching how we manage the Great Barrier Reef and all the risks to its future health.</para>
<para>Those risks are spelt out in the UNESCO report, but it is not like they are new to us nor particularly surprising. Did we really think that we could keep up the pace and scale of development on the Queensland coast and no-one would notice that it was happening right next to the Great Barrier Reef? Did we think no-one else would make the connection between what happens on our coastal land and in our estuaries and in our bays, and how that affects the Great Barrier Reef? It is not like these are small projects—as I am sure you would appreciate, Madam Deputy Speaker, coming from Newcastle—and it is not like they are few and far between. In fact, the UNESCO report refers time and time again to the dozens of projects that are lined up all along the coast and that will be seeking government approval in the coming years, and it talks about a death by a thousand cuts—the idea of whether we are properly measuring and assessing the cumulative effect of all of these projects.</para>
<para>Of all the proposals mentioned in the report the one that came up for special mention is the one that has the people in my electorate so worried, Xstrata's Balaclava Island facility. Here is how the project is described in Xstrata's initial advice statement:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The project will be designed to export up to 35 million tonnes of coal per annum by the use of vessels of up to 110,000 tonnes capacity. The main components of the project comprise the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">A 13.5 kilometre long rail spur off the Queensland rail network;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Rail receival infrastructure;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Coal in-loading feeders and conveyers;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Coal stockpiles;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Out-loading conveyers;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Ship loaders and export berths;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Environmental management measures, including sediment traps;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Capital and maintenance dredging;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">An access road—</para></quote>
<para>Let me assure you the list goes on and on. It goes without saying that this is a massive project. If approved it will have the effect of expanding the footprint of Gladstone Harbour into the Fitzroy delta. This is the same Gladstone Harbour that is described on page 21 of the UNESCO report as being 'far from optimal', and on page five as 'impacting on the outstanding universal properties of the reef'.</para>
<para>People in my electorate would use much stronger language to describe the state of Gladstone Harbour. But it all means the same thing. Keep the development within the existing harbour and do not let Gladstone Harbour creep, by virtue of this Balaclava Island project, up into the Fitzroy delta and to the entrance of Keppel Bay.</para>
<para>No doubt Xstrata will argue that the project will be adjacent to the existing Port Alma facility, which implies, to those who do not know any better, that the coal-loading facility proposed will be just one more industrial activity taking place in this area. I can assure Xstrata that I do know better, and a whole lot of boaties, fishermen and crabbers around our region know better. There is no comparison between what happens at Port Alma now and what is being proposed for Balaclava Island. Port Alma is a tiny facility surrounded by mangroves and wetlands that takes fewer than 100 ships a year. At a capacity of 35,000 tonnes, these ships are one-third the size of the 110,000 tonne vessels that will be coming in to Balaclava Island. For Port Alma to function only minor dredging is required once every five to eight years. The amount of dredging that will be needed to accommodate Xstrata's Panamax vessels is mind-blowing when you look at the natural dimensions of the shipping channel currently in use.</para>
<para>I said at the start that I would be arguing strongly against this project, and the arguments are all there in the UNESCO report. It calls on the government to undertake a strategic assessment of the reef using powers under the EPBC act. I note that the government is at work on that right now. The report goes further to recommend, in recommendation 2, that the government should:</para>
<quote><para class="block">not permit any new port development … outside of the existing and long-established major port areas …</para></quote>
<para>Recommendation 8 requires the government to adopt:</para>
<quote><para class="block">the highest level of precaution in decision-making regarding development proposals with potential to impact—</para></quote>
<para>the reef—</para>
<quote><para class="block">and to prevent any approval of major projects that may compromise the outcomes of the Strategic Assessment …</para></quote>
<para>It is all there in the report, but you would find the same common-sense advice in any pub, shop or boat ramp on the Capricorn Coast. Keep the industry in Gladstone Harbour where it belongs. Keppel Bay should be preserved as our reminder that there are some things that cannot be valued in dollars per ton. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Vocational Education and Training</title>
          <page.no>10154</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr WYATT</name>
    <name.id>M3A</name.id>
    <electorate>Hasluck</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today to talk about my efforts to improve training of young people in the electorate of Hasluck and the concept more broadly. When I was elected I met with education providers to talk about those young people at risk of dropping out of the education pathways. In that discussion we talked about some of the potential opportunities. I quote from the report by the OECD:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Australia is facing a stark reality. Our long-term economic and social prosperity depends on the depth of skills in the population, and the better use of those skills, to overcome the risks of a fiscally unsustainable ageing population. Rapid changes in the global economy mean accelerating competition, especially from low-wage economies. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development stresses that member countries will need to compete from a base of high-quality, innovative goods and services.</para></quote>
<para>The other challenge that we face, and the reality for Australian society, is that access to a sustainable domestic workforce against the impacting factors of an ageing workforce, inflexible work arrangements, young Australians wanting quality of life and not just the current practice of 'one job for life', and the urban influence and not the rural consideration.</para>
<para>One of the challenges I discussed with the group was: can the emergent problem of developing a future workforce be fixed through rethinking the current curriculum or is it about planning for a new and different workforce that is shaped on models of service division by geographic and economic definitional constraints? Can innovation and being creative around developing a new workforce take account of traditional training whilst exploring opportunities to provide a new style of worker who is multiskilled and who will be part of a new hybrid workforce working in flexible, multidisciplinary teams of service provision?</para>
<quote><para class="block">The world has changed in every way. It continues to change at a more rapid pace in all aspects of our culture.</para></quote>
<para>That quote comes from James Canton PhD, CEO and chairman of the Institute for Global Futures.</para>
<para>Patrick Dixon, in <inline font-style="italic">Futurewise: The six faces of global change</inline>, says that we need to be 'futurewise', planning to change future thinking at every level to adapt to the global change which is fast, urban, tribal, universal, radical and ethical. The workforce trends that are emerging have provoked much debate. There is global war for talent as talent grows scarce and our population ages in the world. Finding high tech, skilled employees will be problematic.</para>
<para>Against that background, I met with providers and talked about the capacity for them to think about the pathways for young people within the electorate that would give us a different take and a different focus. One of the other things that will be an emerging trend will be that women will comprise a higher percentage of new workers and leaders, forever changing the politics of boardrooms and markets. Our domestic workforce will grow more slowly, and if we think that we can rely on overseas countries to provide that workforce then we have to consider that they are also going below the population replacement lines. China faces that prospect by 2018.</para>
<para>Innovation will be a key driver, and the education systems will need to be overhauled and relisted to meet needs. Nations, organisations and the centres of learning have been asleep and are becoming aware of the shortages of talent to provide our nation's workforce needs. The challenge is in choosing the reality and, as leaders, forecasting industry needs, shaping change and providing a new, highly skilled workforce. Some leaders will retain the status quo and hope the future remains static. Governments need to be leaders or they will become manifestations of troglodytic and Luddite thinking.</para>
<para>One of the first activities I launched on taking office was to have this discussion with the advisory group that I established in education and training. One individual in particular, Ms Everal Miocevich, Principal of Southern River College, was a key person in the group. Southern River College is now, through her vision, challenging the status quo. She has established the Minerals and Energy Academy. This was off the back of the advisory group meetings in 2011.</para>
<para>The academy was launched by the state member for Southern River, Peter Abetz MLA, just recently, and it is premised around a model that Queensland has, because WA, with its mining development, requires skilled workers in a number of areas. The focus now will see these young people engage. Since Ms Miocevich announced this and has been working quietly within her community the school has had an increase in the number of students expressing a wish to attend her college.</para>
<para>Director, Ms Nicole Roocke, from the Chamber of Minerals and Energy, provided an overview from industry, and a representative from Curtin University School of Mines discussed the Mining Game and links with Southern River College as an outcome of this work. This was followed by the commencement of the Mining Game program—a partnership project with Curtin University, Southern River College and partner primary schools: Gosnells, Wirrabirra, Huntingdale, Ashburton, Seaforth and Piara Waters primary schools. The game will see some 186 students competing against each other. Team leadership will be undertaken by Southern River College students and Curtin University mentors.</para>
<para>In addition, the school has established the Gosnells Education, Training and Industry Links or GETIL. It represents a dynamic partnership program operating within the college and aims to build links between local industry, the college students and the broader community. This is achieved through activities that will increase knowledge and opportunities for career and further education and training for the young people of Gosnells and the Southern River regions.</para>
<para>The Skills Australia discussion paper on the future of the VET system, <inline font-style="italic">Creating a future direction for Australian </inline><inline font-style="italic">v</inline><inline font-style="italic">ocational and </inline><inline font-style="italic">t</inline><inline font-style="italic">raining </inline><inline font-style="italic">s</inline><inline font-style="italic">kills</inline>, released in October 2010, is a salient reminder of the value of work being undertaken by both the VET sector and registered training organisations.</para>
<para>I know the coalition is party to helping take education forward in this country, and I enjoy the strong working relationship I have with the shadow minister and will enjoy some of the discussions that will prevail as to the workforce that we need to skill for Australia to be positioned in a global economy and for us to create the talent that is required for companies that will transcend the borders of nations. Our process has to be about enabling the development of those skills by encouraging kids who have dropped out of the education system to consider coming back in and entering alternative models, such as the academy established at Southern River, that lead to employment within the resources sector. Hopefully, this will serve as a model, as will particularly the Queensland example of encouraging our education system to think differently about the way in which we deliver training and educational pathways. In the past we have been geared to skilling people to the TE—tertiary entrance—pathway into universities. There are many students who do not want that option, and this provides them with an alternative that mixes an academic strand with the practical realities of skills that will lead into the resource and mining sector.</para>
<para>I look forward to the day when this becomes commonplace around the country, and when we reconsider the way we deliver the paradigm of education and look at the opportunities that we create to generate the workforce for the future—and by that I mean the workforce that will serve Australia in 2030, 2040 and 2050—so that we start to think about the way in which we develop knowledge, the capacity for people to be innovative and to apply the solution processes to the workplace that enable both their company's and their own aspirations to be met within the context of economic development within this nation, but, more importantly, in the global society in which we all live. Many Australians, as we are all well aware, excel not only in our own nation but also in overseas companies and overseas postings. To that end I acknowledge Everal for what she has done at Southern River College, because her vision and passion and her commitment to her community, and the process of engaging parents and students in the process, has seen this incredible enrolment.</para>
<para>The other thing that I think we need to seriously consider is a speech delivered by Sir Hector Stewart on the defining decade, in which he puts forward the proposition that all industrialised, and even Third World, countries will have problems in terms of having the skilled workforces to provide the drive and the bases for their economies and for the manufacturing and development into the new era of the high-tech advances that will occur within our society.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Schools</title>
          <page.no>10156</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BANDT</name>
    <name.id>M3C</name.id>
    <electorate>Melbourne</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Nothing is more important for the future of our country than investment in our schools and the education of our children. Our schools are the bedrock of our society. Our schools are the bedrock of our culture. Our schools are the bedrock of our economy. They are the bedrock of our society and economy because schools, along with the family, are where future citizens are created and future workers are trained, and because schools are where the moral values and cultural outlook of our society are nurtured and created. So if our schools foster inequality, our society will become less equal. If our schools foster inequality, our economy will become even more unequal. Unfortunately, that is what our current school funding system does—it fosters inequality. It fosters inequality because schools do not have the same access to resources. It fosters inequality because school fees are a barrier to who can attend one school and not another. It fosters inequality because many who already have substantial resources are able to make a choice about which school their child attends.</para>
<para>This is the reality of our education system at the moment, and the primary driver of this inequality is the level and distribution of funding to schools and, in particular, the failure to give every child access to a high quality public education as a right. The budget constraints under which our government schools operate mean that primary schools have to make choices between employing additional staff to support students with learning difficulties or employing a specialist science or language teacher to give primary school students early expertise in these areas. Secondary schools have to choose between offering physics or providing extra computers or iPads for disadvantaged students. At a time when we face a collapse in science and maths participation at every level of education, we need to see more support for science and maths, not less. Schools should not be forced to make these sorts of choices. This flows on to the choices that parents make.</para>
<para>I know parents in my electorate, where we do not have a well-funded, wealthy private secondary school, are sending their students outside the electorate—sometimes paying significant private school fees. They tell me that they are doing it because they believe they have to make a forced choice and they do not believe, rightly or wrongly, that they can get access to the kind of secondary education that they want within the electorate. They tell me they would rather send their children to a well-funded public secondary school but, instead, they opt to go outside. It is these kinds of failures that the recommendations of the Gonski review, if properly implemented, will start to address. Gonski would mean that schools would be given a base level of funding per student that would be adequate to provide high quality education. Schools that have students with various forms of disadvantage would receive a loading on the funding per student to assist with addressing that disadvantage. These reforms, if implemented, would see a big boost to public education.</para>
<para>It would also see additional funding to many Catholic and other independent schools, such as the schools in my electorate that have large numbers of disadvantaged students. My electorate of Melbourne has 56 schools attended by 16,000 students. Two thirds of the students in Melbourne attend one of the 31 government schools in the electorate. Forty per cent—that is, 6,200—attend one of 24 government primary schools. Over half the government primary schools in my electorate of Melbourne are in suburbs with a SEIFA indicating disadvantage. At the same time the population of Melbourne is expanding and schools that were closed during the Kennett era are now sorely missed. So the Gonski reforms are crucial to my electorate and could start us on the path to a more equal education system and a more equal Australia.</para>
<para>The Greens welcome the government finally agreeing that Gonski should be implemented, but fine words about a crusade are not enough. Now we need to see the money put on the table. As the Australian Education Union said at the time of the recent announcement:</para>
<quote><para class="block">"Today’s announcement is an acknowledgement that the current funding arrangements are failing our children and must be scrapped …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"What is now required is for the Federal Government and state and territory leaders to demonstrate their commitment to our children and agree on the changes and additional investment required.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"There is no more fundamental responsibility that governments have than ensuring that every child receives a high quality education … “Our children should have first call on the budget—not be told there isn’t the money available to deliver every one of them a high-quality education.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">“The price of failing to act will be enormous and that price will be paid by children; it will be paid by communities and it will be paid by our country in reduced prosperity and reduced opportunities.</para></quote>
<para>They went on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">"International research shows the benefits of investing in equity in education significantly outweigh the costs.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"Any leader who does not sign on to school funding reform will be sending a clear message to parents about their unwillingness to act in the interests of children.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">… teachers and principals were disappointed in the six year transition to full funding under a new system.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">“The urgent need for additional resources was clearly established by the Gonski Review and all ways to speed up the transition should be considered …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">“The task of lifting our overall performance and closing achievement gaps is dependent on the resources being available for our schools.”</para></quote>
<para>That is what the Education Union said in response to the recent announcement. I agree with them: we now need to see the money. But, unfortunately, from the beginning of this process, the Prime Minister and the government have jeopardised these reforms by making promises to some of the country's richest schools. Firstly, the Prime Minister promised that no school would get less funding—a position clearly at odds with the Gonski review principles. Then, in the face of a fierce lobbying effort from the richest private schools, the Prime Minister promised every school would get an increase. We need to be clear what this means. It means less money for public schools. It also means less money for disadvantaged Catholic and other independent schools, such as many schools in my electorate, and it means more money for the richest schools in the country. Ultimately, that means more inequality in our schooling system and in our society, because every extra dollar that goes to Scotch College or Kings College is one less dollar for a disadvantaged student in a public school.</para>
<para>The Greens are ready and willing to work with the government to get the Gonski principles of consistency and fairness into legislation by the end of the year and we urge the states to put aside their differences and do the same. We need to get on with Gonski. With a fairer funding system in place for next year or the year after, 2014, we will all be winners—our kids, our teachers and our nation alike.</para>
<para>But the Greens want to make absolutely sure that the greatest beneficiaries of school funding reform are those schools that have been suffering from chronic underfunding for so many years. The details will be crucial, such as how much money will flow, when it will be allocated and who will get it first. A true commitment to needs based funding has to see public schools, and especially the most disadvantaged, get the money ahead of everyone else. This is vital if we want to start correcting years of inequity in our system and build a fairer, smarter country.</para>
<para>Let me put that another way. If the government says there is not enough money to fully fund the Gonski reforms, then we should at least start by funding those most disadvantaged public schools that need it first. If we say that they have to wait until there is also money available for the richer schools to get an increase, we are delaying the much-needed funding boost for the schools that look after the most disadvantaged students while we scrape around to find money to give to schools that are already well off and where they do not need additional funding increases.</para>
<para>The renowned British statistician Claus Moser famously said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Education costs money, but then so does ignorance.</para></quote>
<para>We will not overcome ignorance without investing money in our schools. We will become an even more unequal society if we do not invest first and foremost in our public schools.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Broadband Network</title>
          <page.no>10158</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr JOHN COBB</name>
    <name.id>00AN1</name.id>
    <electorate>Calare</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today to deliver a grievance speech on an issue that is clearly causing grievances in the electorate of Calare, and that is this Labor government's wasteful, farcical National Broadband Network. The coalition has always had its doubts about Labor's ability to deliver such an important piece of infrastructure. They just don't have it in them. Look at the BER or the pink batts disasters. But we were worried when it was a $5 billion scheme announced by the then Prime Minister five years ago. So you can imagine how we are feeling now the cost of the NBN scheme is pushing $45 billion—on a good day.</para>
<para>But it is not just we on the coalition benches that are concerned. A significant number of people in my electorate are also concerned. I recently sent out a survey to my entire electorate seeking their thoughts and opinions on a number of federal matters, one them being the National Broadband Network. I have received hundreds upon hundreds—in fact thousands—of responses, which I am still working my way through.</para>
<para>The results vary greatly on various issues, even on the carbon tax. Although the vast majority of respondents oppose the tax, you do get some who support it and some who are unsure. But I was absolutely amazed at the almost uniform response to questions about the federal government's NBN. Virtually every single response does not support Labor's national broadband plan. Surveys are still being returned and results are still being processed, but so far more than 96 per cent of respondents do not support the scheme, and almost every respondent thinks the huge amount of money should be spent elsewhere.</para>
<para>Let's keep in mind these are from residents in a regional area, which the member is obviously not concerned about. These are farmers in Parkes, families in Lithgow, businesses in Orange and Bathurst. They are all people living and working in regional areas where services are not as good as in the cities, and still they oppose Labor's National Broadband Network. This is not a tax. This is the delivery of infrastructure, but still they oppose it. Perhaps they suspect it will cost taxes to do it. That is not to say they do not want a national broadband network. They just do not support Labor's multibillion dollar scheme.</para>
<para>Mind you, when I sent out the survey the cost of the scheme was a mere $37 billion. Now it has skyrocketed to $44 billion, and I think that is on a good day. You can only imagine Calare residents' opposition to Labor's scheme now.</para>
<para>According to the NBN Co. website's rollout map, nowhere in my electorate currently has NBN services available. Only one housing estate in Bathurst has work commenced. According to the government's corporate plan, the majority of the Calare electorate is expected to have access to national broadband services after 2013. That is if it goes to plan. It was recently pointed out that Labor's NBN plan is falling well behind schedule. The NBN's fibre network is now forecast to reach only one in four of the households originally expected to be able to connect to it by mid-2013. For the NBN to get back on track, according to the revised corporate plan, more than 6,000 customers per working day must be switching to the NBN by 2015. Let us keep in mind that, since the first users switched to the fibre network just over two years ago, the NBN has connected new customers at a rate not of 6,000 per working day but of just six per working day. It is six point nought, not six nought nought nought. Already it seems the wheels have fallen off Labor's grand plan, as they so often do for those opposite. It seems my doubts, the doubts of my colleagues and certainly the doubts of my fellow residents in Calare are indeed very well founded. As I said before, it was always doubtful that Labor could deliver on an infrastructure project of this scale.</para>
<para>We in the coalition believe Labor's plan is flawed in its design. We do not believe that broadband infrastructure needs to go to every doorstep to deliver superfast broadband, as Labor believes. In fact, my colleague the shadow minister for communications recently gave a great analogy to explain the ridiculousness of Labor's plan, and it is one my electorate would certainly identify with. He said Labor's NBN plan is like a farmer who lives 50 kilometres out of town wanting his dirt road sealed, but the council instead building a four-lane highway to his farm. It is all very nice but, as the shadow minister said, it costs a fortune but does not get him into town any faster, and there are not too many people using the four-lane highway.</para>
<para>We do not oppose the delivery of fast broadband to Australia—in particular regional Australia, which needs the help of government to make it happen. In fact, we see it as a necessity, not a luxury, that all Australians need now; they do not need it in a decade. That is why the coalition has an alternative, fiscally responsible broadband policy that will deliver all Australians fast, affordable broadband as soon as possible. I think it would be as well for the parliament, particularly the government, to remember that, if they had not cancelled a contract that the former government made with Optus and Elders, regional Australia would have had much faster affordable broadband not in 2013 and not even in 2015 but three years ago in July 2009.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Education Funding</title>
          <page.no>10160</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms OWENS</name>
    <name.id>E09</name.id>
    <electorate>Parramatta</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I was shocked last week to hear that, in spite of the public debate on education moving down a path about growing schools and lifting the standard of every school, the O'Farrell state government was planning savage cuts to education—in fact, some $67 million from the Catholic and independent schools across the state. That is $24.5 million from Catholic schools and about $5.1 million from Catholic schools in Parramatta alone. Those cuts would be implemented from 1 January 2013, the beginning of the next school term.</para>
<para>I take this opportunity to urge the state government to rethink this. The Catholic and independent schools are very much part of our education system. In my electorate we have some fantastic public schools. Westmead Public is about as good as it gets and just across the road you have a delightful little school, Sacred Heart, a small school that serves a rather disadvantaged community. You have St Oliver's in Harris Park, perhaps one of the most ethnically diverse schools in the country. They are part of our community now and they are doing extraordinary work. The state government cuts have the potential to lead to increased school fees for parents, larger class sizes and the loss of teaching jobs. I am particularly worried about the impact on some of our smaller Catholic schools in the area. We are already hearing from parents who have been advised that the fees will rise next year by as much as $500.</para>
<para>These cuts are not just for the Catholic and independent sectors, although if you read the media recently you might think they were. The state education system is also up for cuts, but in the case of the state system the cuts are coming from the departmental staff whereas in the Catholic and independent school system they are coming from the frontline. The cuts that are coming are not the only ones we have seen from the state. A few months ago the O'Farrell government made some attacks on public schools when they raised the preschool fees from $5 per day at state schools to between $30 and $40 a day for some schools. That is from $5 to $40 for some schools, devastating to families, and it resulted in many families taking their children out of preschool. In New South Wales Barry O'Farrell has also cut 2,400 jobs from public schools and TAFE. He has cut funding from 272 special needs schools. He has axed a program to replace 5,000 demountable classrooms and promised 200 new literacy and numeracy teachers in schools by the end of this year but will only deliver 50.</para>
<para>Federally we have a Liberal coalition taking a slightly different tack and saying that it is the state schools that are overfunded and threatening the funding of our public education system. Back in 2010 they also announced that they would cut $1.1 billion from the trade training centres in schools; $642 million from Digital Education Revolution, which provides computers to schools; $425 million from the Smarter Schools Partnerships, which improve teacher quality; and $330 million from the Low Socioeconomic Status School Communities National Partnership, which provides funding for quite a few schools in my electorate both public and private which struggle with students from very disadvantaged backgrounds. Earlier this year they announced they would cut the $160 million reward for school improvement, the $50 million online diagnostic tools for parents and teachers, the $8 million program to help our kids understand finances and the last remaining $150 million from Building the Education Revolution. So education in this country is well and truly within the sights of the state Liberal government and the federal Liberal opposition.</para>
<para>When the federal Labor government undertook a review of schools funding under the guidance of Gonski, it was the first time in 40 years. We discovered the reasons why we really need to invest significantly more money in our schools, not less. We have slipped from equal second to seventh in reading. The average 15-year-old maths student in Australia is more than two years behind a 15-year-old in Shanghai—not two years behind a student in the United States, two years behind a student in Shanghai. If that does not make you think about how we need as a country to invest in our education to keep up with our near neighbours then nothing will. We have slipped from equal fifth to 13th in maths. This is not something we should accept and is something we should be working very hard to turn around. But even within our own community the gap in reading, maths, science and literacy between disadvantaged and advantaged students is equivalent to more than two years of schooling. So, between the most advantaged and the most disadvantaged students, there is two years difference in maths, science and literacy—again, something we should not accept in our own community.</para>
<para>We have embraced the Gonski reviews. We have committed to lifting the standard in every school and they are significant commitments. Our plan is to make sure that Australia is in the top five countries in the world in reading and writing and maths by 2025 so that we regain a little bit of the position we held 10 years ago. We want to make sure every Australian school has the money it needs to do a great job, and that requires a serious review of the funding system. We have announced that the funding system will be based on a per student basis. There will be a benchmark amount per student based on the costs of schools that are already achieving great results, but there will be extra money, called loadings, for schools and students who need it most. That includes students from lower income families, Indigenous students, students with disabilities, rural and remote students, students at small schools and students with limited English. Together, the benchmarks amount for every student and loadings are called the schooling resource standard. We have a considerable amount of work to do with the states to implement this policy, but the loadings will be fully publicly funded at all schools so that every student who needs more help will be able to get it.</para>
<para>When you look at the findings of the Gonski review in terms of the way our schools are performing, you see that under our current arrangements similar schools with similar needs end up with really quite different amounts of funding. It is clear that both state and federal governments have to get together and find answers to this. The funding system is split between the state and the federal. A highly cynical person—and I am trying to avoid extreme cynicism today, but it is difficult—might think that perhaps the state Liberal government is withdrawing its funding in the hope that, as the Gonski reviews move forward, the federal government might move in to fill the gap. We know that over 100 years of Australia's history it is quite a common story that, when one tier of government decides to raise its funding level, another one backs out. I certainly hope that that is not the case and I certainly hope that the New South Wales Liberal government will reconsider what it is doing at the moment and get on board in a genuine discussion about the needs of our schools.</para>
<para>This is where we all should be at the moment. It concerns me that we should be talking about building our future education system and putting aside all of the past fights about public and state and Catholic and who gets what and working together to make sure that all of our children get a good education. In my community, one-third of the parents of school children are concerned about their ability to keep their child in the same school that they are in now next term. Now, in September, they are seriously having to look at where they are going to send their children to school in February next year. It is not a good position for those parents to be in and, when it comes to our policy development, it is not a good position for our community to be in. This is a time for us to work together to make sure that we get this right. This is a time to look to the future and consider the needs of every child. I strongly urge my colleagues in the state parliament and the Premier of New South Wales to get on board and make sure that every school is able to be a better school and make sure that every Australian child gets the education they deserve.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>YT4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The time for the grievance debate has expired. The debate is interrupted in accordance with standing order 192(b). The debate is adjourned and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>ADJOURNMENT</title>
        <page.no>10162</page.no>
        <type>ADJOURNMENT</type>
      </debateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CHAMPION</name>
    <name.id>HW9</name.id>
    <electorate>Wakefield</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Federation Chamber do now adjourn.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Federation Chamber adjourned at 21:39</para>
<para> </para>
</speech>
</debate>
  </fedchamb.xscript>
  <answers.to.questions>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS IN WRITING</title>
        <page.no>10163</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS IN WRITING</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Treasury: Portfolio Entities (Question Nos 797 and 822)</title>
          <page.no>10163</page.no>
          <id.no>797 and 822</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Fletcher</name>
    <name.id>L6B</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Treasurer, in writing, on 7 February 2012:</para>
<quote><para class="block">How many departments, agencies, commissions, Government owned corporations or other such bodies have been created within the Minister’s portfolio since 24 November 2007 (excluding existing departments that have been re-named or merged into a larger entity), what is the name of each such entity, and how many fulltime equivalent employees did each such entity have at the end of 2011.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Swan</name>
    <name.id>2V5</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to the honourable member's question is as follows:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Treasury - Nil</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Productivity Commission – Nil</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australian Office of Financial Management – Nil</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">National Competition Council – Nil</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Inspector-General of Taxation – Nil</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australian Competition and Consumer Commission – Nil</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australian Bureau of Statistics – Nil</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Royal Australian Mint – Nil</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Corporations and Markets Advisory Committee – Nil</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australian Securities and Investment Commission - Nil</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australian Taxation Office –</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Tax Practitioners Board was established under the Tax Agent Services Act 2009. On 1 March 2010, this Board replaced six State Tax Agents’ Boards. The Tax Practitioners Board was launched by the Assistant Treasurer on 23 October 2009 and it came into operation on 1 March 2010. As at 31 December 2011, the Board had 127.36 fulltime equivalent employees. The Board's founding workforce has been based largely on the resources allocated by the ATO to the regulation of tax practitioners, particularly its support to the state Tax Agents' Boards.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Broadband Network (Question No. 832)</title>
          <page.no>10163</page.no>
          <id.no>832</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Fletcher</name>
    <name.id>L6B</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Minister representing the Minister for Broadband, Communications and the Digital Economy, in writing, on 9 February 2012:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Further to the answer to question in writing No. 510 (House Hansard, 7 February 2012, page 126), is it a fact that (a) neither the National Broadband Network (NBN) Implementation Study, the NBN Co. Limited Corporate Plan, nor the independent verification by financial advisory firm Greenhill Caliburn were prepared prior to the Government deciding to proceed with the investment in the NBN, and (b) the Government did not conduct a feasibility study prior to the Government deciding to proceed with the investment in the NBN; if so, why.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Albanese</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Minister for Broadband, Communications and the Digital Economy has provided the following answer to the honourable member's question:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(a) No. The National Broadband Network (NBN) Implementation Study, the NBN Co. Limited</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Corporate Plan, and the independent verification by financial advisory firm Greenhill Caliburn were</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">prepared prior to the funding decision in the 2011-12 Budget to proceed with the investment in the</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">NBN.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The government announced on 7 April 2009 that it would establish a new company to design, build and operate a new enhanced high-speed National Broadband Network (NBN) connecting 90 per cent of all Australian premises with fibre to the premise technology (FTTP) and all other premises with next generation wireless and satellite technology. The decision to adopt FTTP technology was informed by advice from a range of stakeholders including the independent Panel of Experts who advised on the original fibre to the node (FTTN) Request for Proposal (RFP) process. The Australian Competition and Consumer Commission also endorsed the use of FTTP as a superior technology to FTTN.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">At the time of the NBN announcement the government commissioned a detailed National</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Broadband Network Implementation Study which was undertaken by McKinsey &</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Company/KPMG and completed in March 2010. The study, informed by detailed stakeholder consultations, found that FTTP is widely accepted as the optimal future proof technology and can be built on a commercially viable basis with affordable prices for consumers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Following initial equity investments from June 2009 to establish the Company and initiate detailed</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">planning, the 2011-12 Budget reflected the Government commitment to proceed with the detailed</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">NBN Co Plan, and providing $18.2 billion in equity funding to the NBN Co.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The funding decision was informed by the NBN Co Corporate Plan 2011-2013. This confirmed that the NBN will provide all Australians with world class broadband on a financially viable basis with affordable prices for consumers. The Greenhill Caliburn Pty Ltd assessment of NBN Co's Corporate Plan 2011-13 concluded that it provides the level of detail and analytical framework that would be expected from a large listed public entity, and taken as a whole is reasonable for the development of the NBN.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) The NBN Co is an investment that is assessed to generate a financial return.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The National Broadband Network (NBN) Implementation Study, the NBN Co. Limited Corporate</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Plan, and the independent verification by financial advisory firm Greenhill Calibum collectively</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">demonstrated the financial viability of the NBN and that the project is feasible.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government has not commissioned any reports to evaluate the Government's policy objectives</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">or to evaluate the full social benefits that will result from the implementation of a high speed</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">broadband network. The broader economic benefits have, however, been well understood and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">accepted for some time. Such benefits have been documented and endorsed by the Organisation of</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Economic Cooperation and Development, Access Economics and a range of other studies conducted here and overseas prior to the NBN announcement.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The three studies cited were all concluded prior to the decision to proceed with the investment in the NBN as reflected in the 2011-12 Budget.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Finance and Deregulation: Vehicle Leasing (Question No. 855)</title>
          <page.no>10164</page.no>
          <id.no>855</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Briggs</name>
    <name.id>IYU</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Minister Finance and Deregulation, in writing, on 16 February 2012:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) How many motor vehicles does the Minister's department currently (a) own, and (b) lease.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) What is the breakdown of these vehicles by manufacturer and model.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) For (a) 2008-09, (b) 2009-10, and (c) 2010-11, what was the total cost to the Minister's department of all cars (i) owned, and (ii) leased, and what sum was spent on (iii) fuel, and (iv) maintenance.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Swan</name>
    <name.id>2V5</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Minister for Finance and Deregulation has supplied the following answer to the honourable member's questions:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Department of Finance and Deregulation (Finance) manages the whole-of-government fleet and vehicle leasing arrangements with LeasePlan Australia Ltd (LeasePlan).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) As at 30 June 2012, the fleet for the Ministerial responsibilities covered by the questions consisted of 8,348 vehicles of which:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) 2,033 were leased; and (b) 6,315 were owned.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">A summary of the leased and owned vehicles operated by each department named in the Honourable Member's questions is provided at Attachment A.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A breakdown by make and model of the leased and owned vehicles operated by each department named in the Honourable Member's questions is provided at Attachment B.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Departments take into account the Australian Government Fleet Vehicle Selection Policy which requires that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">When selecting passenger vehicles within the Australian Government Fleet they must:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">be made in Australia; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">have a five star ANCAP safety rating.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Where no operationally suitable Australian-made passenger vehicle exists, agencies must provide a business case for the Chief Executive or their delegate's approval detailing the operational requirements that precludes the selection of an Australian-made passenger vehicle.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">When considering an imported passenger vehicle some factors that may not be considered operational requirements include:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">vehicles with similar size, load capacity and ground clearance to an Australian-made passenger vehicle;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">environmental considerations, such as fuel efficiency; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">cost of the vehicle.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As at 30 June 2012 Australian-made vehicles compromised 62.00% of the Commonwealth passenger fleet.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">When selecting passenger vehicles, agencies should have close regard to the Government's <inline font-style="italic">Green Car Challenge</inline> which states that by 2020, 50 percent of the Government fleet's passenger vehicles will be Australian-made, value for money, environmentally friendly cars.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Light Commercial Vehicles (i.e. commercial vehicles with a Gross Vehicle Mass (GVM) of less than 3.5 tonnes) should be Australian-made or sourced from an Australian manufacturer unless no operationally suitable alternative exists.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">From 1 July 2012, light commercial vehicles are required to have a minimum four star ANCAP safety rating [subject to fit for purpose and/or operational requirements]. During vehicle selection, agencies should have regard to a vehicle's environmental performance as a means of distinguishing between functionally similar vehicles.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) The Department of Defence advised that the costs (GST exclusive) of its owned commercial vehicle fleet for the financial years 2008-09, 2009-10, 2010-11 and 2011-12 were:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) (a) (ii), (3) (b) (ii) and (3) (c) (ii) In relation to the leased and owned fleet (excluding the Defence-owned commercial vehicle fleet) annual lease costs (GST exclusive) for the financial years 2008-09, 2009-10, 2010-11 and 2011-12 are provided in the table below.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The costs for scheduled vehicle maintenance are generally included as a component of the total monthly lease charge. The maintenance-inclusive lease charge has been reported under "Total Lease Costs".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Department of Regional Australia, Regional Development and Local Government was established following the 2010 federal election. As a consequence, no costs are reported for the 2008-09 and 2009-10 financial years.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Following a departmental restructure, reporting for the Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry for the 2011-12 financial year has been altered to include vehicles operated by the Australian Quarantine and Inspection Service.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) (a) (iii), (3) (b) (iii) and (3) (c) (iii) The Australian Government makes, on average, 300,000 fuel purchases each financial year. The Australian Government's fleet manager, LeasePlan, has advised extrapolating the fuel purchase data against each Ministerial responsibility would be a large and unreasonable volume of information to collate.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In relation to the leased and owned fleet (excluding the Defence-owned commercial vehicle fleet), a summary of annual fuel costs (GST exclusive) for the Ministerial responsibilities named in the question for the financial years 2008-09, 2009-10, 2010-11 and 2011-12 are provided in the table below.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Home Insulation Program (Question No. 1013)</title>
          <page.no>10167</page.no>
          <id.no>1013</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Fletcher</name>
    <name.id>L6B</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Minister for Climate Change and Energy Efficiency, in writing, 21 May 2012:</para>
<quote><para class="block">In respect of the claim submitted by the Demand Group under the Scheme for Compensation for Detriment caused by Defective Administration arising out of the Home Insulation Program, can he indicate by full position title, which Deputy Secretary of his Department will be the 'decision maker'.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Combet</name>
    <name.id>YW6</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to the honourable member's question is as follows:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I have authorised anyone occupying the position of Deputy Secretary of the Department of Climate Change and Energy Efficiency to make CDDA decisions on my behalf. It is not possible to identify who will be the decision-maker for a particular matter until the matter is ready for decision. A decision-maker for the Demand Group's matter will be identified when it is ready for final decision, having regard to the availability of officers.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Pan Pharmaceuticals (Question No. 1056)</title>
          <page.no>10168</page.no>
          <id.no>1056</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Ruddock</name>
    <name.id>0J4</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Minister for Health, in writing, on 18 June 2012:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) In respect of the meetings for the Expert Advisory Group (EAG) tasked by the Therapeutic Goods Administration (TGA) in April 2003 to review the results of the investigation into products produced by Pan Pharmaceuticals, (a) are the minutes of the meetings publicly available; if so, where, (b) do the minutes of the meetings indicate that the EAG did not initially find any reason to recall Pan Pharmaceuticals products, (c) what role did the TGA representatives play in the EAG meeting, and (d) do the minutes record any evidence of: (i) BSE (Bovine Spongiform Encephalopathy) contamination, (ii) penicillin contamination, and (iii) aspirin contamination.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Did the EAG tasked by the TGA in April 2003 to review the results of the investigation into products produced by Pan Pharmaceuticals have technical knowledge based on experience in the Australian Code of Good Manufacturing Process; if so, what technical knowledge.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) In respect of a TGA produced audit report into Pan Pharmaceuticals in 2003, (a) is it publicly available; if so, from where, and (b) does it record any evidence of, (i) BSE contamination, (ii) penicillin contamination, and (iii) aspirin contamination.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) In respect of the TGA directed recall of Pan Pharmaceuticals products in April 2003, did the recall extend to exported products; if not, why not.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) In respect of a number of illnesses and adverse reactions recorded as a result of Pan Pharmaceuticals' products in April 2003, (a) how many reactions allegedly occurred, (b) which products allegedly caused these reactions, and (c) did any export products cause reactions; if so, which export products.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) During the period January 2000 to April 2003, which companies had been inspected by the TGA, and what were the results of these inspections.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) In respect of the TGA directed recall of a number of Pan Pharmaceuticals products in April 2003, were any of the recalled products tested by TGA; if so, what were the results of the tests.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(8) In respect of the TGA inspections of Pan Pharmaceuticals in February 2002 and April 2003, (a) was the February 2002 inspection report available to the TGA staff who conducted the April 2003 inspection, (b) were the same standards used to assess the facility in 2002 and 2003; if not, why not, and how were they different, and (c) were the inspection results of April 2003 different to those of February 2002; if so, how.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(9) In respect of the Code of Good Manufacturing Practice which directed the standards required for the Pan Pharmaceuticals' facility and procedures, (a) in 2003, was there more than one version, (b) which version was used in the April 2003 inspection and why, and (c) when was the 2002 international version made active and mandatory in Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(10) In respect of advice received from other companies or individuals on Pan Pharmaceuticals' products during the TGA inspection and report writing process, (a) what advice did TGA receive, and from whom, and (b) was the advice taken into account by TGA; if so, how.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(11) In respect of settlements between the Government and individuals or companies linked to Pan Pharmaceuticals, what were the conditions of settlement and sum of money of any settlement reached in the following cases: (a) Jim Selim, former Managing Director and CEO, Federal Court number 489 of 2004, (b) Pharm-A-Care class action, Federal Court number 1991 of 2008, (c) Markethaven class action of 2010, and (d) Vita Health class action of 2010.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms Plibersek</name>
    <name.id>83M</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to the honourable member's question is as follows:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) (a) Contemporaneous records of the EAG meeting have not been made publicly available by the TGA.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) The EAG was not asked to consider this question.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) There were a number of TGA officers present at the EAG meeting. The TGA officers provided information to members of the EAG and undertook secretariat services for the EAG.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) The contemporaneous records do not record evidence of BSE, penicillin or aspirin contamination.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The members of the EAG were drawn from the TGA's expert statutory committees and had expertise in clinical pharmacology, naturopathy medicine and pharmacology, toxicology, paediatrics, geriatric medicine and nutrition. They were chosen for their expertise in relation to the EAG's Terms of Reference.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) (a) The TGA produced a number of audit reports into Pan Pharmaceuticals in 2003. The TGA has not made these reports publicly available.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) The audit report dated 27 April 2003 noted that certain batches of finished product used chondroitin sulphate from bovine cartilage, rather than from shark cartilage as specified in the master formula and on the finished product label. Evidence of BSE contamination is not recorded.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The audit report further noted concerns about cleaning validation and the fact that non-dedicated filter socks were shared with the antibiotic Doxycycline. Evidence of penicillin or aspirin contamination is not recorded.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) The TGA decision in April 2003 to require a mandatory consumer level recall of Pan Pharmaceutical's sponsored products did not extend to its exported products. However, the TGA:</para></quote>
<list>directed Pan Pharmaceuticals to advise all distributors/suppliers/customs clearing and forwarding agents etc in the overseas countries to which Pan Pharmaceuticals had exported its "export only" medicines which were cancelled from the Australian Register of Therapeutic Goods (ARTG) in April 2003;</list>
<list>directed Pan Pharmaceuticals to provide to the TGA the complete list of all persons notified as per point 1 above; and</list>
<list>notified all overseas health authorities whose countries were likely to have received Pan Pharmaceuticals "export-only" products manufactured since 1 May 2002. The TGA provided lists to these countries containing the names of products that the TGA had approved for export-only or for which it had issued Certificates of Pharmaceutical Product. The letters sent to these countries by the TGA advised of the situation in Australia and the regulatory action the TGA was taking.</list>
<quote><para class="block">(5) (a) Medicines are entered on the ARTG by sponsor name not by manufacturer. Frequently, sponsors will list a number of companies as possible manufacturers of their listed or registered medicine. The sponsor is not required as a matter of course to inform the TGA about which of those companies is responsible for the manufacture of any particular batch of the registered or listed medicine.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In the month of April 2003 there were a total of 870 adverse drug reaction reports lodged with the TGA, relating to a number of different products. Apart from the travel sickness medicine Travacalm (which was known to have been manufactured by Pan Pharmaceuticals), for the reasons described above, it is not reasonably practicable from the information currently available to ascertain if any of these products were manufactured by Pan Pharmaceuticals or by other manufacturers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) In the month of April 2003 there were 12 adverse drug reaction reports lodged with the TGA concerning Travacalm.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) The TGA did not receive any advice that Pan Pharmaceuticals products exported to overseas countries in April 2003 were causing illness or adverse reactions at that time. Adverse reactions from products listed on the ARTG as "export only" are not generally reported to the TGA. Adverse events concerning products exported from Australia are generally reported to the health authority of the importing country.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) The data required to answer this question is not available without the expenditure of significant resources.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) The TGA did not test any products sponsored by Pan Pharmaceuticals that were cancelled from the ARTG in April 2003 and were the subject of a TGA decision to require the company to undertake a mandatory consumer level recall.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(8) (a) The TGA conducted an audit of Pan Pharmaceuticals on 30 April and 1 May 2002 ("the 2002 audit"). The report of this audit was on the relevant TGA file and was available to the TGA auditors who conducted the April 2003 inspection.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) The 2002 audit used the Australian Code of Good Manufacturing Practice for Therapeutic Goods – Medicinal Products (August 1990) (the 1990 Code). The April 2003 audit of Pan Pharmaceuticals used the 1990 Code and the Australian Code of Good Manufacturing Practice for Medicinal Products dated 16 August 2002 (the 2002 Code).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The audit report dated 27 April 2003 states:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"Each of the requirements of the Australian Code of Good Manufacturing Practice for Medicinal Products dated 16 August 2002:</para></quote>
<list>identified in this GMP Audit Report as having been breached by the company, and</list>
<list>identified as a deficiency;</list>
<quote><para class="block">can be correlated with corresponding requirements of the Australian Code of Good Manufacturing Practice for Therapeutic Goods – Medicinal Products (August 1990)."</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) The 2002 audit was a 2-day audit that found 10 "significant" (a term used at that time that encompassed the scope of what became "critical" and "major" under the 2002 Code) deficiencies. The April 2003 audit was significantly longer (8 days) and found 9 "critical" deficiencies, 32 "major deficiencies" and 1 "minor deficiency".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(9) (a) From 28 August 2002 to 28 August 2003 manufacturers could comply with either the 1990 Code or the 2002 Code.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) The April 2003 audit of Pan Pharmaceuticals used the 2002 Code, and as noted in the answer to Question 8 above was correlated with corresponding requirements of the 1990 Code.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) By instrument dated 20 August 2002, gazetted on 28 August 2002, the delegate of the Minister, acting under subsection 36(1) of the Therapeutic Goods Act 1989, determined that medicines must be manufactured in compliance with the 2002 Code. This determination provided for a 12 month transition period during which time manufacturers could comply with either the 1990 Code or the 2002 Code. On 28 August 2003 the 2002 Code became the sole mandatory standard.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(10) It would require a significant expenditure of resources to review the information and advice obtained and considered by the TGA (in the period during which the audit inspections were undertaken and reports written) to determine (a) whether it came from companies or individuals (other than employees and executives of Pan Pharmaceuticals) and (b) whether it was about Pan Pharmaceuticals' products.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(11) The manner and conditions of settlement varied as follows:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) No formal settlement agreement or deed was entered into and no admission of liability clause was agreed. The conditions of settlement were contained in Short Minutes of Order to which the Commonwealth consented. Refer to attachment A. The settlement figure was $55,000,000.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) The conditions of settlement were contained in Settlement and Release Deed between the Pharm-A-Care class action participants, the Commonwealth and 5 individuals, without admission of liability. A copy setting out the terms of the settlement is attached. Refer to attachment B. The settlement figure was $67,500,000.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) The conditions of settlement were contained in Settlement and Release Deed between Markethaven, the Commonwealth and 2 individuals, without admission of liability. A copy setting out the terms of the settlement is attached. Refer to attachment C. The settlement figure was $550,000. This was not a class action.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) The conditions of settlement were contained in Settlement and Release Deed between the various Vita Health companies, the Commonwealth and 5 individuals, without admission of liability. A copy setting out the terms of the settlement is attached. Refer to attachment D. The settlement figure was $5,000,000. This was not a class action.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Copies of Attachments A, B, C and D can be obtain from the House of Representatives Table Office.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Human Rights (Question No. 1072)</title>
          <page.no>10171</page.no>
          <id.no>1072</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Oakeshott</name>
    <name.id>IYS</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Attorney-General, in writing, on 19 June 2012:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Have the Stronger Futures in the Northern Territory Bill 2012 and the Stronger Futures in the Northern Territory (Consequential and Transitional Provisions) Bill 2011 been subject to scrutiny by the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms Roxon</name>
    <name.id>83K</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to the honourable member's question is as follows:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Prior to its passage through Parliament on 29 June 2012, the Stronger Futures legislation was the subject of extensive Parliamentary scrutiny. In late November 2011, the legislation was referred to the Senate Community Affairs Legislation Committee (the Senate Committee). The Senate Committee received more than 450 submissions and conducted hearings in Canberra and the Northern Territory, including in two remote communities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The National Congress of Australia's First Peoples appeared before the Senate Committee and made a submission. Many other human rights and public advocacy bodies, such as the Australian Human Rights Commission, also used the Senate Committee's processes to make submissions and advocate their views on the legislation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Since the Government released the Stronger Futures discussion paper in June 2011, the Government has been through a genuine process of consultation with Aboriginal people in the Northern Territory.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government has held whole-of-community meetings in approximately 100 communities and town camps, public meetings in major towns, as well as hundreds of less formal discussions in communities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">On 14 March 2012, the Senate Committee reported with a number of recommendations to amend the legislation, which the Government adopted and which resulted in amendments to the legislation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Senate Standing Committee for the Scrutiny of Bills also examined the Stronger Futures legislation and reported on 29 February 2012.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">On 28 May 2012, Senator Rachel Siewert wrote to me suggesting that I refer the Stronger Futures Bills to the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights under section 7(c) of the Human Rights (Parliamentary Scrutiny) Act 2011. On 28 June 2012, I responded to Senator Siewert's letter indicating that given the level of parliamentary scrutiny and debate that had already occurred in relation to the legislation, further scrutiny by the Parliamentary Joint Committee was not necessary.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I am aware that on 20 June 2012, the Chair of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights, Mr Harry Jenkins MP, wrote to the Minister for Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs, the Hon Jenny Macklin MP, inviting the Minister to provide the Committee with an assessment of the policy objectives of the Bills against human rights.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Minister responded on 28 June 2012 detailing information on how the Government had taken its human rights obligations into consideration in the development of the Stronger Futures policy. The Minister further detailed the significant level of parliamentary and public scrutiny that the Bills had already received, informing the Committee that the Bills provided for a number of public, independent reviews and reports on the measures from two years after the legislation commences and enclosing assessments of the policy objectives of the Bills with human rights. A copy of this response was published on the Committee's website.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Al Abassi, Mr Ali (Question No. 1076)</title>
          <page.no>10172</page.no>
          <id.no>1076</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Morrison</name>
    <name.id>E3L</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Minister for Home Affairs, in writing, on 19 June 2012:</para>
<quote><para class="block">In respect of the Australian Federal Police investigation regarding the alleged people smuggling activities of Ali Al Abassi also known as Captain Emad, (a) when were he, and the preceding Minister, first informed of the investigation, and (b) when did the he first discuss these matters with the Minister for Immigration and Citizenship.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Clare</name>
    <name.id>HWL</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to the honourable member ' s question is as follows:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Federal Police (AFP) did not brief me or other Ministers on the details of this investigation before the program went to air.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The AFP provides me with general briefings on operations but does not provide specific details of these investigations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">When I was appointed Minister for Home Affairs, I sought the advice of the Commissioner of the AFP on operational briefings.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">His strong advice was that the AFP should not brief me on details of on-going operations because of the need for a high degree of operational security and the statutory independence of the AFP's role.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I accepted the Commissioner's prudent advice.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Sustainability, Environment, Water, Population and Communities: Overseas Travel for Departmental Staff (Question No. 1096)</title>
          <page.no>10172</page.no>
          <id.no>1096</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Briggs</name>
    <name.id>IYU</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Minister for Sustainability, Environment, Water, Population and Communities, in writing, on 20 June 2012:</para>
<quote><para class="block">For (a) 2008-09, (b) 2009-10, (c) 2010-11, and (d) 2011-12, what was the total cost of overseas travel for departmental staff.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Burke</name>
    <name.id>DYW</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to the honourable member's question is as follows:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The total costs of overseas travel for departmental staff are:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) 2008-09:   $3,837,697</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) 2009-10:   $2,928,655</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) 2010-11:   $2,696,497</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) 2011-12:   $3,089,496.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: Some 2011-12 travel is still to be acquitted, which may result in a slight variation.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Ali Al Abbassi (Question No. 1114)</title>
          <page.no>10173</page.no>
          <id.no>1114</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Morrison</name>
    <name.id>E3L</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Minister for Immigration and Citizenship, in writing, on 21 June 2012:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Does his department still provide regular briefings on sensitive cases; if so, on what date did such a briefing first alert him to the case of Ali Al Abbassi.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) In respect of a review into Ali Al Abbassi's visa, can he confirm that (a) he first requested his department review the visa on or after 4 June 2012, and (b) it concluded that he was able to initiate a process to cancel Ali Al Abbassi's visa under s109 of the Migration Act 1958.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Can he confirm that Ali Al Abassi departed Australia on 5 June 2012; if so, on what date was he advised of this.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) In respect of Ali Al Abbassi's wife and daughter, can he confirm whether, (a) they remain on protection visas in Australia, (b) the department is reviewing the status of their visas, and (c) they are both still in the country.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Bowen</name>
    <name.id>DZS</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to the honourable member's question is:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Yes; I was first alerted to the case of Ali Al Abassi on 5 June 2012.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) (a) Yes, and (b) Yes</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Yes and I was first informed of this on 6 June 2012</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) (a) Yes (b) Yes (c) Yes</para></quote>
<para> </para>
<quote><para class="block"> </para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
  </answers.to.questions>
</hansard>