The PRESIDENT (12:01): I inform the Senate of the resignation of Senator Collins, on 15 February, and Senator Leyonhjelm, on 1 March, as senators for the states of Victoria and New South Wales respectively. I welcome back Senator Collins to the chamber. I table relevant correspondence. I also remind the Senate that, on 21 January, Senator Bushby resigned his place as a senator for the state of Tasmania. I table certificates of appointments and choice, received from the governors of Tasmania, Victoria and New South Wales, of Wendy Anne Askew, Raffaele Ciccone and Duncan Spender.

Senator CORMANN (Western Australia—Minister for Finance and the Public Service, Vice-President of the Executive Council and Leader of the Government in the Senate) (12:07): by leave—I move:

That the Senate––

(a) records its condemnation of the terrorist attack on the Al Noor and Linwood Mosques by an Australian citizen in Christchurch on 15 March 2019 that claimed 50 innocent lives as they came to prayer, and our grief for and solidarity with the people of New Zealand who have suffered this terrible and appalling assault on the quiet peace of their nation;

(b) records its sorrow and sympathy for the 50 lives lost on 15 March, for those still fighting for their lives, and for their families;

(c) expresses its solidarity with the Muslim community of Christchurch, New Zealand and our own nation at this time of affliction;

(d) honours the courage and presence of first responders, and all who came to help in whatever way they could;

(e) abhors racism and religious intolerance, acknowledge and celebrate the diversity and harmony of our Australian people and our respect for people from all faiths, cultures, ethnicities and nationalities that has made Australia one of the world's most successful immigration nations and multicultural societies; and

(f) reaffirms our commitment as Australians to peace over violence, innocence over evil, understanding over extremism, liberty over fear and love over hate.

It is just over a century now since on the shores of Gallipoli and in theatres across Europe the Anzacs forged that most enduring and precious of ties with our allies, our friends and, as the Prime Minister has said, our family in New Zealand. That experience, that shared sacrifice and loss, built a bond to last the ages. In the more than 100 years since then our two nations have grown ever closer. Many New Zealanders treat Australia as their second home and, likewise, many of our fellow citizens live and are welcomed across the Tasman.

Ours are two nations united by so much more than geography. We are united by a common history and a common set of values. That is why the horrific attacks at the Al Noor and Linwood mosques affected us so deeply. It is why we rallied together, as senators, as parliamentarians and as Australians, to so totally condemn that vile act and the repulsive white supremacist ideology that inspired it. It is why the hand we extend in sympathy is not just that of a neighbour but of one dear friend grieving for the suffering of another.

There must be no mistaking it: the Christchurch attacks were crimes committed against innocent men, women and children; people who were active contributors in their community and nation as students, business owners, parents, sportspeople and more. But there was also an attack on an idea: the idea that people can celebrate diversity, not abhor it; the idea that a nation can be home to people of a great diversity of different faiths, races and creeds and find strength in that difference, not weakness.

Christchurch is a beautifully welcoming city: a city in which people seek to live their lives, raise their families and practise their faith in safety and security; a city in which people should be confident that they will be accepted for who they are, not maligned, not attacked and most certainly not killed. But Christchurch is also a city of great resilience. In recent years it has been no stranger, sadly, to heartache, be it as a result of a natural disaster or, as on 15 March, at the hands of a terrorist individual. We are deeply saddened by the hurt that the Christchurch community is experiencing. We also know that, for all the pain of the moment, its people are strong and know what it means to grow as a community in the wake of even the worst tragedies. The atrocity in Christchurch is a grave reminder that evil remains with us today and that all of us, in our words and in our deeds, have a responsibility to fight it; a responsibility to, as this motion states, choose 'peace over violence, innocence over evil, understanding over extremism, liberty over fear and'—above all else—'love over hate'.

To all those still grieving for their lost loved ones or recovering from injuries sustained on that grim afternoon: the thoughts and prayers of this parliament and the people that it serves are with you. To the Muslim communities of Christchurch, New Zealand and Australia: we stand in solidarity with you. Your right to observe your faith is that which should be enjoyed by every person everywhere. It is inalienable and undeniable. And to all those who fan the flames of racism, hatred and violence: we utterly condemn and reject you.

In their moment of suffering, the charity and kindness that the people of Christchurch and New Zealand have displayed are proof that their values, and ours, of tolerance, compassion and diversity cannot be shaken. In taking so many innocent lives, the perpetrator of this act sought to divide New Zealand. But he has been defied, and the people of New Zealand have united. Their defiance is also shown through the strength displayed by first responders and others who saved so many lives that day. Among them were Naim Rasheed, who made the ultimate sacrifice while trying to thwart the attack, and Abdul Aziz Wahabzadah, who put his life on the line to distract the attacker. We can only guess how many were saved by their brave acts. But we can be absolutely sure that, in their courage and example, we saw the very worst of human nature being met by the very best.

I also commend Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern for the resolve and compassion that she has displayed in the wake of the shooting. As she has comforted her nation and steered it through its darkest days, she has won the affection and admiration of many in Australia and around the world.

On the day of the attacks, Prime Minister Morrison spoke of numbness and shock. There are some acts too evil to comprehend, acts which jar not just with the nation's values but with human decency itself. Now, over two weeks on, we reaffirm our commitment to push past that numbness and tackle this evil, both with our friends in New Zealand and here at home, by building bridges between communities and ensuring that all people can feel safe in the observance of their faith. We can repudiate the Christchurch attacker's aims and make it clear that his sick cause is doomed to fail.

In moving this motion, I put on the record my gratitude and that of the government for the opposition's strong support and for that of so many other colleagues on the crossbench. It has been heartening to see so many political and community leaders from across Australia cross the Tasman in recent weeks to convey our people's sympathies to those still reeling from the attack. Sometimes events unfold which have a moral weight that transcends partisan politics. This is certainly one such very sad occasion.

Over the past two weeks, in tributes and vigils, in words written and donations given, the Australian people have expressed their total solidarity with our friends in New Zealand and with the Muslim communities in both of our nations. They rightly expect those they have sent here to reflect their will and turn it resolutely into action. It is with that in mind, and with our sincere sympathies again for all those who have suffered loss as a result of this horrific attack, that I commend this motion to the Senate.

Senator WONG (South Australia—Leader of the Opposition in the Senate) (12:16): I rise on behalf of the Australian Labor Party to support the condolence motion moved by Senator Cormann, and I hope that the bipartisan support we offer will be reflected ultimately in the support of the broadest possible vote across this chamber.

Just over two weeks ago, 50 New Zealanders were murdered in a tragic act of violence—mothers, fathers, sisters, brothers, daughters and sons gunned down at the Al Noor and Linwood mosques in Christchurch, killed in their place of worship as they came together for Friday prayers. So I begin by expressing our compassion, our sympathy and our support to friends and families of all lost and all who are injured and recovering. We stand in solidarity with the people of New Zealand, with the Muslim community and with Muslim peoples everywhere.

The stories of the victims are heartbreaking: teenagers and children as young as three and four years old; a brave woman who helped to save others, other women and children, but was shot dead when she went back into the Al Noor Mosque to help her wheelchair-bound husband; people who had come to New Zealand as refugees, escaping war, civil strife and conflict in their own home countries, to be attacked in a place of peace and sanctuary—and they were attacked because of their faith. The attacks were horrific acts of violence. They were acts of terrorism and, at their core, they were acts of hatred—and this we must understand: these were acts of hatred. The terrorist was welcomed into the mosque as a brother, and he responded with hate and with bullets. It is an act of terrorism, an act of hatred, that has shocked this nation.

For Australians, New Zealanders are family, and we mourn with them, and our distress has been magnified by the fact that the right-wing violent extremist responsible for this act of terror is an Australian—an extremist, right-wing, violent Australian terrorist. I hope I speak for all of us when I say this man does not represent Australian values. This man is not who we are. To the Muslim community in New Zealand and across our nation, we say: we know you are experiencing pain and sorrow, and we stand with you. We abhor these acts of extremist violence. We reject the extreme right-wing ideology, the hatred and the intolerance that led to and fuelled these acts of extremist violence, and, most importantly, we reject hatred in all its forms.

Together we stand for Australian values: inclusion, acceptance and respect; a belief in equality; the rejection of racism; the rejection of prejudice; the rejection of division. These are the values of our Australia. This is the nation in which we have faith. And it is the responsibility of all leaders—political, community, religious—to stand united against hatred, because we saw, tragically, in the loss of life in Christchurch where hatred leaves us. We know these truths: a nation divided is never stronger; making others lesser, fanning prejudice and discrimination has never made a nation safer; and no group within our society is immune from the effects of hatred. We know it is the responsibility of all of us to stand against hatred in all its forms and embrace tolerance, acceptance and honour our shared humanity.

In New Zealand we have seen the power of leadership. Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern has demonstrated the power of a leader who stands firm in the face of hate and fear, a leader who demonstrates love and gives hope, a leader who rejects division and embraces unity. Speaking at the Christchurch memorial on Friday, Prime Minister Ardern spoke as this kind of leader. She said:

Racism exists, but it is not welcome here.

She went on to say:

An assault on the freedom of any one of us who practices their faith or religion, is not welcome here.

Violence, and extremism in all its forms, is not welcome here.

And over the last two weeks we have shown that, you have shown that, in your actions.

This is the leadership that we must all demonstrate if we are to end the cycle of extremism, to end the cycle of hatred that underpins this. And it is leadership that has been reflected by and enhanced by the actions and words of the New Zealand people, the people of New Zealand, in how they have responded to this.

The power of our shared humanity to overcome hate was on display most powerfully by Farid Ahmed. Farid is the husband of the brave woman about whom I spoke. Farid and Hosne were in separate rooms at the Al Noor mosque and, after leading women and children to safety, Hosne returned to the mosque to help Farid, who uses a wheelchair and could not flee. She was shot and killed. He survived. Speaking at the memorial on Friday, Farid spoke about the journey he had been on in the two weeks following the attack. He said:

This heart doesn't like that the pain I have gone through that any human being should go through that kind of pain.

And he went on to say:

That's why I have chosen peace. I have chosen love and I have forgiven.

Each human being is my brother, is my sister. This is my faith and this is what Allah has taught me. That's why I do not hate him and I cannot hate him. I cannot hate anyone.

Farid demonstrates the power of love to overcome pain and sadness. Let us honour his graciousness and let us respond in kind.

In the aftermath of the Christchurch attacks, the Imam Hasan Centre issued a statement. It is a statement I think is notable for its graciousness, and one which I have drawn on in the days following the attack:

It is times like this that we lose hope and doubt humanity, when people of faith come under attack in such a way, it shows us how low humanity can fall. However, it never ceases to amaze how far humanity can rise after such despicable events.

United as a community, we can overcome these barbaric events wherever they happen. Divided we become barbaric ourselves and the innocent lives lost around the world should be a sign for us to unite against hate.

This is a moment, this is the time to show those who seek to divide us just how far humanity can rise. In the words of a Maori proverb: he aha te mea nui o te ao. He tangata, he tangata, he tangata. It means: 'What is the most important thing in the world? It is people, it is people, it is people.'

To the people of New Zealand and, in particular, the New Zealand Islamic community: your Australian family grieves with you. And, like you, we mourn the tragic loss of life. We stand with you in this time of sorrow and sadness and we commit to standing against hatred in all its forms. And we commit to working together towards a society where all are welcome and all may live in peace and security. My hope is that as leaders we will, once again, work together to articulate and defend the Australian values and principles that underpin who we are and what we believe: the values of inclusion, acceptance, respect and equality. Let us choose unity, not division. Let us choose respect, not prejudice. Let us choose hope, not fear. And, above all, let us all choose love, not hate. In doing so we make our nation stronger, at home and in the world.

Senator DI NATALE (Victoria—Leader of the Australian Greens) (12:25): I rise on behalf of the Greens to also pay our condolences to the families of the victims of the horrific terrorist attack in Christchurch, New Zealand. These were people who were killed at a moment of contemplation, at a moment of deep reflection, at a time when they were in communion with their God—killed at their most vulnerable.

Amongst those 50 who lost their lives or were injured in the terrorist attack were people who hailed from Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Egypt, Fiji, India, Indonesia, Iraq, Jordan, Malaysia, Mauritius, Syria, Pakistan and Palestine. Yes, they were Muslims, but they were also New Zealanders. They are people like Naeem Rashid, who lunged at the gunman to try to save the lives of his fellow worshippers and who was murdered in the process; people like Khaled Mustafa, originally from Syria, who was killed alongside his 16-year-old son, Hamza; people like Hamza's schoolmate Sayyad Milne, who was just 14 years old; and people like Mohammed Daoud Nabi, a 71-year-old man from war-torn Afghanistan who was heard, as the killer walked through the doors of the mosque, to say in greeting the words: 'Welcome, brother.'

We owe it to every single person whose life was stolen that day to remember their names, to remember their lives, to remember the lives that will go unlived because of the horrendous actions of a terrorist. We owe it to remember them not just because they're Muslims—although they were—and not just because they are New Zealanders and we share a deep relationship with that country but because they were one of us, because they were part of our collective humanity.

Like the Leader of the Government in the Senate and the Leader of the Opposition, we express our thoughts and sympathies to those whose lives were stolen and to all those whose lives were left behind. But, as we said shortly afterwards and as we continue to say, thoughts and sympathies now are not enough. Thoughts and sympathies won't protect our Muslim community from the daily abuses and hatred that they experience. They won't protect people from the hate speech that we continue to see right here and around the world. They won't help heal the deep divides in our country. Now is a time for solidarity, for us to come together as a nation, and for some true reflection. We must acknowledge how it was that an Australian could be responsible for such a horrific crime. We must all face up to the deeply uncomfortable truths about how racism and xenophobia have been exploited by the voices of hate, those who seek to divide us. And there is no escaping it, Mr President. Some of those voices reside here in this chamber.

Our parliament should be a place that shows Australia at its best—members of parliament elected by the people and entrusted with the powers to pass laws to make this country more equal, more generous, more prosperous and more welcoming. It should be a parliament where people from across the political spectrum seek common ground for the good of the nation and where we treat each other and all those around us with dignity and respect, always remembering that there is much more that unites us than divides us, always remembering the people who elected us to this place. That's the kind of parliament we should be building; that's the kind of parliament that the Australian community expect of us. Over the coming days, we'll talk about how we can go some way towards achieving that goal.

Now is not the time to deepen the divisions in our society. Now is the time for unity and for decent people to come together for a renewed recognition of our common humanity. We've seen so many examples of such leadership in New Zealand right now. From the Prime Minister, Jacinda Ardern, who has been a voice of compassion and a voice for peace, right through to all those members of the New Zealand community who have come together to throw a collective embrace across the victims so deeply affected. Here in Australia we must come together to support one another and to stand strong against racism, against hatred and against bigotry. We must be honest with ourselves and realise how much work we still need to do. We need to take some concrete steps to ensure that our parliament—indeed, our nation—is coming together against violence, against hatred and against bigotry and standing in solidarity with all those people right across the world who want a more peaceful and just society.

Senator PATRICK (South Australia) (12:32): I rise to speak briefly on behalf of Centre Alliance in support of the motion. Having been born in New Zealand and mostly raised here in Australia, I am fortunate enough to have experienced the best of both countries. To the Muslim communities of New Zealand, of Australia and, indeed, worldwide, I want to emphasise how very shocked and sorry fair-minded Australians and New Zealanders are about this atrocity. It does not reflect who we are or what we are as a nation, and today's condolence motion acknowledges Australia's belief in this.

We, as a parliament and as a nation, must redouble our efforts to promote harmony and inclusiveness throughout all of our communities. We must shine a light on those who sow division and xenophobia for their own gain, political or otherwise. We must affirm that, as a pluralist and secular nation, Australia does not favour one race over another, one culture over another or one religion over another. How we respond to these horrific attacks will ultimately define us as a nation. Now is the time for us to reject extremism in all its forms and embrace unity, kindness and respect in the national interest. It starts with this motion before us today, and I commend it to the chamber.

Senator BERNARDI (South Australia) (12:33): I seek to add my voice and the voice of the Australian Conservatives to this motion. The senseless and tragic events in Christchurch have taken a great deal from the national psyche and has caused us to reflect upon how anyone can rationalise or justify such abhorrent and sickening behaviour. The victims of this tragic event are not just resident in the mosque; they are resident throughout New Zealand and in Australia. My heart, my prayers and my thoughts go out to all of them, and I hope that the senselessness of this waste and this loss of life is not lost on any of us or any in our community.

Senator McKENZIE (Victoria—Deputy Leader of The Nationals and Minister for Regional Services, Sport, Local Government and Decentralisation) (12:34): I stand on behalf of the Nationals to support wholeheartedly the eloquent, heartfelt and honest words spoken by the leaders in the Senate—the representatives of the Australian people—here in the chamber today. Al-Salaam Alaikum.

To our friends, our families, our allies and our neighbours:

God of Nations at Thy feet,

In the bonds of love we meet,

Hear our voices, we entreat,

God defend our free land.

Guard Pacific's triple star

From the shafts of strife and war,

Make her praises heard afar,

God defend New Zealand.

The freedom of religion underpins both our nation and theirs. It is at the very heart of who we are and how such dynamic and multicultural communities like both Australia and New Zealand can also be so successful. I think that 50 people gunned down whilst praying peacefully, practising their faith in a free land, shocked and appalled us all. We stand with New Zealand against extremism, wherever it is found, as we have on foreign shores as allies and comrades for over a century.

Shaken: I think our united solidarity as communities has been a source of solace, both for Islamic communities and the wider populations of both our nations. That has bolstered us all; the strength of our united diversity has been one of the outcomes of this tragedy and I think it has been a source of solace. We have shared that around our shared values.

This has happened because of strong leaders—in the national Islamic community, Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern and local Islamic leaders. Even in regional cities of New Zealand, like Hamilton, they are bringing the community together with barbecues and open days at mosques et cetera. They are refusing to be moved in the face of this terrorist.

We mourn with you. We know that the spirit you have shown through this adversity will guide and strengthen you in the face of what can sometimes be seen as a pervasive and all-encompassing fear in this modern era. We stand against it. We stand united with our New Zealand Islamic and non-Islamic brothers and sisters, and we reject terrorism in all its forms.

Senator PAYNE (New South Wales—Minister for Foreign Affairs) (12:37): May I acknowledge and thank all of the leaders who have spoken today for their words.

The events of 15 March shook New Zealand, shook Australia and shook the world. We were all horrified, devastated and appalled by what happened in Christchurch: an attack on innocent people in a place of worship. The attack on Christchurch was an attack on all of us. It was a despicable, right-wing extremist attack—horrifically, perpetrated by an Australian—that was designed to instil fear and hatred, and to incite fear and hatred. It was an attack that was designed to divide us. We will let it do neither.

Australia rejects everything this attacker stood for. His views are abhorrent to the fundamental values for which we stand in our nation. Religious freedom and tolerance are fundamental to open, multicultural and resilient societies, and Australia and New Zealand are two of the most outstanding examples of such societies in the world. Our differences are what make us stronger—our compassion, our understanding and acceptance of others is what enables us to flourish as individuals.

In the days since the attacks on the Al Noor and Linwood mosques, we've been somewhat heartened by the spontaneous acts of kindness across our nation. Australians of every faith and no faith from across the country came together in the aftermath of the attacks to remember those who lost their lives in this massacre and to show solidarity, including with our Muslim friends and neighbours. From those who have placed flowers in front of mosques to those who offered to stand guard where people worshipped and to those who've paid tribute and prayed across our nations the message is clear: tolerance will prevail. As the Prime Minister said at the Lakemba mosque in Sydney the day after the attack: 'What we say today is no. Peace and love will triumph.'

We live in not only a diverse and successful nation but the most diverse region in the world. Across South-East Asia we have Christians, Muslims, Jews, Hindus and Buddhists, to name only a few, living in peace, overwhelmingly, side by side. We celebrate and cherish that diversity. It's part of what makes our region unique and special. In the wake of Christchurch, Australia renews its commitment to religious freedom and to the friendship and understanding that unites the people of our region. In practical terms, we continue to support our neighbours in New Zealand as they investigate the circumstances surrounding this atrocity. New Zealand has world-class police and medical forensic staff, and our teams are honoured to be working with them.

Our thoughts and our feelings turn often to and remain with the victims and their families and with the community of Christchurch, who continue to be deeply impacted by this senseless and horrific attack. It's our duty to ensure that we do everything within our powers to prevent anything like this from ever happening again. It is our responsibility as leaders and as parliamentarians to do everything in our power to ensure that.

Like many of you, I'm sure I will always remember where I was and what I was doing when the news of the attacks came to me. I'll never forget the overwhelming feeling of pure shock and horror. I'll never forget the tears that the pain caused to our neighbour and the pain caused to families, communities and followers of the Muslim faith in New Zealand, here and elsewhere. I've reached out to counterparts around the world whose country's citizens were also lost in this attack. I've conveyed our condolences and assured them that this person's actions do not represent the values for which Australia stands.

Now, more than ever, we must come together to encourage tolerance and respect between faiths and across our communities. There will always be those who seek to drive us apart, but our work is to ensure that their hate only strengthens our resilience, tolerance, compassion and cooperation at home and across our region.

Senator FARUQI (New South Wales) (12:43): It is 18 days since the Christchurch massacre—18 days since the attacker took 50 lives; 18 days since he gunned down people in peaceful Friday prayers. It has been 18 long days for those who lost their loved ones that day. They face a lifetime without those who have been brutally taken away from them. This most shocking of crimes has reverberated around the world. Like so many others, I have cried many times since the news of the attack. We as a community have been shaken to the core. We are shattered and we are still grieving for the family and friends who lost their loved ones.

Too often the media coverage since the attack has shifted focus away from the victims and targets and their loved ones towards those who continue to foster hate. I would like to read the names of the 50 people who were murdered in Christchurch. Abdukadir Elmi, a 70-year-old father of four from Somalia, was killed at the Al Noor mosque. Abdul Fattah Qasem, 60 years old, was a respected elder in the Muslim community. He helped with interpretation for refugees and migrants from the Middle East. Also killed were Ahmed Abdel Ghani, 68 years old; Ali Elmadani, 66 years old; Amjad Hamid, 67 years old; Ansi Alibava, 24 years old; Ashraf Ali, 58 years old; Ashraf Al-Masri; and Ashraf Morsi, 54 years old, father of two. Asif Vora, 56 years old, was killed at the Al Noor mosque alongside his son, Ramiz. Atta Elayyan, 33 years, was the goalkeeper for New Zealand's futsal team. There were Mohammed Daoud Nabi, 71 years old; Farhaj Ahsan, 30 years old; and Ghulam Husain, 66 years old. Hafiz Musa Vali Patel, 59 years old, was critically injured in the attack and rushed to hospital, but he died later. Hamza Mustafa, just 16 years old, was shot as he prayed alongside his father. Also killed was Haroon Mehmood, 40 years old, father of two. Hosne Ahmed, 44, was in the women's area of the Al Noor mosque when the attacks started. Hussein al-Umari, 35 years old, died while challenging the gunman. There were also Hussein Moustafa, 70 years old; Junaid Kara/Ismail, 36 years old; and Kamel Darweesh, 39 years old. Karam Bibi, 63 years old, was killed with her husband, Ghulam Husain, and her son, Zeeshan Raza, at Linwood Islamic Centre. Khaled Mustafa, 44 years old, died in hospital after being shot at the Al Noor mosque. His teenage son, Hamza, was also killed. Linda Armstrong, 65 years old, had moved to Christchurch to be closer to her family. Maheboob Khokhar, 65 years old, was visiting New Zealand for the first time with his wife to see his son, who had left India in 2010. Others who died were Matiullah Safi, 55 years old; Mohammed Imran Khan, 47 years old; Omar Faruk, 36 years old, whose wife, Sanjida Zaman Heha, is in Bangladesh and is pregnant; Mohsen Mohammed Al Harbi, 63 years old; Mojammel Hoq, 30 years old; and Mounir Suleiman, 68 years old. Mucad Ibrahim was just three years old. This one just breaks my heart. The youngest victim of the attacker, he was visiting the mosque with his brother, Abdi, and their father, both of whom survived the attack. There were Lilik Abdul Hamid, 58 years old; Abdus Samad, 66 years old, a lecturer at Lincoln University, where he had studied for a PhD in the 1980s; Musa Nur Awale, 77 years old; and Naeem Rashid, 50 years old, originally from Abbottabad in Pakistan, whose eldest son, Talha, 21, was also killed in the attack. There were Osama Adnan Abu Kweik, 37 years old; Ozair Kadir, 25 years old; Ramiz Vora, 28 years old, who was killed with his father, Asif, in the Al Noor attack; Sayyad Milne, just 14 years old; Sohail Shahid, 40 years old; Syed Areeb Ahmed, 27 years old; and Syed Jahandad Ali, 34 years old. Talha Rashid, 21 years old, was the eldest son of Naeem Rashid, who was also killed in the attack. There were Tariq Omar, 24 years old; and Zakaria Bhuiya, 33 years old, who had taken the day off to celebrate his 33rd birthday at the mosque. There was Zeeshan Raza, 38 years old, the only son of Ghulam Husain and Karam Bibi, who were also killed in the attack. This whole family was massacred. Finally, there were Muhammad Haziq bin Mohd Tarmizi, just 17 years old, and Mohamad Moosi Mohamedhosen, 54 years old. We are still mourning and we are still grieving.

I also want to mention a survivor: Zaid Mustafa, a surviving son and brother. I cannot forget the image on our screens as he watched his father and his brother, the first of the victims to be buried. Grief and anguish were etched into his young face. He wept as he was wheeled into the funeral, and he cried that he didn't want to be left all alone in this world.

Naeem Rashid was filmed charging at the gunman in a bid to stop him. His 21-year-old son Talha was also killed. Naeem's wife, Amber, was trapped in a prayer room with about 30 other women and children as the attacker murdered their friends and families.

When 71-year-old Daoud Nabi opened the door of the mosque to the terrorist, he said, 'Hello, brother.' This is a very common way for Muslims to greet each other and to greet others. Imagine being the person who welcomed someone with these words, only to be shot and killed on the spot. These words and images will stay with us, perhaps forever.

Since the attack I have been to many vigils and I have been to many solidarity rallies. I have stood with my sisters and my brothers in the Muslim community. We have mourned for days, and I think we will continue to mourn for days longer. We have hugged each other a little tighter. We are grief stricken for our neighbours in New Zealand. We are also scared.

I do want to thank so many who have sent messages of love and support, and who have stood together in solidarity in these very difficult times over the last 18 days. This outpouring of support does mean a lot. Time does not heal all wounds. No days, months or years can ever hope to diminish the anguish and sorrow of Christchurch. No words can do justice to the pain of the survivors, the family and friends of the victims and our community. Right now, it feels as if no action could ever make right the wrongs that led to this point.

Many of the targets of this horrific terror in Christchurch were there after having fled war and persecution. Some were refugees. To pass through a lifetime of violence and persecution, flee your home and spend years building a new one in a new community only to lose your life to the violence of a hateful murderer is an incomprehensible tragedy.

But I do know that some people do not think of us Muslims as equal humans. In the midst of our grief, while we have been showered with love, we have also been bombarded with extraordinary hate and filth. If this does not reset the public debate; if this does not prompt a complete rethink of how we dehumanise Muslims in public debate then I really do not know what will.

Let us mourn and let us remember the targets of the Christchurch massacre. But let's also commit with absolute resolve to making sure such tragedy never happens again. The climate of hate and racism that led to this massacre cannot be allowed to go on. But this can only happen if everyone in here is genuinely reflecting on their responsibilities to foster love and to foster understanding for all, and acting purposefully for change.

Senator HANSON-YOUNG (South Australia) (12:54): I rise to add my support to this condolence motion. Before I start, I'd just like to thank Senator Faruqi for what was an incredibly heartfelt and tough speech to give in this place. If anybody in this room were to understand and know how shocking and horrifying the events on 15 March were, it would be Senator Faruqi. Senator Faruqi, of course, has had to live through this not just as a mother, not just as a member of the Muslim community, but as a leader in the Australian Muslim community. Thank you, Mehreen.

The horrors that we saw unfold in Christchurch sent a shockwave through New Zealand, Australia and the rest of the world. However, the most horrifying aspect was that some people weren't shocked at all. The conversations that I had with a number of members of the Muslim community in my home town of Adelaide in the days following the terrorist attack and the massacre were the most shocking of all. People were not surprised that something like this had eventually occurred. For so long, people have been asking us, as leaders and politicians, and members of the Australian media to take seriously the damage and the concern about the words used and the politics played over Muslim migration to this country. When you hear a 15-year-old or 16-year-old young woman or young man express that they're frightened because this could have happened in Adelaide, it should send the biggest shockwaves of all to us as leaders in this place.

This must be a moment of reckoning. As political leaders, whatever side of the fence we sit on, we must take more responsibility for how this issue is discussed and debated and what we can do to lead by example. We need to show compassion and unity and call out racism when we see it. The horror of what occurred in Christchurch, the horror of what occurred in those mosques that day—an attack on a group of people at their most vulnerable, at their most peaceful, at a time of intimacy between them and their god—is the most cowardly act of all.

The strength of leadership shown by Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern in the face of the attacks has been extraordinary, and it's been wonderful to hear people on all sides pay respect and regard to that leadership today. For all of us it's an opportunity to take more of a leaf out of Prime Minister Ardern's book. It strikes me, as I sit here listening to the speeches, that words are easy and action is much harder. We must use this as a moment of reckoning, because something has to change. When I hear a 14-year-old or 15-year-old girl say that she's scared to catch the bus—she couldn't go into the city in the week following the attack because she didn't know what people would say to her on the bus while she was wearing a headscarf—I know that that's not the Australia I want to live in, not the Australia I want my daughter to grow up in and not the Australia that any young girl should have to grow up in.

As political leaders we must use this as a moment of change. We must call out racism when we see it. We must lead by example. We must be prepared to stand up and stand tall and show that compassion, empathy, unity and celebration of diversity are what make us a strong nation, standing side by side with our New Zealand brothers and sisters, our cousins, and hand in hand, Muslim and non-Muslim Australians and global citizens. That's the leadership that we need to show. I don't want any young kid growing up in this country feeling that they are less simply because of their religion, the religion of their parents or the country which they may have come from. Every child in this country deserves to grow up knowing that they are loved for who they are, not what they're not.

Some people in this place have sought to use what happened in New Zealand for their own political gain—nastiness, vulgar statements. While today is not the day to take action on that, the day will come, and those people must be confronted, called out and isolated, because they are not Australian. They don't represent the values of our nation or the Australia that any of us want our children to grow up in.

Senator RICE (Victoria) (13:01): It's a humbling privilege to be able to stand here this afternoon to send my love, for my heart to go out, to everyone who is grieving from this hateful, awful attack; to send my love to the friends and the families of those who were so brutally murdered; to send my love to the survivors, who are suffering so much, having survived and their lives having been changed completely forever; to send my love to the wider New Zealand Muslim community, who will be feeling the attacks on the people of their faith in New Zealand; to send my love to the wider New Zealand community, because this was an attack on New Zealanders, on New Zealand soil; to send my love to Muslims in Australia, because Australia and New Zealand are family, and the Muslims in Australia that I have spoken to over the last 2½ weeks feel so deeply the attack on their brothers and sisters in New Zealand; and to send my love to everyone in Australia and New Zealand, because this was an attack on all of us. In fact, it was an attack on our shared humanity and it was an attack that was based in Islamophobia and racism.

What we must learn from this attack is that we must reject that Islamophobia and racism everywhere in society, including in our parliaments. If this is not the time to take stock and to realise what this attack was based on, I don't know what will be. Fear and division are being used as a weapon by right-wing extremists, by the media and even by some politicians, including some sitting in this very chamber, to separate our communities and to fuel the fires of racism and Islamophobia. That hate-filled violence will continue to cost innocent lives unless we can commit ourselves wholeheartedly, completely, to take the hard actions to make sure that it changes. Together we have to unite—unite against hatred, wherever it is, particularly in online forums and where it appears in our communities. We have to tackle extremism in all of its forms. We have to work together and reaffirm and recognise the strength in our diversity, recognise the contribution that people from different cultures, different faiths, different language groups and different countries have made to our society.

Australia is an incredible success as a multicultural society, and it brings incredible richness to our lives. Whether we are Australians from First Nations people whose ancestors have walked this land for more than 40,000 years or refugees who have walked amongst us for just a few weeks, we need to reaffirm our belief that everyone in Australia is loved, and that they are recognised and supported for who they are. This is our Australia, where people from all over the world have come together to build a peaceful society that celebrates and supports all people for who they are, where we have no tolerance of prejudice and discrimination, and where we build bridges. Where we see those flames of division, we build bridges rather than letting them fester and letting that fear and that division enflame and grow in our society.

I call upon all of us to do everything we can. I was so pleased, in the days and weeks following, to be able to visit mosques, to reach out and to support and to hug and to send my love to my Muslim brothers and sisters. We must all take on doing that. We must be building that completely, to be protecting our vibrant and diverse society and supporting those people, supporting minority groups, listening, taking hate threats seriously and redoubling our efforts to address them. So I'm standing here today, sending my love, standing with Muslim friends, the Muslim community here in Australia, in New Zealand, around the world, during this very difficult time, and I commit to working to ensure that our community is safe and welcoming for everyone.

Senator WATERS (Queensland) (13:06): I rise today to speak as a Queenslander, and I think that's important given the extremely hurtful remarks that were made in the wake of this incident by some other representatives from my beautiful and warm-hearted state. And I rise to share, on behalf of so many Queenslanders, that we share your heartbreak and we are so desperately sorry for the events that took the lives too early of so many decent human beings. What I would like to put on the record today is my immense gratitude for the strength of Queenslanders who, in the days following this awful slaughter, really came together and embraced our Muslim brothers and sisters, embraced people from all types of religion and diversity and just stood together stronger as one.

I was really blessed to be at the Islamic College of Brisbane just 48 hours after this hideous murder. It was such a powerful and moving day, and the tears streamed down our faces as we heard from some of the leaders in the Islamic community—in fact, from leaders from all faiths—and I think the thing that struck me the most was the power of those words and the message of forgiveness. That was such a strong statement to make given the terrible consequences that had just been wreaked on this community. That message of love and forgiveness spoke so deeply to the strength and resilience of these warm and wonderful people, and so I wanted to thank not only the people of this community, who have drawn upon that strength and that grace and that power of forgiveness, but also I wanted to thank all of the Queenslanders who've come to rallies, to vigils, to prayer services, to any gathering where we have shown that everyone is welcome here in our community, that we are stronger together and that those minority voices of hate and division and fear and small-mindedness don't represent the majority of us.

I want to give this opportunity to the spokesperson for the Islamic Council of Queensland, Ali Kadri, to place some words on the record through me, his representative for Queensland. Ali says:

[The] Muslim community of QLD is overwhelmed by the support from our fellow Australians from all walks of life. The strength of our common bond has not been broken despite the actions of individual extremists and excuses from their sympathisers. However, this incident is not simply an act of terror by an individual, it is a result of years of demonisation of Muslims by shock jocks, some media commentators and some politicians. The brunt of this demonisation is faced by Australian Muslims in the form of an abusive comment and many times in the form of a physical attack. Muslim parents are afraid to send their kids to Islamic school and to mosques. Many wives are not sure if it's safe for their husbands to pray at a mosque and many husbands fear for the safety of their wives when they are shopping.

Ali goes on to say:

I would urge all politicians who have ever used politics of fear or harbour dislike of Muslims and Islam, to step into a shoe of those fathers, mothers, husbands and wives. If you still don't feel any empathy, at least stop and think how your words are radicalising people like the terrorist who has killed so many innocent people and destroyed so many families, including his own.

I just want to send a message of solidarity to Ali, to the Islamic Council of Queensland and to all Queenslanders that we stand with them. We are stronger together. You deserve to be safe. You are welcome. You are us. And we love you.

Senator GEORGIOU (Western Australia) (13:10): I would like to state on the record as a One Nation senator and Western Australian that I condemn the terror, pain and violence inflicted on Christchurch last month, which caused the loss of 50 lives and hurt so many more. I offer my condolences to all the families affected and to the people of Christchurch.

Senator SPENDER (New South Wales) (13:11): I'd like to note that the Liberal Democrats agree with what's been said this morning and we offer our condolences.

Senator STORER (South Australia) (13:11): I rise to provide my wholehearted support of the many wonderful words that have been said today by all of the senators who have spoken. For some, it's been quite emotional—for us here in this chamber and for those listening. I've been a passionate advocate of multiculturalism in Australia, through not just my life here in Australia but also in our region and beyond.

I'm very much brought to also consider the sister city status of my home town, Adelaide, as a further indication to me and others in Adelaide of the fact that there is no 'other' when we consider what occurred in Christchurch. It is 'us', because we in Adelaide are a sister city and have exactly the same community within our multicultural state and have similar brothers and sisters, friends, long-term South Australians and new arrivals.

I wish, therefore, to send out—as has been done today already—messages of love and peace after this senseless act. This is an opportunity, as we have seen in the last weeks, for the power of love to transcend the senseless vicissitudes of hate. I have welcomed the opportunity to speak here today on behalf of myself but also of the many others in this chamber and the people I know that have been affected by this tragedy. Thank you.

The PRESIDENT: I ask honourable senators to join in a moment of silence to signify assent to the motion.

Question agreed to, honourable senators standing in their places.

Senator POLLEY (Tasmania) (15:03): I move:

That the Senate take note of the answer given by the Minister for Defence Industry (Senator Reynolds) to a question without notice asked by Senator O'Neill today relating to employment.

As the last cab off the rank to be promoted, Senator Reynolds, took just 16 seconds to contradict herself during a train wreck interview on Sky News on 10 March 2019. It might have been the fastest backflip in political history. One second Senator Reynolds was disagreeing with her colleague Senator Cormann's comments about wage flexibility being a 'deliberate feature' of the government's policies. She wrongly claimed that it was a suggestion by Bill Shorten. Having learnt that it was a comment from her finance minister, Senator Cormann, she performed a two-step, double-pike backflip. Two contradictory answers in 16 seconds is a record. I think we can agree that in this train wreck interview it was Senator Reynolds's fundamental lack of understanding of economics that was on full display. And to demonstrate that she still hasn't learnt anything, she couldn't even admit that she had mucked up in question time here today. Instead of talking about what her government is doing for wages, Senator Reynolds drove the train further off the tracks by saying:

Really when he's talking about wages, what is Bill Shorten actually talking about? He's talking about the politics of envy.

The only envy I see is from those opposite in their obsession over what Bill Shorten and the Labor Party are doing. No matter how many Liberal ministers humiliate themselves on television, their policy message to Australians is clear: they want to continue to have wages stagnate, they want your wages to be low; it's a deliberate strategy of their government.

Wages growth is the lowest on record, and the Prime Minister isn't doing anything about it. The Prime Minister's only idea is to pretend to deal with low wages by offering a tax cut to Australians. However, this tax cut is fundamentally lower than Labor's bigger, better and fairer tax plan. This is a divided, chaotic and completely out-of-touch government with no plan for Australia's future. Under this government, everything is going up except for wages. Wage rates haven't moved in years, and families are struggling to get ahead. Families in this country are struggling to make their own family budgets. Households and many families are having to dip into their savings to pay for essentials like groceries, petrol, power prices and their rent or mortgage.

As Treasurer, and now as Australia's Prime Minister, Mr Scott Morrison has presided over the lowest wage growth since records began, yet he wants to further cut the wages of hardworking Australians by getting rid of penalty rates. This is how out of touch this government is, and I believe that the Australian people see this government for what it truly is. They're heartless, they're hard, they have no compassion and they have no understanding of what's happening in their own community. All Australians need a pay rise, particularly those on low wages, but this government is not providing any leadership whatsoever on that.

Contrast that to what Labor have already announced as far as our policies are concerned. The only way to see wages increase, to have a living wage, is to elect a Labor Shorten government and to kick this government out of office. Labor will do what those opposite wouldn't do. The minimum wage shouldn't leave families in poverty. We shouldn't have workers having to work two or three jobs to try to meet their family budget commitments. We will fix the law to make sure that the minimum wage is a living wage. A Shorten Labor government will reverse the cuts to penalty rates, take steps to close the gender pay gap, and crack down on sham contracting, wage theft, and the exploitation of Australian workers. This is all that is needed. We have put our policies out there. This government has failed the Australian community and Australian workers. The only way to put more money in your pockets to help our local economies is to elect a Shorten Labor government at the election, which we expect to be announced in a matter of days. (Time expired)

Senator SINODINOS (New South Wales) (15:08): I just want to say, for the benefit of those who are perhaps new to this chamber, that we just heard a paid political advertisement about what Labor might do after the election. That's fair enough, except that I can talk about what the government has done over the last six years to bring about over a million new jobs. We've brought about an unemployment rate which is hovering around five per cent. We've brought a lot more people into the labour market. More women than ever are participating in the labour market. We can talk about what happens to incomes. Incomes are a multiple of wages and jobs, and jobs have been going up all this time. Fuelling those jobs is the fruit of 27 years of uninterrupted economic growth, something that we have a challenge to continue.

What we will be doing at the election, if we want to talk about elections, is talking to the Australian people about the fact that it is a referendum on whether they want the policies which have produced over these six years of economic growth, employment, rising incomes for Australians and rising living standards through more people being in work, reducing the levels of welfare dependency, or whether they want put in place a whole series of programs which seek to raise taxes—allegedly to increase spending—and raise costs whether that be through environmental policies or increased regulation across other sectors of the economy. That's what regulation does: it increases costs. Nothing is costless.

The opposition put out an environment policy yesterday without a single model or costing. There was no indication, industry sector by industry sector, of what they would have to contribute in the abatement tasks that were set under the climate change policy and what that might mean in output and jobs. That's a mere detail, allegedly, which will be left until after the election, and that is the worry. We're being sold a pig in a poke. We're being told: 'Trust me. Just worry about the high-level aspirations behind our policies and the detail—the concrete detail—will be done after the election.' Well, this government has spent six years dealing with the concrete detail, putting in place the detailed policies that, tonight, will lead to the first surplus since the last Howard government, and that is important.

Setting up the place for surpluses, not as an end in themselves, will allow us—through the economic cycle—to raise money when times are good so that, when times go bad, we have an insurance policy to fall back on. We got through the global financial crisis because we had an insurance policy. We had no net debt because the Howard government, in its early days, had taken the hard decisions to rein in spending and find appropriate revenue bases. That's what it took. It took those hard decisions, and it's taken hard decisions over six years—firm expenditure restraint, the greatest expenditure restraint in 50 years, coupled with the recovery in revenue that is going on in the economy—for us to be on the trajectory to surpluses, which could mean, by the end of the decade, that we may have no net debt. The importance of that is, for the next time there's a national downturn or we're subject to an adverse external shock, we will have the shock absorbers in our budget to deal with it. That's what that's about. It's going to be a great legacy to our children and grandchildren. And going with that will be a legacy of a record $75 billion infrastructure package, which is going to be an investment in the productive capacity of the economy. Yes, you can walk and chew gum at the same time. You can have a better budget and you can spend on essential services and priorities, and that's what this government will be doing in the budget tonight.

Let's just finish on this point about Labor's policies. Labor says, 'We're being economically responsible. We're going to spend more, but we're going to tax more. We're going to have higher surpluses than the government.' The only problem with that is—as the economy now is delicately poised—if we run through $200 billion worth of more taxes and if we create bigger surpluses than the government is projecting—if that's what Labor want to do—that will actually be a break on the economy at a time when we need a steady economic policy which will see us through the potentially choppy times ahead.

Senator GALLACHER (South Australia) (15:13): I certainly want to take note of the answer by Senator Linda Reynolds to our questioner, Senator O'Neill. I actually happened to be sitting down in front of Sky News the day it happened and I thought, 'Oh, my goodness, this is probably worth watching a couple of times,' because the two-step, double-pike performance was extraordinary. But it made me cast my mind back to something that the Hon. Peter Costello said way back in 2015:

Then there were the ambitious members of the Government, woodchucks desperate for advancement. They repeat everything, real or imagined—

in an effort to please the minister or the Prime Minister. There we had it, in my view. Instead of just saying, 'Oh my goodness, I think I've stuffed that one up,' and answering the question like a normal person would in the street, we had a minister who attempted to act as if nothing had happened. It was abundantly clear to the interviewer and to the TV audience that it was not a very good performance. It's been variously described as 'untidy', 'a train wreck', 'catastrophic' and the like. But it goes right to the heart of the difference between this side of the chamber and that side of the chamber. We actually do believe people are entitled to be paid more than the minimum wage, and people are entitled to, I believe, an increase in Newstart and an increase in the minimum wage.

There are many employers, reputable people, starting a business who simply ring up a government instrumentality and say: 'What is the minimum wage? I want to be legal, honest and above board. What's the minimum wage? I'll pay that.' If that is not reflective of what people need to have as a reasonable standard of living to pay their increases in their utility bills or their outgoings in education and health, then we, as a country, need to do something about that. This government has spent most of its time trying to drive down worker representation rights so they can't actually achieve a decent wage outcome through, dare I say it, a union. At the same time, they've tried to put the parameters of the economy such that it's extremely hard for increases to come through the system. We need to change that.

Senator Reynolds went from decrying the statement of her senior minister, Minister Cormann, to agreeing with it in the space of 25 or 30 seconds. That's quite an extraordinary achievement, really. It's more reflective of the chaos that's been this government—the 45th Parliament. We're in the shadows of it. We're probably not going to see it go on too much longer than the weekend. And we know this: there have been a number of changes in the prime ministerial position. More importantly, in my view, there have been an inordinate number of changes in the ministerial positions right down to the last reshuffle. It has not been good for this country or for any government to cope with that number of changes.

I'll place it firmly on the record here that I think Senator Reynolds is a hardworking, conscientious senator from Western Australia but, I believe—this is only my view, and I'm not shy about this—has perhaps been promoted a little bit in front of her capabilities or level of experience. That's what came through to me in that interview. She did not listen carefully. She wasn't aware of what the whole interview was about and she made a pretty fundamental mistake. It's not career-ending. It's not career-limiting, but you've got to be grown-up enough to just own up to it. Face up to it and say: 'There was a stuff-up. I made a goose of myself.' Own up to that and then move on. Learn from it. To observe, 'Nothing to see here,' and, 'I didn't do anything,' is really not the way. Hopefully, if our side of the chamber is correct, they'll have a reasonably long period in opposition to contemplate how they'll do things better next time. And I wish Senator Reynolds well in her future endeavours in the chamber. I've worked with her over a number of committees and I think she's a very conscientious and valuable member of the Senate. Hopefully, she won't have the opportunity of repeating the mistakes she made on that catastrophic, untidy TV interview with David Speers—who, coincidently, must be the most underrated journalist around because he keeps getting people to make elementary mistakes in full view of the camera.

Senator HUME (Victoria—Deputy Government Whip in the Senate) (15:18): I rise to take note of questions and answers from the opposition to Senator Reynolds. I have to admit, I agree with my colleague from across the chamber, Senator Gallacher, on one issue and one issue alone—that is, I have extraordinary admiration for Senator Linda Reynolds, now the Minister for Defence Industry and the seventh woman in the coalition's cabinet in the Morrison government. I think that's an extraordinary achievement. She is a highly qualified and a highly capable minister. I tip my hat to her. I find it, however, terribly disappointing to see, in one of the last question times before the end of the life of this parliament, that the opposition could go so low and be so devoid of ideas that their question time was devoted entirely to issues about Senator Reynolds and about preferences. Surely there are bigger fish to fry. Surely today, of all days, there are more issues to talk about.

Now, I understand that budget day is not a day for the opposition. In fact, really, whatever their message is today is entirely drowned out by the very good news that will be delivered by the Treasurer tonight. We will be delivering a budget surplus—a budget surplus that will be the first that we've been able to deliver in a decade, after the mismanagement of previous Labor governments. We are not just delivering a budget surplus but demonstrating that you can deliver a budget surplus while decreasing taxes, not increasing taxes—that it can be done without $200 billion in new taxes, it can be done without damaging the economy and it can be done without causing property prices to crash and rents to soar by imposing housing taxes. It can be done without punishing self-funded retirees. It can be done without punishing investors. It can be done without punishing businesses. And it can be done while delivering the essential services that a prosperous country like Australia deserves. There is record investment in schools; there is record investment in the PBS, with new drug listings on the PBS that will treat things like melanoma and breast cancer; and there is record investment in health that will fund the NDIS fully and will fund aged care—the essential services that Australians deserve.

The only reason that the coalition can deliver those essential services is that we have a strong economy. And, indeed, the only way to lift wages is to maintain that strong economy, because a strong economy means more jobs. You simply cannot get a pay rise if you don't have a job. Under the coalition, 1.2 million new jobs have been created over the life of this government, over the last 5½ years, in fact. One point two million more people have a job than when we were elected in 2013. Under Labor, however, the unemployment queues increased. A stronger economy means higher wages. Indeed, under this government, real minimum wages have been rising faster than they did under Labor, and they've been rising faster than wages in the rest of the economy.

Don't get me wrong; there is certainly more work to do. But a living wage is not the answer. A living wage is Sally McManus's answer. I might add that the Leader of the Opposition, Mr Shorten, can't actually tell us what a 'living wage' is; no-one has been able to define what a 'living wage' is. He has, as we've seen, kowtowed to the wishes of the ACTU before—over and over again, in fact. Sally McManus's definition of a 'living wage' is 60 per cent of the average wage—with all her extensive experience in running businesses and her extensive understanding of economics! She's manning the puppet. She's pulling the strings. Poor old opposition leader Bill Shorten is simply the marionette. Sadly, though, he has form on this. He has a record of failure on wages. It was Mr Shorten who as a union leader stripped low-paid workers of their pay in exchange for benefits for him and for his union. In government, he did absolutely nothing when real minimum wages decreased and, in fact, wrote the Fair Work Act but never included the words 'living wage'. As I said, now he can't even describe exactly what a 'living wage' is. Certainly, Labor's $200 billion in higher taxes will cost jobs and will push wages down. (Time expired)

Senator McCARTHY (Northern Territory) (15:23): I also rise to take note of Minister Reynolds' responses in question time today to questions asked by Senator O'Neill. You'd think a policy as straightforward as a living wage would be something that the government could wrap their heads around. But, to listen to members opposite, it's really quite difficult. A living wage is, by definition, the minimum income a worker needs to meet their basic needs—to pay for food, housing, clothing and other essentials.

Under this government and its turnstile of prime ministers, wage growth has stagnated. We are seeing growth in the working poor. Australians are working harder and better, but, under this government, they aren't being fairly rewarded for their efforts. The record-low wages growth isn't something to be proud of. Making working families scrimp and forcing them into making decisions such as choosing whether to turn on the heater in winter because they may not be able to afford the power bill should not be a deliberate by-product of government policy. But this is something that confuses this government. We've had a senior government minister—the Minister for Finance and the Public Service no less—stating that record-low wages are a deliberate design feature, suggesting that keeping wages low is part of their economic strategy. It's no wonder that his colleague the Minister for Defence Industry is confused.

As we heard today, Senator Reynolds's initial reaction to the question about whether she agrees with her finance minister's assessment was telling. She ridiculed his statement, saying it showed a 'fundamental lack of understanding about economics'. But do you know what? She's absolutely right. Keeping wages low makes no economic sense. In the last five years, out-of-pocket costs to see a GP have gone up 24 per cent. Private health insurance premiums are up 30 per cent, electricity prices are up 15 per cent and long-day childcare costs are up 24 per cent. But, in the past year, company profits have grown five times faster than wages. So, when Senator Reynolds said that keeping wages low shows a 'fundamental lack of understanding about economics', no doubt she was thinking about how boosting wages is actually good for the economy and how stagnant wages have held back spending and put a handbrake on economic growth.

While the government seem confused about their economic policy and what it means for Australians, it's pretty clear to everyone else. Under this government the economy isn't working for everyday Australians. Everything is going up in Australia except people's wages. People are finding it harder to get ahead. Households are saving less, and families are being forced to dip further into their pockets to pay for essentials. Families are finding it harder to make ends meet. I'm sure we will see more of these stuff-ups and confusion in the Liberal policies tonight—tax cuts for big business and a few throwaways to the workers doing it tough.

In contrast, I can proudly say I fully support Labor's policies to reverse cuts to penalty rates, boost wages for workers and ensure that the minimum wage is a living wage. A fair go for Australia means a fair wage for working people. Labor's living-wage policy will directly benefit around 1.2 million Australians, or one in 10 workers. When low-paid workers get a pay rise, they spend it in the local shops; they spend it in cities like Darwin, communities like Wadeye and Borroloola, and towns like Alice Springs. It helps small businesses in Palmerston, Tennant Creek, Katherine and Nhulunbuy.

As well as reversing the cuts to penalty rates to boost people's pay, Labor will make sure the minimum wage delivers a decent standard of living for families. Labor wants the Fair Work Commission to have the tools to determine what wage is required to provide a decent standard of living for low-paid workers. A living wage should ensure people earn enough to make ends meet and be informed by what it costs to live in Australia today—to pay for housing, food, utilities and a basic phone and data plan. It's not that hard to support.

Question agreed to.

Senator DI NATALE (Victoria—Leader of the Australian Greens) (15:29): I move:

That the Senate take note of the answer given by the Minister representing the Prime Minister (Senator Birmingham) to a question without notice asked by Senator Di Natale relating to climate change.

The Bureau of Meteorology informed the country that the first quarter of the year was the hottest ever on record—an entire degree above the previous record—and 2.2 degrees above the long-term average. Just think about that: 2.2 degrees over the long-term average in the first quarter of this year. It's remarkable stuff. In fact, it's terrifying. It's absolutely terrifying. Our climate system is breaking down. We are confronting a climate emergency, and it will only get more rapid, more chaotic and more disruptive unless we resolve to act and to act now. This is not a time to sit on the fence. This is not a time for platitudes. This is not a time to appease vested interests. This is a time for action. We need a plan based on the science and based on the reality of the climate emergency that is before us right now.

If we're going to have a plan, any serious plan has to acknowledge that the biggest contributor to global warming right now is coal. We can't let coal exports hide in the shadows anymore. It is Australia's biggest contributor to this global challenge and yet neither side of politics want to talk about it. They take their $3 million in donations from the coal industry, and that is the price for their silence. We're not going to let you ignore this. We won't accept your silence anymore.

Last week, we announced our Renew Australia 2030 plan. It shows that a clear, staged transition out of coal exports, as we invest $1.5 billion in building up our hydrogen and clean energy exports industry, is possible. It's not just possible; it returns incredible dividends for the nation. Of course some people will say it can't be done—the coal industry's too wealthy; it's too powerful. That's what they said about the banking industry when we first called for a royal commission into the banking industry—again, a lone voice on that issue. You see, according to our Renew Australia 2030 plan, we can transition the 45,000 people who work in the coal industry into new jobs and new industries, and we can help transition older workers to do the work that's necessary to rehabilitate mine sites. We can do that if we have a plan. And you know what? We would create 170,000 new jobs as a consequence of it.

What happens if we don't have a plan? The world stops buying our coal anyway, and these workers will be out of work with no plan for their future, for their kids' future or for the future of their local communities. It's either a plan right now, with governments recognising that this is a challenge we can't walk away from, or leaving it up to multinational companies to pull the pin at any time and then these people will be without a job and without a future. It's time for us to act. When Glencore caps coal production that sends a very clear signal about the direction of where coal is heading. And, yet, what's Labor and Liberal parties' response? Again, more silence. They didn't say a word.

The reality is that we can make this transition. We have to make this transition not just because our economy is heading in this direction but because if we are to be able to inhabit a planet and our kids are going to have a safe climate then we have no greater challenge before us. Japan has already said they will no longer be focusing on coal to power their economy—they are transitioning rapidly to hydrogen. Let's not forget that when we talk about coal exports the industries are notorious tax dodgers. For $33 billion in income they paid just $300 million in tax last year. That's 0.86 per cent of federal government revenues.

Only a few days ago we saw tens of thousands of Australian kids hitting the streets protesting for their future. What did they want? No Adani coalmine, no new coal or gas and 100 per cent renewable energy by 2030. What was the response from the Labor and Liberal parties? Again, there was more silence. They did not say a word. That silence won't be tolerated any longer. You cannot stay silent anymore. The future of these kids depends on it. We must take action; we must take it now.

Question agreed to.

The DEPUTY PRESIDENT (15:34): It is with deep regret that I inform the Senate of the death on 25 February 2019 of the Hon. Dr John Joseph Herron, Officer of the Order of Australia, a senator for the state of Queensland from 1990 to 2002. I call the Acting Leader of the Government in the Senate, Senator Birmingham.

Senator BIRMINGHAM (South Australia—Minister for Trade, Tourism and Investment and Deputy Leader of the Government in the Senate) (15:34): by leave—I move:

That the Senate records its profound sorrow at the death, on 25 February 2019, of the Honourable Dr John Herron, AO, a former Senator for Queensland, Ambassador and Minister for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Affairs in the Howard Government, places on record its gratitude for his long service to the Parliament and the nation, and extends its sincere sympathies to his family in their bereavement.

World-class surgeon, humanitarian, senator, minister, ambassador, husband, father and grandfather: having dedicated himself to the service of his nation, his state, his family and his fellow human beings, in the life and example of the Hon. Dr John Herron AO we see so very much of what true moral leadership means and of what it can achieve.

Born on 4 September 1932 in Home Hill, Queensland, John was the son of Irish immigrants James Herron and his wife, Elizabeth. By day they ran a family newsagency in Paddington and, for two years during his childhood, John would ride in the sidecar of a Harley-Davidson and deliver the morning paper, an experience that stoked a lifelong enthusiasm for that motorbike. Those formative years spent in a hardworking family setting shaped his own character and mentality and no doubt played a role in his future achievements.

A gifted student, after high school John secured a scholarship that allowed him to study a Bachelor of Medicine and Bachelor of Surgery at the University of Queensland. So began his enduring passion for medicine, the vocation that would become the clear, golden thread that ran throughout his life. In a testament to his good nature and portending his future political interests, John expressed his gratitude for that scholarship in a personally penned letter to the then Prime Minister and founder of the Liberal Party, Sir Robert Menzies. At university, he dove head first into student life. He was elected president of the university's medical society and as a student union councillor, while also being a prolific contributor to the university's medical school journal.

Upon his graduation, he set to work as a surgeon, first at Princess Alexandra Hospital between 1968 and 1974 and later as the senior surgeon at Mater Public Hospital from 1974 until the year of his election to parliament in 1990. Rising to become one of Brisbane's most prominent and well-regarded doctors, John served as president of the Queensland branch of the Australian Medical Association from 1988 to 1989, and, commendably, in the Royal Australian Army Medical Corps and the RAAF Reserve for a full three decades.

On 9 March 1958, John met the woman who was to become his wife. He married Jan Kenny less than a year later, on 30 January 1959, and they would go on to raise a large and loving family of 10 children: Maryann, Elizabeth, Nicholas, Samantha, Maryrose, Catriona, Annabel, Wilhelmine, Thomas and John, each of them loved dearly. Together they comprised the family that was always the light of his life.

Family life was not without its challenges. Maryann, their first born, was born with Down syndrome and was unable to talk. Former Senator Sue Boyce has told me that John used to frequently tell the story that at the time of Maryann's birth doctors said to her parents to put her in a home and definitely not to have any more children. John used to chuckle as he reflected that that advice was, of course, advice they clearly rejected, going on to have a further nine children. Through the Herrons' lives, they were, though, touched with the tragedy of Maryann's passing in 1997. Their love for her drove them through her life and after to advocate passionately for the rights and dignity of Australians with Down syndrome. They played a leading role in the formation of the Down Syndrome Association of Queensland in the 1970s and, throughout their lives, commendably turned their personal and family hardship towards the public good.

True to form, it was John's concerns about the direction of public health policy that first spurred him into political action. John was an active and well-regarded member of the Queensland Liberal Party for many years and served as its state president from 1980 to 1984. He entered the parliament as a senator for Queensland in March 1990 but returned to the state presidency in mid-2001 and played a key role in bolstering the Queensland Liberal Party in support of the Howard government's re-election, which was secured later that year.

In this place John served on a number of committees and played a key role in two major Senate inquiries, addressing breast cancer screening and the Australian tobacco industry. As a surgeon who often treated women who were battling breast cancer, he was a reliable advocate for additional funding and support for breast cancer detection at a time when it was nowhere near as prominent and successful in the public mind as it is today. John also served as shadow parliamentary secretary to the shadow minister for health and, later, also for human services from 1994 to 1996.

With the election of the Howard government in 1996, John was made Minister for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Affairs. As minister, John's emphasis was principally on Indigenous health and welfare. For him, material improvements in the lives and fortunes of our First Australians were of utmost importance. Although he inherited the portfolio at a time when it faced sensitive and protracted issues, at his retirement he reflected not just on the portfolio's influence on his life and world view but on his contribution to making a difference in that important space.

John's outstanding moral character also shone through outside the walls of this parliament and, indeed, outside our nation. As the world reeled at the scale and carnage of the Rwandan genocide in 1994, John leapt into action and volunteered his surgical skills to save and rebuild lives. Taking leave from the Senate, he spent six weeks in Zaire's Katale refugee camp—a shocking experience that impacted him to his core. He let those experiences fuel his passion for justice. Once back home, he played an important role in ensuring that Australia ratified the creation of the International Criminal Court. He also advocated for additional Australian funding for the re-establishment of Rwanda's health services. His time in Rwanda tied him inextricably to its people. He keenly supported a young Rwandan refugee in starting their own medical career in Australia. Just last year, he served as guest of honour at the commemoration of the genocide's 24th anniversary in Brisbane. For his years of dedication he received the Humanitarian Overseas Service Medal in 2000 and the Australian Service Medal. Rwandan community leaders have been amongst the many tributes and accolades that have flowed since John's death. It is clear that his love and care for Rwanda's people were richly reciprocated, and rightly so.

Those acts of kindness were the hallmark of his life in parliament and more broadly. When then Democrat Cheryl Kernot lost her home in a 1991 arson attack, fellow Queenslander John was on hand not simply to console her but also to give her practical advice gleaned from the loss of his own home in a fire years earlier. It was unprompted acts of kindness like that which leant John such moral authority and earned him the respect of colleagues on all sides of politics.

Departing from the Senate in 2002, John's service to the nation was not finished. He went on to serve as Australia's Ambassador to Ireland and the Holy See from 2002 to 2006. Having been born into a family of rich Irish heritage and having concluded his senatorial career with a famous Irish blessing, there is no doubt that John's personal affection for Ireland helped him to serve ably as Australia's representative there.

After his diplomatic posting, he leveraged his decades of medical expertise as chair of the Australian National Council on Drugs and brought down a landmark report dubbed the Herron paper, which called for strong action on the growing use of ice and amphetamines. My wife, Courtney Morcombe, recalls serving alongside John as a member of the ANCD and remembers fondly his work, leadership, insight and compassion in that role. He also served diligently as the chairman of the Royal Brisbane and Women's Hospital Foundation from 2007 to 2010.

As a devout Catholic, John also worked as a World Youth Day ambassador in 2008. He relished the chance to guide and counsel young Australian Catholics in that role. John's deep and abiding personal faith and his lengthy service to the Catholic community saw him appointed as a Knight Commander of the Order of the Holy Sepulchre of Jerusalem and as a Papal Knight of St Gregory years earlier. This was later complemented by his receipt of the Australian Catholic University's highest honour, Doctor of the University, in May 2012. Finally, in recognition of a life given selflessly to the service of his nation and his fellow human beings, in 2012 John was appointed as an Officer of the Order of Australia.

Upon reflection, it is clear that John Herron lived many remarkable lives all in one. The scale and diversity of his achievements speak to a man of drive and energy and also to one of kindness and generosity. Nowhere was that kindness more on display than in his family life. For all of the success that he enjoyed, it speaks volumes of John's humility and character that he always held his 60 years of devoted marriage to Jan to be his greatest achievement. It is to his large and adoring family that I speak in concluding. To Jan, John's nine surviving children, his 24 grandchildren, their extended family, and all those whose lives were touched by his, on behalf of the Australian government, I offer our sincerest condolences on the passing of a loving husband, a wonderful father and a truly great Australian.

Senator FARRELL (South Australia—Deputy Leader of the Opposition in the Senate) (15:46): I rise on behalf of the opposition to express our condolences following the passing of the Hon. Dr John Herron AO, former senator and minister, at the age of 86 years. As I begin, I wish to convey the opposition's sympathy to his family and his friends, particularly those present in the Senate today.

John Herron served our nation at home and abroad. He was described by the Prime Minister he served, John Howard, as a devout Catholic and dedicated humanitarian but a hard-headed pragmatist. He fulfilled a distinguished career in medicine before entering politics. His timing was good. Of the 12 years he spent in the Senate, six years were in government and mostly on the front bench. As Minister for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Affairs, he tackled one of the most difficult and contentious portfolios in the first two terms of the Howard government. He was liked and respected by his colleagues and was described by a former Labor senator, John Faulkner, as 'a pretty avuncular sort of bloke, affable and easygoing around this building'. He went on to serve as an ambassador before returning again to leadership in medical causes.

A lifelong Queenslander, John Herron was born in the Burdekin shire at Home Hill. He completed his school education at the former Christian Brothers College in Townsville, which, I understand, was known as Our Lady's Mount, a Catholic boys school at Stanton Hill, which has been succeeded by Ignatius Park College. His first vocation was in medicine. He graduated from the University of Queensland with a Bachelor of Medicine and a Bachelor of Surgery in 1956. He went on to practise as a surgeon, notably at the Princess Alexandra and the Mater hospitals in Brisbane, becoming chief surgeon at the latter.

At the time he began his first representative career, Dr Herron served on a number of medical councils, including with the Australian Association of Surgeons and the Royal Australasian College of Surgeons. After serving as the state chairman of both these organisations at various times, he was President of the Australian Medical Association, Queensland branch, in 1988 and again in 1989. In 1974, he received the Justin Fleming Medal from the Australian Association of Surgeons. Prior to entering parliament, Dr Herron also served for over 30 years in the Australian Defence Force, including in the Royal Australian Army Medical Corps reserve and the Royal Australian Air Force Reserve.

His first significant political office was President of the Queensland division of the Liberal Party from 1980 until 1984. He would fulfil this role again in 2001 and 2002. The first period in office was marked by a determination to improve ministerial accountability and attack the corruption that had enveloped the National Party state government. It was a demonstration of Dr Herron's moral leadership that John Howard and others would come to value. Along with Senator Macdonald, John Herron was first elected to represent Queensland in the Senate in 1990. He was twice re-elected, in 1996 and in 2001, before resigning his place in 2002.

His first speech concentrated on health policy—his area of professional expertise—while also setting down the importance of what he described as 'family life as the basis for civilised living'. He believed that 'the standards of a free society should support family ideals'. On both matters, he saw the philosophy of liberalism as the most convincing and humane answer to the problems he saw in Australia at that time. Critically, in a demonstration of his pragmatism, he favoured not what he said was 'an appeal to moral values or adherence to the Ten Commandments' but policy responses in line with these values that would make a practical impact where they were needed.

He only had a brief career on the back bench, being promoted into the opposition shadow ministry in 1993. As a shadow parliamentary secretary, Dr Herron served in the health portfolio, well aligned with his medical qualifications and experience. At the same time, he served as Chair of the Senate Community Affairs References Committee. He took part in what were described as two groundbreaking Senate inquiries—one into breast cancer screening and one into the tobacco industry. The legacy of the recommendations was not to be outdone by what Dr Herron saw as another signature achievement—the limitation on the Senate hours of sitting. We all owe him a debt of gratitude for his part in that!

Dr Herron also maintained a practical engagement in medicine by volunteering as a doctor for CARE Australia in Rwanda during the course of his first term as a senator. This gruelling eight weeks was traumatising but also moving. As a consequence, he became an advocate for the International Criminal Court.

The election of the Howard government saw John Herron move into Howard's first ministry. Dr Herron took on the role of Minister for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Affairs from the beginning of the Howard government in 1996. He held that portfolio until January 2001. When he gave his farewell remarks in the Senate in 2002, he described these years as 'the most fascinating years of my life'. They were also controversial and divisive. Not everyone saw Indigenous policy in the same way as the Howard government. Dr Herron took on his role not long after the passage of the Native Title Act 1993, something that was highly contentious for those in the Liberal and National parties. The High Court decision in the Wik Peoples v Queensland in December 1996 would ensure that native title remained at the forefront of the debate in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander affairs. The court found native title rights could coexist with pastoral leases. The response was the 10-point plan, which only passed the Senate after substantial debate and amendment. While Dr Herron was not directly responsible for the policy and the legislative response of the High Court's decision, there's no doubt that this was a pivotal event in the relationship between the first peoples and the government.

Dr Herron saw the Aboriginal affairs portfolio as an opportunity to inject a mantra of self-sufficiency into Indigenous policy. He was the architect of practical reconciliation. As the then Leader of the Government in the Senate, Robert Hill, said following Dr Herron's farewell remarks in this place:

John Herron, in his typical way, went out and visited the communities and assessed in his own mind what their real needs were.

He wanted to address basic needs—jobs, health, education and housing. Recognising the particular challenges that came with remote living, he wanted to ensure that the acute problems of lack of basic services and infrastructure were properly addressed, even if this meant a decline in funding for urban and rural services. This approach was not without its critics. A critical working relationship in his portfolio was with ATSIC, the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission. Early on, he sought to form a constructive working relationship with its senior officers in the face of strained circumstances, although this was not always achieved. Further evidence that life in the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Affairs portfolio was not smooth sailing can be found in the decision of the Senate to twice censure Dr Herron—in 1996 and 2000.

Another significant event was the release of the Bringing them home report in 1997. In response, Dr Herron announced $63 million in practical assistance for those affected by the former practices of separating Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children from their families. This included funding for the development of Indigenous family support and parenting programs, boosting culture and language maintenance programs, and professional counselling and support, although not compensation, nor a formal apology. While he hoped the response would enable people to 'move together in a more positive, more harmonious and fairer future, in the true spirit of reconciliation', the idea of reconciliation itself was not a matter of political unity. Dr Herron stood up against then Independent member of the House of Representatives Pauline Hanson, now Senator Pauline Hanson, for her comments that reconciliation was being 'forced down mainstream Australia's throat'. He was appalled by these comments. Speaking in 2002, Labor senator Trish Crossin—noting that at that time some 28 per cent of the population living in the Northern Territory, which she represented, were Indigenous—acknowledged his significant contribution to Indigenous people—sometimes despite the attitudes and constraints within his own government.

John Herron's resignation from the Senate in 2002 precipitated his appointment as Australia's Ambassador to Ireland and the Holy See—a terrific combination, Mr President, but, unfortunately, no longer together—at a time when the incumbent held office in Dublin and the Vatican simultaneously. I'm not sure how you do that, but that's what he did. This was quite the full circle for the Catholic son of an immigrant Irishman. Dr Herron served in this role between 2003 and 2005. On Dr Herron's return to Australia, he was chair of the Australian National Council on Drugs. His lifetime of distinguished service in the Parliament of Australia, international relations through diplomatic and humanitarian roles, professional medical associations and the community was formally recognised in 2012, when he was appointed an Officer of the Order of Australia. In further recognition of his contribution, he also received the Australian Service Medal, the Humanitarian Overseas Medal and, from the Australian Medical Board, the Bancroft Medal.

John Herron died in February and was honoured with a state funeral at St Stephen's Catholic Cathedral in Brisbane. John Howard said this about Dr Herron:

John Herron gave a lifetime of service to the medical profession, his nation and the Liberal Party … he brought sincerity and dedication to everything he did.

Again, on behalf of the opposition, I express our deepest condolences to his family and friends.

Senator IAN MACDONALD (Queensland) (15:57): My friend and colleague the late John Herron AO was a wonderful man in so many ways: a great family man, husband and father, a skilled surgeon, a real Liberal leader, a caring and contributory parliamentarian, an effective minister and a demonstrative humanitarian—in fact, an all-round lovely man. John and I came into the Senate together in 1990 and worked together until John resigned in 2001 to become our ambassador to Ireland and the Holy See. John and his lovely and gracious wife, Jan, and Lesley and I, spent many long hours together, often on long drives campaigning and working around Queensland, and we got to know each other very well. We shared many a thought, many a laugh and many experiences. I always remember Jan's amazement and wonder at the unique landscape on the drive from Winton to Boulia in north-west Queensland. I saw John's compassion in volunteering to use his surgical skills to help in war-torn Africa while still serving as a parliamentarian, and I remember well the trauma, which he couldn't hide, when he returned to parliament. John's wisdom and calmness was of benefit to all who served with him.

John and I contested a very interesting preselection back in 1989. I know John had his moments at the time, particularly when a new contestant was thrown into the election at the last moment, in the form of a wife of a Knight of the Realm, who, curiously, had previously been a contestant with John's wife's Jan in a Miss Queensland competition in the early 1950s. In that earlier contest, Jan did not prevail. But, on a night that I will never forget, John won No. 2 position on the Senate ticket fairly and squarely, and Jan, who was sitting next to my wife, was heard to exclaim to all in earshot in her excitement and pride how 'this fairness had not occurred in the earlier contest', or words to that effect.

I could go on for hours extolling John's virtues and the contribution he made to his community, to his family, to the medical profession, to the Liberal Party, to parliament, to government and to the nation. John would never be a slave to time and he accordingly made it a habit never to wear a watch. But as the professional that he was in everything he did, John would be first to appreciate on the day of the federal budget, with only a few days left in this parliament, that time is precious. Accordingly, I will curtail my remarks there. I did speak to Jan at the state funeral but I now publicly extend to Jan and John's nine surviving children my condolences.

The PRESIDENT: I ask honourable senators to join in a moment of silence to signify assent to the motion.

Question agreed to, honourable senators standing in their places.

The PRESIDENT (16:01): It is with deep regret that I also inform the Senate of the death on 10 March this year of Gordon Douglas McIntosh, a senator for Western Australia from 1974 to 1987.

Senator BIRMINGHAM (South Australia—Minister for Trade, Tourism and Investment and Deputy Leader of the Government in the Senate) (16:01): I move:

That the Senate records its deep sorrow at the death on 10 March 2019 of Mr Gordon McIntosh, a former senator for Western Australia, and places on record its gratitude for his distinguished services to the parliament and extends its profound sympathies to its family in their bereavement.

A dedicated parliamentarian who supported an unapologetic commitment to humanitarian principles, former Senator Gordon McIntosh's passing sees the nation lose a fiery advocate for human rights in our region. Like so many who helped to build our great nation, Gordon's story was that of an immigrant. He was born in Glasgow on 29 March 1925 to a shipbuilder and swimming pool attendant—Gordon McIntosh, after whom he was named, and Dorothy Robson. Growing up in Scotland, Gordon's formative years exposed him to the realities of working class life and, from a young age, he came to know what it meant to truly put one's body on the line for their job.

Having attended both Drumoyne Primary School and Govan High School, at the young age of 15 he began to work in earnest, first as an apprentice fitter and turner in the bustling shipyards of Glasgow. Never one to shy away from hard work, much of his adolescence was spent working long hours at physically laborious jobs. Away from the shipyards, he spent time in a Glasgow lamp-making factory and a metal foundry while also serving as a mechanic in the Royal Air Force from 1946 to 1948 following the conclusion of the Second World War. These varied roles left him with an impressive array of skills and life experience. By the time he had reached just 25 years of age, he had filled the shoes of a mechanic, fitter and turner, and maintenance engineer. Gordon's life would soon change dramatically. He married Elizabeth Graham, known as Betty, on 31 March 1950. In that same year, the young couple made the decision of so many others in their generation—to cross the globe and migrate to Australia via the free ex-servicemen's passage. In time, the pair would have two sons, Gordon and Craig.

Settling with his family in Perth, Gordon quickly took up work as a dye maker at the Perth Mint, where he would become a fixture over 22 years of work. Notably, after Singapore's declaration of independence in 1968, he played a significant role in helping it establish its own mint in what was a clear precursor of his later interest in Australia's role in the Asian region. The help that he provided to Singapore was clearly well received. I note that at the time of his passing, some decades later, condolences came in from some of those who had worked alongside Gordon at the Singapore Mint.

Gordon was a member of the Amalgamated Engineering Union in Scotland. He served as a union representative in Western Australia from the 1950s through to 1972. He was also a key figure in the Como-Mill Point and Collier-Manning branches of the Labor Party and served a hefty 26 years on its state executive. Knowing what the state executives of political parties are like, many would joke that you get less for life. Nonetheless, he was preselected from that service for the third position on the Western Australia Labor Senate ticket in May 1972 and at the double dissolution election of 1974 he was elected to the Australian Senate.

Still sporting an unmistakable Scottish accent, which one commentator touted as being more Billy Connolly than Commonwealth upper house—Gordon reminds us of somebody else who's here today—Gordon threw himself into the task of representing his adopted home at the highest levels. Delivering his first speech in this place on 10 July 1974, he made clear that representing his state and its interests would be a firm priority. His passion for Western Australia was obvious. He would routinely laud its scale, beauty and economic potential and it was always top of mind for him to ensure all Western Australians enjoyed the same fair treatment as those on the east coast.

Over the course of his senatorial career, Gordon held a number of roles, including those of Deputy Opposition Whip from 1976 to 1980, Deputy Government Whip from 1983 to 1987 and Temporary Chair of committees from 1980 to 1983. Gordon also chaired the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence from 1983 to 1987, serving on the committee for the majority of his parliamentary career. It was here that he pursued the international issues for which he was most well known. At times his interest in foreign affairs took him far beyond the walls of this place, including a period as an Australian parliamentary adviser at the United Nations General Assembly in New York for several months in late 1983.

Gordon was a fierce advocate for the things he believed in and was never afraid to challenge the status quo. By disposition, he was a man of internationalist principles. That sentiment came to the fore in his ferocious criticism of French nuclear testing in the pacific. Not content with relegating his criticism to set speeches, in April of 1982 he was, in fact, present on a protest ship when it was detained by the French Navy after entering an exclusion zone. Unperturbed, it was only a few weeks later he was at the forefront of protests against an American nuclear-powered vessel when he was visiting Brisbane, a position that caused no small degree of consternation within the ranks of his party's executive at the time. However, Gordon was most prominently known for his staunch support for the self-determination of the East Timorese people. This was an issue that consumed much of his energy and passion in the parliament and one which he was willing to take a stand and make a stand even against his own party. That passion did not dim with his departure from parliamentary life. In June 1987, he continued to follow and to contribute on the topic in the years after his retirement. Such was the length and profile of his commentary that, after decades of advocacy, he was formally invested into the Order of Timor-Leste in December 2014.

In closing, and in reflecting once more on the life of a deeply driven Australian public servant, I believe that the recent words of the government of Timor-Leste captured the sentiment well. They said:

Gordon McIntosh will not be forgotten in Timor-Leste and will be forever remembered with great affection, admiration and respect. In this sadness moment, we mourn his death, but we celebrate his contribution.

The people of Timor-Leste, the people of Australia and, no doubt, those in his country of birth all recognise the contribution that Gordon made. It is to Gordon's family, friends and all those touched by his remarkable life and his generosity of spirit that, on behalf of the government, I offer our sincerest condolences.

Senator FARRELL (South Australia—Deputy Leader of the Opposition in the Senate) (16:09): I rise on behalf of the opposition to express our condolences following the passing of Gordon Douglas McIntosh, former Labor senator, at the age of 93. At the outset, I convey the opposition's most sincere sympathy to his family and friends. Gordon McIntosh was a Scottish metalworker who made his way to the Australian Senate. Migrating to Australia, like so many others in the postwar period, he was an office bearer in his union before being elected to represent his state of Western Australia in the nation's parliament. There he became a fierce advocate for human rights, particularly for the people of East Timor.

Gordon McIntosh was born in Scotland, beginning his working life in the Glasgow shipyards. He was a fitter and turner and later a maintenance engineer. He also served in the Royal Air Force as a technician from 1945 to 1948. Gordon McIntosh was proud of his Scottish heritage. Like another current Labor senator, this was not easily disguised, as his accent became immediately apparent as soon as he opened his mouth. He was also a proud Western Australian, emigrating in 1950 with his new wife, Elizabeth. He became a die maker at the Perth Mint, where he was employed for 22 years.

Always a member of a union, both in Scotland and Australia, he became an officer in the branch of the Amalgamated Engineering Union in his home state from the early 1950s. This culminated in service as state president from 1968 to 1972. The union joined with others to become the Amalgamated Metal Workers' Union, and he was the state vice-president of this body from 1972 until 1974.

Concurrently with his union involvement, Mr McIntosh joined the Australian Labor Party. He quickly rose to prominence, taking a seat on the state executive in 1952 and holding office continuously until 1978. At the time, he worked hard to energise its branches, and, in 1972, he was preselected for the Senate. Gordon McIntosh was first elected as a Labor senator for Western Australia in 1974. The prevalence of simultaneous dissolution elections at this time meant that he faced the people more than the average senator, winning re-election three times before his retirement prior to the 1987 poll.

Mr McIntosh was immediately concerned to emphasise that he represented the whole of his vast home state. In his first speech, he drew to the attention of the Senate the disparity in service delivery between metropolitan Perth and regional areas. In particular, he cited disadvantage in the fields of education, cultural activities, social activities and community amenities. He saw a role for national government to ensure that the whole of a state like Western Australia was treated as an equal party with the rest of the nation, including through bearing in mind the specific challenges of remoteness and vastness.

During his tenure in the Senate, he served the federal parliamentary Labor Party as deputy whip in the Senate in the opposition and in government from 1976 to 1980 and 1983 to 1987. Unsurprisingly, for a lifelong unionist, issues of industrial relations were prominent in his contributions in the Senate, especially in response to the Fraser government's policies in this area. However, as a demonstration that those of his generation were broad in outlook, the most continuous theme of his time as a senator was on the wider world.

Mr McIntosh had an abiding interest in foreign affairs and human rights. He served on the Senate Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence for the entirety of his Senate career, something that was quite unusual for a senator who served for over a decade. He was also the chair of this committee from 1983 until 1987. In addition, he was a member of the Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence from 1974 to 1975 and again from 1980 to 1983.

He was able to travel overseas on parliamentary delegations on multiple occasions. These delegations took him to East Asia and South-East Asia, in particular to Indonesia and East Timor, as well as to Vanuatu, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and Poland. For three months in 1983, he was the parliamentary adviser to the Australian delegation at the United Nations General Assembly in New York. Mr McIntosh campaigned on matters including nuclear testing in the Pacific, aid to Vietnam, refugees from Irian Jaya in Papua New Guinea and human rights in Chile under the Pinochet regime.

If there is one international cause for which Mr McIntosh is most associated, it's East Timor. He was described in 1983 as:

… an implacable Labor campaigner for East Timor self-determination.

Following his first visit to East Timor in 1975, he never tired in his advocacy for the cause or in holding successive Australian governments to account for their actions. A review of the Hansard record demonstrates how frequently he asked questions and made speeches on the rights of the East Timorese, the Indonesian occupation and the role of the Australian government.

In 1983, he tabled a report for the Senate Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence into human rights abuses and the conditions of the people of East Timor. This report was highly contentious for the way in which it:

… declared the Indonesian invasion and occupation to be 'an illegal act', described gross violations of human rights and called for an internationally recognised act of self-determination.

Mr McIntosh's campaigning for the rights of the East Timorese during his Senate career and after he retired was recognised in 2004 when he was invested with the Order of Timor-Leste. At the time he was described as:

… the conscience of the Federal Parliament on the matter of the Indonesian invasion of East Timor and the repression of the Timorese people.

On the occasion of Mr McIntosh's retirement from the Senate, the then Labor leader in the Senate, John Button, described what he called his characteristic good humour. In doing so he cited Mr McIntosh's suggestion to Labor minister and former Attorney-General Gareth Evans that Senator Evans would be an ideal candidate to fill the vacancy on the High Court. Mr McIntosh continued, 'After all, you're not going anywhere in politics,' and the rest is history. The Leader of the Opposition in the Senate, Fred Chaney, farewelled his fellow West Australian from the chamber by lamenting the loss of a political representative whose background and experience was that of a skilled tradesman.

Gordon McIntosh was a man of commitment and principles. He committed his life to the Labor movement, to his union and to the Australian Labor Party. His commitment was rewarded by the people of Western Australia with a place in the Senate. He was also committed to principles, in particular to equality, fairness and human rights at home and abroad. Whether it be on the factory floor or the international stage, Gordon McIntosh was a ceaseless advocate for the rights of others. His death is a loss for our movement. Again, I express the opposition's condolences to his family and friends.

Senator LINES (Western Australia—Deputy President and Chair of Committees) (16:17): I wish to make a few remarks about Senator Gordon Douglas McIntosh, and in doing so I pay my respects and send my condolences and love to his family and friends. As many have observed today, Senator McIntosh, or Gordon McIntosh, as I knew him, was a principled man. In the mid-eighties, I joined the Labor Party as a very young and naive person, and one of the first members I met at that time was Gordon McIntosh. What I knew about Gordon was he was fierce and he was passionate. I have to say when I met him on committees I was a little afraid of him because he was always a fierce advocate.

Senator Farrell has outlined some of the passions of Gordon Douglas McIntosh, and those values align with mine. He was a fierce advocate for nuclear disarmament, and at that time in the eighties it was a very big issue. It was a big issue confronting Australia and the world. It was a time when we had many visits from American nuclear-powered ships. It was one of the things that I protested about, and it was one of the shared values that I had with Gordon.

He was also a committed unionist. He was a member of the Amalgamated Metal Workers' Union. Not only was he a proud member of the Labor Party but he was a very proud metal worker. You knew that about Gordon, and, as others have said, he had a very strong Scottish accent. He and I would often be on various committees together, and, even though our values aligned and he was a member of the left, as I am, he was someone to be feared and he was someone to be respected.

We also shared Scottish heritage. My grandmother was Scottish, and I'm sure that was one of the things that Gordon tolerated about me as a young, naive person who would ask all sorts of questions that had probably been asked of Gordon a million times before. He was a member of the Manning branch, and that branch still exists today. On East Timor, he was a very strong advocate at a time when Labor's position was probably not as good as it should have been.

So I remember Gordon. I thank him for those early lessons that he afforded me and for the generosity that he allowed those of us who were new to the party. He accepted us with open arms, although I'm sure he often wondered where we came from and why we asked so many silly questions. But he was a man of principle. He was a great mentor. He was someone that you looked up to at a committee meeting or a party meeting because you always knew that Gordon had the line that you wished to aspire to.

So I offer my deep condolences on the passing of Gordon. Let there be many more Gordons who join the Labor Party and represent us with such great honour.

Senator SIEWERT (Western Australia—Australian Greens Whip) (16:21): I rise, too, to make a contribution and pass on my condolences to the family of Gordon McIntosh, who was a well-known activist around Perth. But I actually rise to speak on behalf of some people in Timor-Leste. In particular, Mr Francisco da Carvalho has asked me, through a friend, to reflect on his support and on condolences passed on from him and his family, who remember former Senator McIntosh as a very important part of their resistance in Timor-Leste. So, with the indulgence of the Senate, I'm going to read what he has written and passed on to me through a very good friend of mine who is currently working in Timor-Leste. What he says is:

Gordon McIntosh was a hero of Timor-Leste. He was seen by Timorese as a highly-principled and tenacious supporter of East Timorese self-determination and independence since 1975. His passing has saddened many in Timor-Leste—as he gave many a glimmer of hope in tragic and tough times.

Gordon McIntosh challenged successive Australian Government support for the Indonesian military invasion and occupation. He was best known as Chair of the 1982-83 Senate Inquiry about East Timor, his counterpoint to former Prime Minister Gough Whitlam at the United Nations in 1982 and his membership of the Australian Parliamentary Delegation to Indonesia and East Timor in 1983.

In 1983 he went to Timor, as part of the first Australian parliamentary delegation to visit the then territory under occupation of Indonesia. After the trip, the Senator wrote a report denouncing the delegation's comments, describing the attempts of some to present Timor as no longer a significant political problem. His petition to the United Nations Decolonization Committee in 1982 was instrumental in keeping Timor on the list of territories with open decolonization processes, and his activities over many years made an important contribution to the Timorese cause.

In Timor Sen. McIntosh was affectionately known they used to call him "Ulun toos …" which directly translated means head strong—but it was his determination, stubbornness and 'discernment for not accepting the views of his Australian Parliament colleagues during his 1983 visit to the country—

which seems to have earned him this nickname

In 2014, he was awarded the Order of Timor-Leste … for his efforts in favour of Timor-Leste's independence.

Francisco da Carvalho is one of the founding fathers of the CVTL, the Red Cross Timor-Leste, and a veteran. He was a resistance leader during the invasion by Indonesia and met with Senator McIntosh in 1983. In 1981 Francisco was imprisoned on Atauro Island, just north of Dili. Francisco tells the story that Senator McIntosh came with a delegation from Australia to see for himself the conditions of political prisoners but had to be accompanied by the Indonesian military. Francisco and his fellow prisoners had a letter that they wanted to smuggle out to tell the world what was happening in East Timor. They didn't know what to do, as of course it was highly illegal and the Indonesian military were standing close by. Francisco finally took a deep breath, said a prayer and somehow shoved the letter into Gordon's hand. By luck, he was the right person to take the letter.

For nearly 10 years, Francisco was in prison on Atauro Island, in Indonesia and then in Dili. Once out of prison, he heard a lot about the work of then Senator McIntosh and about what he was doing for East Timor. Again, it gave him strength and hope throughout the following years. In 2016, former Senator McIntosh met with Francisco when in Dili, which was a joyful occasion. Gordon had given Francisco hope that somebody from the international community would listen to their plight—someone who understood the situation, who fought for East Timor. Francisco said that 'thank you' did not really describe what he wanted to say to Gordon and his family. He struggled with words and put his hand on his heart:

… it is much deeper than that. He supported us in such a terrible time; such a bad situation; and then he came back to see us.

Gordon McIntosh will not be forgotten in East Timor and will be forever remembered with great affection, admiration and respect. As the Timorese government said in their press release about former Senator McIntosh's passing:

In this moment of sadness, we mourn his death, but we celebrate his contribution.

I understand that Francisco also has photos that he would be very glad to pass on to Gordon's family. He was, as was so clearly articulated in Francisco's words, deeply loved and remembered, and I can pass on that as soon as they heard about his passing they sought to reach out to express their admiration and affection for all that he did for East Timor.

Senator PRATT (Western Australia) (16:27): I rise humbly to associate myself with the remarks in the chamber this afternoon of other senators and pay my respects to the work of this marvellous man, Gordon McIntosh, in this place, in East Timor, on nuclear disarmament issues and as a proud member of the Australian Labor Party and the Australian Manufacturing Workers' Union. I pass on my sincere condolences to his family and children. He was an important part of history in the Labor Party and in the union movement in Western Australia, being there at a time of union amalgamations, when the Australian Engineering Union amalgamated to become part of the new body, the Amalgamated Metal Workers' Union. Indeed, the branches that he was a member of were the very same branches that I was a member of. Although I was a generation just after Senator Sue Lines in becoming a member of the party, that legacy of activism is something that brought me to this place. Gordon McIntosh's work as a political activist combined trade unionism with industrial rights, with advocating for the industries that he supported, the industries that he was a part of. It combined with other passions, like human rights in Timor-Leste, anti French nuclear testing, nuclear disarmament, trade and the rights of working people, and it is truly a shining example to me and to many other people in the Labor Party and the labour movement of what our labour movement is about.

His vision was of a number of things. He said that union amalgamations were inevitable, and perhaps indeed they are, and he described a 35-hour working week was also inevitable—if only; I hope that is something we can wish for for the people of our nation. Indeed, I agree with his remarks where he once described the legislation proposed by the Fraser government that would have prevented the families of workers involved in strike action from receiving social service benefits as 'one foot on the ladder of fascism'. As senators in this place have highlighted, he was a man of deep values and deep principles that he stuck to until the end. I would very much like to associate myself with this condolence motion today.

The PRESIDENT: I ask senators to join me in a moment of silence to signify assent to the motion.

Question agreed to, honourable senators standing in their places.

Senator FARUQI (New South Wales) (16:31): by leave—I table a document, a non-conforming petition, signed by over 1.4 million people, calling for the removal of Senator Fraser Anning from parliament after his despicable comments seeking to further demonise Muslims in the wake of the Christchurch massacre and, in fact, blaming the targets of this horrific terrorist attack for their own deaths.

The PRESIDENT: Senator Faruqi, I understand leave has been granted for this non-conforming petition, but I do urge senators that when they table a petition it is not an opportunity to make a speech. There are other opportunities for that.

Senator SIEWERT (Western Australia—Australian Greens Whip) (16:32): by leave—I table this non-conforming petition calling for ParentsNext to be made voluntary. It's signed by 39,305 people.