I move:

That further statements on the State of the service report 2024-25 be permitted in the Federation Chamber.

Question agreed to.

I move:

That further statements on consumer reforms be permitted in the Federation Chamber.

Question agreed to.

I declare the Federation Chamber orders of the day government business No. 2, VET Student Loans (Miscellaneous Measures) Bill 2025, and No. 3, Veterans Affairs Legislation Amendment (Miscellaneous Measures No. 1) Bill 2025, are returned to the House for further consideration.

The matters will be set down for consideration at a later hour this day.

by leave—I move:

That so much of the standing and sessional orders be suspended as would prevent the private Members' business order of the day relating to the Stopping Wind Farms in State Forests Bill 2025 being called on immediately and given priority over all other business for final determination of the House.

I'm moving to suspend standing orders because this matter is urgent. It can't wait. The Stopping Wind Farms in State Forests Bill 2025 needs to be debated and brought on for a vote. The major parties have all let our local residents down. It's been a failure of politics and politicians. When the National Party passed laws that allowed wind farms into state forests, it abjectly failed to properly regulate it. That's the cold, hard truth, and the result has been chaos and conflict. Communities are divided. You've got family members pitted against family members, neighbours fighting neighbours, broken friendships, extreme mental health anguish as residents worry about the property values of their homes, fear and uncertainty. It's the same story with the creation of renewable energy zones in New South Wales. The National Party created them and it totally failed in its duty to control them.

It would've been a very simple thing to clearly set out where the developments can and can't go, to protect the rights of local residents so that they have a say, their rights are protected and their voices are heard, and that there was genuine consultation, not just tokenistic tick-a-box consultation. They could've mandated that, but the National Party failed to do so. So, rather than pretending to ride around on white horses, the National Party should apologise. It should own up to its failures and come into this House now to support this bill. All of the major parties have had a hand in this. They are all guilty of failing these residents. It's been an ongoing failure across the political divide and all parties need to bear responsibility for it, including the Labor Party in New South Wales.

Across the political spectrum, it's been a sad case of politicians not doing their jobs and letting down their local residents and their local communities. This bill is a chance for them all to redeem themselves. We need to give them the opportunity to come down into this House, into this chamber, and vote for this bill. I would expect National Party members to be in here, and we want government members too. I went and saw the Minister for Climate Change and Energy about this bill and I think he does understand that there are developers doing the wrong thing. So we want him and all members down here to support this bill, because our residents are demanding urgent, immediate action.

I've been working with local residents in impacted communities for many years and, while I've had some success in getting wind farms moved or modified for local residents, such examples are sadly few and far between. This is because the consultants from these companies come out from the city, Sydney or Melbourne, and say that they're going to do things differently and that they'll consult in a meaningful way, and then they fail to do so. That's because the truth is that the decisions about turbine heights and placements are for the most part made in foreign boardrooms over oceans and far away from our local residents. Moving turbines away from impacted residents and reducing their height actually costs money, and compromising with local residents means they just don't make as much of it—the profits are less. It's a business decision. A lot of developers come out into our area and say soothing words like, 'We're going to sponsor the local footy team and that will make it all right,' but it doesn't. I've had constituents in tears worried about the value of their homes when they have turbines slated for 700 metres from their homes.

I asked the House to look at what has happened in the Oberon area with the Pines Wind Farm proposed by Tag Energy and Stromlo Energy. They have failed to carry the community with them. People have rebelled against the pseudoconsultations. Residents have, quite frankly, felt duped. The developer claimed to be putting turbines only in state forests and then started shopping them around outside of these boundaries, and now they're hitting up the community of Trunkey Creek. These residents are in shock—it's a small farming community—to have this suddenly foisted upon them. The whole thing has been deeply traumatic for the whole area. They were supposed to be only in state forests, and now they're shopping them all over the place. Over at Portland, where Someva is developing the Sunny Corner Wind Farm, there's just a tick-a-box consultation without genuine compromise. Now we have a Spanish company releasing its plan for the Canobolas state forest near Orange.

Our communities are sick of this patronising, disingenuous and, frankly, bogus approach to consultation and community engagement. Out at the Boree Solar Farm near Geurie it's the same old story—a shocking lack of consultation in the face of prime agricultural land being threatened. The Kerrs Creek Wind Farm is another example. That's being run out of the United Kingdom by the McAlpine companies. There's terrible consultation and only tokenistic compromise.

My bill steps in to fix the failures of the state governments and all political parties, and enables the federal government to use its Constitutional powers to make laws to stop turbine developments in these state forests. This federal legislation would override failed state legislation. Clause 3 of the bill uses the corporations power of our Constitution to provide that a corporation must not construct, install or commission a wind farm in a state forest. To put it beyond doubt, it includes the Sunny Corner State Forest near Portland and Lithgow, the Vulcan State Forest, the Mount David State Forest and the Gurnang State Forest—they're all in the Oberon area—and also the Canobolas state forest near Orange. The bill is not limited to those state forests; it's for any state forest. It's now up to all parties to get behind this bill.

The folks impacted by the Sunny Corner State Forest wind farm proposal want action on this, as do those folks around Oberon, Orange and wherever these state forests are. It's now up to all parties to back it in, including the National Party—they need to stop the infighting, the bickering and the plotting, start being an effective opposition and come in to support this legislation.

I look at these benches over here and I see the opposition imploding before our eyes. We've had the attempted forced retirement of the members for New England and Riverina—they are trying to rissole them out. That seems to be going pretty badly. The member for New England looks set to hit the eject button on his seat in the party room. They've already lost a senator, and it looks like the member for New England, if the state dinners are anything to go by, is the next to depart. Anyone who is a leadership threat is moving on, or they're trying to move them on. Then you had the ham-fisted attempt to break away from the Liberal Party, which lasted 48 hours when they realised that they would lose pay, lose staff, lose positions, and they would have Liberal Party members running in their seats in three-cornered contests. This bill is the crossbench getting the job done in the face of, let's face it, a shambolic opposition. And because they're so busy trying to tear each other down in their own, misguided quests for personal glory, and because they're no longer truly standing up for country people, the crossbench and the Independents are answering the call of our communities. We are doing the heavy lifting in the face of political failure in this House. It is not just the chaotic opposition; it is also the government that needs to be answering the call on this bill because our communities are tired of the failure. They are tired of the false promises and the empty words. They want their voices heard and they want these wind farms in state forests stopped, so I would urge all members of the House to heed that call and listen to the communities and what they are asking for.

We need to put an end to the anguish and the pain that our communities are experiencing. We need to put an end to the bogus tick-a-box consultation which is not genuine and is basically fly-in fly-out tick-a-box consultation. We need to bring those voices into this parliament and this bill is a way to do it. It is widely supported in our area and it is widely supported by our impacted residents, who have had enough; they have had a gutful. I urge all members of this House to come into this chamber and support the Stopping Wind Farms in State Forests Bill 2025. I commend this to motion to the House.

Is there a seconder for the motion?

I rise today in strong support of the member for Calare and his call to stop wind farms from being built in our state forests. Let me start by saying this: Australians support renewable energy. My community in Fowler supports renewable energy, but we also expect governments to show common sense to plan properly and to protect the environment, not to destroy it in the name of saving it. That is exactly what is happening when wind farms are carved into state forests across New South Wales.

We are told that wind energy is automatically clean and low-emission but that is simply not the full story. Building these massive turbines requires enormous amounts of steel, concrete, rare earth minerals and global transport. All of this is highly energy intensive and carbon heavy. Before a single kilowatt of electricity is ever generated, these projects create massive upfront emissions that nobody seems to talk about. Why should we be clearing state forests—precious environmental assets—to build infrastructure that already carries such a large carbon footprint?

When we look at the long-term impact, the concerns get even more serious. Wind turbine blades are notoriously difficult to recycle. Current technology cannot process the composite materials, so thousands of blades around the world are ending up in landfill. Australia is no exception. While I acknowledge that it is only for softwood pine plantations and not plantation pine forests, we still have to look at how these wind farms are being built and set out across these softwood pine plantations. If we allow wind farms in state forests we risk turning protected lands, areas meant for recreation and conservation, into future waste sites once the turbines reach the end of their 20- to 25-year lifespan. That is not a responsible environmental stewardship.

The irony is that we are destroying natural habitats and biodiversity in order to build something that is meant to help the environment. Renewables must not become a licence to industrialise conservation areas. While these wind farms may not be proposed in the electorate of Fowler, the consequences absolutely flow into my community. Western Sydney suffers from urban heat, poor air quality and rising energy costs. Families and small businesses in Fowler are struggling with electricity bills that go up despite the promise of cheaper renewable energy. Yet here we are, rushing ahead poorly planned renewable projects that will cost more to build, more to maintain and ultimately push more costs onto consumers.

Communities like Fowler are tired of paying for bad planning. We need smart, balanced long-term decisions, not shortcuts, not symbolic gestures, not projects that look good in press releases but create environmental damage and financial burden in years ahead.

The government must also acknowledge that a transition done badly will undermine public support for renewables. People want clean energy but they also want honesty. They want transparency and they want assurances that we are not destroying forests and creating mountains of unrecyclable waste in the name of climate action. If we lose public trust, we lose the transition.

That is why I support the member for Calare's motion. We can and should pursue renewable energy but we must do so responsibly. That begins with a simple principle: state forests should be protected. I commend this motion to the House and support the member for Calare's motion to introduce a bill to stop windfarms in state forests.

Member for Fowler, I need you to second the motion.

I second the motion.

I move:

That the debate be adjourned.

The question is that the debate be adjourned.

A division having been called and the bells having been rung—

As there are fewer than seven members on the side for the noes in this division, I declare the question resolved in the affirmative in accordance with standing order 127. The names of those members who are in the minority will be recorded in the Votes and Proceedings.

Question agreed to.

Debate adjourned.

I move:

That this bill be now read a second time.

The Health Legislation Amendment (Prescribing of Pharmaceutical Benefits) Bill 2025 introduces historic reforms to health legislation that empower nurses to work to their full scope of practice and improve access to medicines for people across Australia.

This bill advances scope of practice reforms identified by the Strengthening Medicare Taskforce and the subsequent Unleashing the Potential of our Health Workforce review.

It amends the National Health Act 1953 to authorise registered nurses, endorsed under the Registration standard: Endorsement for scheduled medicines—designated registered nurse prescriber, to prescribe certain medicines under the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS), attracting Commonwealth subsidies.

This change empowers nurses to provide safe, high-quality care directly to people in the community, reducing the need for GP visits or long waits in overcrowded hospital emergency departments.

Enabling prescribing under the PBS by designated registered nurse prescribers ensures the medicines they prescribe are affordable for patients. This reform aligns with the government's commitment to cheaper medicines, and with the National Medicines Policy. It promotes equitable, affordable, and timely access to high-quality medicines and services.

Currently, our registered nurses, who are highly skilled and highly educated, remain underutilised in primary care. Allowing them to prescribe under the PBS will boost efficiency, strengthen care coordination, and ensure GPs and nurse practitioners can focus on patients with more complex needs.

Designated registered nurse prescribing strengthens the health system by easing workforce pressures and building long-term capacity and sustainability.

Improved access to primary health care reduces avoidable hospital visits and preventable hospitalisations. In rural and remote communities, people often have to travel long distances and face long wait times for even basic care.

This reform allows people, especially those in rural and regional areas, to receive affordable treatment with greater equity.

Designated registered nurse prescribers will help relieve pressure across acute and primary care. They will ensure individuals receive care when and where they need it.

The list of medicines able to be prescribed under the PBS by a designated registered nurse prescriber will be considered by the independent Pharmaceutical Benefits Advisory Committee or PBAC.

Since 2017, the Nursing and Midwifery Board of Australia and Chief Nursing and Midwifery Officers have conducted extensive research and consultation on nurse prescribing models. The NMBA, the board, developed the standards for designated registered nurse prescribers through multiple rounds of public consultation, which received strong support.

All health ministers have endorsed the scheduled medicines standard, which came into effect in September this year. The first cohort of nurses is expected to complete their education and receive endorsement as designated RN prescribers by July 2026.

To maintain integrity and safety, the bill also amends the Health Insurance Act 1973. It subjects designated RN prescribing under the PBS to the Professional Services Review scheme, a peer-review mechanism that safeguards the PBS and other programs.

This bill delivers on the government's commitment to ensure our health workforce operates at their full scope, enhancing safe and timely access to medicines. It's a win for nurses and a win for all Australians.

I commend the bill to the House.

Debate adjourned.

I move:

That this bill be now read a second time.

The Coal Mining Industry (Long Service Leave) Legislation Amendment Bill 2025 will deliver fairness and certainty for workers in the black coal mining industry and their employers.

This legislation is designed to ensure eligible workers have a clear pathway to access their hard earned long service leave entitlements quickly and in full.

This will benefit workers across the black coal mining regions including the Hunter Valley and the New South Wales North Coast, that Illawarra, Central Queensland, and Mackay and the Whitsundays.

For decades, portable long service leave has been a vital entitlement for employees in the industry, allowing them to accrue leave as they move between sites and employers. However, disputes about who is covered by the Coal Mining Industry (Long Service Leave Funding) Scheme have meant that many eligible employees are missing out on their lawful entitlements. This issue has particularly impacted employees in mechanical and supply services.

The two recent decisions of the full Federal Court of Australia on these matters have clarified the scheme's coverage. Many employees in the black coal mining industry can now access their entitlements under the scheme and in some cases, employers may have liabilities dating back to 2010, potentially involving debts of millions of dollars in unpaid levy for long service leave.

The government is taking decisive action through this bill to resolve these legacy issues. The bill provides a practical, time limited pathway for employers to settle historical levy debts. This pathway will enable employers to pay their levy in a financially sustainable way and connect employees with their entitlements. To ensure fairness, employers that have already begun paying their debts in good faith will also be able to opt into this pathway.

The bill allows employers to set up payment arrangements for outstanding levy debts, to be paid in instalments over six years. Once an employer has paid 80 per cent of the amount owed, the remaining 20 per cent will be waived. This represents a balanced approach intended to incentivise employer participation, protecting the viability of the scheme and supporting employers with significant levy liabilities. Greater employer uptake ultimately benefits their employees who will gain access to their entitlements sooner. Importantly, the 20 per cent debt waiver has no impact on worker entitlements—eligible workers will receive the full entitlements they're owed.

Employers will need to specify the employees and periods covered under the payment arrangements. This upholds a principle that payments should be directly linked to individual workers' entitlements.

The bill builds in flexibility and support to ensure eligible employees will not miss out on their lawful long service leave entitlement. In response to stakeholder feedback, timeframes will be able to be adjusted so employers can conduct thorough checks and identify all eligible employees. Coal LSL will also engage with employers through the process to provide support with establishing their payment arrangements.

The historical nature of these issues will mean that employer records may be incomplete. To prevent this from impacting workers, the bill adopts a fair and workable approach to establishing arrangements and calculating employee entitlements. This includes allowing certain simplified calculations, as well as allowing certain reasonable assumptions to be made. Such an approach will ensure incomplete records do not stand in the way of connecting employees with their historical entitlements.

Some employers, operating in good faith, have already paid long service leave entitlements directly to employees upon cessation of employment. To ensure that employers don't pay twice, the bill provides that employers can offset eligible payments against their debt, in certain circumstances.

Alongside supporting the payment of historical debts, the bill will also strengthen the scheme's compliance mechanisms by updating penalty arrangements. The bill links the 'additional levy' rate to the Reserve Bank of Australia's cash rate plus two per cent, which ensures the 'additional levy' functions as an effective deterrent to late payments into the scheme by employers.

This bill represents a fair outcome for employers and employees.

For employees, this bill provides certainty and recognition after many had been previously excluded from the scheme. Employees who may have previously missed out will have their service recognised and be connected with their lawful entitlements.

For employers, it provides a clear and fair process to resolve debts that, in some cases, go back 15 years. The 20 per cent debt waiver and the ability to pay in instalments will assist employers in paying their debts.

In that spirit, these reforms have been developed in consultation with industry representatives, unions and the Coal Mining Industry (Long Service Leave Funding) Corporation. Broadly, stakeholders have expressed support for these changes as necessary and proportionate to maintain confidence in the scheme. I would like to thank all those stakeholders for their constructive engagement with this issue over a number of years.

This bill is a practical and balanced response to complex legacy issues. It reflects the government's commitment to supporting employers to pay their debts and connecting their employees with their lawful entitlements. I commend the bill to the House.

Debate adjourned.

I move:

That this bill be now read a second time.

This is a bill to establish the Australian Tertiary Education Commission, the ATEC.

It's a key recommendation of the Australian Universities Accord.

Before I set out the details of the bill, let me remind the House what the universities accord is about.

Three years ago I appointed six eminent Australians to develop a blueprint for how we reform our higher education system: Professor Mary O'Kane as chair, a former chief scientist and engineer of New South Wales, and a former vice-chancellor of the University of Adelaide; Professor Barney Glover, who is now the commissioner of Jobs and Skills Australia and was then the vice-chancellor and president of Western Sydney University; Distinguished Professor Larissa Behrendt, Laureate Fellow at the Jumbunna Institute of Indigenous Education and Research at the University of Technology Sydney; the Hon. Fiona Nash, the Australian Regional Education Commissioner and former Minister for Regional Development and Minister for Regional Communications; the Hon. Jenny Macklin, the former Minister for Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs and the Minister for Disability Reform; and Ms Shemara Wikramanayake, Chief Executive Officer at Macquarie Group and a member of the former government's University Research Commercialisation Expert Panel.

I asked them to look at seven priority areas:

I released their final report in February last year.

In short, what it says is that, in the years ahead, more jobs are going to require more skills.

What it says is that 60 per cent of Australians working today have a certificate, a diploma or a degree, and that by 2050 that will increase to about 80 per cent.

That's a big jump.

It means more people at TAFE, more people at university and more people doing a bit of both.

And what the accord says is the only way this will happen is if we break down two big barriers.

The first of those is the artificial barrier we've created and built up between the vocational education system and the higher education system, and replace it with a system that's more joined up.

The second is the invisible barrier that stops too many young people from poor families, from our outer suburbs, from the regions and from the bush from getting to university at all.

To give you an idea of what the accord is talking about, 69 per cent of young Australians from wealthy families have a university degree today, but only 19 per cent from very poor families do.

And this isn't just a barrier to university.

The accord peels away any misconception that it's okay if young people from poor families don't make it to university, because they make it to TAFE.

What it shows is that 87 per cent of young people from wealthy families have either a TAFE qualification or a uni degree, but only 59 per cent of young people from poor families do.

In other words, more than 40 per cent of young people from poor families don't have the sorts of qualifications that so many people are going to need in the years ahead.

We have now implemented every recommendation of the accord's interim report and we have started work on implementing the final report.

In last year's budget we bit off a big chunk of it—31 out of 47 recommendations in full or in part.

Let me remind the House of what some of those are.

It includes more than doubling the number of university study hubs in the regions, in the bush and now, for the first time ever, in our outer suburbs.

These are places that bring university closer to where a lot of people live.

They are about breaking down that invisible barrier.

Most of them are now open, and the rest will open in the next few months.

We're also increasing funding for the bridging courses that help prepare you to start a university degree.

They are like a bridge between school and uni.

Over the next 10 years we will invest an extra $1 billion to help tens of thousands of Australians do one of these courses for free.

We have also introduced paid prac. This is financial support for teaching students, nursing students, midwifery students and social work students while they do the practical training that's part of their degree.

It's means tested and it's targeted at people who need it the most.

So far more than 67,000 students have applied for paid prac. More than 80 per cent of those applications have been processed, and more than 80 per cent of those have been approved.

The accord also recommended we allocate more medical Commonwealth supported places to address the shortage of doctors in our community, and we are doing that too.

Next year, we'll train more doctors than ever before. Earlier this week the minister for health and I announced more medical places to train more doctors at 10 universities across the country.

Over the last three years, we have announced more than 350 new commencing medical places.

We have also announced eight new medical schools.

When fully rolled out, it will mean we are supporting around 1,790 more medical students studying each year.

We have also scrapped the 50 per cent pass rule.

This was an unfair rule that significantly and disproportionately affected Indigenous students, students from poor families and students from the regions and the bush.

We have also reformed student services and amenities fees, setting a minimum amount of 40 per cent to be provided to student led organisations.

We have also introduced a demand-driven system for Indigenous students, wherever they live.

Previously this was only available for Indigenous students living in regional and remote Australia.

This means if you are an Indigenous student and you get the marks for the course you want to do, you will now get a place at university.

It's already having an impact.

Last year the number of Indigenous students starting a degree increased by five per cent.

This year it increased by a further three per cent.

The Department of Education estimates that over the next decade this could double the number of Indigenous students at university.

We have also introduced a National Student Ombudsman that started work this year and a National Higher Education Code to Prevent and Respond to Gender-based Violence that starts on 1 January and will give the ombudsman's recommendations real teeth.

This year we also established the Expert Council on University Governance, and it delivered its final report a few weeks ago.

This includes a set of principles that we will put into law and require universities to report annually on on an 'if not, why not?' basis.

On the recommendations of the current Senate inquiry into university governance, we will also get the Remuneration Tribunal to help set salaries for vice-chancellors and require universities to publish decisions of council meetings, spending on consultants, vice-chancellors' external roles and any conflicts of interest.

We are also making major changes to reduce student debt.

Last year we capped the indexation of student debt to the lower of the consumer price index and the wage price index.

This wiped $3 billion off student debt.

This week and next week we will wipe a further $16 billion off student debt, cutting student debt by 20 per cent.

Tomorrow, 1½ million Australians will have their debt cut by 20 per cent.

And another 1½ million will have their debt cut by 20 per cent next week.

This is the biggest cut to student debt in Australian history.

We promised it.

Australians voted for it.

And now it's happening.

We have also made major structural changes to the way the student debt repayment system works.

The way the system used to work was the amount you repaid every year was based on your entire earnings.

Once you earned above the minimum threshold you paid a percentage of your entire wage as a repayment.

That has now changed. Now, you only pay a percentage of your wage above the minimum repayment threshold.

What that means in practice is if you earn $70,000 a year you now have to repay about $1,300 a year less than you used to.

It is real cost-of-living help, when you need it most.

It is another recommendation of the accord.

It's also a recommendation of the architect of HECS, Professor Bruce Chapman, who said:

This is the most important thing that's happened to the system in 35 years. It's a marginal collection, it's much gentler and much fairer than previously—we should have done it years ago.

All of this is just the start.

If we're going to hit that 80 per cent target in the accord we need more people to go to TAFE and more people to go university.

That means we have to fund more places at university.

And that starts next year.

Next year we'll allocate 9,500 more commencing places to universities across the country than in 2025.

That's about a four per cent increase on this year, and means more Australians will start a university degree next year than ever before.

And even more will start a university degree the year after that.

In 2027, we 'll allocate an extra 16,000 fully funded Commonwealth supported places and another 16,000 in 2028 and another 16,000 the year after that.

In 2030, this increases to 19,000 additional fully funded Commonwealth supported places.

All up, over the next decade we expect to fund an extra 200,000 commencing places at university.

It means the number of Australian students in our universities will grow by about 27 per cent over the next 10 years.

That's a big jump.

Part of this also involves making sure all of these places become fully funded. And the ATEC will play a critical role in implementing it.

As part of that over the next 12 months we'll implement and legislate two big changes to the way we fund universities.

The first is what the accord calls 'demand driven equity'.

We currently provide universities with a capped amount of funding for Australian students.

The accord recommends that we uncap that for all students from disadvantaged backgrounds, like we've already done for Indigenous students.

In other words, if you get the marks for the course you want to do, you'll get a place at university.

This is all about breaking down that invisible barrier that the accord talks about, prizing open the doors of opportunity for more people from disadvantaged backgrounds.

It starts in just over 12 months.

The second big reform is needs based funding, funding to help these same students who get in, to get through.

Think about it as Gonski for universities.

The school funding system provides schools with extra funding based on where they're located and the needs of the students they educate.

Students who come from economically disadvantaged families receive additional support.

So do schools in the regions and the bush.

The universities accord recommends we do the same thing for universities.

It means extra academic and other support services to help students make it through university.

It's demand driven.

The money follows the student.

The more students a university has that meet the criteria the more funding it will receive.

The more students there are at regional universities, the more funding those universities will receive as well.

And it starts in January, in just a couple of weeks time.

It will be the job of the ATEC to help drive and steer both of these big reforms.

And that brings me to what this bill is all about.

Of all the recommendations in the accord this might be the most important.

As someone said to me the other day, the ATEC is the accord.

The accord is big. It is a blueprint for the next decade and the one after that.

And it will take more than one minister and more than one government to make real.

It is a national project and it needs a steward that is there for the long haul

to craft compacts with individual universities;

to help improve policy, administration and coordination of the sector;

to get the sector to work more like a system;

to get the vocational education system and higher education system to work more closely together, more joined up;

to provide expert, independent advice; and

to help drive real and lasting reform.

That's what the ATEC is about.

Like Jobs and Skills Australia, it will be independent.

It will report directly to ministers.

It will be guided by a ministerial statement of expectations.

Key performance indicators will be established in consultation with the minister.

It will publish its work plan.

It will provide advice to government and publish reports.

It will be able to undertake its own research.

Its staff will be directed by the ATEC commissioners, governed by a service level agreement with the Department of Education.

Its operations will be transparent.

It will be required to consult.

An independent review of the ATEC, its role, its functions and its operations is also built in after two years and after five years. And these reviews will be tabled in the House and in the Senate.

It will be led by three commissioners—a full-time chief commissioner, a full-time First Nations commissioner, and a part-time commissioner.

Collectively, they will be required to have expertise in higher education and vocational education.

The First Nations commissioner must be an Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander person with significant understanding of issues affecting Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people.

The ATEC will have its own decision-making powers.

It will take on responsibility for new mission-based compacts with individual universities, setting out the number of domestic and international students in line with the government's strategic direction.

This will be set out in more detail in the legislation I will introduce next year.

It will take over responsibility for the Higher Education Standards Framework from the current Higher Education Standards Panel and provide advice on it to the Minister for Education and the sector regulator.

The Minister for Education and Minister for Skills and Training will also be able to request advice from the ATEC on a range of matters.

This includes:

the costs of teaching and learning in higher education and overall higher education funding amounts, including on a per student basis;

student demand, skills demands, and the capability of the system's ability to meet Australia's workforce needs;

the strategic direction, governance, size, and diversity of the higher education system, and the financial sustainability of higher education providers; this obviously includes not just universities, but other

non-university higher education providers;

ways to improve coordination and collaboration between the vocational and higher education systems; and

how to improve access, participation and outcomes for people facing systemic barriers to education, including Indigenous Australians, Australians with disability, Australians from a low socio-economic background, and Australians living in the regions and in the bush.

The ATEC will also be required to produce and publish a State of the Tertiary Education System report, every year, with the first report to cover the period starting 1 January 2026.

This report will set out:

current and emerging trends and issues, and system level changes needed to meet these challenges;

progress on tertiary participation and attainment targets;

the extent to which the higher education system is meeting Australia's current and future students, skills and knowledge demands;

how well we are doing in breaking down the barriers between vocational education and higher education; and

breaking down the systemic barriers faced by Australians from disadvantaged backgrounds.

The ATEC will also publish a work plan and statement of its strategic priorities for the tertiary education system every two years, starting 1 January 2027.

I want to thank everyone who has been involved in the development of this important Bill.

That includes university vice-chancellors, peak bodies including Universities Australia, state and territory ministers, my department and the Accord Implementation Advisory Committee.

I also want to thank the Minister for Skills and Training, Andrew Giles, the Assistant Minister for International Education, Julian Hill, and my former colleague and great mate, the former minister for skills and training, the honourable Brendan O'Connor.

I also want to especially thank the interim commissioners of the ATEC, Mary O'Kane, Larissa Behrendt and Barney Glover.

They played a fundamental role in writing the accord, and now they are helping to lift those words off the page and bring them to life.

This bill represents the next step in a long story of reform.

The first Universities Commission was established in 1943 by the Curtin Labor government.

Over the next four decades, that commission, and its successors, oversaw significant reform of our higher education system.

It's important to remember that John Curtin may have started this, but Sir Robert Menzies continued it and in 1959 his government introduced the Australian Universities Commission Act which, for the first time, embedded the Commission under its own standalone legislation.

This was a key moment in the history of higher education.

Labor supported Menzies in this pursuit, with Doc Evatt declaring his 'enthusiastic support'.

We have a similar opportunity in front of us now.

To build the sort of foundations that set us up for the future.

To help build the sort of skills we are going to need over the next decade and the one after that.

To help open the doors of opportunity wider than they are today.

To help build a better and a fairer education system.

And in doing that.

A better and fairer country.

I commend the bill to the House.

Debate adjourned.

I move:

That this bill be now read a second time.

This bill is part of a package of two bills which together will establish the Australian Tertiary Education Commission.

This bill makes consequential amendments necessary to implement the measures in the main bill, which I just introduced. Full details of the measures are contained in the explanatory memorandum.

I commend this bill to the House.

Debate adjourned.

I move:

That this bill be now read a second time.

Australia's translating and interpreting services have a long history and play a vital role in our community. This bill will establish a new act to provide a clear statutory foundation for these services, reflecting the government's commitment to the work of the Translating and Interpreting Service—TIS National—and the important role it plays in our modern, multicultural Australia.

The Australian government began providing translating services in 1947, and interpreting services commenced not long after that. These were introduced to support post World War II migrants. The government recognised then, as it does today, the critical importance of these services to migrants making their new homes in Australia. Since 1947, these services have continued to grow and evolve to meet the needs of the Australian community. In 1973 Australia established the world's first telephone interpreting service, which remains a core component of the services today. The government's translating and interpreting services are now provided by Translating and Interpreting Service, or TIS National, in the Department of Home Affairs. TIS Nation's services facilitate communication between people with limited English proficiency and the agencies and businesses that they rely on for vital services. TIS National operates 24 hours a day, seven days a week, and provides more than 1.3 million interpreting services each year in more than 150 languages.

Australia is a diverse, multicultural society with a rich Indigenous heritage and a successful migration story. More than one-quarter of us were born overseas, having migrated from more than 200 countries. The diversity of the Australian population provides us with a variety of languages, beliefs, traditions and cultures, and that is why we have the Multicultural Access and Equity Policy—a key policy ensuring that all Australians, whatever their cultural or linguistic background, are able to access government programs and services. This, in turn, means they can fully participate and contribute to our society. The services that TIS National provide are vital in upholding this commitment to Australians.

Beyond helping us achieve access and equity outcomes, the government's translation and interpreting services also play a vital role in supporting social cohesion in our multicultural nation. Australia's multicultural diversity is fundamental to the character of our nation—it is who we are—and all Australians have an equal right to participate in the social, political and economic life of our country. However, this often isn't always the experience of diverse Australians, and this is why the government recently established an Office for Multicultural Affairs and elevated to cabinet for the very first time the standalone position of Minister for Multicultural Affairs.

The government's translating and interpreting services play a vital role in supporting a multicultural Australia. Over the years, new migrants and humanitarian entrants have relied on these services to engage with the community and build their lives as full participants in Australian society. Services like this help new Australians navigate the complexity of our country and access essential support. They make it easier for people to engage with government and community services. For patients, these services can mean better access to health care, and the ability to explain their symptoms in their own language and receive the care they need.

During the height of the COVID pandemic, translating and interpreting services were absolutely vital. For families with limited English, a simple call to TIS number 131 450 meant they were able access life-saving information on where to get vaccinated, how to stay safe and the latest health advice when they needed it most. Day-to-day, we know that TIS National provides an invaluable service, with its free interpreting service available to all parliamentarians, ensuring that their constituents are able to access assistance and support from their representatives regardless of their English ability.

Ultimately, the government's translating and interpreting services help us to harness the economic and social benefits of our diversity and build a more productive and socially cohesive Australia for all of us. This bill does not seek to change the way in which the services of TIS National or provided or funded. It will simply provide a clear legislative framework for the services, providing certainty and ensuring their continued availability to support our community into the future.

To achieve this, this bill will establish express legislative functions for TIS National, as functions of the Secretary of the Department of Home Affairs. These functions include the provision of translating and interpreting services to government departments, across all levels of government, and private sector entities to facilitate communication by and with people with limited English language proficiency, including visa holders and newly settled migrants.

The functions also enable the operation of TIS National's 24/7 phone interpreting service, which supports calls to triple 0 emergency services. Further, the functions will enable the development, training and support of translators and interpreters, and ensure ongoing powers to enter into contracts and arrangements to provide these services.

The bill also includes provisions to make clear that arrangements entered into before commencement of the legislation, including those arrangements that continue to be in force when the legislation commences, will continue to have effect. This appropriately ensures that established arrangements are able to be maintained and provides certainty for all parties—and reinforces that the purpose of this legislation is to provide a statutory framework for existing, longstanding functions and services provided by TIS National.

The bill will also provide a power for the minister to make rules—a disallowable legislative instrument—to prescribe matters required or permitted by the proposed act, or necessary or convenient to be prescribed for carrying out or giving effect to the act. This will enable the minister to specify further functions to support and sustain TIS National's operations and important role in the provision of translating and interpreting services for the Australian community, into the future.

The bill sends a strong signal about the government's commitment to a united and prosperous multicultural Australia.

I commend this bill to the chamber.

Debate adjourned.

I move:

That this bill be now read a second time.

Genetic testing can help save lives, supporting medical practitioners to prevent, diagnose, treat and monitor a range of cancers, cancer predisposition syndromes and other heritable conditions.

This bill amends the Insurance Contracts Act 1984 to ban life insurers from taking into account information about an individual's genetic testing to inform the offer of life insurance cover, or the terms and conditions of the cover that is offered.

The Albanese government recognises the importance of genetic and genomic health technologies. We support the use of genetic tests increasingly becoming a part of our preventive healthcare system. Although genetic testing uptake is on the rise, a recent genetic testing study from Monash University shows that more than half of participants that discontinued their involvement in the study did so because of concerns around accessing affordable insurance.

One participant in this study was Ben. Ben didn't have any significant family history of cancer, but he took part in a genetic testing study. The results showed he carries a PALB2 variant, which raises the risk of prostate and breast cancer in men. This information was important not only for him but also for his female relatives, who now know they face higher risks of breast and ovarian cancer and have begun getting tested. Learning about these elevated risks has motivated Ben to adopt risk-reducing strategies.

Genetic tests help save lives. Australians should not be discouraged from undertaking genetic testing out of fear that it may impact their ability to get life insurance.

By putting this ban in place, we will remove this barrier, so more Australians will access genetic testing and, in turn, its full benefits for patients, public health and medical research can be delivered.

I appreciate the industry and stakeholder consultation process that has occurred to ensure this legislation is achieves its intended purpose.

This schedule creates new strict liability and civil penalty provisions for breaches of the ban and gives the Australian Securities and Investments Commission regulatory responsibility for monitoring and enforcing the ban.

Schedule 2 to the bill provides licensing relief to facilitate access by Australian professional and wholesale investors to global investment opportunities so that they can diversify their financial holdings.

This improves outcomes for millions of Australians as these services are commonly used by superannuation funds and institutional investors, among other financial firms.

This relief has generally been provided by way of an ASIC instrument. The legislation and this schedule in the bill will elevate the relief to primary law and improve oversight for the regulator.

This gives certainty to the industry that financial institutions and eligible investors can access the financial products and services offered by foreign financial service providers.

Schedule 3 to the bill streamlines and modernises Australia's legislative framework for multilateral development banks and the IMF, reducing both administrative and legislative burden.

These banks are rapidly evolving their financing models. A more flexible framework will ensure Australia does not fall behind in our ability to participate in future financing arrangements with these institutions.

These changes will importantly allow Australia to formalise agreements announced as part of the 2024-25 MYEFO with the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank and are consistent with Australia's support for rules-based multilateral institutions.

Schedule 4 to the bill repeals schedule 2 of the Financial Sector Reform (Hayne Royal Commission Response—Better Advice) Act 2021 and gives effect to the government's decision to no longer proceed with stage 2 of the registration process for financial advisers. This would have otherwise required individual financial advisers to register themselves annually with ASIC from 1 July 2026.

This maintains the current system which requires Australian financial services licensees to apply to ASIC to register their authorised financial advisers and is consistent with the objective of removing unnecessary regulatory burden for individual advisers. Further, the operation of stage 1 registration has proven sufficient to meet the policy objectives of a functioning and effective disciplinary system.

The Legislative and Governance Forum for Corporations was notified about the amendments as required under the Corporations Agreement 2002.

Full details of the measure are contained in the explanatory memorandum.

Debate adjourned.

I'm very proud to sit here today and hear this introduced. I congratulate the minister.

I move:

That this bill be now read a second time.

Financial markets are changing. And so is the way people hold and exchange value.

Across the world, digital assets are reshaping finance. Blockchain technology and tokenisation are unlocking new ways to invest, trade and transfer wealth. They promise faster settlement, lower costs, and broader access to markets that were once out of reach. Tokenisation can turn real-world assets like property, commodities or bonds into digital tokens that can be traded instantly and securely.

This is not a distant future. It is happening now. Global institutions are experimenting with tokenised securities, central banks are exploring digital currencies and investors are demanding safe, regulated ways to participate. Digital assets are a growing part of the global financial system. They offer new ways to trade, invest and build businesses, unlocking capital markets and strengthening Australia's competitiveness as a financial centre.

Australia must keep pace. If we get this right, we can attract investment, create jobs and position our financial system as a leader in innovation.

But with opportunity comes risk. It is currently possible for a business to hold an unlimited value of client digital assets without any financial law safeguards. The collapse of FTX and other failures showed what happens when digital asset businesses operate without proper oversight. Billions were misappropriated, consumers were devastated, and confidence was shattered. We also know that cryptocurrency remains a vector for scams and fraud. Australians have lost millions to schemes that exploit gaps in regulation and consumer understanding. These risks cannot be ignored.

This bill responds to those challenges by reducing loopholes and ensuring comparable activities face comparable obligations, tailored to the digital asset ecosystem. It focuses on the potential source of risk—the businesses that hold digital assets on behalf of consumers—rather than the underlying technology itself. This means it can evolve as new forms of tokenisation and digital services emerge.

This bill delivers on the government's commitment to modernise Australia's financial regulatory framework and prepare it for an ever-digitising economy. It ensures digital asset and tokenised custody platforms are subject to the same standards of consumer protection, transparency and integrity that apply across our financial system.

This is about futureproofing Australia's regulatory settings. The bill supports innovation and competition while giving regulators the tools to swiftly act when new risks arise. It extends longstanding, well-understood financial services obligations that can be applied across a diverse and rapidly developing industry.

It is another important step to make the Australian economy more dynamic, resilient and productive. It advances our commitment to smarter regulation—regulation that gets more investment flowing more efficiently and effectively across the economy. It will boost confidence, attract investment and support jobs and wages by providing clear, trusted rules for emerging digital markets—helping to make Australia a global leader in financial technology.

These reforms will increase integrity in the digital asset ecosystem. Together with the world-first Scams Prevention Framework and our proposed reforms of Australia's anti-money-laundering and counterterrorism financing regime, this bill will help remove bad actors and restore trust in digital asset markets. It will make it harder for criminals to operate and easier for consumers to participate safely.

Two new types of financial products will be introduced into the Corporations Act: digital asset platforms and tokenised custody platforms. This ensures that businesses holding and dealing in client digital assets are subject to the same consumer protections and licensing requirements that apply across the financial system.

These include prohibitions on misleading and deceptive conduct and unfair contract terms, design and distribution obligations, and supervision and enforcement by the Australian Securities and Investments Commission.

Anyone providing services in relation to digital asset or tokenised custody platforms—such as advising on, dealing in, or arranging for others to deal in them—will be treated as providing a financial service. They will therefore need to hold an Australian financial services licence, as other financial service providers do. Using the existing licensing framework avoids the need for a new regime, reducing complexity and compliance costs for businesses.

Operators will be required to meet minimum standards set by ASIC covering how client assets are held and how transactions and settlements are conducted. Operators must also provide a platform guide to clients, explaining how the service works, including custody and transfer arrangements, fees and charges, key risks, and client rights. It replaces the need for multiple product disclosure documents and ensures transparency for investors.

The bill also delivers proportionate regulation, providing targeted exemptions to avoid regulatory duplication. Small-scale operators with less than $10 million in transaction value across a rolling 12-month period will be exempt from licensing, as will businesses that deal in or advise on platforms only incidental to their main, non-financial activities.

Flexible powers are provided to the minister and ASIC to respond to emerging risks and technologies. The minister may designate certain facilities as financial markets or clearing and settlement facilities, or exempt them where that treatment would be inappropriate. The minister may also prohibit particular products or activities that present systemic or consumer risks. ASIC's existing product intervention powers and the government's existing regulation-making powers will extend to cover these new financial products.

There will be an 18-month transition period. This will help businesses and ASIC get familiar with navigating the reforms in practice. The bill will ensure a smooth pathway to the new regime, including providing temporary relief for businesses trying to do the right thing.

Together, these features create a pathway to a clear, consistent and enforceable framework that protects consumers, provides regulatory certainty for industry, and maintains flexibility as technology and markets evolve.

As digital assets grow in use and scale, this bill lays the foundation for managing future risks to financial stability. It closes the gap for unregulated digital asset intermediaries and gives Australians the confidence that their assets are protected.

Stakeholders have long called for this bill, engaging in four rounds of public consultation on the policy and legislative approach. The Legislative and Governance Forum for Corporations was consulted in relation to the bill and has approved them as required under the Corporations Agreement. We have listened, improving regulatory clarity and ensuring seamless interaction with existing law.

The government is committed to strengthening Australia's position as a global leader in financial innovation—one where technology supports productivity, competition and long-term economic resilience.

Full details of the measure are contained in the explanatory memorandum.

Debate adjourned.

I move:

That this bill be now read a second time.

This bill introduces a number of important reforms to the superannuation and tax laws to implement our election commitments, streamline systems and processes and reduce compliance costs for taxpayers.

Schedule 1 to the bill amends the Superannuation Guarantee (Administration) Act 1992 to streamline the superannuation choice of fund process during employee onboarding.

Australians deserve to make an informed choice about their superannuation fund when they start a new job.

'Stapling' was introduced to ensure employers pay superannuation contributions to an employee's existing super fund if they do not make a choice. If an employee does not make a choice of fund, their employer can request stapled fund details from the ATO to pay contributions to. This prevents employees unintentionally opening new superannuation accounts every time they start a new job.

This amendment provides greater flexibility for employers, or their agents, to request an employee's existing stapled fund details from the ATO earlier in the onboarding process. That way, if a stapled fund exists, the employer can provide those details to the employee during onboarding to help inform their choice of fund.

This amendment supports the government's commitment to empower employees to make informed choices by making it easier to see, consider and select their existing super fund when they start a new job, if they choose to do so. As under existing choice-of-fund rules, employees will still be able to choose any available super fund.

This amendment supports the government's commitment to reduce unintended duplicate accounts, which can erode retirement savings through duplicate fees and insurance premiums. It will also give employers more timely and accurate superannuation details, supporting their readiness for the government's payday super reforms.

Schedule 2 to the bill amends the Corporations Act 2001 to impose a ban on advertising superannuation products to employees during onboarding, with certain exceptions.

Australians deserve protection from inappropriate advertising when they provide their superannuation details to an employer during onboarding.

A review of the Your Future, Your Super laws uncovered inappropriate behaviour where software providers are undermining stapling and directing employees towards advertised products, including those associated with the software provider. The government committed to stop this inappropriate behaviour.

This amendment introduces a ban on advertising superannuation products to an employee, specifically at the point of employee onboarding when starting a new job. This is a key moment when employees engage with their superannuation and should be able to do so in an informed and safe way.

The following exceptions will apply so that only certain types of superannuation products can be shown or advertised to employees:

MySuper products are default superannuation products which are subject to strict regulation and the annual performance test. And the condition to show an employee their stapled fund is an important consumer protection that will provide the necessary information and context to make a better-informed decision.

The ban also does not apply to a person advertising in the ordinary course of business.

The government has consulted with stakeholders on this amendment, and there was broad support for the changes and an understanding of the benefits that superannuation stapling brings to reducing unintended duplicate accounts.

By requiring stapling as a condition of advertising a MySuper product during onboarding, the bill strikes the right balance in giving employees as much transparency as possible while providing flexibility for service providers to ensure their systems are ready and aligns with the implementation of Payday Super. This amendment reinforces the government's commitment to supporting Australians to make an informed choice about their superannuation while providing strong consumer protections. It will protect employees from being unduly influenced to make uninformed decisions, open inappropriate products and unintentionally create duplicate accounts. As under existing choice-of-fund rules, employees will still be able to choose any available super fund.

Schedule 3 provides targeted tax exemptions to help Australia host the men's and women's Rugby World Cup in 2027 and 2029.

These games aren't just two events on a calendar.

They're part of a long national tradition of hosting sports that brings people together.

World Rugby chose Australia in 2022 for a good reason.

We're a country that competes.

The men's and women's World Cups will draw hundreds of thousands of international visitors, fill hotels, put bums on seats in our pubs and restaurants, pack out our stadiums and showcase Australia on the world stage in the lead-in to Brisbane 2032.

The amendments will provide income tax exemptions for event delivery companies and joint venture partners and a withholding tax exemption for certain payments to foreign entities through to 30 June 2031.

These settings align with what we've put in place for other major global sporting events hosted here, including the 2023 FIFA Women's World Cup and the 2020 ICC T20 World Cup. They're critical to ensuring Australia remains a competitive and attractive destination for global events.

Schedule 4 puts Australia's new tax treaty with Portugal into law, adding to the attractiveness of Australia as an investment destination.

This is the first agreement of its kind between our countries. It opens the door to deeper commercial, investment and innovation links by cutting withholding tax rates on dividends, interest and royalties. That means fewer tax barriers, cheaper access to foreign capital and stronger incentives for Australian and Portuguese businesses to invest.

It also strengthens tax integrity. The treaty reinforces the Albanese government's agenda to ensure multinationals pay their fair share by enabling information-sharing between tax authorities and improving cooperation on debt collection. That reduces opportunities for evasion and avoidance and helps to protect the Australian tax base.

Schedule 5 to the bill amends the income tax law to specifically list the following entities as deductible gift recipients: Coaxial Foundation, Community Foundations Australia, Equality Australia, Foundation Broken Hill, Partnerships for Local Action and Community Empowerment, Paul Ramsay Foundation, Social Enterprise Australia, St Patrick's Cathedral Melbourne Restoration Fund, Sydney Chevra Kadisha, the Great Synagogue Foundation and the Parenthood Project.

Specifically listing an organisation encourages philanthropic giving and supports the not-for-profit sector as donors may claim income tax deductions for donations to organisations with DGR status.

To maintain trust and integrity in the DGR system, the schedule also removes entities that have either voluntarily requested removal or no longer operate for the purpose for which they were originally provided DGR status.

I finish with a topic close to my heart: wine.

When we introduced legislation last month to freeze draught beer excise increases, we wanted the rest of the alcohol industry to know there was a place in our hearts for them too.

Schedule 6 delivers on the Albanese government's 2025-26 budget commitment to provide tax relief for Australia's wine producers.

Currently, all eligible wine producers can receive a rebate of wine equalisation tax up to a cap of $350,000. These changes will increase the cap to $400,000 per financial year from 1 July 2026.

And we didn't stop at wine.

Through regulations, we're making matching changes for brewers and distillers too. From 1 July 2026, the excise remission cap for eligible alcohol manufacturers will also rise from $350,000 to $400,000 a year for beer and spirits entered for home consumption. That keeps support for wine, beer and spirits in step.

Together, these changes back local producers, keep money flowing through regional towns and support investment and jobs.

In the spirit of these changes, I welcome recommendations of your favourite drop.

Full details of the measure are contained in the explanatory memorandum.

Debate adjourned.

I move:

That so much of the standing and sessional orders be suspended as would prevent further statements of no longer than 10 minutes each on the Domestic, Family and Sexual Violence Commission's yearly report to Parliament being permitted in the House.

Question agreed to, with an absolute majority.

I rise today to speak in support of the VET Student Loans (Miscellaneous Measures) Bill 2025. This bill is about fixing a problem identified during a review of how VET student loans were administered under the previous government. It is a practical measure that ensures certainty for students, providers and the integrity of the system.

Since the VET Student Loans Act commenced in 2017, VET student loans providers and registered training organisations, including TAFEs and private colleges, have played an important role in administering loan applications. In practice, this involved handling tax file numbers for the purpose of verifying a student's identity and ensuring loan repayment through the tax system. However, during a review of how VET student loans were administered, the Department of Employment and Workplace Relations identified that the Vet Student Loans Act 2016 did not explicitly authorise providers to handle TFNs. The program operated as intended, providers acted in good faith and the system functioned to help Australians access training without upfront costs, but the legal footing needed to be clearer. This bill addresses that gap. It clarifies the authority retrospectively so that everyone involved—providers, Commonwealth officers and the department—has certainty that their past handling of TFNs for the administration of loans was lawful.

The bill does three key things. First, it retrospectively authorises the handling of those tax file numbers by VET student loans providers and relevant Commonwealth officers for the purposes of administering VSLs from 1 January 2017 to 30 September 2025. This ensures that the good-faith actions taken to administer the scheme were legally supported. Second, it provides certainty to providers, government officers and students that past practices where tax file numbers were used to correctly link a student's loan account to their Australian Taxation Office record were lawful and appropriate. Third, from 1 October 2025 providers will no longer need to handle tax file numbers at all. Updated IT systems in the department now mask tax file numbers from providers and automate their secure transfer between relevant systems; in other words, the future design eliminates the need for providers to handle tax file numbers while preserving the essential function of the program.

A tax file number is essential for an income contingent loan program like VET student loans because the loan is repaid through the tax system. A tax file number enables accurate tracking of a student's loan. It ensures the correct linkage to their Australian Taxation Office account and supports repayments as the student's income grows. Without a tax file number, the integrity of the program would be compromised. Providers have always been subject to strict integrity safeguards, including compliance with disclosure provisions under the VSL Act, extensive approval processes and mandatory reporting of any data breaches. These protections have applied in the past and will continue to apply, and, with the new IT architecture, we will go further. Tax file numbers will be masked from providers, and the secure handling of sensitive identifiers, which is really important, will occur within government systems designed expressly for that purpose—not for other purposes but expressly for that purpose.

The bill is not just about fixing a technical gap. It is about supporting Australians who rely on VET to build their careers. We know that there are many young and mature students out there who are looking at getting assistance to get through a VET program, and, in my home region of Braddon, the importance of VET cannot be overstated. Across the electorate of Braddon, VET student loans have helped locals train for many jobs like aged-care and disability support. Those sectors are growing rapidly as our population ages, and we want to encourage more people to get into those roles. It's really important. The loans have also backed apprentices and trainees in construction and advanced manufacturing. These are the industries that drive major projects in Tasmania, like the Marinus Link and beyond. Those construction and advanced manufacturing jobs are very, very important for the renewable rollout that we are seeing right across the country but particularly in my region of Braddon, in Tasmania, and we need to back in apprentices and trainees and give them every opportunity to go through the VET system and get trained.

Students at TasTAFE's Burnie and Devonport campuses are completing diplomas in things like agriculture, project management and nursing skills. These are essential for strengthening our hospitals, advancing our renewable energy projects and also supporting our local businesses. Private providers in Braddon play a vital role too. They deliver courses in hospitality, tourism and tour guiding, which create pathways for jobs that showcase our region. We have a fantastic region to showcase and we need really high-skilled people. People can get on board, get skills and training and get involved in those courses to help showcase our region through events like the Wynyard Tulip Festival, which runs every year. It's run by a small committee, but they need lots of volunteers and people with skills. There's also the Unconformity festival, which happens every two years in Queenstown, on the West Coast, and brings in people both from all over Tasmania and from mainland Australia, and there are also international people that visit there. Having really well-trained people with the skills and the opportunities to showcase those regions is vitally important. Without VET student loans, many of these students would face upfront costs they simply could not afford, and we see a lot of students make the decision about whether to actually get involved in a VET course based on whether or not they can afford it.

Free TAFE has been tremendous in supporting many students, both young and mature, in realigning their careers and changing the shape of what they want to do for the rest of their life. That measure has been really helpful. This bill's changes around student loans will make a difference in people's lives. The bill ensures that the system underpinning those opportunities is sound, secure and futureproof. We want more aged-care workers. We want more electricians for renewable energy projects, and we need more chefs in a local cafes and restaurants. These are the sorts of opportunities that students get when they go through a VET course.

The VET Student Loans program has been helping Australians access training since 2017, but during a recent review we found something important—that the law didn't clearly allow providers to handle tax file numbers, even though they needed to at the time for the system to actually work. We're fixing that, and that's something this bill is doing. Since early this year, the Department of Employment and Workplace Relations has upgraded its IT systems so providers will no longer see the tax file numbers. They're now masked and transferred automatically.

This government is investing $42.2 million over four years to build a modern VSL platform. From 2026, the program will run on a new secure system for assessments and payments. The bill starts the day after royal assent, so it's really urgent that we get this bill dealt with. It confirms that past practices were lawful, but it also introduces a safer and more modern way to handle that sensitive data like tax file numbers and that data that students have. Why does it matter? Well, it matters particularly because VET student loans make training more accessible. They let students defer fees and gain skills in our areas that the economy needs most around science, technology, engineering—in our licensed trades. They help tackle skills shortages and create better job outcomes.

In Braddon, the area that I represent in Tasmania, that means that there will be more nurses in a hospital—we need a lot more of them—and more skilled trades for housing projects. We are working on that really hard as a government, and we need more people to come on board to get the skills to be able to build those homes. There will also be more technicians for renewable energy. As I said earlier, we have a very big renewable energy hub right on the north-west coast of Tasmania, and I want to see our young people have opportunities to get trained to be technicians and work in those renewable energies that provide really great future jobs and good, secure jobs for the future for those young people. It means stronger local businesses and a stronger regional economy.

This bill is about doing the right thing for students, for providers and for the integrity of our loan system. It ensures that VSL can keep supporting Australians without the complexity that's there, without uncertainty. Really importantly, it is with the privacy protections that the public rightly expects.

I rise today to speak on the VET Student Loans (Miscellaneous Measures) Bill 2025, proudly. Often, governments have great intentions. We've all heard a lot about the national skills shortage. We've all heard us talk repeatedly about the need for us to develop people with those skills in our communities to ensure that we can build the homes that we need, to ensure that we can be competitive on the global market. The VET student loans have been part of that since 2017.

But, as it is important to enact things in response to that skills shortage, it is just as important to ensure that we have a streamlined system and that the students who are looking to access that system have certainty about the outcome of accessing it. That's what this piece of legislation is about. It's about a government that's listening to the people at the end of the line of the intention of legislation and listening to the feedback we're getting from the system, if you like, and from the grassroots—from the students who are accessing the loans. What we've found is that there's a problem that needs to be fixed. This government has identified it during a review in the last term of government of how VET student loans were administered. Now we're fixing it with this piece of legislation. We're taking action to ensure this is resolved and there is a certainty for students and providers.

The bill is a fix for an issue where VSL providers were handling tax file numbers when the 2016 VSL Act did not authorise it. The Department of Employment and Workplace Relations identified that there's no clear role for VSL providers to handle tax file numbers in the VET Student Loans Act 2016. A stronger alignment between relevant IT systems and legislation was required. This is why the Albanese government is bringing forward the VET Student Loans (Miscellaneous Measures) Bill 2025, to ensure this alignment and to fix the problem.

The bill will retrospectively authorise VET student loan providers' handling of students' tax file numbers for administering the VET Student Loans program. The bill will also provide certainty to providers and government officers that their past handling of students' tax file numbers for administering the VSL program from 1 January 2017 to 30 September 2025 was in fact lawful. The Department of Employment and Workplace Relations has, since early 2025, made updates to relevant IT systems to mask tax file numbers from the providers and automate transfer to tax file numbers between relevant systems. This means that VSL providers no longer need to handle the tax file number. This also closes a loophole in terms of a potential breach of personal information to those providers when it wasn't necessary.

A tax file number is information that is essential for administrating a loans program of this kind. This is because tax file numbers enable accurate tracking and repayment of that loan in the future, through the tax system. There'll be no change to the way students apply for a VET student loan using the electronic Commonwealth assistance form, or the eCAF. I'd also note that there have been no VSL student complaints as a result of past TFN handling practices for the purposes of the VSL program since it commenced; however, this is important, responsible and part of due diligence.

Providers have also been subject to security controls in the relevant IT systems and integrity safeguards to protect students' personal information. That has been occurring, and this legislation will ensure that it's all been done above board in the past and will be into the future. The safeguards include requirements for providers to comply with the strict use and disclosure provisions that apply to VET information under the VSL Act, that they undergo extensive approval processes to become an approved provider and that they notify the department of any student related data breaches. The protections that have previously applied to VSL providers' handling of TFNs will continue to do so after the bill's commencement.

The bill will apply to all current and former VSL providers and their officers who have handled student tax file numbers to administer their loan applications and their VET student loans themselves prior to 1 October 2025. It also extends to other relevant people, including the Secretary of the Department of Employment and Workplace Relations, the Commissioner of Taxation and Commonwealth officers. The Department of Employment and Workplace Relations has communicated with the providers about the IT changes throughout the year and continues to communicate with providers about this bill. We are ensuring that there is certainty in the system and that no-one else will be affected by a problem of this kind in the future.

VET student loan providers are of course registered training organisations that are approved by the Australian government to deliver the VSL approved courses, including TAFE institutions and private colleges. The bill will commence the day after it receives royal assent and the measure in the bill will be applied retrospectively to be in effect from 1 January 2017 to 30 September 2025. It's important that this bill happens expeditiously. It's important that the continuity of the provision of the VET student loans is not interrupted. It's important that certainty be given to both the providers and the students. It's important that people feel assured and confident that there have been no breaches and that because of this bill there will be no future breaches.

What does it mean for students? The VET student loans program enables students to undertake a VET course and defer the payment of tuition fees through an income-contingent loan. This is critical. It is critical in areas such as the area that I represent, where young people may not have a mum-and-dad bank to fall back on, and their decisions about further and higher education are actually impacted by their family situation. These loans were enacted to support those young people to access vocational education and training, to get the skills that they need for future employment, or for people to re-engage in the vocational education and training sector so that they can upskill and find new positions. It's about us having the workforce that we need to be globally competitive and make sure that we're doing the provision on the ground that our communities need.

We don't have to go far to think about the shortage in housing and construction at the moment, which we know we're trying refill. Look at the shortages that we've had in aged care across the country and in child care across the country. Vocational education and training systems are critical in developing that workforce. Government can do the things that we're doing to ensure that people are attracted to the industry and are maintained in the industry because they're getting a fair and decent wage, but we also need to ensure that they're capable and supported in accessing training so that they can take those next steps. This piece of legislation is about fixing that system. It's a small fix, but it's an important one. It's about making sure that everybody has continuity and certainty around this system so that people can access their loans without fear of a breach of their confidentiality or an upset in the system between them, the taxation system and the loan system.

I've spoken at other times in this place about the critical need for Australia to have a skilled and job-ready workforce. Unfortunately, the failure of successive coalition governments has meant that many geographical areas around our nation have critical workforce shortages. Further, there are a number of workforce speciality areas that have severe shortages, regardless of your postcode or where you live.

The key to addressing workforce shortages is training and education. This can often commence at high school but also occurs at TAFE, university and through approved course providers. A key aspect of meeting Australia's workforce needs is free TAFE courses. Along with the states, the Albanese Labor government has partnered to deliver more than $1.5 billion worth of funding for 500,000 fee-free TAFE and VET places across Australia from 2023-26. This is a marvellous program and one that I am delighted to support. I have seen firsthand in the electorate of Werriwa the life-changing and positive effects that the fee-free TAFE program is having. It really can be a game changer. It opens opportunities to my constituents that they would never have been able to achieve.

Complementing the fee-free TAFE program is the government's delivery of a 20 per cent reduction to student HECS debt. Hundreds of thousands of Australians have already received that SMS message from the Australian Tax Office, and millions of Australians will continue to receive it over the coming weeks, advising them that their debt has been slashed by 20 per cent. I'm sure that will be a welcome early Christmas present for everyone.

Importantly, and relevant to the matter before us now, VET student loans are also included in the debt reduction scheme. Student loans for vocational education and training were first introduced in 2008, under the VET FEE-HELP scheme. Without these VET student loans, many students wouldn't have had the opportunity to undertake tertiary studies, with serious flow-on effects for Australian businesses and industries. The 2008 scheme was subsequently replaced in 2017 by the VET student loan program. The 2017 program had its own legislative framework, while still continuing to use the same system platforms.

A review of how VET student loans are administered has identified that there is no role for VSL providers to handle tax file numbers in the act. To be clear, VSL providers are registered training organisations approved by the Australian government to deliver these approved courses, including TAFE institutions and private colleges. This bill seeks to address this issue to ensure there is certainty for both students and those providers. Tax file number information is essential for the administration of the VSL program, because a provision of the TFN enables accurate tracking and repayments of VET student loans, particularly when a student's income reaches the repayment threshold.

The bill before us will result in stronger alignment between the relevant IT systems and the legislation. This bill will retrospectively authorise VET student loan providers to handle students' tax file numbers to administer the VET student loans program. This also includes retrospective authorisation of approval of the VSL provider's historical activities that involve requiring or requesting, collecting, recording, storing, using and disclosing students TFNs for the purposes of facilitating the administration of a student's loan application for a VET student loan or the loan itself.

Finally, the bill will also provide certainty to providers and government offices that their past handling of students' TFNs for administration of the VET Student Loans program from 1 January 2017 to 30 September 2025 was indeed lawful. Importantly, the matter this bill speaks to has been addressed throughout 2025, as the department has made updates to relevant IT systems to mask the VSL student tax file number, meaning that VSL providers no longer need to handle the TFNs. Thankfully, I note there have been no VSL student complaints as a result of past practices.

I note that, as a result of this bill, there will be no change to the way that students apply for these loans, and they will still continue to use the electronic Commonwealth assistance form. I commend the minister for bringing this matter before us for debate. Providers and relevant government offices need certainty that they were acting lawfully at the time in the way that they handled students' tax file numbers.

Similarly, students deserve equal certainty that their sensitive information is handled appropriately and according to the law. Australia, under the Albanese Labor government, has a VET program which will be the envy of the rest of the world, and this bill will ensure it remains that way. I commend the bill to the House.

Question agreed to.

Bill read a second time.

by leave—I move:

That this bill be now read a third time.

Question agreed to.

Bill read a third time.

I seek leave to move the motion as circulated.

Leave granted.

I thank the government and the minister for granting leave. There is clearly an urgent need to address this motion, because there is an urgent need to give all members of this House a free vote so that they can use their own judgement, informed by their own constituents, on whether or not there should be a three-year phase-out of advertising on gambling, which, as the motion makes clear, was the flagship recommendation of the Murphy report, brought down almost 2½ years ago.

The importance of addressing this urgently cannot be stated enough, because this is a very, very real issue that needs to be tackled quickly. Not only is the community broadly—clearly, the majority—sick to death of the endless gambling advertising; the community is also sick to death of the way that advertising is normalising gambling. The community is sick to death of the way that advertising is effectively grooming children to start gambling as soon as they can.

That's not an exaggeration. When you look at the evidence prepared by the Australia Institute, they found that last year almost one million young people aged between 12 and 19 gambled. That's all the evidence you need to make absolutely clear that all of this advertising is grooming young people to gamble as quickly as it can.

This isn't some esoteric argument.

Order! I need you to move the motion. You asked leave; if you could move the motion, that would be great.

I move:

That the House:

(1) notes that the report of the inquiry into online gambling and its impacts on those experiencing gambling harm, 'You win some, you lose more', also known as the Murphy Report, was handed down two years and five months ago;

(2) further notes that the cross-party Standing Committee on Social Policy and Legal Affairs unanimously endorsed the 31 recommendations contained in the report, including the flagship recommendation to implement a three-year phase out of gambling advertising; and

(3) calls on the Prime Minister and Leader of the Opposition to grant their party members a free vote on the implementation of this flagship recommendation.

Deputy Speaker Young, there's been a little bit of confusion on the clock there on account of that. Am I right to assume that my 10 minutes starts now?

Yes.

But, mercifully, I will not speak for 10 minutes, because I would like to leave at least five minutes for the member for Curtin to make a contribution to this debate. As members would be well aware, the member for Curtin has done as much—or more—as anyone in this House when it comes to gambling reform.

I make the point again—and I'm pleased to make the point again—that there is an urgent need for this parliament to decide on whether or not to allow individual members to exercise their personal judgement, informed by their communities, on the matter of whether or not there be a phase-out of gambling advertising in this country. The reason we need to go to a free vote is that this place is currently absolutely paralysed on this issue, which beggars belief because there is clearly a strong majority of members in the House of Representatives who want to see a phased ban on gambling advertising. How we could have a clear majority of members want a ban yet the place paralysed—honestly, it beggars belief.

We have to crack this open. We have to end this impasse. That's what the community wants. That's what the community is calling out for because the community is sick to death of the endless ads. The community is sick to death of the way the endless ads are normalising gambling. The community is sick to death of the way the endless ads are grooming children to become gamblers as soon as they can.

It's no wonder the Australia Institute found that last year almost one million people aged between 12 and 19 gambled. It's not because it's in their DNA or because they just had a bright idea one day—'I'm going to start gambling'. It's because every time they look at their phone, their iPad, their laptop, the TV and, I would add, the newspapers, even if they're not looking at an ad directly—they're looking at, say, the cricket ground during the first Ashes test, the ball is racing towards the boundary, and there are bet365 ads on the rope. You can't escape it. Just going through the day, people in the community encounter literally hundreds of ads for gambling.

And let's not forget that this isn't some esoteric debate we're having in here. This is a very real matter affecting people every day. Remember that, as we encourage gambling, more and more people will become addicted to gambling. With addiction to gambling, we see countless people going broke, losing more money than they can afford. It destroys relationships. It affects mental health. It leads to homelessness. It leads to violence in the home. It leads to an elevated rate of suicide in the community.

I make the point again that this isn't some academic argument we're having here. This is about whether or not we in this place do what the community want, and whether or not the government does what the majority of members want, and implement the very well researched flagship recommendation of the Murphy report to ban gambling advertising—and not straightaway. The Murphy committee recommended three years to phase it out, giving more than enough time to change the landscape and to allow the gambling companies, the media companies and the major sporting codes to transition.

And, yes, that might take a little bit of government financial help, but when you consider the billions of dollars that are at stake here, with money lost and the countless cost to the community of gambling addiction, a little bit of government assistance is more than justified, particularly to wean the media companies and the sporting codes off—I'll say it clearly—this blood money, this money that is harvested from people who are often the most disadvantaged and most vulnerable people in the community. They should be weaned off that blood money, and the government has the means not just to pass the legislation to do so in this place; it has the financial resources to make that transition workable for all of the people involved.

I'll end it there because I am keen for the member for Curtin to have her say. I just say to the government and the opposition: do the right thing by the backbenchers, who are just having to suck this up. They get confronted every day with constituents who say, 'Why won't you ban the advertising?' I feel for the backbenchers. You've been handed a sour lemon to suck on. I don't think it's fair on them.

Is there a seconder for the motion?

It's a privilege to second this motion from the member for Clark. I've stood in this place for nearly a decade and talked about the harms of gambling. I've stood in this place for nearly a decade and talked about the families that have been torn apart and the people who have taken their lives. We are in this last week of parliament. Surely now is the time to do something right by the Australian people, so I urge the government to look at this motion, to follow this motion and to simply just allow a free vote on an issue that your government presented a unanimous report in support of—the ending of gambling advertising.

It's not saying: 'Ban gambling.' We know that's not going to happen in this nation. We know that this is a legal thing to do. It's like what we did with smoking. Decades ago we banned advertising because we recognised that there were inherent harms in smoking. It's a legal product, but there are inherent harms, and gambling is exactly the same.

It has been 29 months since the Murphy report, called You win some, you lose more, was released. Every day, when I walk into this place, I go through the House of Reps gardens. There is a bank of roses, and those roses, which have plaques in front of them, are for members who passed away while they were in this place. And Peta Murphy's name is there on that plaque. I often stop and look at the roses—they're all in bloom at the moment—and I think about Peta Murphy. I think about her courage and I think about how she gave so much of her last months of life to this place and, in particular, to this report. She wanted to make sure that she finished this report to the absolute best that she possibly could, and there are recommendations from that report that the government hasn't even bothered to formally respond to. One of the most important recommendations on there was to ban gambling advertising, because it is pernicious, it is saturated, and it is everywhere. There is not a young person in Australia, I would say, that hasn't seen that advertising. We're banning social media because we recognise that, for under-16s, there is an inherent harm there. But, once you're 18, it's open slather. You can be targeted with advertising from Sportsbet, BetStop, Ladbrokes and the whole list. You can't even watch a game—you can't go to a game—without seeing it everywhere. We have normalised this so much in Australia.

I would say to the Prime Minister—really, I plead with the Prime Minister. You love your Rabbitohs, and you love a sports game. Think of what it was like when you were 20 and you were going and watching your beloved Rabbitohs or think of what it was like when you were watching them on television—you were not bombarded like a 20-year-old is bombarded today. They can't get away from it. This advertising is being targeted particularly at young men. We know that, between now and Christmas, there are going to be people who can't escape the advertising, who are so triggered by the advertising, who feel that there is no hope in their lives and who will not be here at Christmas. How awful is that! We have the power in this place to do something about it, yet, here we are, nearly 900 days later, and the government is really saying: 'This is not an issue for us. This is not a priority for us.'

I've stood here, I've given speeches before, and I've been really cranky; now, I'm heartbroken. I'm heartbroken that we are doing nothing about something that is affecting so many young people in our nation. It's our last sitting week of the year, and we could do so much better. We could do so much more. So, please, Prime Minister, allow a free vote for your backbench. They desperately want this leadership from you.

I move:

That the debate be adjourned.

The question is that the debate be adjourned.

Every Australian who puts on a uniform of our nation makes a promise—a promise to serve, to protect and to sacrifice. In return, our nation makes a promise to them that their service will be honoured, their family supported and their wellbeing safeguarded for life. This promise is a responsibility this government takes with unwavering commitment.

For too long, too many veterans and their families have been left struggling within a system that was meant to support them, a system that was complicated, confusing and slow and that too often added to their distress instead of easing it. We have heard their stories, we have listened to their frustrations and we have acted. Today, we are continuing that work.

We continue this significant reform to how our nation supports veterans, reform that puts veterans and their families back at the centre of the system built for them. The Veterans' Affairs Legislation Amendment (Miscellaneous Measures No. 1) Bill 2025 continues the Albanese Labor government's response to the Royal Commission into Defence and Veteran Suicide. It demonstrates, once again, our government's deep and enduring commitment to implementing a better and simpler veterans' entitlement system, one that ensures veterans and their families can access the support they need and deserve faster.

For too long, the complexity of the veterans' entitlement system has been a source of frustration, confusion and delay for veterans and their loved ones. The Royal Commission into Defence and Veteran Suicide interim report found that this complexity has been a contributing factor to distress and suicidality among our veteran community. That finding is heartbreaking, but it's also a call to action.

When a person puts on the uniform of our nation, we make them a promise that their country will stand by them. That includes making the system designed to help them simple to navigate. That's why, in February this year, the Albanese Labor government passed the VETS Act. The VETS Act represents the most significant reform in how Australia supports veterans in more than a century. This act was a response to recommendations from the interim report that the royal commission released in August 2022.

Under the old, outdated system, veterans' entitlements were determined under one or more of three primary compensation acts. Which acts applied depended on when the veteran served and which period of service caused or contributed to the condition they were claiming for. It was a complicated patchwork of laws that left too many veterans waiting, too many families confused and too many claims stuck in bureaucratic limbo.

We heard directly from veterans and their advocates that navigating three overlapping acts was exhausting. We heard from multiple stakeholders that the system was inefficient and unnecessarily complex. We heard from the royal commission that the confusion, frustration and sense of being lost in the system were real contributors to the distress that too many veterans experience.

The VETS Act fixes this. It reduces the number of acts the Department of Veterans' Affairs administers from three to one. That means, from 1 July 2026, all veteran claims will be assessed under a single, harmonised piece of legislation. This single act will be simpler to use, easier to understand and faster to process. It will ensure that veterans and families receive consistent, fair decisions, no matter when or where they served.

By simplifying and harmonising the system, we remove unnecessary administrative barriers and free up resources to focus on what matters most: supporting the wellbeing and recovery of veterans and their families. But this reform is not just about efficiency; it is about dignity. It's about ensuring that, when a veteran reaches out for help, they are met with a system that says 'yes', not a maze of forms and confusions that say 'wait'.

Since passing the VETS Act earlier this year, our government has been working to prepare for this transformation. We've been making veterans aware of the changes coming in 2026, upskilling departmental delegates so that they're ready to implement the new system effectively, providing additional training for advocates and ex-service organisations, and updating computer systems and modernising processes to ensure a smooth transition. We know that change on this scale requires careful management and clear communication. That's why the commencement date of 1 July 2026 gives veterans, their families, advocates and the department the time needed to prepare. We are determined to get this right because veterans deserve nothing less.

This bill is about making sure that the transition is a simpler, fairer system and as smooth as possible. The bill makes four technical amendments to ensure the successful implementation of the VETS Act and the continuity of support for veterans. While these amendments are administrative in nature, they are critical to ensuring that the reforms we passed earlier this year can be delivered efficiently and without disruption.

The first is about supporting continuity and transition. The first amendment provides the new Military Rehabilitation and Compensation Commission with the powers it needs to make and preserve instruments before the commencement of the new act. This will ensure a seamless transition from the old framework to the new one. It allows the existing commission to put in place the rules, regulations and administrative instruments needed to make the new system work smoothly from day one. These instruments will include things like presumptive liability rules, which enable the government and the department to respond quickly to emerging medical evidence about conditions linked to military service. This is about being responsive to veterans needs, not rigid bureaucracy. It ensures that, if new conditions are recognised as service related, we can act fast to provide support without waiting for lengthy legislative processes.

The second amendment allows certain treatment related instruments made under the VEA by the Reparation Commission to carry over and continue to have effect under the new MRCA. This is another measure to ensure continuity and fairness. It means critical treatment arrangements covering things like medical referrals, rehabilitation programs and health cards will continue uninterrupted as we move to the simplified framework. This approach avoids unnecessary administrative duplication and, most importantly, ensures that no veteran experiences a gap in care during this transition.

The third amendment confirms that all claims for funeral compensation shall be determined according to the act under which they are lodged. This ensures consistency with the date-of-claim approach established under the VETS Act and avoids any confusion and delay for grieving families. When a veteran passes away, the family should not have to worry about legal technicalities or administrative errors delaying funeral assistance. This amendment ensures that their entitlements are determined quickly, clearly and in accordance with the law.

The fourth amendment addresses the review pathway for DRCA determinations made before 21 April 2025. As of that date, a new review pathway for the Veterans' Review Board commenced but the rights of appeal for determinations made before that date were ambiguous and potentially open to jurisdictional dispute. This amendment makes clear that veterans who had their claims determined before the date will retain their former review rights and that the new simplified single review pathway applies going forward. It ensures fairness and clarity for all claimants, protecting veterans rights while reinforcing the principle of a single straightforward review process.

Taken together, these four technical amendments may appear minor, but they are foundational to delivering the government's broader reform agenda for veteran entitlements. They are about removing ambiguity, strengthening procedural fairness and ensuring that the new system, when it commences in 2026, works as intended—efficiently, reliably and compassionately. These amendments will ensure a smooth transition from the old complicated tri-act model to a single ongoing act so veterans and their families can continue to access the support they need without disruption or confusion.

This bill is not an isolated measure; it forms part of a coordinated long-term response to the findings and recommendations of the Royal Commission into Defence and Veteran Suicide. The royal commission made clear many veterans have faced unacceptable delays and barriers when seeking support. It found that administrative complexity, unclear eligibility rules and long processing times have contributed to mental distress and, tragically, suicide. Our government took those findings seriously. That's why we've acted quickly to simplify the laws through the VETS Act to streamline claims and make the system easier to navigate.

We also invested in improving mental health services, expanding open access to treatment for veterans with mental health conditions and strengthening early intervention supports. We increased staffing within the Department of Veterans' Affairs to cut through the backlogs and ensure veterans receive timely decisions. We funded digital modernisation so that DVA's system was fit for purpose for the 21st century, and we are working hand in hand with ex-service organisations and advocates to ensure veterans voices continue to shape the reforms as they roll out. This bill continues that work and is another step in turning the royal commission's recommendations into real lasting change.

The Albanese Labor government has a proud record of standing up for veterans and their families. We are investing in the Defence and Veteran Mental Health and Wellbeing Strategy and action plan, ensuring support for those transitioning out of service. We've expanded the Veteran Employment Program, helping more former Defence personnel find meaningful civilian work.

We're improving housing support, addressing homelessness and increasing funding for veterans' counselling and family programs. We are strengthening oversight and accountability in how support services are delivered. And, through our reforms of DVA, we are rebuilding trust and confidence in a system veterans can rely on, not one they have to fight, because our veterans have already done the hard work. They have already served our nation with courage and commitment, and it's our job to make sure the system serves them in return.

When the new single act takes effect in 2026, veterans will no longer need to navigate three different legislative regimes and wait months for answers about which act applies. They will have one clear pathway for compensation and rehabilitation. They will have faster access to treatment, simpler review processes and greater consistency in decision-making. They will have the confidence that the system is built around them, not the other way around. This is about more than administrative reform; it's about fairness, compassion and respect for those who have worn the nation's uniform. Every veteran deserves to know that, when they ask for help, they won't be told to wait. Every family deserves to know that their loved ones' service will be honoured, not just in words but in the care they receive. Every Australian should be proud that their government is delivering on that promise.

This bill makes the small but vital adjustments needed to support the largest overhaul of veterans' entitlements in a century. It ensures that the reforms we have already delivered through the VETS Act will be implemented smoothly, clearly and efficiently. It builds on the government's ongoing response to the Royal Commission into Defence and Veteran Suicide, and it reflects that unwavering commitment to ensure veterans and their families receive the support they need when they need it, because, when Australians serve, they do so with honour. When they come home, they deserve a system that serves them with that same honour. This bill is another step towards that goal.

I say at the outset that the coalition will be supporting the Veterans' Entitlements, Treatment and Support (Simplification and Harmonisation) Bill. I would like to acknowledge the presence of the minister in the chamber today as well and make this simple point: wherever possible, the coalition will follow a principle of bipartisanship on issues impacting our veterans and their families. That's a longstanding principle, I think, on both sides of the chamber, in fact, that, where possible, the major parties in this place have worked together to try to improve the system of support for veterans and their families. I encourage the government to continue to work with the opposition in that regard and in that spirit going forward.

Like the Labor Party, as the previous speaker indicated, we believe, on this side of the House, that we have a proud record in terms of working to reform the system of support for veterans and their families. While in office, the coalition parties worked diligently with the Department of Veterans' Affairs on a wide range of reforms to improve the system and make it fit for purpose for the modern-day veterans.

One of the challenges in this portfolio, in this space, is acknowledging that the needs of different generations of veterans are very different. It's very tempting, when you see our men and women in uniform, to think that they're all the same. They kind of look the same in their different uniforms of Navy, Army and Air Force, but beating beneath the surface of the uniform is a heart and a soul of an individual person who may have different needs when they leave the Defence Force. Making sure that our system of support is fit for purpose for all generations of veterans is one of the critical challenges facing this chamber and this government and that has faced previous governments. I want to commend the minister for his endeavours in that regard.

We recognise, on this side of the House—as the minister himself has recognised on many occasions—that more needs to be done to make the system fit for purpose for our modern veterans in particular. During our time in government, the coalition released what was known as the veterans covenant. There is an important line in the veterans covenants that says:

For what they have done, this we will do.

That goes beyond just saying, 'Thank you for your service,' on Anzac Day or Remembrance Day. 'For what they have done, this we will do,' is a commitment that we make to the men and women of Australia who haven't served in uniform. It's a commitment that we make that we will support them in and after their service. It's timely that we have this conversation and debate today because, more and more, there is a narrative in the community that military service inevitably results in a person being broken or busted, and it's simply not true.

Just this week in parliament, the Prime Minister's National Veteran Employment Awards were hosted in the Great Hall. It was a celebration of veterans who have served our nation with distinction, transitioned well and then brought their skills to bear in the civilian environment. It's so critical that we challenge this narrative that military service inherently results in a person having long-term problems for life.

There is no doubt that the unique nature of military service exposes people to risk every day—during training or deployment. But, equally, we have an obligation under this covenant—'For what they have done, this we will do'—to make sure that we recruit well, train them well and give them the equipment they need to do their job well and to make sure that, when they deploy, they are properly supported and that, when they transition, they transition in the best possible shape to go on and lead fulfilling lives in the civilian environment.

What the veteran employment awards do is celebrate those successes and recognise that, on transition, so many of our veterans go on to make an enormous contribution to our wider community. This is a critical point because the skills are transferable. The skills that our men and women in uniform learn in leadership, teamwork and problem solving are transferable to civilian life. Our message to Australian employers in the private sector is: Why wouldn't you want to employ a veteran? Why wouldn't you want those skills in your business? That message has to be reinforced as much as it possibly can.

In the presence of the minister, it's good to reflect on the role he and I have shared. Being the Minister for Veterans' Affairs has been, without doubt, the highlight of my time in this place. While I served in more senior roles in cabinet with the Minister for Infrastructure and Transport role, the role in veterans' affairs is deeply personal. It is a role where you get to make a difference in people's lives with the decisions you make. It gets to the point where you're actually dealing with individuals and working with the secretary of your department and senior DVA staff to achieve outcomes which make a real difference in people's lives.

I was very fortunate during my time in the role to work with Liz Cosson, who has since retired. Liz worked tirelessly as the secretary of the department to reform the Department of Veterans' Affairs by making some steps forward in reducing the complexity of issues, particularly around claims, but also in ensuring that the benefits available to veterans were well advertised so that veterans knew support was available if and when they needed it.

I say to the minister that I recognise that, when it comes to reform, all the easy stuff has probably been done. Everything now is hard. Everything in politics today around reform and making changes is difficult. But the goal of having a system which is easier to navigate and doesn't disenfranchise veterans and their families is a goal well worth pursuing, and I encourage him and the government in those endeavours.

Equally, I encourage the volunteers—the ex-service organisations, the people who care enough about our veteran community to be bothered to join their RSL or other ex-service organisation—to get involved in advocacy and support through practical programs. The work you're doing is deeply appreciated by the members in this place. I commit myself and the opposition to work as much as we possibly can in a collaborative way to address the challenges that we know still exist, particularly as the minister and the government seek to implement the findings of the royal commission.

So, again, we do need to challenge the narrative that our veterans are all broken and busted. If we feed them a diet of helplessness and hopelessness, it reduces our capacity to tackle the big issue in this place—the issue of suicide. There is no acceptable level of suicide in our community and there is certainly no acceptable level of suicide when it comes to our veteran community. We know that too many veterans are taking their own lives, and there are complex reasons for that. There are a range of factors which play into that horrible decision, that lack of hope, which results in a person taking their own life. But there is more we can do in this place and in the community on a daily basis, and the coalition certainly commits itself to working with the minister as we strive to reduce the level of suicide in our veteran community to zero.

This bill makes the technical and administrative updates needed to prepare for the start of the Veterans' Entitlements, Treatment and Support (Simplification and Harmonisation) Act 2025, or the VETS Act, as it is colloquially referred to. The coalition supported the VETS Act when it passed parliament earlier this year because it delivers on what we hope will be a simplification of the veterans' compensation and rehabilitation system, which was recommended by the royal commission. Over a period of a few years, we worked to try to simplify and harmonise the three existing acts. I've never been engaged in any other area of public policy where a person seeking a benefit from the government is required to have an advocate to navigate their way through the system. The system is too complex, and the complexity came about, I think, for very well-meaning reasons. I think every generation of minister who took on this role wanted to do something more to support our veterans, and we ended up having three very complex acts to the point where one veteran could have injuries to different parts of their body eligible for a benefit under different acts if they'd served over a longer period of time. So it is quite a cumbersome system. It causes frustration. It causes delays. I think harmonisation is a goal well worth pursuing, and I commend the government and the department for working towards having, from 1 July 2026, a single piece of legislation for all new claims for compensation and rehabilitation. It will—and I say this touching wood!—hopefully make the system easier for our veterans and reduce the need for advocates to try and navigate the system that we have today. We don't want to see any veterans losing any entitlements in the process.

The legislation today is not a new policy proposal; it's building on the existing work that the government did earlier this year with the VETS Act. It provides the guarantee—and this is important—that veterans with existing claims under VEA or DRCA will keep every right-of-review option they currently have. We are reassured by the briefing we received from the minister's office that nothing will be taken away from veterans in that regard. It also gives the department and the Repatriation Commission the powers they need to continue making decisions during the transition so veterans aren't left in limbo while the new system is put in place. So this is, by any definition, a non-controversial piece of legislation, as it doesn't cut or alter a single payment or benefit. It simply makes sure that what parliament already passed in the VETS Act can operate as intended in the future.

In relation to the broader challenges facing our veteran community, I commend this legislation because I actually believe it builds on the coalition's record in government and the direction we were seeking to take under the previous secretary. I think there is an evolution here, rather than a revolution, and we are seeing constant improvement in trying to reduce the time taken to process claims and also in ensuring that veterans know where to go for help if they need it and getting that help to flow as quickly as possible.

During our time in government, the coalition delivered on average more than $11 billion per year in support for veterans and their families. We need to keep working to dispel the myth amongst some people that help is not available, because help is available. Help is available for our veterans and their families if they know where to seek it, so we encourage people to seek help in that regard. We also established the Royal Commission into Defence and Veterans Suicide, recognising the urgent need for transparency, accountability and reform in the system.

In government, the coalition introduced and passed the Australian Veterans' Recognition (Putting Veterans and their Families First) Act of 2019 and the accompanying veterans' covenant, veteran card and lapel pin, ensuring national recognition for service and sacrifice. That may seem like a small change, but the lapel pin has given many of our veterans a capacity to wear proudly on a daily basis the same sorts of pins that members of the House of Representatives wear when they come to work. I've seen that lapel pin worn in offices across Australia over the last five years. We have people in our country who are fortunate enough and have worked hard enough to receive an Order of Australia or some other recognition. The veteran lapel pin is just one way to recognise that a person has contributed something to our nation while wearing the uniform. So I encourage veterans to wear the pin if they're comfortable doing so.

In government, we provided free, non-liability mental health care for any veteran who had completed at least one day of full-time service, which removed the barriers to early support and recovery. We also sought to expand and modernise Open Arms, the veterans and families counselling service, and ensure it remained fit for purpose and accessible to all those who needed it. One of the key features it performed was to provide people with lived experience to work with our veterans. Open Arms having staff members with lived experience has made it far more effective in recent years.

One program which I'm particularly proud of and somewhat obsessed with—the minister probably thinks—is the Psychiatric Assistance Dog Program, which was an initiative that took a bit of convincing through the finance department. One day, if I ever bother to write a book, I will cover that chapter with some degree of glee—how we may have pulled the wool over the eyes of finance for once in our lives. The program provided Australians who were eligible with tailored, life-changing therapy dogs. The program, from the feedback I've received from veterans, has probably been in my time in this place one of the most personally rewarding.

I have received messages and cards, sometimes from veterans but often from their partners, that explain how having a therapy dog has changed their lives, how having a therapy dog has meant that their veteran partner was now able to take the kids out for a walk to the playground, and how having a therapy dog has meant that their veteran partner now goes shopping or to a restaurant with them. These are things that we take for granted when we have good mental health. We have found life-changing therapy through the Psychiatric Assistance Dog Program, which has also meant there is less dependence on pharmaceuticals and a reduction in alcohol consumption. These are anecdotes; I acknowledge that. I'd like to see more work done in that regard to have the evidence based research to see exactly how this program is working going forward, and whether we can commit more funding to it and whether we need to do more work in that area.

How these dogs are changing lives, I think, is something that we need to perhaps understand, because there are other therapies that came forward during my time in the role where I couldn't convince the bureaucrats to commit money to, but I think they would inevitably do so in the future. There are other emerging therapies in areas like equine therapy, art therapy, music therapy and surf therapy. There are a whole range of things in this space which work for individuals beyond the Psychiatric Assistance Dog Program. So I think there's some more work we can do in terms of research but also understanding what works for individual veterans and being willing to run trials and pilot programs to ensure that we can help more veterans into the future—particularly our younger veterans, who may well respond to different treatments or therapies in comparison to the older cohorts.

Also in government, we started the Veteran Wellbeing Centre Program. The first six veteran wellbeing centres were initiated by the coalition, and I know the minister has built on the wellbeing centres across the country since his time in the role. We established the Prime Minister's National Veteran Employment Awards, which I spoke about previously, and it's good to see it continue to celebrate the successes of our veterans on transition. Interestingly, we created a role which, I think, was the brainchild of Secretary Cosson, which was the veterans family advocate role. Ensuring that the voices of families were heard in every major policy decision was a deliberate act of the previous government. Our first veterans family advocate was a lady by the name of Gwen Cherne. Gwen has just retired from her role and has moved on to other duties. Gwen did an outstanding job as the veterans family advocate. She had experience as a military partner but also as the mother of a serving member. Her lived experience was crucial to her being accepted by the veteran community and the families. She provided some unique insights for the secretary and me during her time in the role.

I'm pleased to see the new veteran family advocate, Annabelle Wilson, start in the role. I've had the chance to meet with Annabelle on two occasions. She's an impressive young lady, who I think will build on the legacy of Gwen Cherne. I think that Annabelle, again, has the capacity to help the government, help the department and help the minister. She has insights there that I think will be very useful. One of the strongest features of both Gwen and Annabelle is they recognise that parts of DVA are still broken. But, rather than get angry and throw bombs from outside the tent, they've been prepared to get inside the tent and try and fix it. So I commend not only Gwen for her work in the past but also Annabelle for taking on what is a challenging role. It's a high-profile, challenging role, and I wish her every success in taking it on.

The previous government also committed $500 million to the Australian War Memorial redevelopment, which will ensure the stories of contemporary veterans are told with the respect and visibility they deserve. That was also somewhat contentious at the time, but, I must say, the director, Matt Anderson, carrying on the work of Brendan Nelson, has continued to ensure that the War Memorial is not a place where we glorify war; it is a place where we respectfully recognise and commemorate the men and women who have given their lives to allow us to enjoy the freedoms we enjoy today.

Those 102,000 names on the roll of honour are a reminder to us all that the price of our freedom has been paid with the blood of previous generations. To have that War Memorial be in a better position now to tell the stories of the modern generation of servicemen and women is so important not only for their mental wellbeing but also for our nation to understand that service, so I don't quibble for a second the $500 million that has gone into that program. I stress in making that point that not a cent of that $500 million came out of the DVA budget. That was new funding allocated by Treasury. It did not come at the expense of our veterans, but that $500 million has ensured that the War Memorial for decades and decades and decades to come will be in a better position to tell the story of the men and women who served in Iraq, Afghanistan, Timor Leste, Solomon Islands—you name it.

More recent conflicts and peacekeeping missions will be properly recognised in the redeveloped Australian War Memorial. I congratulate Matt Anderson for the work his team does. I pass onto them our respect and our appreciation for the way they welcome members of parliament to attend the last post ceremony, to attend commemorative events. They are always run incredibly professionally with a sombre but respectful mood. I congratulate Matt on the work he is doing in that regard and I look forward to the finalisation of the War Memorial redevelopment.

The previous government also established the Joint Transition Authority, which is important in holding Defence to account for supporting members from their admission through to their civilian life. There is more to be done there. As I remarked earlier, all the easy stuff is done. The Joint Transition Authority and the work on transition is unfinished business. We still need to make sure our veterans, when they are leaving Defence, are in the best possible shape—physically, emotionally and financially—to take on their next posting in life in the civilian world. We are still getting it wrong on transition too many times, so I encourage the Minister for Defence and the Minister for Veterans' Affairs to keep up the work in that regard. We have to ensure that if we are going to be consistent with the covenant of 'For what they have done, this we will do' then we have to ensure that transition to civilian life is as smooth as possible and that we give them every chance of success as they take up their next role in our community.

The previous government delivered provisional access to medical treatment. I think the government should ensure that program continues. It allows veterans to continue to receive health care while their claims are being assessed. We have increased the fees for health professionals treating our veterans, which helps to sustain access to quality health care under the DVA system. But again, since our time in office, the gap between the payments received for the treating of veterans compared to treating other clients has widened again. It is a challenge for our government; it is a challenge for this government. That gap becomes a disincentive for our health professionals to actually treat veterans. We have to find a way to close the gap because the giant in the room of the care economy and the NDIS is paying at a higher rate to see clients than what DVA currently offers. It is not offered as a criticism of the minister or the government because the gap was there. When we left government, we had some step-up payments to try and narrow the gap to make it more attractive to health professionals to treat our veterans but the gap is still there and it is becoming a problem again. I say to DVA: for god's sake, try to reduce the paperwork because the allied health professionals and GPs are all saying the same thing—'We are busy people. We cannot spend all day filling out your paperwork, so try and find ways to minimise the paperwork and make it more attractive for our health professionals to treat our veterans when required.'

In government, we did something in 2021 which I think will be more helpful to this minister and future ministers than it necessarily was to me at the time. We asked a question in the census about whether they had ever served in the Australian Defence Force. It came about because basically we had no idea how many veterans we had in Australia. Unless someone had served and then registered with DVA, we as a government had no idea how many veterans we really had. It turned out we had, I think, around 600,000 at the time, and that data will help the minister in terms of targeting support measures to regional hotspots, or places where we know there are a large cohorts of veterans, and will make sure that the limited resources we have can be directed in the most appropriate way.

There is more to be done. I acknowledge that this bill here today and the VETS Act are important, but there's more to be done. We are going to continue to monitor closely the government's claims around claims processing times because we are hearing different reports from our veterans on the ground in terms of whether there has been a shifting of the claims into a new basket or there has actually been a reduction in the time taken to process claims. The government must continue to act, and act faster, on the Royal Commission into Defence and Veteran Suicide, and to the Treasurer and the Minister for Finance I say give the minister the resources he needs to implement the findings of that royal commission. It's one thing to have a royal commission, but the history of royal commissions in this country is that the royal commission is held, the recommendations come in and then they sit there and sit there and sit there. Some of those recommendations will require additional resources for the veterans portfolio, and I urge the Treasurer and the finance minister to act quickly in that regard. Funding for veterans and families hubs has not been guaranteed, and it's something that veterans are coming to us and raising concerns about—whether they will be able to operate those hubs in the future.

In conclusion, while I started with the point that, wherever possible, the coalition adopts the principle of bipartisanship in relation to matters involving our veterans and the Australian Defence Force, the government made a mistake with the mean spirited bill to try and address what they thought were shortcomings in the Defence Honours and Awards Appeals Tribunal. Mistakes were made from the very moment that Defence did not consult. I actually don't blame the minister for what followed in the months after that, because I think he was sold a pup from day one. Defence did not consult with the tribunal itself. An independent statutory authority was established by the Labor Party in 2011 to provide a review function for the greatest acts of heroism our nation has ever seen, and the defence department didn't consult with the highly skilled and highly respected individuals on that tribunal to see what changes would be palatable, what changes were worth pursuing and, more importantly, what changes were completely unsellable to the Australian public.

It was mean spirited from day one for Defence to try to impose a 20-year time limit on the review of actions by our Australian Defence Force personnel. It was also mean spirited from day one to seek to abolish the right of current Australian Defence Force personnel and veterans to seek a review unless they fit within a very tight descriptor provided by Defence itself. I say to the government, in the spirit of bipartisanship and in seeking to find in-principle agreement wherever possible on veterans and defence matters, we should have been consulted earlier in the process, the tribunal should have been consulted and ex-service organisations should have been consulted. We then would never have had the mess that we've had over the last three months, with veterans and Defence Force personnel speaking out angrily about the reform of the Defence Honours and Awards Appeals Tribunal.

There were 75 submissions to the Senate inquiry. How many do you reckon might have been in favour of the changes?

One.

There was one; you're right, Member for Riverina. There was one supporting submission, and the one supporting submission—what a surprise—came from the Department of Defence. The department that wrote the legislation was the only submitter to the Senate inquiry that could speak positively of the bill. So I make no apologies for getting angry at the dispatch box. I make no apologies for raising my concerns publicly, vociferously and in tandem with my colleagues on this side of the House, because the Department of Defence stuffed this up from day one.

The Department of Defence did not consult with the tribunal, did not show any respect to ex-service organisations or stakeholders, and did not consult with the opposition, and what you ended up with was an alarming amount of stress and anxiety in the community as a direct result of the department's failure. When this legislation came to the House it was telling that among the 90-plus members of the Labor Party the minister and one other member spoke on it—just two of them. They were only two they could find willing to speak on the legislation. I'm glad the decision was made to discharge the legislation from the Senate. I say to the minister—don't bring it back in its current form. Don't even think about bringing it back with a 20-year time limit and don't even think about bringing it back with restrictions on who can seek a review, because we will have this fight all over again, and I know what the Australian people think about putting a time limit on 'We will remember them'.

We are here as an opposition to work with the government where we can, as we have with this legislation here today. We stand ready to support urgent, meaningful reforms that deliver better outcomes for veterans and their families, and I look forward to working in the spirit of collaboration, particularly around the recommendations of the royal commission. I think it's going to need a bipartisan commitment to make it happen. It's going to need a bipartisan commitment to force Treasury and Finance to do the right thing and spend some money where it needs to be spent.

I'll finish on that point, and on a more hopeful note that, wherever possible, we will seek bipartisanship on issues affecting our veterans. I acknowledge and say respectfully to any veterans who are listening today, or their family members, thank you for your service. Thank you for your service to our country. Thank you to your families who supported you in that service. Without you, Australia would be a less safe place to live. Without your service and sacrifice, we wouldn't enjoy the freedoms that we enjoy today. We respect and value that, and we will continue to work together in this place as much as we possibly can to ensure you are properly supported in service and in your retirement. I thank the House.

I rise today to speak in support of the Veterans' Affairs Legislation Amendment (Miscellaneous Measures No. 1) Bill 2025, which continues the government's response into the recommendations arising from the Royal Commission into Defence and Veteran Suicide. The final report from that royal commission contained 122 recommendations. These evidence based recommendations were designed to set out a blueprint for the transformational reform required to address the national tragedy of defence and veteran suicide—and it is a national tragedy.

The entire defence and veteran ecosystem was considered by the recommendations, meaning they touched Commonwealth, state and territory government agencies and other institutions responsible for the health and wellbeing of serving and ex-serving Australian Defence Force members and their families. According to the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, at least 1,677 serving and ex-serving ADF members died by suicide between 1997 and 2021. That's more than 20 times the number of defence personnel killed in active duty over the same period. But the royal commission estimates the true number of preventable deaths to be upwards of 3,000. This is a crisis, and the gravity of the crisis cannot be underestimated.

Further recommendations from the royal commission included: the development of a doctrine on people, capability and service for the ADF to make clear that Australia's military capability and operational readiness depend on a physically and mentally healthy workforce; public reporting on ADF culture, health and wellbeing, and incorporating member's health and wellbeing in senior-level performance appraisals, as well as ensuring promotion selection processes reward leaders who have a positive impact on wellbeing and culture; to strengthen defence and Department of Veterans' Affairs research, data collection and analysis, and data sharing, to enhance their ability to identify, understand and monitor the impact of risk and protective factors for suicide and suicidality among serving and ex-serving ADF members; and to provide ongoing funding to veterans and families hubs to develop a national funding agreement on veteran wellbeing. Through its recommendations, the royal commission also sought to address the stresses that service and postservice life place on Defence families, to prevent physical and mental injuries within the ADF, to encourage members to seek help early, to prioritise recovery when an injury does happen, to reduce the risk of burnout, to make veterans' entitlements fair and equitable regardless of how a member's military service is classified and to make compensation-claim processing efficient and transparent.

One such organisation that is working hard towards improving the mental health and wellbeing of current and former Australian military members, as well as the emergency services personnel and their families, is Military and Emergency Services Health Australia, or MESHA, which is a not-for-profit research training and program centre. In South Australia, MESHA is based in my electorate of Sturt. MESHA conducts co-designed and impact driven research in priority areas of unmet need and seeks to embed lived experience in the design and delivery of its training and programs to ensure that authentic and sustainable outcomes for service communities are achieved.

MESHA's programs are facilitated by trainers with lived experience and a service background so that the training programs can be delivered with authenticity, credibility and genuine connection with participants. All of MESHA's trainers are current or former military and/or emergency services personnel, trained in group facilitation, trained in trauma informed care, and trained in establishing and maintaining boundaries and have also undergone program-specific modularised training and have been a participant in the program that they are delivering. MESHA, thank you for the work that you are doing not only to support veterans but to raise awareness of the challenges and complexities of postservice life. This you did beautifully at the MESHA Remembrance Day breakfast in Adelaide on 11 November this year.

These stories are important. On 11 November 2025, Remembrance Day, I also had the honour of joining MESHA at the breakfast in Adelaide to hear more stories. I also heard the stories and reflected on the courage and sacrifice of our Australian Defence Force personnel past and present at my local Payneham RSL and also at the Kensington Park RSL. At Payneham, the service was hosted by Mr Jordan Box and his beautiful OPK9 dog Sally, who is about to retire. Thank you, Sally.

I also attended the dawn service on Anzac Day this year at the Kensington RSL where, under the leadership of sub-branch president Mr Peter Lloyd, a moving and reflecting ceremony was held. At the ceremony and in his remembrance address, retired brigadier Ellis Wayland AM made striking remarks about the need for more investment, more encouragement and more support for young people to join the Australian Defence Force. In recognition of the fact that our Australian values and way of life are worth fighting for, he asked, 'In the event of an armed conflict affecting Australia, would young Australians rush to sign up to serve?' He spoke of the urgent need to create an environment where the answer to his question would always be yes.

On Vietnam Veterans' Remembrance Day in August this year, I also attended an equally moving ceremony at the Payneham RSL lead ably by the president, Mark Lawson-Kent; the vice president, Bert Pac; and the secretary, Liam Ibbetson, to mark the courage and sacrifice Australians made in that conflict. The ceremony was remarkable for two reasons: its beautiful simplicity and its telling of the stories of those who served and explanation of history. Many of those stories live on in postservice lives, and veterans deserve meaningful postservice lives in which they are cared for and supported.

I take a moment in discussing postservice life to reflect on and echo the remarks made by the member for Gippsland, who spoke before me and who rightly noted that many people who serve in our defence forces give their service to our country and then go on to make incredible contributions to our community. I have a former Air Force intelligence officer working in my electorate office. She is my right-hand woman and one of the most competent and capable people I have ever worked with. She has an exceptional blend of military and civilian skills. Thank you, Emerald. You are such an asset to me and my team, and I'm so glad you're in my corner. I encourage all employers out there to do what I did and consider employing a veteran. Exceptional leadership and de-escalation and judgement skills are on offer. Please consider it.

For those who need it, though, this bill continues the Albanese Labor government's commitment to implementing a better and simpler veterans entitlement system so that veterans and families can access the support that they need and deserve faster. The complexity and frustration of the veterans entitlement system was found, in the Royal Commission into Defence and Veteran Suicide interim report, to be a contributing factor to suicidality amongst our veteran community, so, from the middle of 2026, all veteran claims will be assessed for compensation and rehabilitation under one single piece of legislation that will be simpler to use and faster to process—the new and improved Military Rehabilitation and Compensation Act. This reframes and resets how we support veterans and means the government will be able to better provide the services and supports the veteran community needs more quickly and when the services are needed.

The bill proposes a number of minor technical amendments to the Veterans' Entitlements, Treatment and Support (Simplification and Harmonisation) Act to ensure the smooth implementation of these reforms and transition from the previous complicated arrangements, which were comprised of three acts, into just a single act. The bill operates to clarify the powers of the existing Military Rehabilitation and Compensation Commission and Repatriation Commission as they transition to a single repatriation commission.

We'll also remove ambiguity in the legislation for veterans and families seeking review of a DVA decision and clarify the interpretation of eligibility for important funeral benefits to ensure claims for funeral compensation are determined according to the act under which they are lodged and the correct entitlements are available as quickly as possible.

The bill also strengthens the review rights for decisions made under the Safety, Rehabilitation and Compensation (Defence-related Claims) Act 1988. This bill will clarify and make minor adjustments to the Military Rehabilitation and Compensation Commission (Defence-related Claims) Act and the simplification act to complement the government's original policy intention for veterans rehabilitation and compensation legislative reform. Under the current arrangements, veteran entitlements are provided for under three separate compensation acts and eligibility under one of those acts depends on when the veteran served and which period of service caused or contributed to the condition being claimed.

The simplification act modifies these arrangements by providing that, from 1 July 2026, all claims for compensation and rehabilitation will be determined under the improved Military Rehabilitation and Compensation Commission. It does this through four mechanisms. The first is to provide the MRCC with appropriate powers to make instruments in the pre-commencement period, before 1 July 2026. The second amendment preserves certain treatment related instruments made under the VEA as though they have effect under the MRCA. The third amendment is to confirm that all claims for funeral compensation should be determined according to the act under which they are lodged, which will ensure consistency with the date of claim approach, as intended under the improved MRCA. The fourth amendment is to clarify the review pathway for claimants who have DRCA original determinations made before 21 April 2025. The single review pathway commenced on that date, and, currently, there is some ambiguity about the rights of appeal for these claimants.

These amendments together will clarify and make minor adjustments to the veterans legislation to align with the government's original policy intention to simplify and harmonise the veteran compensation system. This will mark the most significant reform to how we support veterans in a century. It will enable veterans and families to get the support that they need and that they deserve when they need it. It is also a sign of this government's deep respect for the service, commitment and sacrifice that the veterans give to Australia. I share that deep respect, and I say to my friends at the Payneham RSL and the Kensington Park RSL: thank you for your service and for continuing to share your stories.

I stand with the Minister for Veterans' Affairs and the Minister for Defence Personnel as he undertakes this important reform work. I commend the bill to the House.

A bouquet for the minister at the table straight up. I know he has veterans at heart, and I know that he and I share support for the two veterans facilities in Wagga Wagga, in the heart of the Riverina: RSL LifeCare, the Riverina Veteran and Family Hub at 240 Baylis Street, Wagga Wagga—the main street; and the Pro Patria Centre, in the western suburb of Ashmont. The minister announced funding recently for Pro Patria, for the defence shed, in September this year. Earlier, in November 2023, he announced $1.2 million for Pro Patria and $520,000 for RSL LifeCare. Those investments were welcomed. He was in Wagga Wagga to announce the 2023 spending. It is funding which will save lives, and I say that because I know how important it is, as a former veterans affairs minister—and you don't get that job unless you are a good person, and the minister is a good person. I'm giving him some bouquets at the moment; don't worry, Minister, you'll get a few brickbats further on in my speech!

I also acknowledge the service of the member for Solomon, who is speaking after me—a solid citizen as well; he went through Duntroon. I acknowledge the member for Herbert and the member for Canning, former reserves and may still be serving in some capacity—the members for Hasluck and Spence, and no doubt there are others. I know the member for New England has also done some service, and there could be other members in the House of Representatives as well who have. I say to them, as we ought to say to everybody who has worn a uniform: thank you for your service—TYFYS. As the shadow minister, the member for Gippsland, quite correctly pointed out in his remarks, but for the service and sacrifice of those and many others before them we would not enjoy the benefits we do today. We live in the greatest country on earth. We have these democracies, these freedoms. I see a number of young people up in the gallery; they will enjoy a better life because of those people who have put on a military uniform and represented our nation.

I come from Wagga Wagga. That city is a garrison city. We have Blamey Barracks, named after Thomas Blamey; what a hero he was. But for him, we may well be speaking a different language and this nation would be vastly different to what it is today. His efforts in the Pacific in the Second World War are to be admired and respected. That is Blamey Barracks, Home of the Soldier, 1st Recruit Training Battalion Kapooka.

We've got the Royal Australian Air Force. There's a sign that says 'Air power begins here'—and it does, right in Wagga Wagga. If you spend any given time in the Air Force you may well end up at Forest Hill. With that base, we have a Navy base as well, even though we are a long way from the nearest drop of seawater. There are 80 personnel serving the Navy proudly at Wagga Wagga, at that Forest Hill facility, and we thank each and every one of them. Recently all three arms of defence came out to mark one of the many commemorative occasions that we do in our defence training city. It was so impressive to see them marching up the main street in khaki, blue and white, representing the three arms of the Defence Force.

This Veterans' Affairs Legislation Amendment (Miscellaneous Measures No. 1) Bill is due to come into effect on 1 July next year. It establishes a single legislative framework for veterans' entitlements, compensation and rehabilitation. The minister would know, as would anybody who has served in any capacity in the portfolio of military, defence and veterans' matters, that getting simplification for entitlements for veterans is so crucial and so vital. The legislation introduces minor technical amendments to support a smooth transition from the three existing acts to the new Veterans' Entitlements, Treatment and Support (Simplification and Harmonisation) Act 2025, quite simply known as the VETS Act. The coalition backed the VETS Act when it passed the parliament early this year. We understood—because veterans are at the core of what we support as well—a simplification of veterans' compensation and rehabilitation, the system recommended by the royal commission.

In her remarks, the member for Sturt talked about the royal commission, which shone a light—an all too tragic light—onto what some of our veterans have endured since leaving military life, and it's not a new thing. Indeed, former Australian War Memorial director Dr Brendan Nelson—he was probably the best prime minister we never had. He used to speak about the fact that as many veterans, diggers and Anzacs passed away in the decade after the guns fell silent on the Western Front in World War I on 11 November 1918 as did in the war years from 1914 to 1918. Just think of that—for the 60,000 of Australia's best and bravest who came back from that conflict, the bloodiest war the world had ever known, there weren't the support systems and there weren't the wraparound services that we have today, more's the pity. They came back with trench fever, shell-shocked. They were conditions that no-one could possibly have understood. They were different men. Yes, there were women too. There were nurses who were on the frontline, and, no doubt, they too suffered. We gave mightily to World War I efforts. They called it the Great War—no war is great. We've learnt a lot from that conflict, and we've acted responsibly since, but we can never do enough for our veterans.

I know that former prime minister Malcolm Turnbull is being honoured this week. He put in place a veterans' employment program which is to be acknowledged and applauded. I know he would often say, during his days in the Lodge, that not all of our veterans are broken. And they are not. The member for Sturt touched on that in her contribution, wisely so. Many of our veterans come back, and they're used to the formality and rigidity of military life. It must be hard for them to adjust back into civilian life and back into family life, and yet many of them do and contribute mightily to our nation. All of them have put in, all of them have given, all of them have served, and all of them have sacrificed. Not all of them are broken, and we should acknowledge that. But, for those who are affected and for those who have done their time and done their service, proudly so, and are going back into civilian life who are affected—we must be there for them. As a parliament, we have to be.

I have to say that making sure that compensation and rehabilitation come under the one banner, under a single piece of legislation, is to be acknowledged and is to be applauded. It replaces the outdated patchwork of laws veterans currently face. Not every veteran's relationship or association with the Department of Veterans' Affairs is going to be a good one. Some choose not to even go through the DVA process at all. But I would encourage veterans to take advantage, to avail themselves of all the services available. The DVA has very good people. Our public servants in that area are very good, and they want to help. They truly do. But veterans' experiences may well be different to those of their comrades and former comrades.

This bill ensures a smooth and fair transition to this new system. It's written in such a way that veterans do not accidentally lose entitlements in the process. Thank goodness for that. It's not a new policy proposal; it's about fixing cross-references, it's about definitions, and it's about transitional clauses in the law—making sure they work properly when the new system takes place and begins. Importantly, the bill guarantees that veterans with existing claims under the Veterans' Entitlements Act or the Safety, Rehabilitation and Compensation (Defence-Related Claims) Act keep every right and review option that they currently have. Nothing is being taken away.

Minister, this is where the brickbat comes in. I know the minister, as I said before, is a principled person, but he should not have listened to the Department of Defence, to the bureaucrats, when they came to him with the changes to Defence medallic recognition. I know that he knows I was going to say this. For people such as Richard Norden, a recent Victoria Cross for Australia recipient—he would not have been eligible under the system that was proposed and even passed this House of Representatives. He would not have received that long-overdue recognition, that highest of honour that the military could provide and that Australia could provide to someone who, at the Battle of Coral-Balmoral went into danger not once, not twice, but thrice—again and again and again placing his life at risk—to rescue a mate. Isn't that, after all, what service and sacrifice are all about? Mateship, honour—he didn't do it for a medal. He didn't do it for a piece of tin on his chest. He did it because it was the right thing to do and because that's what Australian soldiers do. That's what Australians who go through Kapooka do.

Under the changes that were passed by the House of Representatives—brought into the House of Representatives by the minister at the table—that was all going to be taken away for future heroes. That was wrong. That was dishonourable. Thankfully, the minister has, through pressure, through advocacy and through common sense—and, I will say, through decency because you are a decent man, Minister—has taken that piece of legislation, that folly, off the Notice Paper. Let it never see the light of day again, because our heroes deserve better. They deserve better from a parliament that understands the service and sacrifices they have made, not in their name but in their mate's name, in the duty of their service in the Army, Air Force or Navy, for the flag and for the patriotism of our nation so that others may live, because, as St John once said, 'Greater love hath no man shown than to serve and lay down one's life for one's friend.' I commend the bill.

I thank those who have acknowledged me and others in the parliament who have served in our Australian Defence Force. Across the parliament and across the chambers, we support our men and women in uniform and the sacrifices they and their families have made. We want to make sure that they get the best possible deal. As the Special Envoy for Defence, Veterans' Affairs and Northern Australia, I have the enormous privilege to meet with defence members and veterans across this country. And, as a fourth-generation veteran, I am proud of the contribution that my family has made to the defence of our country.

Every day I talk to veterans and share their achievements and assist them with any challenges. I concur with the contributions of so many who have pointed out the fact that veterans are incredibly capable people and vital to the future of our nation and to upholding the sovereignty of our nation. I only have to think back to Darwin on the weekend, when veteran mates across our city played a helpful, calming role. Those in the emergency services obviously also played an active role. But the veterans who are walking the streets with a chainsaw, helping out their neighbours, are just one small example of how vital veterans are in our communities. That's what the ADF does. It provides Australian citizens with the opportunity to be trained up in one of our services, to manage risk, to lead under arduous conditions and to defend our homeland and our interests overseas. Every defence member, having made that solemn and sacred commitment to the nation and to the Australian people, should feel safe in the knowledge that, whatever may happen in their service, they and their families will be looked after and, indeed, acknowledged by a grateful nation.

It is our nation's duty to empower and support the mental health and wellbeing of our defence and veteran community. There is an expectation from the Australian people that they will be looked after. I lobbied hard with the minister, who is in the room; with our prime minister, who was the then opposition leader; and with veterans and their families, particularly those family members who have lost loved ones by suicide. We worked with those supporters of a royal commission, and the current Prime Minister committed to a royal commission from opposition, and, now in government, we are implementing the recommendations. The interim report was released a couple of years ago, in 2022. It contained recommendations that were deemed most urgent so that we could start getting after those recommendations. We have acted on them all, and that is a credit to the minister.

We have cleared the backlog of unallocated compensation claims at DVA, which was causing a lot of angst, so that new claims are reviewed within 14 days. We have legislation the VETS Act, the Veterans' Entitlements, Treatment and Support (Simplification and Harmonisation) Act, which harmonises legislation and simplifies the compensation system, and that is a good thing.

The debate is interrupted in accordance with standing order 43. The debate may be resumed at a later hour, and the member will have leave to continue speaking when the debate is resumed.

West Gippsland has lost a favourite son. Keith Anderson was proud to be born and raised in Drouin. Keith loved the art and craft of feature writing. He was a keen student of journalism. At the tender age of 20, Keith started at the Warragul & Drouin Gazette before learning that, through a ballot, he had been selected for service that would send him to training in Puckapunyal and to the jungles of Vietnam as part of the Anzac battalion. This young Gippslander was straight of limb and clear of eye. Last year, in Nicholas Duck's excellent Warragul gazette article on Keith's service, Keith was asked if he were proud of what he had contributed. 'Proud?' Keith responded. 'I don't know if that's the right word. I think it comes down to your appreciation of the people you were with and all those who have gone before you in similar or worse circumstances.' I know that editor Yvette Brand and her colleagues are mourning his loss deeply.

The last time I saw Keith was only a few months ago. I was walking past the clubroom at the Drouin footy club, and Keith was standing inside, smiling with a glass of beer in hand while watching his beloved Drouin Hawks. To his family and friends I say, on behalf of the people of Monash, today we honour Keith and everything he gave our community and country. Vale, Keith Anderson.

On Saturday 25 October our community was given a special treat: a look inside our brand-new, beautiful Omar Mosque in Gwynneville. The mosque was 10 years in the making, and it is now open thanks to the kind and generous contributions of the Illawarra Islamic community. Walking into the mosque is a real treat, with its absolutely magnificent brass coloured chandeliers inside the domes that are a nod to our steel history. I was so delighted to see a fantastic turnout of community members of all backgrounds who came along to see inside this grand, new building and learn more about what happens inside. It was a true display of community unity and spirit. Everyone who came was given a tour of the facility, and there was absolutely incredible food and entertainment for the whole family.

The community had simply outgrown the original mosque, which had its own interesting history, having been used in the past by the Jewish and Christian communities. A new purpose-built facility was something that the Omar Mosque committee was really passionate about, and you could see how excited the whole community was to finally see it open. I was also pleased to have supported the mosque with $100,000 in federal funding for its security system.

I want to thank Sheik Abdul Rahman Fattah and the Omar Mosque committee, including the founder of the AICC, Shafik Khan; Ziad Sultan; Khaled El Hage; Amad Badeir; and my good friends President Hussein Salem and Dr Munir Hussain.

With their final exams now complete, I'd like to congratulate the graduating class of 2025. It's been a privilege to attend school awards nights and ceremonies across my electorate of Hinkler, celebrating milestones, acknowledging successes and shaking hands with impressive young leaders. My message to our year 12 students is that, whether you've made plans for further study, for work or for travel—or maybe you're still making up your mind—it's all good; there's plenty of time.

I'd like to acknowledge a man of conviction, a man of education, a man of faith and a man who countless youngsters can thank for guiding them on the right path, including my two daughters. Principal Dan McMahon has been at the helm of the Shalom College in Bundaberg for 17 years, and, when the bell sounds for the last time this term, it will herald the end of a wonderful era. Dan's leadership, innovation and foresight is what makes Shalom one of the best regional schools in Queensland, if not the nation. Dan creates an environment that supports students no matter where their strength lies. Shalom is the 10th school Dan has taught at or led since he started teaching year 6 at St Mary's Dalby in 1978. Whilst his time at Shalom is drawing to a close, he's not done yet. All the best for next year, in leading the St Leo's community at the University of Queensland in Brisbane. Dan, you will be missed—all the very best and God bless.

For generations, families in the Perth Hills have spent their summers at the iconic Bilgoman Aquatic Centre in Darlington. It's more than just a pool; it's the beating heart of our community during the hot summer months in the Perth Hills. But we know that heating a 50 metre Olympic pool takes a lot of energy, and for too long that energy has come from expensive and polluting gas. That's why I'm thrilled to inform the House that the Albanese Labor government is delivering $158,000 through the Community Energy Upgrades Fund to upgrade the Bilgoman pool's heating system.

We are partnering with the Shire of Mundaring to swap out the old gas infrastructure for modern, efficient technology that prioritises solar power. By electrifying this local asset, we aren't just cutting carbon emissions but cutting costs. The lower energy bills for the council means more savings. As a former Mundaring shire councillor and deputy president, I advocated for longer swimming seasons. So perhaps the new council can consider and contemplate extending the seasons with the savings. This is a win for our environment, a win for the Shire of Mundaring and a win for every family in Bullwinkel who loves a dip at the Bilgoman swimming pool.

Last week, I was honoured to attend the unveiling of a bronze statue of Pauline Menczer, which overlooks the waves of Bondi Beach. Born and raised by the beach, Pauline is Bondi's only world champion surfer—winning the title in 1993. But her path to that achievement was far from smooth. Pauline told us at the unveiling about how she battled sexism, homophobia and debilitating rheumatoid arthritis, and, unlike her male counterparts, she received no sponsorship support. Her success is a testament to her extraordinary resilience and determination. She said, 'If you don't have sponsors, you can't offend them when you speak your mind.' Initially, Pauline didn't want a statue, but she was convinced to have one because she could see the role it would have in inspiring the next generation of female sportspeople.

Only six per cent of statues in New South Wales are women and most of them, apparently, are royal women. It's important that trailblazing sportspeople like Pauline are also immortalised in our public spaces. This public statue has been a long time coming—not just for Pauline and her partner, Sam, but for the Pauline in Bronze campaign led by Christopher Nelius, who has been pushing tirelessly for this recognition for over five years. I want to thank the artist, Cathy Weiszmann, and Waverley Council for helping to secure this perfect location. I'm so proud that the Wentworth community and visitors alike will be able to see Pauline in her place overlooking Bondi, and I know her legacy will continue to live on in the dreams of the next generation of women surfers.

On the weekend, I had the honour of attending an event in Bayswater to celebrate the sixth birthday of the Elm St Mission. This celebration brought together residents, volunteers and supporters to celebrate the program's achievement and raise vital funds for a new defibrillator and first aid equipment. Elm St Mission was founded with a clear and compassionate purpose to provide a safe, inclusive and welcoming space for individuals experiencing mental health challenges or social isolation. In only six years, it has grown into far more than a community service. It has become a refuge, a gathering place and, for many in my community, a lifeline.

The volunteer, staff and supporters who sustain Elm St Mission embody the spirit of service that strengthens our social fabric. I would particularly like to acknowledge Ethne, Ray, Marj, John and Leo for their unwavering commitment to support some of our most vulnerable residents. The work of all involved in the Elm St Mission is truly inspiring, and our community is kinder, stronger and more connected because of their work. I wish Elm St Mission many more years of growth, impact and compassion, and I commend them for the hope and support they continue to offer to all who need it most.

Last week, I had the great privilege of meeting with a group of parents—in fact, they were a group of mums—at MyTime in Stirling. MyTime is a national group. It supports the parents and carers of children who are living with a disability. I think one of the important reasons why it's called MyTime is that we know that parents get very little 'me' time—particularly a parent of a child living with disability.

It was extraordinary to meet the mothers. Each one of them shared with me their experiences, their life, what keeps them up at night and the joys of their children. It is a wonderful collaborative way for people to come and have a cup of tea and some biscuits, and sit down, debrief and chill, and just talk about the challenges in life.

I thank Bronte, who is the coordinator, and all the mums who so generously opened up to me and talked about their lives. Each one of them are extraordinary heroes in our community. I commend each one of those mothers for the work they do in raising their beautiful children.

Every government wants business to succeed. Every employee wants the business they work for to succeed. But around the world there are companies like Amazon who act like they are too big to follow the rules, too big to bargain with workers, too big to answer to parliaments, too big to respect privacy and too big to play fair. Well, here's the truth: no corporation is bigger than a democracy.

Amazon has closed warehouses in Quebec to avoid workers unionising. It has dragged workers through endless litigation on Staten Island. It has silenced staff in Australia and spied on workers in France. At every turn and on a global scale, Amazon has demonstrated a pattern of digital surveillance of workers and a refusal to negotiate with unions. If companies want public contracts, they should meet public standards. If companies want to profit from Australian creators, they have to pay. If companies want to enjoy the benefits of an Australian market, they must follow our rules.

'Make Amazon Pay' isn't a slogan; it's a line in the sand. If they don't bargain, if they don't respect democracy, if they don't protect privacy, if they don't play fair, then they don't get rewarded; it's that simple. If Amazon can afford to rocket billionaires into space, they can pay workers back here on Earth their fair share. It's time to tell Amazon and companies like them that they don't get to run on algorithms and arrogance. (Time expired)

I make this 90-second statement today as part of Gnarly Neighbours' Gnarly90 campaign, which raises awareness of youth mental health and encourages everyone to take action. The campaign, run by Jayden Sheridan of Seymour, from my electorate, invites people to get involved in their own way with 90 minutes, 90 actions, 90 skate tricks or even just 90 seconds to support young people and show they are not alone.

Jayden grew up without stability or support, and he built Gnarly Neighbours so that young people today don't have to face the same struggles he did. Gnarly Neighbours gives kids a safe place to go—a place where they can learn to skate, be creative, talk to mentors and feel part of the community. Their neighbourhood space in Seymour includes a cafe, a print shop, a skates store and an indoor skate park, with every dollar going straight back to free youth programs. They also run an employment program that gives young people real jobs, real skills and the confidence that they can build a life for themselves.

Disconnection and isolation put young people at serious risk, and suicide is now the leading cause of death for Australians aged 15 to 24. That's why supporting programs like Gnarly Neighbours matters. They create safe spaces where young people can grow, connect and find their way.

I sincerely thank Jayden Sheridan and the whole Gnarly Neighbours team for their incredible work. Their dedication gives young people belonging, opportunity and a chance to thrive.

Recently I had the opportunity to visit The People's Pantry in Woy Woy to see firsthand the incredible work this organisation and its volunteers are doing to support vulnerable community members and reduce food wastage. The People's Pantry is a not-for-profit organisation with the objective of helping provide quality groceries at affordable prices and salvaging otherwise good produce and grocery items from ending up in landfill.

The People's Pantry works alongside local supermarkets as well as Foodbank and SecondBite to prevent groceries or produce from ending up in the bin. Open every Monday and Wednesday, the service helped over 3,000 people in 2024 and saved a whopping 22,000 kilograms of food from ending up in landfill sites.

I would like to thank the following volunteers: Jo-Anne Barron, Yeshe Thubten, Shauntelle Wana, Veronica Baker, the late Gary Hayward, Angela O'Donnell, Gayle Hartley, Christopher Bryden, Peter Wade-Ferrill, Mick and Joy Ball, Sandy Shapley, Angela Carswell, Jennifer Jackson, Susan Giaquinto, Samantha Young, Brian Dawson, Libby Rhys-Jones, Zoe Zhao, Aysha Basheer, Kerry Jarman and Michael O'Donnell. To the phenomenal food rescue project officer, Fiona MacPhail: thank you for the support that you provide. Thank you to Erica Harker in food pantry accounts and ordering. And to CEO Vivian Muraahi: thank you for your leadership, advocacy and dedication to our Central Coast community.

I rise to speak about an incredible individual in the Gladstone community and a newly opened community service. Bob McCosker OAM is the founder and managing director of McCosker Contracting. He's an entrepreneur, a businessman, a philanthropist and a speedway driver and has even established a turtle rehabilitation centre at Quoin Island.

Bob identified that services for men in Gladstone were needed and has founded Bob's Garage. Bob's Garage exists to support the mental, physical and emotional wellbeing of the working-class men in the Gladstone community. The space is designed by blokes, for blokes, breaking down stigma, encouraging connection and offering practical, professional help close to home. The purpose built space brings together local service providers and community groups that deliver real, on-the-ground support for those who most need it. They are building a network of care that breaks down stigma, encourages connection over correction and creates a healthier, stronger Gladstone, offering practical tools that support men with their health, wellbeing and positive behaviours. I encourage any bloke that might need a helping hand to contact the friendly team and drop in at Bob's Garage at 10 William Street. Thank you to every organisation and individual that contributed to making the service a reality. And we all know it wouldn't have happened without Bob—so, on behalf of the community, Bob, thank you.

This is a message for Territorians and for all Australians: think before you click this Black Friday. Bernie Smith from the SDA said it so well: 'We don't work, in Australia, according to an algorithm; we work according to Australian legislation, Australian labour standards and Australian ideas of fairness. We want to make Amazon pay fair wages, we want Amazon to pay superannuation, and we want to make Amazon pay their taxes.'

Amazon has shown repeatedly around the world that it doesn't respect the rights of working people. In Australia, Amazon continues to try and deny their workers a voice at work. Sometimes it seems that Amazon want to treat their humans, their workers, like they're robots. Digital surveillance of workers and consumers alike is also a serious problem.

We must ensure that Australian workers' and consumers' rights are respected. Make Amazon Pay is a call to defend the basic principles of fairness, transparency, accountability, democracy and respect for local laws—our laws. It's time to make clear that no corporation, no matter how large or powerful, stands above our laws or the rights of workers.

Finally, I say shop local, keep money in Australia, keep money in the Territory.

The Caboolture Warplane Museum is facing possible closure, and this is a real concern for our community. This museum is a living piece of Longman's heritage, and we can't afford to lose it. Since 1995 the volunteers at Caboolture have kept Australia's aviation history alive.

Anyone who has stepped inside Hangar 101 knows it's not a typical museum. Visitors can sit in the cockpit of a Huey, stand beside the Douglas C-47 Dakota that once carried dignitaries and explore artefacts from World War I, World War II and the Vietnam War. It's immersive and hands on, and it reminds us that history is something you can feel, not just read about. The museum also offers joy flights, and I've been up in a T-28 Trojan myself. I am always mindful that behind each aircraft is a group of volunteers who restore, maintain and share the stories of our Anzacs and pioneers.

The museum's lease is expiring, and the team must relocate, secure an extension or find a new home. As a non-government organisation relying on admissions, donations and grants, they cannot do this alone. If we lose this museum, we lose more than a building; we lose a vital link to our past and a place where future generations can connect with our aviation story. I've created a petition and I urge all levels of government and our wider community to help ensure the Caboolture Warplane Museum has a future.

Yesterday marked the start of the 16 days of activism and renewed our commitment to eliminating violence against women and girls. I want to acknowledge victims-survivors and honour those we have lost to family and domestic violence, including the 74 women taken from us this year.

Ending gender based violence is a core priority for this government. We have invested $4 billion to address violence against women. Yesterday, we announced an additional $40 million for 1800RESPECT, which has experienced an extraordinary 3,000 per cent increase in calls for help.

Family violence is an important issue for me and for the Dunkley community. Frankston continues to record some of the highest rates of family violence in the state and is home to agencies that support women, men, young people and children. I recognise the remarkable dedication of all these agencies and staff. To Anglicare, Family Life, Good Shepherd, OzChild, VACCA and the Salvation Army: thank you for your tireless work in our community.

I also want to acknowledge Big hART and Project O, who visited parliament on Monday to present the documentary It Starts With Us. The voices of Bailey and Xiao reinforce the need for prevention programs that help young people to find their voice, tell their stories and recover from domestic and family violence.

The economic data out today has confirmed that this Labor government has Australia heading in the wrong direction. Annual inflation has increased, both CPI and trimmed mean, with the CPI figure now a whopping 3.8 per cent. Electricity costs rose 37.1 per cent, and housing is up 5.9 per cent.

The Treasurer will come in here during question time, no doubt, and say—using his two- or three-word groupings, like it's 'concerning but unsurprising'—that we know people are doing it tough. But in the final week of parliament this year, what's their big economic play? Freezing beer excise. Now, we support that, because I love having a beer down at the Boardwalk Tavern at Hope Island, but, can I tell you, they need to do a bit better than that. They could start by freezing or reducing electricity prices, because, otherwise, no-one will be able to keep the beer cold.

It seems now that mild panic has set in for the finance team, because the finance minister has been questioned about cuts to the public service. She said to the ABC:

It's an exercise in discipline.

She said:

The budget is in deficit. We have a lot of pressures on it. We can't just keep adding on to everything

She characterised it as a 'reprioritisation' rather than a 'cut'. It's really just tricky language, and, quite frankly, Australians deserve better than lukewarm beer and this lukewarm Labor government.

Too many Australians are dying in silence, and we need to be honest about the scale of this crisis. Every day, seven men take their own lives. Every year, more than 2½ thousand families get that knock on the door that changes their world forever. This isn't just a statistic; it's a national emergency. Today, on the lawns of Parliament House, that reality was laid bare: 2,550 empty shoes were lined up on the grass, each shoe representing a man or a boy we lost in just one year—no names, no faces, just silence, a silence that speaks louder than any speech delivered in this place.

The Zerosuicide community awareness program, alongside Dads4Kids, brought together community advocates, frontline workers, lived experience speakers and parliamentarians across two days to confront this crisis head on. Through remembrance walks, ribbon tying and deeply personal stories, they remind us that suicide is not inevitable, but preventing it takes all of us. Zerosuicide's messages are simple but powerful: connections save lives, early support saves lives, and a system that refuses to let people fall through the cracks saves lives.

I want to especially acknowledge Paul Withall and his incredible team for their leadership and the tireless work that they do. Your courage in bringing these stories, these shoes and this message to the nation ensures that the men we lost are not forgotten and that those still struggling are not left behind. Thank you very much, Paulo, for what you do. Keep up the great work.

Often at the heart of a community you will find a much-loved place where locals gather. The Lightning Ridge Bowling Club is one of those places. On 14 November I was honoured to attend the opening of stage 2 of this great club's renovations and to unveil the plaque alongside the founding president, life member and patron, 94-year-old Mr Tony Dowton. The $6.5 million renovations build on a long tradition of providing a place where locals and visitors can come together to enjoy a drink and a meal, play bowls and attend events, and $1.5 million of that came through a Commonwealth investment.

The club has expanded its value as a family space by creating an extensive indoor-outdoor children's play space. It has turned a former TAB space into a family room and has made the club more accessible for people with all abilities. The upgrades look fantastic. The club is also looking ahead to more renovations, including a commercial kitchen and function rooms. These are great plans for a town whose population is growing.

Clubs such as the Lightning Ridge Bowling Club are critical in any community, let alone those in remote areas, where social connections are so important. I congratulate the club president, Ian Anderson; the club's CEO, Scott Bailey; the board of directors and all those who have come before them to create this successful facility.

It's been nearly a month since Medicare's super Saturday, and it's been a bumper month of bulk-billing in Bennelong. Super Saturday, of course, was 1 November, when Labor's $8.5 billion investment into bulk-billing came into force. And get this—in October, Healthdirect showed that Bennelong had nine fully bulk-billing practices, and today I can report to the House that we now have 14 fully bulk-billing practices in Bennelong. From Eastwood to West Ryde, Marsfield to Macquarie Park, Medicare card holders in Bennelong are now even more able to see their doctor without a fee.

In exciting news, many of these 14 clinics made the switch from fee-paying to fully bulk-billing. Here is one example. In October, the Myhealth clinic at Top Ryde charged a $35 gap fee for patients to see a GP, but, because of our record investments into Medicare, they went fully bulk-billing from 1 November. Since then, they've seen 6,000 patients who didn't have to pay a fee to see their GP; they were all fully bulk-billed. Under the Liberals, bulk-billing was on life support. They froze rebates and slashed billions of dollars from hospitals. As Kendrick Lamar would say, those Liberals—they not like us. Labor created Medicare, Labor protects Medicare and Labor will always strengthen Medicare.

The Defence Amendment (Defence Honours and Awards Appeals Tribunal) Bill 2025 is the mean spirited bill which attempted to gut the independent Defence Honours and Awards Appeals Tribunal. Without any consultation whatsoever, the Minister for Veterans' Affairs developed a plan which had no support from day one. But everyone on that side of the House voted for it. Every one of you voted to strip away the appeal rights of Australian Defence Force personnel and our veterans while also placing a 20-year time limit on the heroic actions of our servicemen and servicewomen. This bill is a disgrace. The minister couldn't name a single veteran who supported it—not one veteran!—when he was challenged in this place.

There were 75 submissions to the Senate inquiry, and 74 opposed the bill. Now, in the most humiliating retreat, the bill has been discharged from the Senate because not even Labor senators wanted to vote for it. Prime Minister, you and your minister owe our veterans an apology for the stress and anxiety you caused. Why won't you just say sorry, Prime Minister? Forget about trying to fix this disgraceful bill. Just tear it up and throw it in the bin. It's time to focus on the real issues affecting our veterans. Why won't you focus on the real issues?

Oh, you can speak now, Jim Reaper? The Jim Reaper speaks, finally! Not a word on that awards tribunal—you're a chicken liver! (Time expired)

Order! The member for Gippsland will withdraw that remark.

I withdraw.

Medicare is at the heart of our healthcare system, and, in communities like Spence, it's a lifeline. That's why the Albanese Labor government is making historic investments to strengthen Medicare and bring bulk-billing into more communities than ever before—because no Australian should ever have to choose between their health and their hip pocket.

I'm proud to report that in the north we are seeing the results. The bulk-billing rate for GP visits in Spence reached 83.4 per cent in the June quarter of 2025. That means that more people in the north are seeing a doctor without paying out of pocket. Even more encouraging, 22 GP practices in Spence have now indicated their intention to become Medicare bulk-billing practices. That's 22 local clinics stepping up to provide fairer access, thanks to Labor's tripling of the bulk-billing incentive.

So, whether you're in Angle Vale, Salisbury, Gawler or Elizabeth, keep an eye out for the green and gold bulk-billing signs going up around the practices in your communities. We're making Medicare what it was always meant to be: universal, affordable and there when you need it. In Spence, the results are already being felt in waiting rooms, in family budgets and in the confidence people have in getting the care they need. Labor will always care for Medicare. I care for Medicare. The Prime Minister cares for Medicare. But the question that's on everyone's lips is: do those opposite care for Medicare?

Order. In accordance with standing order 43, the time for members' statements has concluded.

My question is to the Prime Minister. Inflation has once again risen under Labor and economists are now warning that interest rates may be forced up again—devastating news for families already cutting back this Christmas. The Prime Minister promised the Australian people that we had turned the corner on inflation, and his Treasurer assured them that the government had inflation under control. Today's numbers show that Australians were misled. Prime Minister, why do Australians have to pay the price for Labor's economic failure?

The latest figures confirm that Australian households are still facing cost-of-living pressures. We know that that is the case. When it comes to inflation, we also know that the work is never done, which is why my government is very focused on cost-of-living measures and on putting downward pressure on inflation. When you had the withdrawal of state energy subsidies, you were always going to get a lift.

But if those opposite are deeply concerned about inflation with a three in front of it, they must have been devastated when it had a six in front of it, which is what it had when they were in office. When it had a six in front of it, we had the most profligate budget handed down; in 2022, when it was at six and rising, they poured fuel on that fire.

We on this side have ensured from day one that we've been focused on delivering cost-of-living relief while bringing inflation down and getting the budget in better nick. That's why we produced one budget surplus and then a second budget surplus and then a reduced budget deficit, And in May this year the coalition managed to come up with the extraordinary formula of a commitment to increase everyone's taxes but, at the same time, increase the deficit—quite an achievement from those opposite.

On this side, of course, we have now had eight consecutive quarters of high wages, and we know that people's living standard is about income in as well as payments out. We have lowered taxes for all taxpayers, not just some, as those opposite wanted. And remember the Leader of the Opposition's claims that she would roll that back. When we made that announcement she was against all of it and said that she would absolutely oppose it. Of course, when we announced another two income tax lowerings on 25 March, we saw them oppose that as well and go to an election saying that they would increase income tax for every single Australian taxpayer. We on this side will continue to do cost-of-living measures, because we understand that we want to give people assistance.

My question is to the Minister for Education. How is the Albanese Labor government delivering its commitment to cut student debt by 20 per cent and make tertiary education better and fairer? What has been the response?

I thank the marvellous new member for Moreton for her question. This is a special time of the year. Cricket is on the telly, even if it is for just two days. We have meat on the barbie, the sounds of cicadas and lawnmowers, kids opening presents, the sound of champagne corks popping and knives sharpening—and that is just over there in the Liberal Party! And this year there will be the sound of something else, the sound of millions of phones beeping with a message that your student debt has been cut by 20 per cent. Tomorrow 1½ million Australians will have their debt cut by 20 per cent, and, next week, another 1½ million Australians will have their debt cut, too. This will be the biggest cut to student debt in Australian history. We promised it, Australia voted for it and we are delivering it.

But it is not the only thing we are delivering. Paid prac has now started—that is, financial support for teaching, nursing, midwifery and social work students while they do their practical training. Next year more people will study medicine than ever before. We announced with the health minister more places for people to become doctors than ever before. And next year 25,000 Australians will be able to do one of those free bridging courses to give them the skills that they need to get ready to start a university degree, more than ever before. Next year more Australians will also be able to start a uni degree than ever before

To drive real long-term reform here today, I introduced legislation to create the Australian Tertiary Education Commission, and part of its job is to break down the barrier between TAFE and university. Let me give you an example. The University of Canberra has just announced that it will take a year off your degree if you've completed a diploma in the same area. This is for nursing, early education, graphic design, accounting and a few other areas. This saves you time—it saves you a year off your degree—but it also saves you money, on average about $6,000, off the cost of a degree. I want to see more examples of that, making it easier for people to get the skills and the qualifications that they want and that they need quicker and cheaper—a more joined up system—because we know that things work better when they are united, not divided. And if you want proof of that, just look over there!

My question goes to the Prime Minister. Prime Minister, today's ABS data shows inflation continues to accelerate under this government. Meanwhile, the Treasurer's spending spree continues, forcing the RBA to keep mortgage rates on hold indefinitely. Twenty-nine days before Christmas, what does the Prime Minister have to say to struggling mortgage holders facing no rate relief in sight?

In 2025 there have indeed been three interest rate cuts and that has provided real relief for people. Of course, two of those were after the budget that was handed down on 25 March. We know that those opposite have spoken about the culture of dependency when it comes to providing assistance for Australians. So, in the coalition's opinion, if you are an Australian who is getting cost-of-living help, we know you are opposed to that. For those working in the public sector, well, we know that you are opposed to them continuing to work in the public sector. Or if you're working in essential services, you are an economic burden and you are bad for our national character.

They think that Australians' wages, Australians' jobs and support for Australians deserves to be cut. That's really what they're saying in their subliminal—or not so subliminal—message when they speak about the 'culture of dependency'. Remember when Joe Hockey was here? He had similar language when he came to office about the 'lifters and leaners'. Those opposite think everyone but them is a leaner. They think that; we don't think that.

But who are the Australians they're attacking? It's pensioners and people caring for a relative or young kids. It's people getting study allowance at uni or rent assistance. It's the nurses, teachers, doctors, public servants all getting support. The ADF personnel—

Honourable members interjecting—

Order! The Deputy Leader of the Opposition is entitled to raise his point of order in silence, and I want to hear it.

It goes to relevance. The question referenced the Treasurer's spending spree and the RBA not providing relief as a result. It invited the Prime Minister to address that issue, not to try to make things up about the coalition.

The Prime Minister did address that at the beginning of the question, and he is talking about spending. He's obviously not agreeing with the context of the question, so he's providing information about why he disagrees with it and giving some contrast. So he is being directly relevant. The beginning part of the question—he tackled the nub of it straightaway. If he hadn't done that—we're going to make sure he's being directly relevant. He has been. He won't be able to talk about the opposition; he hasn't been doing that for the entirety of the answer. But he's in order now.

When you're talking about spending, which is what the question went to, and the coalition say that there's too much spending, they've got to say what it is that they'll cut—what it is that is wasteful. The Leader of the Opposition actually said what she thinks is wasteful when she spoke about the 'culture of dependency'. So, for all those people, your wages are welfare and your job is a cop-out, according to those opposite. We've heard it all before. They wanted to sack 46,000 public servants at the last election. They wanted people to stop working from home. We on this side want people to earn more, and we want people to keep more of what they earn.

My question is to the Treasurer. What do today's inflation figures tell us, and how do the Albanese Labor government's efforts to provide cost-of-living help for people doing it tough compare to other approaches?

Order! I'm going to deal with that interjection from the member for Bowman. I'm sick and tired of people talking about reading—everyone reads statements in this House, including the people who ask questions. There will be no more interjections, particularly when ministers are reading. I read things all the time. I read things to the House. Show a bit of respect to everyone asking and answering questions. Let us have no more interjections like that. The Treasurer has the call.

I thank the member for Bass for her question and also for the massive contribution she's already making as a new member of this place. With your indulgence, Mr Speaker, I acknowledge that my mate the Minister for Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development and Local Government's brother is in the House. Michael is in the House, as is his wife Kerryn. We welcome them from the member for Corangamite's electorate. Thanks for the wonderful job you did in helping to raise the minister for infrastructure.

New figures from the ABS did show today that prices were steady in the month of October but did tick up through the year in the inflation figures. As the Prime Minister acknowledged a moment ago, and as I acknowledged earlier on, the annual result is higher than we would like, but it is much, much lower than what we inherited from the coalition when we came to office.

The flat 0.0 inflation result in October was driven by falls in electricity and fuel prices and a moderation in housing costs. But there was a tick-up in the annual number, and that, in part, reflects temporary factors, such as the timing of those state energy rebates, and also volatile items, such as travel prices.

Again, as the Prime Minister and I have both said today, this is why it's so important that we continue to responsibly roll out the cost-of-living relief that those opposite oppose. It's why it is so important that we have been able to improve the budget compared to the mess that we inherited from those opposite. It's why it's so important that we are rolling out those tax cuts, rolling out the cost-of-living relief and strengthening Medicare—to try and ease some of the pressure that we acknowledge Australians are still feeling around the kitchen table.

As I understand it, the shadow Treasurer gave a little speech about some of these issues a moment ago. We have heard these kinds of speeches before. The speech that the member for Fairfax gave sounded exactly like the speeches the member for Hume used to give. But, whatever speeches they give down the road, they can't obscure the fact that, when they were in office, they delivered nothing but deficits. They doubled the debt even before COVID. They had spending as a share of the economy up around a third. We have spent a great deal of time and effort cleaning up the mess that we inherited in the budget with a couple of surpluses, a smaller deficit, $200 billion less of Liberal debt, saving on interest costs, and $100 billion in savings.

The member for Fairfax might look like Scott Morrison. He might be undermining his leader like Scott Morrison did, but more and more he sounds like the member for Hume, and it didn't work out real well for the member for Hume.

I just remind the Treasurer not to comment on people's appearances.

I would like to welcome some people to the chamber. Present in the gallery today are the winners of the 2025 Department of the House of Representatives My First Speech Competition. I would like to welcome Akeelah from the electorate of Durack, Olivia from the electorate of Isaac and Jamison from the electorate of Chifley, who won this year's competition, and their families.

I am also pleased to inform the House that present in the gallery today is His Excellency Mr Nabil Habashi, the deputy minister of foreign affairs in Egypt, who is visiting Australia to mark the 75th anniversary of diplomatic relations between Australia and Egypt. I would also like to acknowledge His Excellency Mr Hani Mohamed Nagi Abdelhamid, the Ambassador of Egypt to Australia.

Also present in the gallery today are leaders from around Australia participating in the Australian Olympic Change-Maker National Summit. Welcome to you all.

Honourable members: Hear, hear!

My question is to the agriculture minister. Our prime agricultural land is disappearing before our eyes, threatening Australia's food security. All over Australia we are seeing residential, industrial and renewable developments on our finest farming country. Our prime agricultural land needs to be preserved for agriculture. Will you support my Protecting Australia's Prime Agricultural Land Bill, and will you come to the Calare electorate and meet with our local farmers?

I thank the member for Calare for that question. Our agricultural land in Australia is incredibly important. We as a government believe it is important. Protecting agricultural land and ensuring food security is top of our agenda in terms of making sure that Australians get access to the food that they need.

These are critical priorities for Australia's future prosperity. As the member would know, in terms of land use, these are primarily a responsibility for the states. The states and territories regulate land use across the country. His proposed bill seeks to override the states, raising significant property rights and constitutional concerns. Such implications require careful consideration to avoid unintended consequences for landholders and governments.

As the member would know, we are in a fortunate position where we can feed Australia more than 2½ times over in terms of our food production. We can produce almost all of the food that we need in Australia, but we understand food security is important. That is why we have launched a food security strategy. Just last week I announced the members of the Food Council that will advise the government on our food security going forward and develop that food security strategy for the nation.

My question is to the Prime Minister. How is the Albanese Labor government delivering for Australians, including helping them to earn more and keep more of what they earn? How does this compare with other approaches?

I thank the member for Sturt for her question and for the fantastic job she is doing representing the people of those fine suburbs of Adelaide. It was my pleasure, in the lead-up to 3 May, to make multiple visits to the electorate of Sturt, including just a couple of days beforehand, on my last visit Adelaide, and to hand out how-to-votes. And what those how-to-votes said on 3 May and on prepoll in the electorate of Sturt, like everywhere else, was that we wanted Australians to earn more and keep more of what they earned, and we wanted to address living standards and we wanted to deliver on the commitments we have made for the people of Sturt and indeed for people right across Australia, no matter where their representative sits.

A stronger Medicare is a big commitment we have made, with Medicare urgent care clinics being rolled out around the country and with the tripling of the bulk-billing incentive. Another is fully funded schools and free TAFE. Just yesterday I met one of the teachers from Adelaide, who came to Canberra to say, 'Thank you for finally fulfilling the Gonski vision'—which was there for all to see more than a decade ago, but it took the election of a Labor government and this education minister to make sure it was delivered in partnership with every state and territory government, the coalition and Labor, right across the country.

On free TAFE, some people reckon that you don't value something if it's free. Well, more than 700,000 Australians benefit from free TAFE. We want to make sure, in all our policies, that we have an economy that works for people, not the other way around. When it comes to helping Australians earn more, we've had a 15 per cent wage increase for childcare workers, a 15 per cent wage increase for aged-care workers, four consecutive increases to the minimum wage, and same job, same pay—lifting wages by tens of thousands of dollars, in some cases, for workers in mining, meat processing, aviation and construction. And of course we will soon be delivering a world-first agreement for gig workers—decent pay for thousands of DoorDash and Uber Eats drivers and, importantly, better conditions, to keep them safe.

So our commitments are very clear. The coalition have done everything they could to stop this. They of course had low wages as a deliberate design feature of their economic policy. The contrast is clear: only Labor wants people to earn more and keep more of what they earn.

My question is to the Minister for Climate Change and Energy. I refer to reports that in his capacity as full-time COP president and an energy minister working part-time he has signed Australia up to a statement which would phase out the import, export and usage of gas. Is this government policy? Or is this the first of many examples where what the minister says when he works part-time on Australia's energy grid is in direct contradiction with what he decides as full-time COP president?

I'm very grateful to the Leader of the Opposition for the question. The Leader of the Opposition asked it in two parts, and I'll answer in two parts. Firstly, she referred to the declaration on transition away from fossil fuels, and she asked if that is government policy. Yes, it is—and it has been since 10 November 2023, when Australia agreed with the Pacific on that exact language, at the Pacific Island Forum leaders meeting, that actually what would be a good thing for the world and for our country would be for more and cheaper renewable energy to increasingly replace fossil fuels, which are more expensive and less reliable. So, that is not a revelation. The declaration says we're for 'a just, orderly and equitable transition away from fossil fuels'. Are you against the 'just' part, the 'orderly' part, the 'equitable' part, or the 'transition' part? I'm not sure—all the above? The Leader of the Opposition then went on to repeat her false allegation, which she has done now on multiple occasions, that somehow the office of president of the COP negotiations is full time.

Let me put it in the clearest possible way: the Leader of the Opposition is either deliberately or not deliberately misleading the House, because it is not true—has never been true. The office of the—

Honourable members interjecting—

The manager will state his point of order.

The member knows he can't make that allegation of 'deliberately misleading' and he needs to withdraw it.

He was asking a question. He didn't say that she was misleading the opposition. But I want to deal with this. Language, trust me, is very important here. If the minister can stray away from making any reflection on members. I know he did it in a 'question type' way, but even that's close to the wind. So the manager is correct.

Order! Member for Gippsland, running commentary, you won't be here much more to give it. Don't look at your watch! So I just caution the minister. Back to the question.

The Leader of the Opposition asked me about 'full time' and 'part time' and I'm more than happy to deal with that, because the position of COP president for the last 10 COPs has been held by a cabinet member continuing in that role. That's the way the position is designed: last year, it was Minister Babayev, the minister for the environment of Azerbaijan; the year before that, Minister Al Jaber, the minister of industry; before that, Minister Shoukry, the minister for foreign affairs of Egypt; before that Minister Schmidt, the minister for the environment of Chile; before that, Minister Kurtyka, the minister of climate change of Poland; before that, Prime Minister Bainimarama of Fiji was the COP president while he was prime minister; before that, Minister Mezouar, the minister for foreign affairs of Morocco; before that, Minister Fabius, the foreign affairs minister of France—all cabinet ministers who were COP presidents.

What cultural credence says that somehow they can all do it, but Australia can't? What we want is more influence for our country; they want less. They want less influence for Australia. How unpatriotic can you be? Why don't you want your country to have a bigger role in the world? Why are you so anti-Australian? Why can't you be proud that your country can play a leading role in international negotiations? This is a leader of the opposition who is so enthralled with 'Sky after dark' that she can't even know an international role when she sees one. (Time expired)

I'm going to ask everyone to show a little more restraint. There was far too much energy during that answer and question, so if the House can settle, we will hear from the member for Griffith.

My question is to the Minister for Health and Ageing. How is the Albanese Labor government strengthening Medicare by delivering cheaper medicines and providing real cost-of-living relief to Australians? Are there any risks to these important measures?

Thanks to the Member for Griffith. She knows that the PBS is one of Australia's great social programs. For more than 80 years now, it's guaranteed access for Australians to the best medicines in the world at affordable prices. Since we came to government we have made more than 350 new or expanded listings on the PBS.

This month we added a new treatment for multiple myeloma called Darzalex, which is the first new treatment for that condition in 12 years. Around 2,600 Australians are diagnosed with multiple myeloma every year, and the stakeholder Myeloma Australia has been lobbying for this listing for years now. Their legendary ambassador—we all know Sandy Roberts—described the listing as 'absolutely fantastic news'. Until now, this treatment cost $440,000 for a course of treatment, but now 1,400 Australians every year will be able to get access to it at affordable PBS prices. And we're making those scripts even cheaper. Already, Australians have saved $1.9 billion at the pharmacy counter because of our cheaper medicines measures. Pensioners have—

Lights in the chamber having flickered—

The House is going to continue. We are in order. The minister, in continuation.

Pensioners have received 83 million additional free scripts because of our changes to the safety net threshold, and, in five weeks time, PBS scripts will be capped at just $25, the same price they were back in 2004. While the opposition opposed many of those measures last term, they promised in May that they would support all of these election commitments. But I regret to say that risks to that are emerging. In between organising a very successful drinks event on Monday night, the very busy member for Lindsay managed to squeeze in an exclusive interview with the Australian where she staked out a position on every single policy except communications, and she said that there was 'too much matching', and that she thought that the Liberal Party should lean in to health policy a little bit more. Well, I'll tell you this: we remember, and Australians know what it means when the Liberal Party says that they're going to lean in to health policy. We remember when the Leader of the Opposition leaned in to health policy and extended the Medicare rebate freeze for four more years. They are an absolute risk to a stronger Medicare, an absolute risk to cheaper medicines. No matter which of them you pick, the member for Lindsay or the member for Hume, they're all a risk.

Honourable members interjecting—

Order! There is far too much noise.

The Leader of the Nationals! One more interjection and he won't be here. Everyone's going to settle because I want to hear the member for Page. No, the member for Page won't get the call unless he leaves his phone. Order, members on my right. The member for Page has the call.

I hope the sun shines soon. My question is to the Minister for Climate Change and Energy. The energy minister, in his part-time role, just confirmed he signed up to an agreement which compels Australia to phase out three of our top 10 exports, including gas, coal and crude petroleum, with a combined value of $163 billion in trade. When asked yesterday about this action by the full-time president, the minister for trade said, 'I don't tell him how to run his portfolio; he certainly doesn't tell me how to run mine.' Whilst working as a part-time minister, did the full-time COP president consult the minister for trade before signing this executive order?

Opposition members interjecting—

Order! Members on my left, we are well past the time. I could rule this question out of order, because there was no question. It's well past the time. We're just going to take the House to order. If people continue, they won't be here. I ask the minister to continue.

Certainly—

No, I've just been very clear. The member for Hume will leave the chamber under 94(a).

I thank the honourable member for his question. He asked me about the transition away from fossil fuels, which, as I said, the leaders of the Pacific—Australia, New Zealand and Pacific nations—agreed to on 10 November 2023. It was then reflected in the COP decision language later that year in Dubai, and that is something that was reflected in that COP decision. Yes, Australia did join with other countries in the declaration on the transition away from fossil fuels. I can understand why this is offensive to those opposite because it says:

We reaffirm that the best available science must guide the implementation of the transition.

That's what Australia agreed with those countries. I know the word 'science' triggers those opposite because they find that offensive. Other countries that called for a roadmap for a transition away from fossil fuels at the COP last week in Belem include Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, the United Kingdom and the Republic of Korea, which I note also announced the closing of all their coal-fired power stations by 2040. Those terrible woke warriors in the Republic of Korea are closing all their coal-fired power stations earlier than Australia. Around 80 countries called for a roadmap to transition away from fossil fuel.

I know that those opposite aren't real good on international engagement. I know they couldn't get a Chinese minister to return their calls for two years. I know that they saw the Pacific as something that they just didn't care about and that they lost control of the geopolitical environment in the Pacific, something this government has turned around. We are acting in good company internationally and will continue to do so because we will—

The member for Herbert is now warned.

express our support for things like reaffirming that the best available science must guide the implementation of the transition. We also saw the Prime Minister acting in good company at the G20 on the weekend—something that a prime minister Ley could not have signed up to—with the 19 biggest economies that the Prime Minister was able to sign up to, which, with her policy, minister Ley—if there was such an unfortunate event—could not sign up to.

():  My question is to the Minister for Defence. How is the Albanese government continuing to stand with Ukraine against Russia's invasion, including through military support? Why is a consistent approach so important?

I thank the member for her question. Last night, on behalf of the Prime Minister, I attended a virtual meeting of the coalition of the willing in support of Ukraine, which is a group of 35 countries—largely NATO but including both New Zealand and Australia. Present were President Zelensky and US Secretary of State Rubio, both of whom briefed the meeting about the recent peace talks in Geneva over the course of the weekend.

All of us want to see peace, and we are deeply grateful for the efforts of the Trump administration in seeking to bring about peace. This is obviously really difficult work. Any peace must respect the sovereignty of Ukraine. They are the innocent party and the victim of Russian aggression. Central to this are the security guarantees, which will deter future Russian aggression, which have been at the heart of much of the discussion of the coalition of the willing. From the very outset, our Prime Minister has made clear that, wherever this lands, Australia will play its part because the Albanese government's support for Ukraine has been steadfast and it has been consistent. Fundamental to that has been support for the coalition of the willing, which is about ensuring the long-term security of Ukraine. For us, this has been a matter of principle. It can never be about politics.

In the meantime, in the last 48 hours, we have seen a deadly and despicable Russian attack on civilian apartments and infrastructure in Ukraine, and last night's meeting condemned that attack, but it is a reminder that, in the prosecution of this war right now, we must stay the course with Ukraine. In the coming weeks, the final tranche of the 49 Australian-gifted Abrams tanks will arrive in Ukraine. During the course of this year, more than 200 Australian personnel have been involved in the deployment of our E-7 Wedgetail and the training of the Ukrainian armed forces. Since the beginning of this conflict we have provided $1.5 billion of support to Ukraine, and I can announce that very shortly we will be announcing our next package of support for Ukraine.

What is at stake here is the global rules based order. There are not many orders; there is one, and it is as relevant to us here in the Indo-Pacific as it is to those who are in Eastern Europe. Over the course of the last four years, the people of Ukraine have been absolutely inspirational, and the Albanese Labor government and the Australian people will stand by their side for as long as it takes.

My question is to the Minister for Climate Change and Energy. Whilst working part-time as a minister, the full-time COP president signed Australia up to an international agreement which would see crucial industries phased out of existence. The Minister for Resources has previously said:

… Australia's coal and gas resources are essential for energy security, stability and reliability both domestically and across the Asia-Pacific and will be needed for decades.

Whilst working as a part-time minister, did the full-time COP president consult the Minister for Resources before signing this executive order?

I thank the honourable member for his question and I thank a coalition member for having the bravery to ask a question about unity in this House. That shows considerable fortitude on his behalf. The honourable member has been quite active in the discussions on that side about the future of the Liberal Party and the coalition.

Now, the honourable member asked me about a declaration, which Australia did signed up to, on the transition that's underway around the world, and apparently this is controversial. Well, given the honourable member asked me who I consulted with, I'm not sure if he checked with the shadow minister for energy, who said on 11 November 2021:

… we understand that the world is moving, that the world is transitioning and we understand that that transition is taking place … we understand that new fuels and new energy sources will be required, and we want to make sure, as the globe transitions, we're very much part of that, and our resources sector will be very much part of that …

Well said!

The Member for Cowper is warned.

That's effectively what I said. The Leader of the Opposition said just last year:

I'm pro renewables because we all need to make the renewable energy transition.

I could go on. Shall I go on? Okay. The Leader of the Opposition said: 'And there's always a lot of common sense, but you always find with country people no-one is saying we shouldn't transition to renewables.' That's quite right, and we're saying we should transition to renewables and the United Kingdom is saying we should transition to renewables.

Order, the Leader of the Opposition. I'm trying to take a point of order from one of your members. The member for Groom will raise his point of order.

On relevance, there is nothing in this question about the opposition. El Presidente is off on a frolic on this one. I would bring him back to the question.

Resume your seat. I'd like the minister to return to the question he was asked about. He wasn't asked about alternative policies or anything. Before I deal with that, that was an abuse of the standing orders. The member for Groom will also leave the chamber under 94(a).

The member for Groom then left the chamber.

Opposition members interjecting—

No. I don't know how clear I can make it. I don't want to get to a point where I'm not taking points of order, as has happened before. I'd ask everyone to be reasonable.

Perhaps it will be helpful to the opposition if I explain what a transition is. It is a gradual move towards more renewable energy. It's happening in Australia, with October being the first month in Australian history that we got 50 per cent of our electricity from renewables. That's what a transition looks like. It takes time. As it happens, the same transition is happening around the world. Now for the first time globally we have more energy from electricity than coal. That's the first time that's happened. It just happened in the first six months of this year.

The member asked me about the Minister for Resources and I. The Minister for Resources and I agree entirely, and we are working closely together on this transition because we agree that, as that transition occurs, we need gas as a back-up for renewables because it is a flexible fuel. We agree that we need gas to help with heavy industry. We agree that we need gas for those five million homes that use it for home heating. The Minister for Resources and I more than agree; we are working closely together on the gas market review, which we will be saying more about imminently.

That's what policy work looks like on the side of the House that agrees on the fundamentals about climate change. Those opposite can't even agree on whether climate change is real, so I don't think we need any advice from anybody on that side of the House. We have been dealing with 10 years of denial and neglect. (Time expired)

My question is to the Minister for Communications. Australia's world-leading social media law starts two weeks from today. How is the Albanese Labor government helping Australians prepare for this important change?

I thank the member for Bean for his question and for his help in introducing me to the tremendous students of St Mary MacKillop College here in Canberra. Today marks two weeks until the minimum age to have a social media account in Australia rises to 16. Australian parents are ready. Australian parents are ready for a break from the predatory algorithms and the toxic popularity meters that keep their kids doomscrolling for hours on end. They are ready for kids to have the opportunity to switch off and to build their identity offline. Parents are ready not to be the bad guys when they tell their children that they can't have social media because it is the law.

We have always said that there will be challenges on 10 December, which is why the Albanese government has been on a mission to build awareness and trust in this law. We have invested more than $10 million in a national advertising campaign. In the five weeks since that campaign started we have seen a 1,441 per cent increase in online traffic, with almost 600,000 Australians accessing the helpful resources on eSafety's website.

I have spoken to young people from the member for Clark's electorate in Tasmania, from the member for Maribyrnong's electorate in Victoria, from the member for Bean's electorate and all the way across to the member for Forrest's electorate in Western Australia, and we have answered their genuine questions about the law. After we sat down and spoke, here is what some of them said. Fifteen-year-old Peyton said: 'I actually think it's a good thing, and you'd be surprised by how many teenagers my age and younger think that too, because it will help reduce cyberbullying and it will protect our mental health. It will be hard at first, but, in the long run, it will be good for us.' Seventeen-year-old Hayden said: 'This law is a brilliant step forward to reclaim the wellbeing of young Australians in their developmental years. Australia continues to be a trailblazer here.' Hayden and Peyton, I couldn't agree more.

Despite the fact that we are receiving threats and legal challenges from people with ulterior motives, the Albanese government remains steadfastly on the side of parents and not of platforms. We will not be intimidated by threats. We will not be intimidated by legal challenges. We will not be intimidated by big tech. On behalf of Australian parents, we stand firm.

My question is to the Prime Minister. Prime Minister, 16 Days of Activism is a powerful and unified campaign to eliminate gender based violence. Family violence is three times more likely to occur in families where there is problem gambling. In 2024, the government's rapid review of evidence based approaches to prevent gender based violence backed up the Murphy report with a recommendation to restrict gambling advertising, leading to a total ban. Prime Minister, when will the government act to ban gambling advertising?

I thank the member for Indi for her question and for the way she engages constructively with the government in representing her electorate and her political viewpoint. I do want to take the opportunity, because the question provides it to me, to mark what is day 2 of the 16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence. While this is a campaign for 16 days, I hope that everyone in this House can agree that we need to campaign on this for 365 days a year because every death and every act of violence against a woman is one too many. As leaders in this place we must renew our unwavering commitment to ending violence because the death of any woman is unacceptable. As Australians we mourn every one of the lives that have been lost this year. We know that for every life that we lose there are many more women and children whose lives are marred by violence, abuse or assault every day, and we must look to where we're falling short and find new ways of doing better.

Yesterday, Minister Plibersek announced an almost 40 per cent funding boost for 1800RESPECT so that, when people reach out for help, it's there to help them. We have the $4 billion National Plan to End Violence against Women and Children, which was agreed with the states and territories at a special meeting of the National Cabinet that I convened. It's why we've boosted and secured funding for frontline services and delivered more financial and housing support for women and children escaping domestic violence, because women shouldn't have to choose between poverty and violence. Too often, when women remain in violent relationships and they're asked, 'Why didn't you leave?' it's because they didn't have anywhere to go. That's why we created a special stream under the Housing Australia Future Fund as well. We know the causes of violence as—

The Prime Minister will pause. The member for Indi asked about a pretty important topic, and the Prime Minister is giving a lot of information to the House. He is being directly relevant. Member for Indi?

It's on relevance. I appreciate the Prime Minister's response in regard to gender based violence, which I know we all care about and the Prime Minister deeply cares about, and the government is doing a lot to respond. But the question went to the relationship between gambling advertising and gender based violence.

I am responding very directly to the question. There is no question that the cause of violence can never be excused, but it many cases that is one of the issues, along with alcohol abuse and along with so many issues, that cause violence, and people put up their hand and say that is why. The truth is it can never be excused. That's the truth. The truth is that all of us, particularly men, have a particular responsibility because, when you look at the statistics, we must all know people, whether they are our friends or our neighbours, who engage in this sort of activity. I'll continue to engage constructively.

One of the measures that we have put in place to deal with problem gambling—and it's related to people being in a cycle where they feel like they can't get out—is BetStop, the National Self-Exclusion Register. That has seen 51,000 total registrations, of whom 38 per cent—people who feel like they can't possibly control it—have chosen a lifetime ban. That's one of the reasons why we did that. That's part of the motivation. I'll continue to work constructively with the member for Indi on all of these issues, and I thank her for the question.

My question is to the Minister for Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development and Local Government. How is the Albanese Labor government delivering important infrastructure projects that will improve the lives of Australians? What other approaches to infrastructure have been put forward to the government?

I thank the member for Chisholm for the question. She represents a beautiful part of the world. In fact, my brother Mark and I were born there and grew up there before we moved to Ballarat for study and work, consecutively, so it's lovely to have the member for Chisholm asking that question. It's a great time to talk about infrastructure, because this really has been a year of delivery.

By who?

I'm going to tell you! Last week, we officially opened the Parkes Bypass in New South Wales. This project takes the thousands of trucks that travel from Melbourne to Brisbane on the Newell Highway out of the centre of town, a project the Parkes community have been calling for for over 60 years, delivered by the Albanese and Minns governments. In June, I joined the Prime Minister and Minister Collins alongside the Tasmanian government to officially open the new Bridgewater Bridge, a major crossing of the Derwent that connects Hobart to the north. Then, in October, we got one step closer to completing Perth's METRONET project when we opened the Byford extension, and just Midland's is left to go. Of course, we have had to find hundreds of millions of dollars extra to actually deliver those projects, because they were short-changed by those opposite.

There is a lot of fantastic projects under way across the country. We've got the Torrens to Darlington project in South Australia, where we'll complete the north-south road link through Adelaide, reducing the time people spend at traffic lights—and the TBMs are being erected on site as we speak. We've got the Northern Territory, where we're about to start upgrading the Victoria and Barkly highways. We are investing an additional $7.2 billion in the Bruce Highway to upgrade that—the major artery that connects both ends of Queensland. We are spending a total of $17 billion on that corridor, and construction has started with that new $7.2 billion.

Councils are upgrading regional roads across the country, thanks to the doubling of Roads to Recovery funding that's happened under this government. In my home state of Victoria, the Victorian government was never really meant to go it alone when it came to the Melbourne Metro Tunnel project. When the Prime Minister held this portfolio, we committed $3 billion to the Metro Tunnel but, under Tony Abbott, this divisive and divided Liberal Party cut that $3 billion out of Victoria. We see now that this project will be opening on Sunday, and I commend the Victorian government for completing it and going it alone. But we know, as a government, we are focused on delivery and not just division. This federal government is back in the rail game, well and truly, investing in the projects that all Australians need.

My question is to the Minister for Climate Change and Energy. I refer to reports that imported materials from China, used to build wind towers in Australia, contain asbestos. What action is the minister taking to address this?

I thank my honourable friend for the question, and the Minister for Workplace Relations may care to add to the answer after this. I am aware that asbestos has been found in 3S Industry lift brake pads used in a Goldwind Australia project, Cattle Hill Wind Farm in Tasmania, which was completed in 2020.

Honourable members interjecting—

It's a very serious matter, and I'm just providing a factual update to the honourable member. I take him in good faith that he asked the question in good faith, and I'm providing him with the facts in return.

A program of further checks is under way by state regulators to determine if other wind farms are impacted. They may well be. There are a number of wind farms that use 3S Industry lifts, and 3S Industry doesn't just do wind turbines. They provide lifts for any high infrastructure. They provide industrial lifts. Obviously, they apply in wind turbines, but they can also apply in other industrial facilities. Work is being conducted to replace the affected parts under comprehensive safety management plans, and independent industrial hygienists have been assessing the risk. It's the responsibility of importers and exporters to ensure that they do not import or export prohibited goods such as asbestos.

We are currently working with the states. The state regulators are the primary regulators of this, but I'm sure the Minister for Employment and Workplace Relations would tell us, if she were asked, that we are working—through Safe Work Australia and any other agencies—with the states to ensure that every possible check is being undertaken, because this is an historical matter which deserves to be thoroughly investigated. The workers of Australia deserve nothing less, and we will ensure that that's the case.

My question is to the Minister for Housing, Minister for Homelessness and Minister for Cities. How is the Albanese Labor government providing more opportunities and delivering for first home buyers? What other approaches to housing has the government been asked to consider?

I thank the member for Whitlam for her question. She is such a fighter for first home buyers in her community. Our government has now been able to help more than 1,400 of her constituents get into homeownership, with many more to come.

The long-term solution to Australia's 40-year-old housing crisis is we've got to build, build, build. That's what the majority of our government's historic $43 billion housing package is focused on: building more homes for Australians. And our policies are having a real impact. Well over half a million homes have been built around Australia since we were elected to government, and housing approvals are up 15 per cent on where they were last year. But we recognise that Australians need help with housing right now, and that's what we're delivering.

At the election we promised a vital reform—to allow any first home buyer in the country to get into the market with a five per cent deposit and our government's backing—and we delivered on that promise three months earlier than we said we would. Since the expansion of the five per cent deposit program, 16,500 Australians have bought their first home with our government's backing.

I want to talk to you about Dean, who is one such person, who lives in the member for Whitlam's electorate. Dean works in a warehouse in the Southern Highlands. He has been renting for years, and he never thought that he'd be able to save up the 20 per cent deposit that was necessary. He's had caring responsibilities for his disabled mother and he just was not able to get the money together. But the five per cent deposit program has completely changed that for him. A few weeks ago, Dean and his wife bought their first home. They are so proud, and they are so relieved to have a place where they can set down roots and spend their hard earned dollars paying off their own mortgage and not someone else's.

The member asked me about alternatives. I want Dean and his family and every one of the people who have bought a home with our five per cent deposit program to know that, if it were up to the coalition, they would not be homeowners right now. The Liberals have described our expansion of this scheme as 'bizarre and ridiculous' and said that this is a scheme which supports the families of billionaires. I want them to note that Dean is not the child of billionaires. He is a warehouse worker from the regions who grew up in public housing in a single-parent family, and fighting for Australians like him is why my political party exists.

We will continue to deliver housing support for Australians. But the Liberals are as hopelessly divided on housing as they are on every other major policy issue facing the country. They cannot decide whether they support or oppose supports for homeownership, and the coalition do not have a single sensible thing to say about what I believe to be the most important social and economic problem facing our country. Of course, it's unsurprising, given that for most of the time they were in government they didn't— (Time expired)

My question is to the Prime Minister. The CSIRO has recently announced that 350 science and research jobs will go, and this is on top of the 800-plus CSIRO support roles that have already been cut this year. This is due to government funding not keeping up with costs. Will the government immediately invest the $75 million needed to stop the loss of these important jobs in science and research?

I thank the member for her very important question. As she knows, the CSIRO is an asset to our nation and all Australians should be proud of it. We all want a strong and sustainable CSIRO that's aligned with our national science priorities. That is in the national interest. There has been a decision, taken by the government through the MYEFO process, to provide additional funding for the CSIRO, the details of which will be communicated to the public at the appropriate time. The CSIRO continues to receive significant base funding of close to a billion dollars per annum from the government, and I assure the member that this hasn't changed. Decisions on staffing and the prioritisation of resources are a matter for the CSIRO's board and management, and the government respects the CSIRO's operational independence. Ultimately, their aim—like ours—is for the CSIRO to remain strong and sustainable over the long-term. We take this seriously, as I know the member does, because we all value the contribution that CSIRO scientists make to the nation. We want the CSIRO's research facilities to be safe, fit for purpose and capable of securing Australia's critical scientific capabilities.

My question is to the Minister for Employment and Workplace Relations. How is the Albanese Labor government delivering higher wages for Australian workers, and are there any risks?

I'd like to thank the member for Moore for that question and, of course, for his decades of passionate advocacy for working people in this country. The Albanese Labor government was elected on a promise of getting wages moving, and that is exactly what we are delivering. Only Labor is committed to increasing the pay packets of working Australians. The Albanese Labor government has delivered significant changes to achieve this. We have reinvigorated enterprise bargaining, with a record number of employees now covered by enterprise agreements, which continue to be a key source of wage growth in this country. Unlike those opposite, we have proudly advocated to the Fair Work Commission for a minimum award wage increase each and every year we have been in government, supporting almost three million low-paid workers.

Our government took action to protect penalty rates and overtime, making sure that the pay of those who work on weekends or unsociable hours does not go backwards. We introduced same job, same pay laws, and now thousands of workers are benefiting from pay increases across mining, aviation, warehousing, railways and meat processing. Our government has backed and funded wage increases for early educators and aged-care workers, who are now thousands of dollars better off because this government recognised the essential work that they do. We put the framework in place to allow gig workers to be fairly paid. They have been underpaid for too long.

Only this Labor government is delivering higher wages for working Australians. We know there are risks. The biggest risk is those opposite—the Liberal and National parties. The Liberal and National parties proudly boasted, when they were in government, that a key part of their economic architecture was putting downward pressure on wages. More recently, the Leader of the Opposition, when asked if she would repeal our important reforms that have delivered wage increases and job security, said she would look at it all. Does this mean that the Leader of the Opposition would remove the same job, same pay changes, leaving workers worse off? Would she remove minimum standards for gig workers, leaving them worse off? Would she scrap protections for penalty rates? Would she scrap pay rises for our essential aged-care workers and early childhood educators? We know that those opposite fought, tooth and nail, every single one of these reforms. But while they fight amongst themselves, we're getting on with the job of delivering to Australian workers and making sure we're getting wages moving again.

I ask that further questions be placed on the Notice Paper.

I present a chart showing the proposed parliamentary sittings for 2026. Copies of the program are being placed on the table, and I ask leave of the House to move that the proposed parliamentary sittings be agreed to.

Leave granted.

I move:

That the proposed parliamentary sittings for 2026 be agreed to.

In terms of the summary, it gets us back similar to what we have had over the last decade in non-election years, which is 18 weeks, or 66 days, of sitting.

Firstly, I want to acknowledge the way the government has handled the presentation of the sitting calendar this year. My office received a copy of the proposed sitting calendar at 1.43 pm today. That was 13 minutes before question time, so I thank them for those 13 minutes to consider the sitting calendar and what it entails. It's disappointing that it couldn't be provided with more notice, but there you have it. With all those extra staff, they were unable to get us that notice earlier.

Now I go to the substantive issues. The Leader of the House has brushed over a few things in the sitting timetable that he proposes for the House. The government is proposing that we sit 66 days next year, or just 18 weeks. With the exception of 2024, when we sat for 64 days only, you'd have to go back to 2020 to find another time when we sat for fewer days. That was during a once-in-a-century pandemic. To put it another way, the last time we sat for fewer than 66 days in the House of Representatives for a full year after an election was in 2011. If you went back to the future—if you got in that DeLorean, and you went back to 2011—who was the Leader of the House in 2011? Oh dear, it was the Leader of the House. He doesn't seem to like parliamentary sittings or scrutiny of the House of Representatives.

There is a question that I think this House needs to address. I've got a solution, being a constructive opposition member. Taking the Leader of the Opposition's instructions to all of us to be more constructive, we are going be more constructive. I've got a constructive solution to this issue. The question we all want to know, and the parliament and the people of Australia are asking is: will the part-time Minister for Climate Change and Energy be around to attend any of these sitting days at all? So I move, as an amendment to the motion moved by the Leader of the House, something that all members in this House can support because we all want it:

That the Minister for Climate Change and Energy be required to attend each of the parliamentary sitting days in the House of Representatives during 2026.

A government member interjecting —

There are only 66 of them—to that interjection—therefore, this is not an onerous requirement on the Minister for Climate Change and Energy. It is such a low amount that he should be present on those 66 days to answer the questions that we have, and, yes, we have a lot of questions. I recommend this motion to you. You want the minister to be here. We want the minister to be here. Who here would not like the Minister for Climate Change and Energy to be here? The member for Parramatta is not here, and it's unfair to ask this question when the member for Parramatta is not here, but I move my amendment. I encourage the leader to support this particular motion as amended.

We’ve probably got a few problems with this amendment. I'll hear from the Leader of the House first.

First of all, there was a reference made to 66 days and how far back you would have to go to find fewer. Other than last year, there was 2022. There was 2020. There was 2019, 2018, 2017—

I want to deal with the amendment first.

I think the easiest way is to save you from a ruling, and I'll just move:

That the question be now put.

I'm not particularly happy with the amendment because it's about an individual. If you're going to—

I'm moving the question.

The question is that the question be now put.

The question is that the proposed sitting pattern be agreed to.

Question agreed to.

Mr Speaker, during question time there was a very unusual occurrence: the lights went out in this House. I was wondering whether you could report back to the House as to what happened, whether it might be to do with the minister, who isn't—

Honourable members interjecting—

The member will resume his seat. In the last part of the question, you couldn't be heard, so that wasn't recorded. I can advise the House on part of the question. There was a brief outage at the Telopea Park Substation, and the whole region—

Honourable members interjecting—

Order! I don't know why that's controversial. The whole region was impacted, for a short time, including the Senate. Maintenance teams have been resetting the infrastructure, and I thank the workers involved for such a speedy response.

Documents are tabled in accordance with the list circulated to honourable members earlier today. Full details of the documents will be recorded in the Votes and Proceedings.

I have received a letter from the honourable member for Indi proposing that a definite matter of public importance be submitted to the House for discussion, namely:

The need for the Government to expand the Commonwealth Prac Payment scheme to allied health and medical students.

I call upon honourable members who approve of the proposed discussion to rise in their places.

More than the number of members required by the standing orders having risen in their places—

On 1 July students in nursing, teaching and social work became eligible to be paid while undertaking mandatory placements as part of their studies. The Commonwealth Prac Payment scheme is a critical step in reducing financial barriers to higher education, but nurses, teachers and social workers are not the only ones who complete placements. Students in medicine and allied health also complete hundreds and sometimes thousands hours of work—and it is work, especially in the final years of their studies. Students are like apprentices, practising the very skills they will soon use as healthcare professionals.

While they are on placements, students can't do much—if any—paid work. Their income drops but they still have to pay for food, rent and other bills. In fact, they often have extra expenses related to their placements. For many students, it is absolutely unsustainable. That's why I secured an amendment to the legislation to make sure that when the scheme is reviewed the government must consider expanding it to other students.

But a review in the future will not do anything to help students who are experiencing placement poverty right now. I am regularly contacted by allied health and medical students who are struggling to stay afloat because of placements. They tell me they are working all night on night shifts, borrowing money from friends and family, delaying subjects and making hard choices between their financial security and their future careers.

Darcy O'Shannessy from Wangaratta in my electorate is going into his fourth year as a physiotherapy student. In 2026, Darcy will need to complete 25 weeks of full-time unpaid placement to finish his degree. We have a shortage of physiotherapists in regional Australia, so it is terrific that Darcy is so close to completing his studies. Next year will be great for Darcy's career but, by gee, it will be tough on his bank balance. He will have to give up his part-time job and will earn nothing for every week he is on placements. Darcy has had to up stumps and move back home so he has any chance of making ends meet and completing his degree.

A recent survey by the Australian Society of Medical Imaging and Radiation Therapy found 95 per cent of medical radiation science students are not confident they can manage to support themselves financially during full-time placement. Worryingly, almost 10 per cent say they plan to skip meals, sleep in their cars, defer subjects or drop out entirely. The statutory review set a deadline, but the government could choose to act sooner to prevent students from having to take such drastic steps. Across my electorate of Indi, more than 2,000 students are finishing Year 12. Many will be looking ahead to further study, wondering if they will need to move away from home and how they will support themselves if they do, and it is troubling to know that some will choose not to pursue a career in health care because, on top of everything else, they cannot afford to work for free.

And it is not just school leavers. Older students with established careers, families and financial obligations find it very hard to do unpaid placement. This is all the more urgent given that healthcare workforce shortages are rampant across the country, especially in rural and regional Australia. Expanding the prac payment scheme to include medical and allied health students would help in two ways. Firstly, it would allow more students from regional and rural areas, who already face higher costs for further study, to go into these fields—fields we desperately need. Secondly, it would encourage students from metropolitan areas to come to regional and rural Australia for their placements. I have heard of students being forced to turn down such opportunities because they cannot afford to temporarily relocate if they are not being paid. We know that students who do placements in rural and regional areas are significantly more likely to work in those areas after graduation. Making these placements financially viable means more medical and allied health students will return to build their lives and careers across electorates just like mine in Indi.

As a former nurse and midwife, I understand the importance of hands-on experience and of taking what you have learned in the classroom out into the real world. Students should not be penalised for choosing to study subjects that involve practical training. The government knows this and has taken a step in the right direction with the Commonwealth Prac Payment scheme but it must not stop there. I urge the government to immediately expand the Commonwealth Prac Payment scheme to all allied health and medical students.

I rise on this matter of public importance and thank the honourable member for her contribution and for the work she did in the previous parliament to advocate for paid prac for these important student placements. I am really proud to be a part of a government that on 1 July this year provided paid prac, made it a reality for the first time for students studying teaching, nursing, midwifery as well as social work, because we understand that we need to be able to support these students to learn the skills of a new career. A lot of the time they have been doing that and have not been paid for it and it has placed an enormous financial burden on them.

We expect that with the support provided from 1 July this year that 68,000 eligible higher education and 5,000 VET students will complete their practical training each year, so we are talking about a significant cohort of students who will benefit from these changes. It is practical support for people while they are completing their practical training.

These payments will help the students who need it most, by giving them the extra bit of financial support they need so they could focus on their studies, and we know that's important, because, for far too long, students just like the examples you gave have had to juggle work, study, care responsibilities and other commitments they have in their life, and it can sometimes mean that they don't complete their education, they don't complete their studies, and they don't go on to have the career that they dreamt of. No-one should have to choose, and that's why this first step on 1 July has been so important.

We are starting with students studying teaching, nursing, midwifery and social work, which was recommended by the Australian Universities Accord. Almost every Australian will interact, at some point in their life, with a nurse, a teacher, a social worker or a midwife, and they are critical to the wellbeing of so many across our community.

In 2025, the payment, which began on 1 July, is $331 per week, which is benchmarked to the single Austudy rate, and I've been advised that over 67,000 applications from higher education students have already been received in the first four months of the program. That is very, very good news. More than 80 per cent of those applicants have been processed, and more than 80 per cent of those have been approved. This shows we are tackling placement poverty head on. We are giving future teachers, nurses, midwives and social workers a chance to gain the qualifications to pursue their dream careers without having to worry about whether they can afford to do that.

The review that is built into the legislation—I acknowledge the comments that were made by the honourable member—does mean that, after three years of operation, the program will look at how it is working, whether it's been effective and what might need to change. It will consider the effectiveness of the payments provided to students and the appropriateness of the expanding payments to other courses, including allied health. In addition to that, further consideration will be given to other recommendations in the accord, including that the government work with tertiary education providers, state and territory three governments, industry, business and unions to consider further support by employers to mitigate the risk of financial hardship and placement poverty for students in other fields. As the Minister for Education has said, the accord is not a plan for one budget, but a blueprint for the next decade and beyond.

While I can, I would also like to reflect on some of the other steps our government is taking to support people who are going through higher education or VET training. As we heard from the education minister today, 20 per cent off the HECS debt is making a huge difference to those who have started studying in our country. This will benefit three million Australians and wipe $16 billion in HELP and other student debt, and an individual average HELP debt will see $5,500 wiped from that debt. This is going to make a massive difference for those students, and we know, as the education minister said, tomorrow 1.5 million young Australians will have their debt cut by 20 per cent, and another 1.5 million young Australians will have their debt cut next week. It is the biggest cut in student debt in Australian history. We promised it; we delivered it.

The other example I'd like to give how we fixed HELP debt inflation. This was something that happened last year, and the government wiped a further $3 billion of HELP debt and capped the HELP indexation rate to the lower of either the consumer price index or the wage price index, and this has made system better and fairer and ensures that HELP debt can never increase faster than wages.

Today, I had the privilege, as the Assistant Minister for Indigenous Health, to also launch a new scholarship program for Indigenous health students which provides scholarships for First Nations health students. About 80 are issued annually. It provides $1 million over three years, and it's being delivered by our co-sector—the Indigenous allied health association is running that program. It's part of our Closing the Gap initiatives—to transfer responsibility of these initiatives to the First Nations community. That was launched today. They've got a proud track record of delivering scholarships of this type, and I'm really excited to see a new round open up to invite 80 applicants to put their hand up. That's going to provide financial support to students undertaking a health degree from First Nations communities. It is direct financial support to assist them.

Alongside things like paid prac, there are other programs that our government supports that are supporting those embarking on a medical degree and other allied health professions to ensure that people from rural and remote Indigenous communities can access higher education to pursue their dreams of becoming health professionals and address some of the workforce challenges across the country in a range of areas, particularly in health care.

I am very proud of the work our government is doing to make sure that we have paid prac for the first time. I have spoken to many young Australians, mostly in my electorate in Tasmania, who have shared their stories of trying to manage a job and sometimes manage the responsibilities of having a family and paying bills while undertaking prac and not being paid for that. It can be incredibly difficult. It can be very exhausting, not only financially but mentally and emotionally, when you're trying to juggle all of those responsibilities. You might be doing that because you're trying to progress and further your own career, but, in many instances, you might also be doing it for your family. You might be the first in your family to embark on a career in one of these areas, or, if you're a carer or a parent, you might be furthering your own career to support your family. I acknowledge how hard that can be and what a juggle that's been for many Australians. That's why it's so pleasing to see that, from 1 July this year, 67,000 Australians have already made an application to the paid prac program and that tens of thousands of Australians have already benefited, and it's been operating for only four months.

The review is in three years, as you well understand because you were such a strong advocate to include it. But I think it's important to recognise that this is just the start. There is, of course, more work that needs to happen. I'm thrilled to see the early results and also really proud to be part of a government that supports paid prac. We will see the benefits not only for those individuals but also for our health workforce, our teaching workforce and our allied health workforce in the years to come as these young students and people embarking on a career change graduate and are able to participate in our community. I commend the member for bringing this matter to the House so that we can talk about it in more detail.

I commend the member for Indi for bringing this very important matter of public importance to the attention of the House. The member for Indi makes a very important point. This is a very worthwhile scheme, and it is commendable that it has commenced, but we think that it needs to be expanded. We on the crossbench want to see it made available to more students. It's a payment of $331 per week. It's available to students studying teaching, nursing, midwifery and social work degrees, and it helps them with expenses while undertaking their compulsory professional placements as part of their tertiary education.

In country Australia we have a healthcare workforce crisis. There's a shortage of healthcare workers. That's why we on the crossbench want to see this scheme expanded so that it can help allied health and medical students. Allied health students like occupational therapists, physios and speech pathologists are required to undertake more than a thousand hours of practical experience just to obtain their degree. Medical students need to complete about two or three years of full-time clinical rotations—that is, roughly, 1,500 to 3,000 hours of practical experience and placements across major medical specialities.

We need to understand that our allied health and medical students are crucial to the future of country Australia. They are going to be building and bolstering our country's health workforce. That's why these students need our support, because they are so crucial to regional Australia. There is a significant body of research telling us that placing medical students in regional and rural training programs makes them more likely to subsequently work in country areas. In fact, a University of Queensland study found that students who participated in a 12-week placement in a small rural town were around three times more likely to work in a similar sized community after graduating. Charles Sturt University Vice-Chancellor Professor Renee Lyon pointed out—and it's a point well made—that 70 per cent of CSU graduates go on to live and work in regional Australia and that regional and rural students often have to travel long distances from their homes, families and workplaces to complete the practical components of their courses. It's just a fact of life for country students.

In 2024 alone, more than 2,500 CSU students applied for financial assistance, yet only 750 grants were available—proof of the scale of the need. Vice-Chancellor Leon states: 'Expanding the scope of the Commonwealth track payment goes beyond fairness and helpfulness for these students. It just makes a huge difference and would make a huge difference if it could be expanded. It would enable our future rural health workforce to get on with forging their careers of choice minus the stress of whether they can afford to study outside major cities.' The vice-chancellor makes a very salient point.

While I'm speaking about Charles Sturt University, I mention the fact that since the Charles Sturt University medical school opened its number of students has effectively been capped at 37. We have been fighting for five years, through two governments, to get the number of medical student places expanded. In very positive news, CSU's School of Rural Medicine has just been allocated an additional 10 places by the Australian government, which is what we've been calling for and I've been calling for in this place, in question time. That is positive—although, I have to say, it fell well short of the number of student places CSU was asking for; it's less than half of what CSU was asking for. It's a step in the right direction, but, with another round of medical student places up for grabs next year, you can be sure that country MPs on the crossbench and I will be fighting for more medical student places for our country universities like Charles Sturt University. The health of our country residents and communities is at stake here. The government can expect to hear a lot more from me on this issue.

In conclusion, we want to make sure that, in country Australia, our university students are fully and properly supported so they can build our future country workforce. I commend this matter of public importance to the House, and I thank the member for Indi for bringing it here.

I thank the member for Indi for bringing this important matter of public importance to the House. Those of us on this side of the House recognise that it's incredibly vital that we support students to get an education that sets them up for great jobs to support our communities.

I know very well how important higher education is to my own electorate of Chisholm in Victoria. I have Monash University to the south of my electorate, and I have Deakin University in the heart of my electorate. I know from doorknocking and speaking to so many people at train stations, on the phone and out and about on street stalls how important higher education is to my electorate and how important the matter of paid pracs is to my electorate. I undertook a survey of my electorate on higher education ahead of the Universities Accord process and received hundreds and hundreds of responses with lots of really important feedback that I passed through to the process, making my own submission on behalf of my community. I'm proud to be part of a government that is supporting teaching, nursing, midwifery and social work students to complete their practical placement courses.

On 1 July this year, paid prac became a reality for those studying teaching, nursing, midwifery and social work. I heard from students and from the families of those studying these courses that it was really challenging to manage study and living expenses. I'm proud to be part of a government that, for the first time, has provided financial support for mandatory placements. We expect this will support at least 68,000 eligible higher-education students and 5,000 VET students to complete their practical training each year. This support means they can afford to go to class and to complete their courses by going to placements, and it also means we have people with the skills we so desperately need in our communities right across the country.

For too long, unfortunately, it is true that students have had to choose between finishing their degree and paying their bills. We're ending that unfair choice. No-one should be pushed into delaying or dropping out of study just because they can't afford to do their placement, which is what so many students need to do to complete their courses. This starting point of students studying teaching, nursing, midwifery and social work receiving paid prac payments is what was recommended by the Australian Universities Accord. As I said, I was quite engaged in that process on behalf of my community.

This year, 2025, the payment is $331 a week, which is benchmarked to the single Austudy rate. There are over 67,000 applications already who have applied for this payment. More than 80 per cent of those applications have been processed and more than 80 per cent of those have been approved. I think this shows we are tackling placement poverty head-on, giving future teachers, nurses and social workers the practical support they deserve.

But I know that there are other students who do need to undertake practical placements, so building a review into the legislation, as we have, to examine the performance of this program after three years of operation is really important to consider the effectiveness of payments provided to students and the appropriateness of expanding payments to other courses, including allied health.

This decision to begin with the cohort that we have started with was informed by recommendations from the universities' accord process. In addition, further consideration will be given to other recommendations in the accord, including that the government work with tertiary education providers, state and territory governments, industry, business and unions to consider further support to employers to mitigate any risk of financial hardship and placement poverty for students in other fields.

This is not a plan for one budget. This is a plan to build for the next decade and beyond. I really do thank the member for Indi for bringing this matter to the House. I will take any opportunity I can to talk about higher education and why it is so important to my community. I look forward to working with everyone in this House to build a stronger higher education system.

I'm very pleased to speak to this MPI by the member for Indi. This is an area that I know the member for Indi has championed for a very long time.

I would like to read a quote that's come from the Australian Medical Students Association, and it's this:

I want to go home and tell potential future doctors in my rural community to choose a career path in medicine, as we have a government that will support you through the long, hard journey to become a doctor. But I can't, because we don't have the support we should at all.

That powerful statement is from a member of the Australian Medical Students Association, disappointed at the lack of support for medical students under this Commonwealth practical payments scheme. I think this scheme is brilliant. We just need to finesse it and make sure that we're capturing everybody that it should apply to.

From 1 July this year, this scheme provides $331.65 a week. It's payable for students who undertake a mandatory placement in select disciplines. Those placements, they might be doing a diploma of nursing or they might be studying a degree in teaching, nursing, midwifery or social work, or a masters degree. The requirement is for the placement to be an average of 30 or more hours per week and must prevent them from maintaining paid work.

I want to touch upon that. This is for my daughter, who is studying her diploma in nursing. It just blows my mind. She's just finished a prac placement and told me all about the work that she's doing. Truly, she has done things in the last two weeks that I could not even possibly do, but she also has two other jobs. She lives independently from home. She lives in another state while she is studying this. She's not allowed to do any work on those weekends in between when she's doing prac placement or, indeed, nights. So, financially, it is a huge impact for young people, for anyone—young or mature age—who is studying. Not only are they doing, in her case, two lots of 40 hours over a fortnight; to not be able to do any of your other casual jobs is a huge financial impost. We need to capture everyone that this should apply to. That does include those who are studying medicine. For young people, in particular, who are perhaps the first in the family, come from families who can't afford to financially support them or, indeed, are out of home, it's such a barrier to studying. So we really need to get this right.

This placement payment is designed to provide those most at risk of placement poverty with costs-of-living support to help ease the financial pressures associated with placements. I would even say that perhaps there are other areas of study we could look at expanding this to in the future. We really do want our young people to be able to undergo those prac placements. I didn't realise until I started talking to young people in my community who are studying physiotherapy or other qualifications how much placement they need to do as part of their degree. It really is quite extraordinary. Anything we can do to support them is really important.

I'll go back to my daughter. We were able to help her, but many of her friends at uni—and she was included in this—were not able to receive any assistance under this scheme during the last practical that they did because the last practical they did was only 80 hours over that fortnight. The threshold, she was told, was 80 hours. That's two weeks of no money at all. That's very, very hard for young people who are just trying to cover the cost of rent and food and everything else.

This is an excellent program, but I think it can be improved. I'd hate to think we would wait several years to review it and do that. I think that we could do that more quickly. I commend the member for Indi for bringing this to the parliament. Let's work on this now and not in years to come.

I want to thank the honourable member for Indi for her support for paid prac and her enthusiasm for supporting students, especially young people, to gain the qualifications they want and the qualifications that Australia needs. In particular, I want to acknowledge her longstanding advocacy about placement poverty in regional Australia. Thank you very much.

More than 20 years ago, when I first left high school, all I wanted to be was a teacher. I started off at the University of Queensland, undertaking a Bachelor of Arts and a Bachelor of Education. I finished all the coursework that was needed for that degree over a number of years. My intention was to graduate and to start teaching, but, when it came to my final practicum—the very last part of my qualification—there was absolutely no way that I could afford to give up work for that period and continue to pay rent and all other costs. So I had to make the very difficult decision all those years ago to graduate with an arts degree and to leave my education degree on the shelf for a bit longer. It took me a couple of years of working and saving after that point to be able to afford to return to university and finish my teaching qualifications.

During that period, when I was a young adult, my gorgeous little baby niece, Bridget, was born, and, quite famously in my family, Bridget said that when she grew up she wanted to live in a 'nunit' and go to 'nooni' like 'Aunty Nay'. She has done most of that. Twenty years after that, I watched her studying her education degree and also, very recently, watched her trying to finish her practicum and not being able to afford that and have it be incredibly challenging. Due to my own experience, and, decades later, seeing my niece go through the same hardship, I was incredibly proud to be able to support this policy within the Australian Labor Party, through our conference processes. I have advocated for and supported this from its earliest stages, so I was absolutely heartened to see this passed. I thank the member for her contributions to passing this also.

It's a great policy and it's an important way that we can support nursing, teaching, midwifery and social work students during those crucial weeks where they must undertake their prac. With the federal Labor government's changes we are able to support young people studying these absolutely essential professions. It's something that I am incredibly proud.

In my community of Griffith in Brisbane, I meet education, nursing, midwifery and social work students on placement in our local schools, aged-care homes, hospitals and community services. They love their work and they are absolutely determined to graduate, but they tell me how hard it is to juggle unpaid prac with rent, groceries, bills, transport and the costs involved with actually doing these pracs, in many instances. That's why the Albanese Labor government has put practical support behind practical training.

From 1 July, paid prac became a reality for these professions. For the first time, the Australian government is providing direct financial support to help students complete compulsory placements—around $331 a week in 2025—supporting around 70,000 students each year. Sadly, it was just a little bit too late for my niece, Bridget, but I am very pleased to report that she managed to struggle through and has completed her education qualifications and is teaching in my electorate of Griffith as a first-year teacher. But we know that it's going to be much easier for other educators and healthcare workers coming through the ranks now with these changes. These payments are targeted at those who need help the most. They give students breathing space so they can focus on learning in the classroom, on the ward and in the community instead of worrying about the next bill. No-one should have to delay or abandon their studies simply because they cannot afford to do the placement that qualifies them for the profession that they love.

We have started with teaching, nursing, midwifery and social work students, consistent with the Australian Universities Accord, but this legislation does require review after three years to assess how well the payment is working and whether it should be extended to other areas, including allied health. I want to thank the member for Indi for raising this matter and for working so constructively with government on this. Our focus is on implementing these changes well so that students in Griffiths and across Australia can complete their studies and move into the professions that keep our communities healthy, safe and thriving.

I rise in support of the member for Indi's matter of public importance and to make one simple point. Unless the Commonwealth prac payment is expanded beyond a narrow group of disciplines, we will continue locking future health workers out of the system we claim we urgently need. As we have heard from crossbench members, while we all welcome the government's scheme to provide about $332 a week in prac payments for student studying teaching, nursing, midwifery and social work, many are asking: why are we stopping there? Why are physiotherapy students excluded? Why are radiographers, psychologists, occupational therapists, speech pathologists, paramedics and medical students left out?

This isn't a small policy oversight. It cuts through the principle of fairness and undermines our ability to fix our workforce shortages. The reality is straightforward. Allied health and medical students complete long, unpaid full-time placements. They can't work while doing them, but rent still has to be paid and transport still needs to be paid for, as does food, textbooks and basic bills. Too many are being pushed into an impossible choice: push ahead with placements and fall into financial stress or walk away from their degree entirely.

In a community like Fowler, those decisions bite even harder. According to the 2021 census, almost 12,900 students in Fowler enrolled in tertiary education, including over 8,000 university students. Many are the first in their family to go to university. They are our future doctors, physios, psychologists and radiographers. They come from migrant and working-class families. They want to give back to the suburbs that raised them, and we need them to. Fowler has historically recorded some of the highest GP bulk-billing rates in Australia, in the mid-90 per cent range, because our families cannot absorb a large out-of-pocket cost.

I want to share the story of David, one of the young people on my Fowler Youth Advisory Committee. David wants to become a doctor so he can serve the local community his family has called home for decades. He is bright, hardworking and compassionate, the kind of culturally competent, locally grounded doctor we desperately need. But David is really worried about how he will afford his clinical placement. He told me that, when the time comes for months of unpaid full-time placement, he doesn't know how we will survive financially. His parents are already stretched, he doesn't want to be a burden, and he isn't alone. Dozens of students tell me the same thing. If students like David cannot afford to finish their degrees, Fowler loses out. The country loses out.

The government will say this expansion is too expensive, budgets are tight, placements across disciplines are too complex to administer, or they will call for more consultation—anything to delay a decision. But the cost of doing nothing is far greater. Modelling shows Australia will need around 25,000 additional allied health workers by 2033 in aged care alone. Jobs and Skills Australia projections indicate the broader health and social assistance sector will require over half a million new workers in the next decade.

Yet the very students who could fill these roles are being pushed to breaking point by placement poverty. Some of the heaviest burdens fall on medical radiation students. Students undertaking degrees in radiation therapy or diagnostic therapy can expect up to a year of full-time work for zero income.

Expending the prac payment scheme is not a handout; it is a strategic workforce investment. If we are serious about fixing shortages, supporting young people doing the right thing and ensuring communities like Fowler have the healthcare workforces they need, then we must end this two-tiered system and extend the prac payment to all health disciplines with mandatory clinical placements. I call on the government to show leadership and get this done. I commend the matter to the House.

I would like to thank the member for Indi for raising her matter of public importance for discussion in this House, the example of Darcy's story and the other issues raised in the member for Indi's contributions this afternoon. I can hear that there's a bit of consensus in this chamber around some of the challenges for students in higher education.

I also speak from a place of experience. Before I was a solicitor, I worked at the University of Sydney for about eight years in the anatomy department—specifically, teaching medical students and a number of other students in the allied health profession. I understand from that experience a lot of challenges that students go through on campus and also in dealing with cost-of-living challenges and accommodation.

On the tail end, prior to coming into this House, I had the opportunity to work with St Vincent de Paul Society for a couple of years. In that capacity, I had the opportunity to look after a very big patch of New South Wales going up from Wyong, out to the Blue Mountains and down to Helensburgh. That captured a number of great institutions, a number of universities, where a lot of youth Vinnies members did a lot of engagement on those campuses with students dealing with cost-of-living challenges, with housing and accommodation.

So this comes from a place of experience and understanding. I want to acknowledge that everyone in this chamber seems to be singing from the same song sheet, knowing that those are the challenges for a lot of students in this industry. Also I've had the opportunity to speak to a number of HSU members—and I've had really active conversations more recently—who work in the allied health profession.

This Labor government understands that it's quite tough for students when they're completing mandatory placements. That is why we are delivering on real cost-of-living support, which includes this Commonwealth prac payment. I believe this assistance is quite careful; it's quite considered. The payment is helping those who are studying to become teachers, social workers, nurses and midwives so they can solely focus on upskilling.

Having the opportunity to reflect on some of the stories that we're hearing in this chamber today, including from the member for Indi—the reality is that the universities accord has recommended the government focus on nursing, on care and teaching professions. This is a responsible government responding to advice provided to us to prioritise key roles and courses. The 2023 employment white paper also identified that those in care and teaching professions are key enablers for the economy and that unpaid placements discourage many students in care and teaching professions from enrolling in and completing courses. And, as the Minister for Education has said, the accord is not a plan for one budget but a blueprint for the next decade and beyond.

You've heard today from a number of people on this side of the chamber that we've developed this policy position over a period of time in the Labor Party. I'm very proud that we have made these changes and that we have support in the chamber on this here today. But I understand that there's a lot of work to be done to help those who are studying these particular courses.

Since 1 July 2025, around 73,000 students across Australia have been eligible for $331.65 each week. It is the first time ever that a federal government has provided financial support to students while they complete their mandatory prac placements; I think it's pertinent to highlight that. There is a review, and there is opportunity to expand, but this is a conversation that we can continue to have not only in the chamber but outside as well. It's important to highlight that this is the first time that a Labor federal government has introduced this. We're starting with students who are studying nursing, midwifery, teaching and social work, to address the urgent need for more students in these areas. Going back to the universities accord, it's talking about particular courses of priority and focusing on the skill shortage.

To further support students with the cost of living, Labor is cutting 20 per cent from everyone's student debt. I know that, in my electorate, this message has been well received. You can see from the results of the election that it is something that people supported and voted for. I am really proud that we will be able to deliver that in the coming days.

I again thank the member for Indi for her contributions and also the member for Mayo for sharing the experience with her daughter. As someone who's also taught students and who has experience of supporting students at the University of Sydney and in my capacity at St Vincent de Paul, I completely understand these challenges.

The cost of tertiary education shouldn't hang over Australians' heads for the whole of their working lives, and, while they're studying, they shouldn't be anxious about where they're going to sleep and what they're going to be able to eat because they can't cover the cost of their practical placements. Earlier this year, I welcomed the introduction of the Commonwealth prac placements for nursing, midwifery, teaching and social work students, but my position has always been—as the member for Indi's has, and I thank her for moving this motion—that this payment should apply to all courses in the care sector.

When I was a medical student, accommodation was free. Caffs were cheap, but those days are gone. Medical students now have to cover the cost of professional registration, working-with-children checks, police checks, travel and accommodation, all while they are strictly limited in their ability to work to support their living expenses. Cost-of-living pressures mean that the proportion of students who have to support full-time study with full-time work has doubled, from one in 14 students in the 1990s to one in seven in 2023.

In expecting students to undertake unpaid prac placements, we're therefore asking some of them to effectively work three full-time jobs. Medical students are required to undertake 2,000 hours of unpaid clinical placements, often well away from home in rural and regional settings. Occupational therapy students are required to undertake 1,000 hours of unpaid placement, including regional rotations with no travel support and no accommodation support. It's similar for podiatry students, who undertake up to 1,200 hours.

The Australian Society of Medical Imaging and Radiation Therapy recently found that placement poverty, which they define as experiencing significant financial hardship while on tertiary placements, affects 75 per cent of medical imaging students during their 56 weeks of placement. Nearly a quarter say that they cannot support themselves. Many consider dropping out. Others have already left their courses because the financial strain is just too great, especially for those students who are juggling work, study and care responsibilities.

When Australia faces significant and ongoing shortages of GPs, medical specialists and virtually all allied health disciplines and mental health supports, it is inexplicable that the government is not doing everything possible to help all students complete their training. Education and training should be an opportunity available to every Australian. It shouldn't be a financial burden, but, for too many of our students, prac placements mean stress and anxiety more than they mean engagement, fulfilment, skills development and learning.

Every time I raise this issue on social media, my DMs and my email inbox are flooded with stories from students from around Australia, which reinforces that prac-placement poverty is real and it is hurting our future workforce. I've heard from young women who are being forced to sleep in their cars, to skip meals and to then defer their studies so that they can save for a year so they can complete their prac placements. Some give up because of the stress and the financial burden; they never go back to study. Those young people will be left with debt and regret, but no diplomas or degrees. That is a failure of policy and it's a failure of government.

Prac placements are also a question of gender equity because more students in the care sector are female than male, and it's a question of intergenerational equity. The young people who are now undertaking tertiary studies are the generation which in the middle of a compounding cost-of-living crisis, housing crisis and climate crisis are being burdened with unprecedented levels of personal debt simply through their desire to train and to equip themselves with the skillsets that they need for their adult lives.

This is a generation which understands that Australian university students contribute more to government revenue than the oil and gas industry do in resources tax. What does that say about our government, what does that say about its principles, and what does that say about its priorities? I call on the government to recognise this education crisis for what it is. We owe it to the next generation to do better for these students. If we invest in them now, we invest in the future wellbeing of every Australian.

I would also like to extend my thanks to the member for Indi for raising this very important topic, which relates to paid practicums. I remember, about 12 years ago now, being a student teacher and living in a caravan in Dimboola while completing a regional placement. It is a hard slog trying to juggle the cost of living, which for many students is a week-by-week proposition, and the significant expense of trying to make it through a placement without incurring unimaginable debt. That's why I'm so proud that, for the first time in its history, the Australian government has stepped up and taken decisive action in response to practicum poverty, which does occur.

For the first time, we're seeing over $330 a week paid to students in teaching, nursing, midwifery and social work. It is just the start of this mission. It reflects the Australian Universities Accord's final report, which indicated an initial introduction where government funds the payments to particular course areas but which also indicated that we need to consider placement poverty across other areas as well, including allied health. And there is certainly more consideration to be given to how we support those students as they complete their sometimes far lengthier placements. For this model, the Commonwealth has stepped up and used Commonwealth funds to pay the cost of the initiative. I think it's an incredibly important part of the government's work in supporting young people on their education journey—which is work that begins from child care, which is full and fair funding for our public schools, which is free TAFE, which is increased support for our university sector and which is a clear set of policies to support the future of higher education moving forward.

It's incredibly common for students to be living week by week and covering the rent at home while they're on a placement—particularly if the placement happens to be far from where they live. I've met a number of students who have gone through that. I've met students in the past who have failed their placement simply because they couldn't sustain the costs, or those that didn't start them at all because they simply could not afford to not work for two weeks without finding themselves in dire financial straits. This reflects, then, a real acknowledgement of the problem. I think it was important, despite covering the scope of initial recommendations, that the government put in a three-year timeframe for the review of the paid practicum placements, knowing that it would need to revisit its scope and how it's put into effect, and, as has been said by previous speakers, with an eye to whether it is necessary to expand the program to other areas as well, including allied health.

We should be incredibly proud of the initiative this government has put in to ensure that the initial investment takes action to deal with placement poverty—knowing full well that this is not the end of the story and that this is going to likely be the beginning of one. Nevertheless, it's an important step. But the investment needs to also be seen in the context of the vast amount of reform we're seeing from this government in the education space. This isn't just a single initiative and 'that's all we've done in the education space'. Given the amount of time we've been in government, it's actually extraordinary when you reflect on the amount of work this Commonwealth government has done to support the education of Australian citizens across ages and across disciplinary spectrums. I'm incredibly proud to be part of a government that maintains an eye on the prize.

As we've heard in the House today, people across the political spectrum want to ensure that young people have reason to be optimistic about their futures, but the crossbench and Labor alike are keeping a close eye on this, and we're keen to ensure that students at university are supported and that they don't find themselves in poverty simply for working towards the kinds of careers we really need in our community. We need to ensure that we understand this debate in its full context, and what we're referring to is an extraordinary program introduced by this government. I'm looking forward to the review, and I have no doubt that these support payments for those in placement are going to make a huge difference to their lives as they train in some of the most important professions out there. Thank you very much.

I too welcome the member for Indi's topic for debate today, because it truly is a matter of public importance. I really appreciate, as well, the contributions from those opposite who obviously have a really strong passion for education and further investment in education as well. But our young people are doing it tough right now, and the lack of financial support for students doing mandatory prac placements is an important aspect of this. Today's generation of students are navigating an environment of high living costs—the costs of rent, groceries, transport and utilities—and this leaves students across the country struggling to make ends meet.

On top of these financial challenges, mandatory placements are forcing students into real hardship right now, because of the inability to earn an income over long periods of full-time practical training and because of the need to pay rent, sometimes on top of their usual rent. For many the choice is stark—sacrifice basic needs or jeopardise their education. Too often, young students are skipping meals, living in their cars and making the difficult choice about whether or not to give up on their dreams and drop out of their studies completely. They are being forced into vulnerable situations. This growing economic strain threatens not only student wellbeing and safety but also the sustainability of our future health workforce.

The introduction of the Commonwealth Prac Payment scheme on 1 July this year was timely, necessary and very welcome. Supporting nurses, midwives, social workers and teachers during their compulsory placements has been widely welcomed as a positive step towards addressing acute workforce shortages in schools, hospitals and aged care. While this targeted measure aims to boost enrolments and retention in these critical sectors, it disregards comparable placement demands and workforce shortages in other disciplines. For thousands of students undertaking allied health and medical degrees, amongst other things, compulsory unpaid placements mean financial stress, emotional strain and physical exhaustion. And they are not alone; it's also impacting students in veterinary sciences, engineering and agriculture, amongst many others.

The focus of our debate today is allied health, so I'm going to read out some testimonials from people who are currently studying medical radiation science, dietetics and occupational therapy—professions vital to medical diagnosis, cancer treatment and chronic disease prevention and management. One student stated:

I go without food, and work outside of placement hours to afford accommodation—this cycle is exhausting and restrains my time to study whilst on placement.

Another said:

Being able to work and support myself during a full time 36-week placement has been virtually impossible and incredibly stressful. It has had a huge impact on my mental health.

Another said:

I feel extremely burnt out and exhausted and struggle to apply myself on placement academically.

Another said:

There is an assumption that we all live at home with parents that can afford to support us, when many of us don't. I feel that financial stress has greatly impacted by grades and health over the placements these past three years.

I have considered dropping out many times …

Lastly, another said:

There are people who are living in their car so they can afford to be on placement.

These are not isolated stories. They paint a dire picture—students facing homelessness, skipping meals and living in unsafe conditions right now. We are burning out our young people before they even start their careers. How can this be acceptable?

By not supporting our allied health and medical students, we are jeopardising the development of the future health workforce Australia desperately needs. Allied health professionals, collectively, are the largest health workforce in primary care. They represent the second-largest clinical workforce in Australia, after nursing and midwifery. Mackellar student Courtney, who is currently on placement in Ballarat as part of her masters of dietetics, said that many allied health students feel that their ineligibility for the prac payment is a kick in the guts that some professions are more valued than others.

Let's ensure that no student is forced to choose between living in their car and their education. I urge the government to develop a roadmap that lays out a pathway to add all courses that have mandatory prac components to the scheme, including allied health and medical students. If we fail to act, we not only fail these students, but the future health of our nation.

The discussion has now concluded.

The question is that the bill be now read a second time.

by leave—I move:

That this bill be now read a third time.

Question agreed to.

Bill read a third time.

The question now is the bill be read a second time.

by leave—I move:

That this bill be now read a third time.

Question agreed to.

Bill read a third time.

I move:

That the amendments be considered immediately.

The question is that amendments be considered immediately.

A division having been called and the bells having been rung—

As there are fewer than seven members on the side of the noes in this division, I declare the question resolved in the affirmative, in accordance with standing order 127. The names of those members who are in the minority will be recorded in the Votes and Proceedings.

Question agreed to.

Senate's amendments—

(1) Schedule 2, item 6, page 26 (line 8), before "The Secretary", insert "(1)".

(2) Schedule 2, item 6, page 26 (after line 17), at the end of section 99, add:

(2) Subsection (1) does not apply if the debt could be recovered by setting off under section 87A against a payment referred to in paragraph 82(1)(c) (child care service payments).

(3) Schedule 2, page 27 (after line 15), after item 10, insert:

10A At the end of Part 5.2

Add:

1230D Non-recovery of certain amounts

If a record of an amount less than the amount referred to in section 1237AAA is entered into the records of the Human Services Department, the Secretary must waive the Commonwealth's right to raise a debt in respect of the whole or a part of the amount if, were the Commonwealth to exercise that right, the resulting debt would be a debt within the meaning of Part 5.4.

Note 1: The amount referred to in section 1237AAA is indexed on each 1 July (see sections 1191 to 1194). Immediately before 1 July 2026, the amount was $250.

Note 2: See also section 1237AAA (waiver of small debt).

Note 3: A waiver under this section of the Commonwealth's right to raise a debt in respect of an amount does not prevent the Secretary from considering whether any person may have engaged in fraud or serious non-compliance in relation to the amount and taking further appropriate action.

(4) Schedule 2, item 11, page 28 (after line 11), at the end of section 1237AAA, add:

Note 4: See also section 1230D (non-recovery of certain amounts).

(5) Schedule 2, item 12, page 28 (after line 25), at the end of section 43D, add:

Note 3: See also section 44 (non-recovery of certain amounts).

(6) Schedule 2, page 28 (after line 25), after item 12, insert:

12A At the end of Part 6

Add:

Division 5 — Other matters

44 Non-recovery of certain amounts

If a record of an amount less than the amount referred to in section 1237AAA of the Social Security Act 1991 is entered into the records of the Human Services Department, the Secretary must waive the Commonwealth's right to raise a debt in respect of the whole or a part of the amount if, were the Commonwealth to exercise that right, the resulting debt would be a debt to which this Part applies.

Note 1: The amount referred to in section 1237AAA of the Social Security Act 1991 is indexed on each 1 July (see sections 1191 to 1194 of that Act). Immediately before 1 July 2026, the amount was $250.

Note 2: See also section 43D (waiver of small debt).

Note 3: A waiver under this section of the Commonwealth's right to raise a debt in respect of an amount does not prevent the Secretary from considering whether any person may have engaged in fraud or serious non-compliance in relation to the amount and taking further appropriate action.

44A Secretary may arrange for use of computer programs to make decisions

(1) The Secretary may arrange for the use, under the Secretary's control, of computer programs for any purposes for which an officer may make a decision that is the doing of a thing under section 43D (waiver of small debt) or section 44 (non-recovery of certain amounts).

(2) A decision made by the operation of a computer program under an arrangement made under subsection (1) is taken to be a decision made by the Secretary.

(7) Schedule 2, item 13, page 28 (before line 28), insert:

Debts

(8) Schedule 2, item 13, page 28 (after line 32), at the end of the item, add:

Non-recovery of certain amounts

(3) The amendments made by this Part apply in relation to a record that is entered into the records of the Human Services Department after the commencement of this item.

(9) Schedule 2, item 14, page 29 (line 3), after "amount", insert "(other than an amount of child care subsidy or additional child care subsidy)".

(10) Schedule 2, item 14, page 29 (after line 23), at the end of the item, add:

(5) In this item:

additional child care subsidy has the same meaning as in the A New Tax System (Family Assistance) Act 1999.

child care subsidy has the same meaning as in the A New Tax System (Family Assistance) Act 1999

I move:

That the amendments be agreed to.

I want to thank the Senate for its consideration of this bill. The government supports the amendments the Senate has made. For the benefit of the House, the Senate amendments give full effect to our policy intent by providing for the automatic waiving of future small debts below the new threshold of $250 before those amounts are required to be formally raised as debts by Services Australia. The amendments ensure that the small debt waiver regime provides for these waivers consistently under the Social Security Act 1991 and the Student Assistance Act 1973.

More broadly, the passage of this bill marks an important step forward in social security reform. The income apportionment resolution scheme will now be established. More than a million small debts will be waived from next March, with the new threshold indexed into the future. Special circumstances debt waivers will be available to more victims-survivors of domestic violence, particularly where there has been financial abuse and coercion, and an important ministerial power will be available for the cancellation of payments in highly prescribed circumstances. I commend the bill to the House.

Question agreed to.

On behalf of the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties I present Report 230:amendments to the International Health Regulations 2005, incorporating a dissenting report.

Report made a parliamentary paper in accordance with standing order 39(e).

by leave—I rise today to make a statement on the report of the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties in regard to one major treaty action, the amendments to the International Health Regulations (2005), and to one minor treaty action, the amendment to the International Tropical Timber Agreement, 2006.

The amendments to the International Health Regulations update a treaty that was previously agreed to by all World Health Organization member states, including Australia. These regulations were first adopted in 1969 and have been revised several times, with the current framework being adopted in 2005 and amended in 2014 and again in 2022. The current amendments are designed to address lessons learned from the COVID-19 pandemic.

The committee found that the amendments to the treaty are aimed at strengthening global preparedness for future pandemics. The amendments will allow the World Health Organization to respond to future pandemics more swiftly and effectively, through a number of mechanisms. One is a new pandemic emergency declaration mechanism which will improve early warnings and elevate global attention to emerging health threats. The amendments also expand the definition and scope of the core capacities required of World Health Organization member states, which will facilitate, for example, measures to combat misinformation and disinformation and improve access to essential health products for developing countries. The amendments also aim to strengthen the global health architecture, which will promote faster, more coordinated international responses and reduce the risk of future pandemics.

The inquiry received over 300 unique submissions. The inquiry also received four campaign submissions organised by advocacy groups which together consisted of over 14,000 submissions. I want to acknowledge the work of the secretariat in processing all of these submissions. A number of submissions to the inquiry raised concerns regarding the amendments' impact on Australian sovereignty, the privacy and security of Australian data, and the potential financial obligations that may be imposed upon Australia.

At the public hearing in October, the committee heard from representatives of the Department of Health, Disability and Ageing and the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, who addressed these concerns head-on. The committee considered the views of the representatives from the Australian Medical Professionals' Society and Australians for Science and Freedom and expert advice from pandemic scientists at the Australian Institute for Infectious Disease. The committee heard from all sides.

During the inquiry process, the committee found that the legal framework and operational realities of the amended regulations would not allow the World Health Organization to override Australia's sovereignty and democratic processes. I repeat: what was being proposed would not impact on our sovereign capability or sovereignty in any way. For example, under the amendments, all countries will continue to make their own decisions regarding health policies, and public health and safety measures, such as border closures and the use of masks and vaccines, will still remain the decision of individual member states. This is international law and further enshrined in article 3 of the regulations.

The committee also found that that the amendments will not compromise Australia's data privacy protections. Any data Australia shares with the World Health Organization will be entirely at Australia's discretion and will comply fully with our own data protection regulations. There is no compulsion for member states to provide personal health records or data about individual citizens. Australia will also retain full discretion over how and when it will make any financial contributions to the World Health Organization or developing countries during future pandemics.

Australia already has a strong health system in place. The real benefit of these amendments lies in helping other countries strengthen their capacity to detect and respond to health threats early. This global cooperation ultimately safeguards Australia and Australians and reduces the risk of future pandemics.

The committee would also like to thank the government departments for their role in facilitating the treaty amendments and the organisations that shared their knowledge on pandemic science at the public hearing. We would also like to thank the public for their strong engagement with this inquiry. The inquiry was marked by robust debate—a cornerstone of our democracy, where different perspectives can be heard and tested.

The report also contains one minor treaty action, which is an amendment to the International Tropical Timber Agreement, 2006. The treaty provides a framework for the cooperation between tropical timber production and timber-consuming countries, balancing the economic benefits of timber trade with the urgent need for more sustainable forest management and conservation. The amendments extend the treaty's operation until 2029. The committee recommends the ratification of the major and minor treaty actions examined in this report.

Finally, on behalf of the committee members, I would like to thank the secretariat for their work and efforts in 2025. It has been a big year for the committee. We wish them a safe and happy Christmas. On behalf of the committee, I commend this report to the House.

by leave—I echo the comments of the member for Bendigo thanking the amazing committee secretariat for the work they've done this year. Like the member for Bendigo, I served on the committee across both terms, and they do a fantastic job—not least of which on Report 230: amendments to the International Health Regulations (2005), which saw a phenomenal amount of public interest. I rise to make some additional comments on behalf of coalition members on this report.

Australia has a strong record of constructive engagement in global health cooperation, and coordinated action in genuine emergencies has clear value. While temporary recommendations from the World Health Organization are described as non-binding, we know that any refusal would bring intense international and political pressure. The committee received a significant number of public submissions expressing doubts about the performance, independence and governance culture of the World Health Organization. Coalition members note recent incidents which provide grounds for concern, including the removal of the WHO Regional Director for the Western Pacific in 2023 over serious misconduct, the removal of the WHO Syria representative in 2022 for corruption and fraud and the decision by the current WHO director-general to admit former Zimbabwean dictator Robert Mugabe as a WHO goodwill ambassador. Coalition members recognise the value of multilateral institutions but remain troubled by the lack of clear mechanisms to ensure that WHO leadership, internal politics or external influences do not colour decisions that Australia would be expected to follow.

Financial implications of these amended regulations also remain unclear. While not technically mandating new contributions, the practical expectation would be for Australia to increase funding and expand domestic capabilities. Most alarming is the requirement for countries to address so-called misinformation and disinformation, without clear definitions. This opens the door to potential restrictions on freedom of expression in this country. Australia's pandemic response must be improved, not outsourced. Any future agreement must protect our sovereign decision-making, ensure parliamentary oversight and guarantee full transparency.

We strongly support international cooperation, but it must never come at the cost of sovereignty, accountability, fiscal responsibility or Australia's fundamental and inherent freedoms. We trust the federal government will keep these principles paramount in all treaties we subscribe to.

On behalf of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights I present the committee report entitled Human rights scrutiny report: report7of 2025.

Report made a parliamentary paper in accordance with standing order 39(e).

by leave—I am pleased to table report 7 of 2025 of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights.

In this report, the committee considers 21 new bills and 111 new legislative instruments. It has commented on three bills, six legislative instruments and concluded its examination of five bills.

In this report, the committee concluded its consideration of the Social Security and Other Legislation Amendment (Technical Changes No. 2) Bill 2025. This bill retrospectively validates income apportionment as a lawful method for assessing employment income for certain social security entitlements and seeks to establish the income apportionment resolution scheme. As this bill validates earlier debt decisions that may limit a person's entitlement to social security, the measure engages and may limit the right to social security.

The committee considers that it is unclear whether there are adequate safeguards accompanying the measure to ensure that it constitutes a proportionate limit on the right to social security in all circumstances. It is also unclear whether the two remedies available, namely pursuing an action against the Commonwealth or accepting a resolution scheme payment, will be effective in practice.

To assist with proportionality, the committee has recommended that the bill be amended to include further safeguards to assist vulnerable individuals to understand the effect of income apportionment.

After the committee's initial consideration of this bill was tabled, a government amendment to the bill was agreed to that introduces a broader power to cancel a person's social security payments or concession cards if they are the subject of an arrest warrant in respect of a serious violent or sexual offence or if the person may prejudice the security of Australia or a foreign country.

While the committee acknowledges the importance of ensuring individuals charged with serious offences are arrested, the committee notes that any limit on the right to social security must solely be for the purpose of promoting the general welfare in a democratic society and must be compatible with the nature of the right. The committee notes that the explanatory materials do not provide any information or evidence that cancelling a person's social security benefits would facilitate their arrest. The committee further notes that a person cannot seek review of the decision to issue a benefit restriction notice. As such, the committee considers that it is unclear whether the measure pursues a legitimate objective, is rationally connected to the objective or is a proportionate limitation on the right to social security.

Further, the committee notes that cancelling an individual's access to social security in its entirety may go against the nature of the right and there is a risk that the measure may result in the non-fulfilment of Australia's minimum core obligation to ensure that minimum essential levels of benefits are provided to individuals. The committee also considers that it would limit other human rights, including the rights of the child, right to an adequate standard of living, right to health and may have implications for the right to life.

If a person's right to social security is impermissibly limited, effective remedies should be available. The committee considers that, in the absence of access to review or the ability to seek backpay or compensation if the person is found not guilty of the serious offence, there do not appear to be effective remedies available. Additionally, the committee notes that, if the cancellation of social security payments were to be considered a criminal punishment, criminal process rights should be afforded.

I note that this bill passed the Senate earlier today. The committee is strongly of the view that these matters should have been considered before the parliament determined its position on this bill. Members of parliament need to have the benefit of this committee's advice in order to be informed of the human rights implications. The committee is nonetheless seeking further information from the Minister for Social Services about the compatibility of this measure with these rights.

In this report the committee has also commented on the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Heritage Protection (Murujuga) Declaration 2025.This instrument makes it an offence to move, damage, deface or otherwise disturb an Aboriginal site or object in the Murujuga, Western Australia. The committee notes that the stated overall objective of the instrument is to preserve and protect the Murujuga and considers that protecting and preserving this area from injury or desecration promotes multiple human rights, particularly the rights to culture, privacy and equality and non-discrimination.

However, the instrument also provides that an Aboriginal site or object is taken notto be moved, damaged, defaced or otherwise disturbed by, or as a result of, industrial gaseous emissions, which may have the effect of limiting the rights to culture and privacy. The committee notes that industrial gaseous emissions are a key threat to the petroglyphs in the Murujuga. Excluding damage or disturbance caused by industrial gaseous emissions would therefore appear to frustrate the overall purpose of the instrument. Noting the profound cultural and spiritual significance of the petroglyphs, the committee considers that the measure represents a significant interference with the rights of culture and privacy and it is not clear that the measure is accompanied by any safeguards. As such, to the extent that the measure excludes industrial gaseous emissions from the offence to preserve and protect the Murujuga, it is not clear that it is compatible with the rights to culture and privacy.

The committee is seeking further information in relation to the compatibility of the Freedom of Information Amendment Bill 2025 with the right to freedom of expression. The committee notes that many measures in the bill would restrict individuals' access to information held by government, which limits the right to access information, a component of the right to freedom of expression.

Finally, I would like to thank the secretariat for all their hard work in bringing a largely new committee up to speed. I note we have two more meetings before the end of this year.

I encourage all members to consider the committee's report closely. With these comments, I commend the committee's scrutiny report 7 of 2025 to the House.

The interim report of the Royal Commission into Defence and Veteran Suicide was released in 2022, and it contained recommendations that were deemed most urgent. We got after those recommendations and acted on them all.

We legislated the VETS Act in order to simplify and harmonise the veteran compensation system. We know from the royal commission that this was very important. There was broad agreement in the veteran community about how important and necessary a change in the system was.

In the handing down of its report, the commission observed that the current system, at that time, of veterans entitlements was so complicated as to adversely affect the mental health of some veterans and their families. That had been, in the past, a common refrain from veterans—that they were very frustrated, angry and confused about how long it was taking, because there weren't enough people in the Department of Veterans' Affairs to get through all the claims that were in there. But it was also a fact that people had served under different pieces of legislation. Calls to address that complexity have indeed been longstanding. There was the VEA, the MRCA, the DRCA—depending on which period of the past that the individual served in. The VETS Act reduced those three acts down to one. Under revised arrangements, the VEA and the DRCA will continue in a limited form to support that single-act model that we're moving towards but will be closed to new claims for compensation and rehabilitation from 1 July 2026, from Territory Day next year.

There have been many enhancements that have been shaped by feedback from the veteran community across several consultation periods. I think it's important to note that the commencement date of the single act of 1 July next year ensures that the veteran community is well informed about the changes and what it means for them. As with any new act, of course, there are various technical amendments that are required, and the miscellaneous measures and amendments go to those technical aspects. Importantly, these include a commitment that no veterans or family members will experience a reduction in the support payments that they are already receiving. So there are important amendments there.

The bill deals with a range of other matters, including the review pathway; compensation for dependants of deceased veterans; funeral compensation; access to the MRCA education scheme; an additional disablement amount; the Victoria Cross allowance and the decoration allowance; service injuries, diseases and deaths arising from treatment; treatment for serving members; direct deductions; and application and transitional provisions. These are all really important topics that needed to be addressed and have been in this legislation.

We don't want to see further delays, and we don't want to see any risk of interruption to critical benefits or payments to veterans and their families. That's why we are putting through this legislation. I expect that it will receive support. This is part of a long period of consultation and the action recommended by the royal commission which was needed to address the whole spectrum of support—from the time someone enters a recruiting system through their training, through their service and, following their service, as they go about life again.

I want to pay tribute to everyone who has played a role or is playing a role in the health and wellbeing of our veterans, including our ADF members, and, importantly, of their families. It's often said that they're conscripts to service life because the family goes with the member. It's a deeply rewarding thing to have a family member representing our nation, but, at the same time, it can be difficult at times. So we need to provide as much support as possible to those individuals, particularly if they've been affected by their service.

I want to reflect on some of the feedback I've got and the good reports I'm getting from veterans about the way that DVA is getting through these claims. It is encouraging. For a long time, there were only negative stories about huge delays and difficulty with paperwork. I'm not saying that is all gone and there are no issues at all—of course we'll continue to make sure that our workforce at DVA is as well trained and effective as possible in getting support to members—but it has improved out of sight. When you hear that from veterans and their family members, you know that we're on the right track. There's a long way to go with the implementation of the recommendations from the royal commission, of course.

I gained some of that feedback on Remembrance Day earlier this month, on the 11th of the 11th, when we gathered at the Darwin Cenotaph for that service—which remembers the First World War and, indeed, everyone who's ever served—and were remembering and paying our respects to those who didn't come home or who came home changed forever. It was appropriate, I think, that it was pouring rain during the Remembrance Day ceremony in Darwin. It was good rain—probably the first good rain that we'd had at that point—and it was appropriate.

There's a saying—'If it's not raining, it's not training'—and the reality of service is that, as the role of the infantry says, regardless of season, weather or terrain, you've got to perform your duty. The first regiment that I served with, the Royal Australian Regiment, has a proud history, as does the 1st Commando Regiment and NORFORCE, which I served with later, each with their different characteristics and traditions.

I don't think the role of the infantry has ever been read into Hansard, but the role of the infantry is to seek out and to close with the enemy, to kill or capture the enemy, to seize and hold ground, and to repel attack by day or night regardless of season, weather or terrain. That's what we ask people in the infantry to do, and, at the end of the day, everyone who goes through Kapooka is trained to be a soldier, to take up arms and to defend our nation. For everyone else, who they're doing that on behalf of, stop and think a little bit about what it means to be trained up in order to use lethal force when lawful to do so in defence of our nation. It's a significant thing to ask someone to do. Their dedication to that role and their need to try to balance living in those two worlds—the world of applied focus, training, exercising, going on operations and wearing the nation's flag on their shoulder, but then also the other responsibilities that they have in life. On one hand there is operations conflict, training, humanitarian disaster and so many other roles. It's a special task, and we should thank them all for it. (Time expired)

Local veterans continue to serve our communities and give back through the local RSL, volunteering their time to help other veterans and their families, advocating for support and ensuring our community never forgets their sacrifice. In Casey, we are fortunate to have many RSLs working to support local veterans and our wider community, including the Lilydale RSL, the Mount Evelyn RSL, the Upper Yarra RSL, the Warburton RSL, the Healesville RSL, the Yarra Glen RSL, the Monbulk RSL, the Dandenong Ranges RSL and the Upwey-Belgrave RSL. We also have the Seville War Memorial Committee. We are a tight-knit community that values the contribution of our veterans and our local RSL clubs, who work alongside our community groups and schools to ensure that those who served are never forgotten. On Remembrance Day, services were held right across our community, and I had the honour of attending the Mount Evelyn RSL service, where students from Birmingham Primary School, Mount Evelyn Christian School, Mount Evelyn Primary School, St Mary's Primary School and Yarra Hills Secondary College all paid their respects, delivered speeches and stopped to remember those we've lost. The Mount Evelyn RSL also held a heartfelt Remembrance Day service ahead of a cricket match at the Mount Evelyn Recreation Reserve. Thank you to the president, Matt Crymble, for organising these events for our community to pay their respects.

I also had the privilege of attending the Lilydale Primary School remembrance assembly, a great morning run by the students to pay their respects and remember those who served. I would like to thank the students and RSL representatives who laid wreaths on my behalf at other local services, including those at Yarra Glen, Lilydale, Seville, Wandin, Yarra Junction, Healesville, Monbulk, Warburton, Upwey-Belgrave, Sassafras, Montrose, Millgrove and Mooroolbark. Thank you to the local RSLs, Seville War Memorial Committee, Wandin Rotary, Millgrove Residents Action Group, the Mooroolbark History Group, and Max Lamb and the Montrose Township Group for organising these remembrance services for our community to pay their respects.

Many businesses in Lilydale, including my office, love seeing after Arthur, from the Lilydale RSL, drop in around Anzac Day and Remembrance Day, selling badges and pins to raise funds for the Anzac Appeal. He does the rounds every year to ensure we make a difference for veterans and their families. Initiatives like this play a crucial role in ensuring we never forget the sacrifices of those who serve our nation.

I recently had the honour of joining the Seville War Memorial Committee to remember local soldier and Victoria Cross recipient George Ingram VC MM. George called Seville home and was awarded the highest award for gallantry in battle during World War I as well as the Military Medal.

On the day, we unveiled two new commemorative benches for the Seville Memorial Park, generously donated by Community Bank Wandin-Seville as well as the new information board. I congratulate Seville War Memorial Committee chair Anthony McAleer for his ongoing commitment to preserving history and honouring locals who served. I also congratulate committee member Kim Parry for his research and design of the bench seats.

I thank members for their contributions to the debate on the Veterans' Affairs Legislation Amendment (Miscellaneous Measures No. 1) Bill 2025. I thank all those who have participated, especially those who have served themselves, for sharing their experiences in the debate on this bill. I note in particular the contributions from the member for Petrie in that regard as well as the member for Solomon.

I also acknowledge the contribution made by the shadow minister, the member for Gippsland, and thank him for his bipartisan support not just for this legislation but for the VETS Act itself as well as the related legislation. I also acknowledge he made some comments about some other legislation in the course of the debate. Whilst all his comments in relation to that were not entirely accurate, I look forward to continuing to work constructively with him in relation to those matters—as we seek to do with all matters concerning our veteran and serving community.

The member for Sturt made a great contribution acknowledging the work of the Military and Emergency Services Health Australia organisation in her electorate. The member for Riverina, another former Minister for Veterans' Affairs, also spoke about the work we did together announcing funding for the veteran wellbeing hub in his community of Wagga Wagga as well as the Pro Patria organisation, and the great work they are doing. The member for Solomon, as the Special Envoy for Veterans' Affairs, has been doing great work not just in his community in Darwin and the Northern Territory but around Australia. He and I speak regularly about the work he has done supporting the new veterans and families hub in Darwin, the recently-opened new Darwin Services Club and homeless veterans in his community. And I thank the member for Casey for his contribution just now in particular acknowledging the work done in his community, as we see being done all over Australia, by so many ex-service organisations in commemorating the service of our Defence Force personnel on days like Remembrance Day, Anzac Day and other days of special commemoration.

All members have spoken about their engagement with veterans, families and ex-service organisations in their electorates, and the difference a better and simpler veterans entitlement system will make in their community. Members have also shared the importance of this reform following the Royal Commission into Defence and Veteran Suicide. Importantly, this bill continues our work to implement the recommendations of the royal commission. I thank our serving personnel, veterans and families as well as the ex-service organisations who continue to engage as we undertake this important reform and create a better and simpler veterans entitlement system. I commend the bill to the House.

Question agreed to.

Bill read a second time.

Message from the Governor-General recommending appropriation announced.

by leave—I move:

That this bill be now read a third time.

Question agreed to.

Bill read a third time.

The coalition will not support the passage of the Migration Amendment (Combatting Migrant Exploitation) Bill 2025. This bill represents the government's response to the longstanding and well-documented problem of the exploitation of temporary migrant workers in Australia. It sits within the broader package of measures first announced in the government's December 2023 Migration Strategy.

The issue of migrant worker exploitation is not new. Successive reviews, audits and parliamentary inquiries have identified troubling behaviour by a minority of employers who have used their position to underpay, coerce or otherwise mistreat vulnerable temporary visa workers. These findings have attracted considerable public attention and, rightly, prompted calls for stronger oversight. The former coalition government consistently condemned these abuses, and it was the coalition government that strengthened civil penalties for sponsor noncompliance, tightened sponsor obligations and supported inquiries aimed at improving protections for migrant workers. The integrity of the skilled visa framework is something the coalition has upheld for many years.

Notwithstanding that this measure seeks to impose additional reporting requirements on employers who, especially in the regions, generate prosperity for Australian and overseas workers alike, visa holders are already able to check whether a prospective employer is properly approved, with the assistance of registered migration agents. We agree with the government's stated goal to deter noncompliance. Accountability can indeed help to expose unscrupulous employers and encourage a culture of compliance, but the coalition believes that the current framework already supports this goal adequately.

While we share the goal of deterring exploitation, serious design flaws compel us to oppose the bill outright. The bill, through its regulation-making power, would allow for publication of the number of sponsored workers at each business. We are concerned, especially given the many recent examples of union thuggery uncovered by investigations into the CFMEU, that publishing headcount information could expose good and proper individual employees and their employers to be targeted in xenophobic campaigns. Our view is that this information is not necessary for the transparency objective of the bill and carries an avoidable risk of misuse. The purpose of the register is to assist workers and authorities to verify lawful sponsorship status, not to create a list that could be used by any activist groups to single out individual employers.

As with any measure that relies upon delegated legislation, the coalition expects the government to publish draft regulations in a timely manner and to ensure that parliament has the opportunity to review what specific data will be included on the register. Clarity and consistency in these regulations will be important.

We also observe that the bill is only one part of the government's wider agenda on migrant worker protections, much of which remains delayed. Commitments regarding criminal sanctions, whistleblower visa protections and repeat offender bans have still not been delivered. The government should be held to account on the broader suite of the reforms it has promised.

There are serious flaws in this legislation, and, accordingly, the coalition will vote against the Migration Amendment (Combatting Migrant Exploitation) Bill 2025.

In my first speech in this place, I was honoured to honour some former immigrants to this country—my family. Members of the Moo family arrived in Australia in the late 1800s, settling in Darwin. Moo Yat Fah worked as a labourer on the construction of the Darwin to Pine Creek railroad, like many other people. Deputy Speaker Scrymgour, I know many people in your electorate have this history as well. Many Australians of Chinese heritage worked on that railroad, and they were a key driver of the economy throughout the Northern Territory. Around the same time, my po po's family, the Lau Gooeys, left China for Melbourne. My po po's father found work there as a slaughterman, helping drive local businesses and the economy in Victoria. It's almost 140 years that my family has been in this country.

This story of migrants is not unique. It is not unique because migrants have been coming to this country for generations. And, when they come, we expect, with our values, to ensure that they are not exploited at work. What we have heard from the member for Mitchell is that the coalition does not want to support legislation whose only purpose is to ensure that migrant workers are not exploited when they go to the workplace.

Immigrant stories are Australian stories. There are Australian stories and immigrant stories linked to our core values of a fair go and mateship. People have been migrating to Australia for work for generations. In the years following the arrival of the English on these shores, migrant groups became synonymous with certain waves of immigration and certain types of work—the Chinese who worked the goldfields; the Afghan cameleers who assisted in the exploration of the outback; the Japanese pearl divers who boosted the development of the pearl industry; and also, shamefully, the South Sea Islanders who were brought to work on sugarcane farms in Queensland. In 1863, the first group of manual labourers arrived. Over the next 40 years, more than 62,000 Pacific island men, women and children were sent to work on those canefields. Some were kidnapped, some were blackbirded and others were misled about the work and conditions. Many were never paid. In fact, nearly 30 per cent of these workers died in Australia due to vulnerability to European illnesses. These people weren't just robbed of their wages; they were robbed of their families, of basic conditions and, in many cases, of their lives. From 1885 to 1901, the Queensland government managed the wages of deceased islanders. Little effort was made to send their wages to their families back home, with the amount misappropriated worth around $40 million today.

I raise this appalling part of our history for two reasons. Firstly, it's to remind ourselves that, while migration is foundational to the Australian story and the development of our multicultural identity, it is also important to acknowledge that in that history are policies, legislation, exploitation and mistreatment that are shameful and deeply regrettable. In this place, we must always acknowledge and not forget such things. I also mention it because the exploitation and mistreatment of migrants is unfortunately not something consigned to past centuries. It is happening now. Unlike the coalition, who, in rejecting this bill, choose to put their heads in the sand, we choose to stand up against it.

Today, it is sadly not uncommon to hear of migrant workers being subjected to deceptive recruitment strategies—bullying, wage theft, excessive and surprise deductions from pay, and substandard working conditions. It wasn't okay when it happened all those decades ago. It isn't okay when it's happening now. It will not be okay. This legislation is trying to stop it.

The United Nations special rapporteur on contemporary forms of slavery describes the main issue as:

… a significant power imbalance between employers and workers, since employees are either tied to a single employer, and mobility is reported to be extremely difficult, and/or dependent on their employer for extension of contracts or nomination for permanent residency.

This is why the Albanese Labor government has introduced the Migration Amendment (Combatting Migrant Exploitation) Bill 2025.

In December 2023, the Albanese Labor government released a migration strategy, a modern, purpose built framework for managing migration that includes temporary visa skilled pathways. This strategy is central to the government's pledge to repair the current migration system and ensure that it delivers better outcomes for migrants, the Australian economy and the wider community. The migration strategy was shaped through extensive engagement with business, unions and other stakeholders, drawing on more than 450 submissions received during the review of the migration system. It introduces reforms focused on temporary skilled migration to meet workforce needs and enhance worker mobility.

The strategy builds on the findings of a thorough, independent review of Australia's migration system, spearheaded by the former Minister for Home Affairs in September 2022 and led by three independent experts. As part of this process, the reviewers released a discussion paper and considered 483 written submissions, including many from individual migrants and visa applicants, the people in our community who are affected every day. They also held numerous roundtable consultations with peak bodies, unions and senior officials from state and territory governments. The final report of the Review of the Migration System was delivered in March 2023, and this bill meets a very key commitment of that strategy. It implements measures which will increase protections for temporary skilled migrant workers in Australia.

The central provision in this legislation is the creation of a comprehensive public register of approved work sponsors. In Australia it is necessary for an employer to be approved by the Department of Home Affairs before sponsoring the visa of a skilled worker. Under this legislation, these employers will be listed on a public register and the register will be limited to temporary visas where full sponsor obligations apply. The register will sit alongside the public register of approved sponsors which is published by the Australian Border Force.

The register will be hosted on the Department of Home Affairs website and will list key details about approved sponsors. These include the sponsor's name, the category or type of approval granted, their ABN and the postcode linked to that ABN. It will also state the number of workers they sponsor and the specific occupations of those workers.

By making this information publicly accessible, the register aims to strengthen transparency, improve accountability and support effective monitoring and oversight within the sponsorship system. This is about making sure that employers are held accountable and that there are pathways for migrant workers to ensure they are not exploited under a system that allows them to be. This is about closing that gap and making sure that, if you come to this country to work, then you can be entitled to, can expect to and deserve to be treated fairly in your workplace. It doesn't matter what the colour of your skin is, what language you speak or what faith you have, everyone deserves to be treated fairly in their workplace. Stamping out exploitation is part of who we are as a government and who we are as the Labor Party.

In addition to promoting openness, the register will serve as a practical tool to help address the exploitation of temporary skilled migrant workers. The addition of the postcode will assist migrant workers who are keen to move to a new location to find reputable employers. It will enable workers to identify and connect with alternative sponsors if needed and provide a reliable resource for verifying that a sponsoring employer is legitimate and compliant with regulatory requirements. Coming from another country to Australia to start work—coming here to deliver work for our economy—is a scary thing to do, and you need tools to make sure that you have a pathway that does not lead to exploitative workplace practices.

Disclosure of information on the register will be consistent with the Privacy Act. The register upholds the privacy of the sponsors by alerting them to the requirement during the process of sponsorship application. The register only provides information that is readily and publicly available, such as their ABN. The register will not include any identifying information relating to the nominated workers.

The measures in this bill were previously included in the Migration Amendment (Strengthening Sponsorship and Nomination Processes) Bill 2024, which lapsed before this year's election. The bill before us today does not include provisions that were included in the 2024 bill—these are the streamlining of labour market testing and the indexation of income thresholds. In December 2023, the government undertook initial work to streamline labour market testing. The number of advertisements required to reduce from three to two, removing the need to advertise on the Workforce Australia website. Any future changes to labour market testing will be considered by the government Similarly, in December 2024, the Department of Home Affairs revised the regulations to establish the income thresholds and their annual indexation for the 'skills in demand' visa. As a result, thresholds are automatically adjusted each year on 1 July and in accordance with changes to the average weekly ordinary time earnings.

This bill builds on the Albanese Labor government's commitment to reform and strengthen the temporary skilled migration system. These amendments to the Migration Act will foster trust in the system, protect vulnerable workers and ensure that sponsorship arrangements operate fairly and ethically.

In the first part of my speech, I dwelled on one of the dark episodes from our past. I want to stress, however, the positive experiences many migrants coming to these shores have had—not only the positive experiences that those migrants have had, but the positive impact that they have had on us as a country, the positive impact that they have had on our economy, the positive impact that they have had on our culture, the positive impact that they have had on our communities and the positive impact that they have had on us as a society. As we in this place know, Australia is a multicultural success story. It is built, in so many ways, on the hard work, the labours, efforts and input of people with migrant backgrounds.

I also want to focus on the essential role that migrants have played and continue to play in shaping Australia's success and in shaping our future. This has been the case for generations, like my family, and it will continue to be. You only have to look at the members of the Labor caucus to see the result of migration. You only have to look at people on this side of the chamber and their stories to know that we are a party that is proud of diversity and representation and a caucus that looks like the people in our community.

The contributions of migrants extend far beyond economic prosperity. They enrich our communities, strengthen our national identity and deepen our connections with countries across the depth and breadth of the globe. Migration brings that diversity, innovation and cultural exchange—all of which make Australia stronger and more vibrant. The Albanese Labor government firmly believes that every migrant has right to live safely and with a sense of security. It is our responsibility to hold up those rights, and this bill helps us to do that. We are that migration success story, but what we have seen of late, in that rich tapestry of migration that makes us stronger as a country, is people pulling at the threads of it, and we must always stand against that. This bill makes sure that migrant workers have protection and that we have their back. (Time expired)

I rise this afternoon to speak about the Migration Amendment (Combatting Migrant Exploitation) Bill 2025. As the member for Mallee and the shadow minister for regional development, I emphasise how agriculture—particularly horticulture in Mallee—relies on migrant workers. Workforce shortages are a fact of life in regional Australia, and Mallee is no exception. Businesses in Sunraysia—in Mildura, Robinvale and Swan Hill—and even further south in the Wimmera, in Horsham and beyond, need migrant workers, especially during seasonal peaks in workload. Without these migrant workers, our region would not be the productive powerhouse that it is. Speaking of which, tonight, at the Australian Export Awards, Select Harvests from Wemen are up for the Regional Exporter award for 2025. They are a finalist, and I will be there cheering them on. They are a local success story, with a $116 million turnaround last year and record sales—the best almond prices they have ever received.

I come to this debate familiar with the migration portfolio area, having been the Deputy Chair of the Joint Standing Committee on Migration in the 47th Parliament. I worked closely, in a healthy and bipartisan way, with the then-chair and now retired Labor member for Calwell, Maria Vamvakinou. I was proud to take the migration committee for a public hearing in Robinvale, in my electorate, in May 2023 to contribute to the committee's report, Migration, pathway to nation building. We met with the council for the Robinvale area, the Swan Hill Rural City Council, and with horticultural businesses and associations.

Key themes we heard in that hearing were the following. Workforce shortages were structural, not temporary, and regional industries—including agriculture, horticulture, food processing, health, aged care, transport and hospitality—were facing acute labour shortages. Employers consistently reported they could not fill roles locally, even after advertising widely. Labour shortages were a constraint on business viability, productivity and regional economic growth. In many regions, migration wasn't optional but essential. Regional communities were increasingly reliant on migrant labour to sustain essential industries. Witnesses emphasised that many sectors could not operate without migrant workers. Migrants were not only filling low skilled seasonal jobs; they were also filling critical skilled roles as nurses, doctors, mechanics, food processing specialists and farm supervisors. The migration system was not well designed for regional labour realities. Employers described the system as slow, complex, costly and highly bureaucratic. Small and regional businesses were especially disadvantaged compared to large city employers. Existing safeguards were failing too many workers. Attraction without retention is a revolving door, and reform should prioritise transparency, fairness, regional needs and long-term settlement.

Key findings of the 2024 report of the Joint Standing Committee on Migration,Migration, pathway to nation building, showed that migration is a nation-building tool that needs a long-term, long-range strategy, not a piecemeal policy. Migration should strengthen Australia's skills base and economic capacity. Migration policy must help sustain regional population and workforce needs. The current system is too complex, slow and difficult to navigate. Temporary migration should feed into stable and permanent nation-building outcomes. A fair system must protect vulnerable workers while maintaining integrity. Migration success depends on integration, not just arrival. Policy should be grounded in measurable outcomes and future workforce planning.

There are other issues across Mallee related to the migrant workforce. I note that the United Workers Union, the UWU, has a vested interest in trying to recruit migrant workers. There are stories of the UWU travelling to neighbouring Pacific countries and hauling people in to their unions before they even arrive in the country. The ABS has an inability to devise a way to count the seasonal workforce and the population of visa overstayers in the census in Robinvale. This results in a significant underestimation of the demands on local services and infrastructure and makes local planning and obtaining adequate funding incredibly difficult.

The background to that story is that, in the ABS, Robinvale has a population of around 4,000. In real terms, through other research, we know that the population is around 11,000. That creates a phenomenal problem, in terms of the health workforce, health workforce needs and health needs generally—health services. It also creates a problem in terms of education. You can imagine that the infrastructure demands on that small community are extremely stretched because the workforce population is not counted. I know of one school in Robinvale where, when I went to visit them—this is a couple of years ago now—I asked what percentage of the students were from undocumented workers. They said that it was 25 per cent of the school. That's a problem in terms of meeting the needs of the students, the parents and the community itself.

Across Mallee, and particularly in Sunraysia, there is an issue with some labour hire operators. It's fair to say that this bill will, if passed, provide the data to enable states and territories, who are responsible for regulating labour hire companies, to pick up bad and exploitative behaviour by rogue labour hire companies. Under this bill, labour hire companies will be the published sponsors. However, the limits of federal jurisdiction might come into play if there are labour hire subcontractors that actually contract out the workers. This is not to say that every labour hire contracting company is bad. I know of some excellent ones who, phenomenally, have a data platform, a technological platform, where workers can be matched so that farmers know that the person who is standing in front of them is actually the person who has the correct visa and that it is appropriate for them to be on that farm. I personally think investment should be made into these kinds of features—using our technology wisely.

Let me explain why we as the coalition have problems with this bill and currently stand to oppose it. This bill fulfils the government's December 2023 pledge to improve transparency of approved sponsors, although it arrives nearly two years after the announcement. Time and again, we tend to grapple with whether the net is being cast so wide as to create red tape and disincentive for law-abiding people while trying to catch a particular undesirable species in the ecosystem. We do not want to deter small businesses from sponsoring for fear of their activities being disclosed on the register and therefore becoming targets. There are surely more bespoke, smarter ways to sort the wheat from the chaff. This is where the government would do well to publish draft regulations promptly and commit to disallowable legislative instruments in this space. There might be scope for regulation to target the real problems in this sector and not put the good apples in with the bad.

The coalition is concerned about a number of holders of temporary visas that might be disclosed as sponsored by a particular employer. We have little information to tell us that the additional disclosure here will, within the Commonwealth's sphere of power, offer much by way of additional protection for migrant workers. Having said that, we acknowledge this legislation is intended to respond to well documented instances of wage theft and coercion in parts of the temporary skilled visa program. Again, I would state that this is not across the board.

The coalition has long insisted on integrity and employer sponsorship of migrants. However, we believe this bill goes too far. The Department of Home Affairs already has robust monitoring and compliance measures in place and extensive information about sponsors' businesses. We are not yet convinced that this extra step is actually necessary. We need assurances that the Department of Home Affairs will maintain an efficient error-correction process to protect reputable firms. The register is only one element of an antiexploitation agenda. Stronger enforcement powers and whistleblower visa arrangements remain undelivered. We need an entire ecosystem change. But we in the Nationals know from regional Australia that, under Labor, farmers are increasingly demonised and talked about as rogue businesspeople. Whether it is the insinuation they exploit workers or the claim that their opposition to the renewables rollout is insincere and farmers are obstacles in the way, Labor is trying to divide city and country people like never before.

Three times a day, Australians should thank a farmer for the food on their table if not also the shirt on their back. We see in this portfolio, energy and other portfolios a mentality that farmers are the enemy when they are the absolute foundation of our food security and our nation. That's one reason why I'm open-minded to how we ensure bills like this one adequately target the rogue elements like rogue labour-hire companies who bring industries into disrepute.

In closing, it is clear that the challenges facing regional Australia are real and immediate. In electorates like mine, industries such as agriculture, horticulture, food processing, health, aged care, transport and hospitality are battling chronic workforce shortages that are structural, not seasonal or fleeting. Employers have told us time and time again that even after exhausting recruitment efforts they simply cannot secure the workers they need. Migrant labour is not an optional extra for regions like Mallee. It is fundamental to our productivity, economic strength and the continued viability of the communities that feed our nation and the world.

The Joint Standing Committee on Migration's work in the 47th Parliament underscored the current migration system is not fit for purpose when it comes to regional realities. It is slow, complex and costly, particular for smaller employers who lack the resources of large metropolitan businesses. At the same time, some migrant workers remain vulnerable to exploitation, with insufficient flexibility and pathways to permanency. Our nation-building migration system must do better. It must strengthen Australia's skills base, support population sustainability in the regions, protect vulnerable workers and prioritise long-term settlement and integration, not just temporary arrivals. Migration policy should be strategic, coordinated and grounded in workforce planning, not piecemeal.

Against that backdrop, the coalition cannot support this bill. While we are steadfast in our commitment to integrity and employer sponsorship, and acknowledge the need to combat wage theft and coercion, the government has failed to justify the public disclosure measures proposed here—particularly the publication of employer-level data on temporary visa numbers. Such disclosure risks exposing compliant employers to pressure and intimidation while offering little additional protection to workers beyond what existing monitoring powers already provide. Too much is left to regulation with no clarity on the safeguards or correction processes that reputable firms deserve.

If the government is serious about protecting migrant workers, it should focus on delivering the stronger enforcement powers and whistleblower protections it has promised rather than imposing unnecessary and unproven public reporting requirements. For these reasons, the coalition opposes this bill.

I rise to speak on the Migration Amendment (Combatting Migrant Exploitation) Bill 2025. I do so as not only the federal member for Barton but also someone whose professional life before entering parliament was spent, for a lot of the time, in the space of employment law. For over a decade, I represented workers who were underpaid, mistreated, threatened or simply too scared to speak up. I saw firsthand how vulnerable temporary migrant workers can be and how quickly hope turns into fear when safeguards fail or when devious employers—and I must say, only a few—see vulnerability as an invitation.

I heard some comments from the member for Mallee tonight, particularly around bold assertions regarding the United Workers Union. I must say, the United Workers Union does important work to support migrant workers here in this country, because the reality is that migrant exploitation happens in Australia. It happens in our cities, suburbs and regions. It happens in our restaurants, construction sites, food processing plants, farms, cleaning companies, care sectors and gig work. It often involves workers who are here legally and are doing the right thing, yet are taken advantage of by someone who believes that they will never speak out.

This is a serious issue. It's a moral issue, it's an issue of economic fairness and it's an issue of national character, because any system that depends on silence or fear is a system that fails not only migrant workers but every worker. Moreover, the bill aligns with this government's commitment to promoting Australia as a destination for highly skilled migrants. We need smart, qualified people to meet the skills shortage in our economy and boost productivity. Those people are going to work in Australia only if they can be guaranteed safe, secure work. The bill before us today is a practical, targeted and integrity-focused reform that strengthens protections for temporary skilled migrants. It creates a public register of approved work sponsors, increases transparency and allows migrant workers to verify the legitimacy of employers and seek new sponsorship opportunities without fear. These are not abstract administrative changes; they are protections that can change the trajectory of real lives.

To understand the importance of this bill we need to be honest about the dynamics of power in workplaces. Workers who are on temporary visas often depend entirely on their sponsoring employer for their right to remain in Australia. This creates an enormous imbalance. When a worker fears losing their visa, every unreasonable demand begins to feel like something they must tolerate—longer hours, underpayments, threats, unsafe workplaces and even intimidation. As an employment lawyer I sat with workers who carried this fear silently. They did not want to cause trouble. They wanted to fit in and contribute. They simply wanted a chance to build a better life. But the lack of transparency in the sponsorship system meant that many did not know their rights or their options. Some did not even know whether their employer was legitimately registered.

This bill directly addresses these issues. At its core, the Migration Amendment (Combatting Migrant Exploitation) Bill 2025 establishes the authority for the Department of Home Affairs to publish and maintain a public register of approved work sponsors. The register will include the name of the approved sponsor, the approved sponsor's Australian Business Number, the postcode linked to the ABN, the number of sponsored workers and the occupations associated with those sponsorships. This is not simply an administrative database; it's a tool for transparency. It will give temporary skilled migrant workers the ability to check the legitimacy of their sponsoring employer. It will help them identify new sponsors if they wish to change jobs. It will give regulators and the public greater oversight of the system. And it will increase accountability for employers who participate in skilled migration.

Many temporary migrant workers I met in my time as an employment lawyer described the same underlying problem: they did not feel they had any safe or realistic avenue to challenge the wrongdoing. Even when they knew they were being underpaid or threatened, the fear of visa cancellation or the loss of their job kept them silent. In practice, this meant that the sponsorship system, designed to bring skills into Australia, too often became a mechanism that tied workers to exploitation. The lack of visibility in the system made this worse. Workers relied almost entirely on whatever information the employer chose to provide. Many did not know whether their sponsor was compliant. Some did not know they were allowed to change sponsors. Others were misled into believing that reporting exploitation would automatically result in their removal from the country. When a worker's entire future rests on a single employer, misinformation becomes a powerful tool of control. Greater transparency disrupts that dynamic. A public register gives workers a clear line of sight to their rights and options. It gives them the confidence to seek support, the freedom to move to another legitimate sponsor and the ability to plan their lives with security rather than in fear.

This measure also supports small and medium businesses that do the right thing. Many small-business owners in my community want a fair and transparent system. They want to hire skilled workers from overseas to fill shortages and grow their business, but they also want confidence that competitors who cut corners cannot get ahead by exploiting workers.

This bill helps create the level playing field that we need. It complements the work we have already done through the Migration Strategy released in December 2023, including the development of the new Skills in Demand visa. That strategy was grounded in significant consultation with unions, employers, migrant communities and experts. It recognised the need for better integrity measures, greater worker protections and a migration system that supports productivity and fairness.

These reforms were previously part of the Migration Amendment (Strengthening Sponsorship and Nomination Processes) Bill 2024, which lapsed when parliament ended before the election. The Legal and Constitutional Affairs Legislation Committee noted that most submissions supported the measures, and the committee recommended that the bill pass the Senate. The government's response to that report was tabled on 20 October 2025. We are now moving forward with these important amendments again. If this bill passes, the register will be implemented either on a fixed date by proclamation or six months after the act receives royal assent. This window allows time for regulations, technical development, stakeholder engagement and functionality to be built in the department's website. This is necessary for proper implementation.

It is worth exploring one simple question: why do we need this bill? The answer's very straightforward. We need these protections because exploitation continues to exist—and we've heard from some of the speakers across the chamber who agree with this—because transparency combats exploitation and because good employers should not be undercut by bad ones. If we do not pass this bill, the rollout of the public register will be delayed and so will these integrity measures. Workers will remain less protected, genuine employers will have fewer tools for transparency and the system will remain more vulnerable to misuse.

The register will not include any identifying information about individual workers. Privacy will be fully protected. It will only reflect publicly available information about employers. Approved sponsors will be informed at the time of application that their information will appear on the register, consistent with existing obligations under the Privacy Act.

Barton is one of the most multicultural electorates in the country. People from more than 70 cultural backgrounds call it home. Many local families arrived in this country as migrants or refugees. Many worked incredibly hard in jobs where English was not their first language, conditions were difficult and exploitation was always a risk. My own family made that journey. I grew up witnessing the strength, resilience and sacrifice that defines migrant communities.

When we talk about this bill, we are not talking about a conceptual policy. We're talking about people—people like the workers who came to me when I was a lawyer because they had been underpaid by $10 an hour for a night work shift, people like the woman whose employer confiscated her passport to stop her from leaving and people like the young tradesperson who was threatened with deportation if he refused unpaid overtime. These experiences stay with people for years. They shape their view of this country, and they shape how safe they feel in their workplace, in their community and in their new home. We owe it to them to get it right. Australia's reputation as a safe and fair place to work should never depend on luck or on the goodwill of the employer. It must be built into the system itself. It must be grounded in transparency and oversight.

Now cue all the trolls and the bots on socials. Here they come, rushing to comment on how we're importing voters, how the colour of my skin must mean I'm a part of some big greater conspiracy and how this bill is going to ruin Australia as we know it. Newsflash—'Australia as we know it' is multicultural! Those people who are lucky enough to be permitted to work here must learn the importance of our employment law system. We can only teach them such rights and values if they are entitled to them in the first place, and we can only hope to build the homes and staff the hospitals that our country needs through skilled migration. Anyone who denies this fact is dreaming.

This bill is not the end of the work; it forms part of a broader reform agenda. For example, while this bill does not include labour market testing reforms, the government has already streamlined those requirements by reducing advertisement obligations and removing unnecessary administrative burdens while maintaining strong local worker protections. Similarly income thresholds and the indexation for the skills and demand visa are already set through regulatory changes made in December 2024. They now automatically adjust each year on 1 July in line with the average or weekly ordinary time earnings. This ensures the system remains fair, competitive and aligned with economic realities.

This bill is a pragmatic, responsible and much-needed measure. It enhances protections for temporary skilled migrant workers, it promotes transparency, it strengthens system integrity, and it supports the many employers who do the right thing. As a member of this parliament, as someone who has worked in employment law and as someone who represents one of the most diverse electorates in the country, I know how important this reform is. I know how much it matters to local families, to new arrivals, to workers who want a fair chance and to employers who want a trusted system.

Migration has shaped the story of Australia for generations but so has fairness. We are a nation that prides itself on giving everyone a fair go. This bill helps ensure that those values remain central to our migration system and that temporary skilled workers are not left behind. It gives them tools to protect themselves, to move safely and to build their lives without fear. This bill strengthens our migration system by prioritising integrity, transparency and dignity. It is a step forward to a fairer and more accountable system, it is a step forward to reducing exploitation, and it is a step forward honouring the values of equality and respect that every Australian deserves, regardless of where they were born.

I concur with some of the remarks and disagree slightly with others that have been made. A large section of this revolves around the insertion into the Migration Act of section 140GD by the Migration Amendment (Combatting Migrant Exploitation) Bill. One of the issues there is that it comes with an assumption that all could be bad when all is not.

There are times where—I've worked as an accountant in areas of labour hire—you have to call people to account and say, 'I do not believe that you have a person working for you called Jim Bean, nor do I believe you have a person working for you called Johnnie Walker or Evel Knievel.' Yes, of course, this has to be dealt with because, especially in some areas, it becomes a vessel for a collection of people who are basically absconding from oversight and being exploited by people who can make money out of them. Okay—go out, catch the criminal and do what you've got to do. But don't presume everybody is a criminal. That's one of the things that is happening too much. We use a virtuous message—'We've got to catch those who are breaking the law'—but we cast a net that impinges on every person's right as if they were criminals, and they're not.

We are losing more and more in this nation—the right to be anonymous when you have done nothing wrong. It's no good to say, 'If you're doing nothing wrong, you don't have anything to worry about.' I just don't want to be watched all the time. I just don't want the government watching me all the time. Part of my freedom as an Australian is for people to have the presumption that I'm doing the right thing. I don't need observation. This is another exercise—in the inclusion of section 104GD—where we get the government saying, 'It's just to catch the baddies.' Well, everything these days apparently is 'just to catch the baddies'.

On an issue that has been brought up a number of times that, when we use the word 'multicultural'—every person in this building can connect themselves somewhere to an immigrant. Unless you're basically 100 per cent of Indigenous heritage—'Aboriginal' they call themselves in my area—then you've got, somewhere, an immigrant. I would say the vast majority of Aboriginal people are part immigrant. My father was an immigrant, and obviously, if you go back—the first person came to this country is on the memorial outside St Mary's Cathedral. Her name is on the glass. She was an orphan from Ireland. Her parents starved to death in a hedge. They could both read and write. We all have a connection somewhere to an immigrant past. It's just that the timeframe changes. But I call into question people who say 'multicultural'. We have multilingual, multiethnicity, multiracial and multifaith, but be careful, when you start saying multicultural, that that is a statement that implies absolute virtue and can never be argued against. I can assure you there are some cultures that are not virtuous. There are some practices, even in Indigenous culture, that, if you brought them in today, you would find abhorrent. Virtue does not revolve around the fact that, because you can use the word 'multicultural', all things can be applied.

It's a ridiculous example, but I'll give it nonetheless. The Incas had a culture. It's not without a shadow of a doubt that they had a culture—a very, very defined culture. It involved the beheading of people and pulling out their heart to appease the sun. That's a culture, but we're not going to start saying, 'That's a culture, therefore I can condone it, and therefore there's a space in Australia for it.' That's ridiculous. There has to be a temperance in this. There has to be an understanding that you've got to be part of a wider body of Australians. In doing so, there are certain things you've got to remove from that cultural identity. I think all of us, if we went back into our DNA and into our heritage, would find things that are most definitely part of our historical ethnic culture that are completely and utterly unapplicable to Australia today, and you just have to let that section go. If you don't then unfortunately you deliver Australia to a form of friction, a form of heat, and you create problems for our nation.

I'll give you a classic one from mine. Like most of us, I've got a vast tapestry of people that make up my history. It goes all the way to Gypsies in one section. They're from everywhere. But let's go to the Irish section. Ireland at a certain point in time had two different, very strong cultures, and they didn't get along. They really didn't. It took a long time, even in the seat of New England, for those cultures to reconcile with one another. If you said that both those cultures could live by their initial creed, you'll go right back to where we were. We're talking about people who look the same and talk the same. It's just that they pathologically hated each other. We don't want to revisit that. They both had their cultures. There was Catholicism and Protestantism. I suppose, in a way, I grew up at the tail end of it. It was toxic, completely toxic. I don't want it. One of the big things for me is growing up and saying: 'Let's cut that loose. Let's let that go.' I'm not interested in someone's interests in the IRA. I really am not. I don't want to have anything to do with it. That's why I say you've got to temper it. Don't just say that multiculturalism is the absolute good. No. You've got to be a little more discerning than that.

In a place like Tamworth, this is very evident. Even in Tamworth, we are growing flat out. The latest subdivision is seeing 5,000 new houses going in. That's about 12,000 or 13,000 people. The makeup of Tamworth is so dramatically different, and I revel in it—it's good. It's dramatically different to what it would have been even 10 years ago. I'm not a good but a practising Catholic. When I go to mass on Sunday at St Nick's, it's the Indian community that go. And it's huge. They're all there. They use that as a mechanism to then go out and have a meal. That's all good. That's great. In other parts of Tamworth, it's the Filipino community. Then there are Nigerians. Overwhelmingly, it's great. It's all good. These people have been essential for the economic growth of Tamworth—absolutely essential.

There are so many jobs—I hate to break it into the Australian culture—which Australians just don't want to do. Especially around certain areas and in abattoirs, you just cannot get people who will see a day through. It's the reality that good people who work are at work, and people who don't want to work—in some instances, it's because they are, wait for it, lazy. They don't want to work. You can bring people onto a shift, and they literally don't make it to smoko, to 9 o'clock. They just can't handle it; they're gone. But people come in from the Philippines, and they're—bang—focused all the way through and doing it with a smile on their face. It's the same with boilermaking and fitting and turning. As I said, the locals who want to work are working. Often, they're in higher management positions because they start at the bottom and fly through.

In our area, they would be terrified. If you said: 'We're not going to have any more Filipinos come in. We're not going to have any more Pacific Islanders come in. We're not going to have any more backpackers come in,' they would lose their minds. They would get very, very angry with me. I would say that they would have big meetings about how they could get rid of me. Genuinely, there's no form of racism about any of this; it's a clear understanding that what you deliver to the nation is important.

When we have citizenship ceremonies on Australia Day, I always say to people that there's a contractual obligation in getting citizenship of this nation. It's the greatest gift you will ever have, to become a citizen and come to Australia. It is incredible. You have won the lottery if you get to Australia, but it comes with a contract. You have to understand that the focus of people will be more intent on you than it might be on others. So you have an obligation to your kin—to your family, your brothers and sisters—that you never end up in the crime pages, that you are not unemployed and that you are seen as an asset to the nation, not an encumbrance. No-one ever has a problem with that. That seems to make abundant sense. That is also part, we hope, of the Australian culture itself, which is egalitarian and gives people a fair go but also says: 'You have got to contribute back to the nation. You cannot be an encumbrance. You cannot bludge off other people. You have to put your shoulder to the wheel, otherwise other people have to work harder for more of their lives to cover the cost for you, and that is not fair on others.'

I want to go to one area we really need to focus on, and it's something that's close to my heart. It's people who come into Australia and end up—by reason of organised crime—in prostitution. It's the most insidious, evil thing, where young ladies come in on the premise that they've got another job—as a cook, a whole range of things—and they end up in prostitution. The people who have oversight over that are some of the baddest individuals you will ever unfortunately come across. This is still going on. It is still present.

If you go down to Sydney, you don't need to have much curiosity to be able to find where they are. You can have a look at some of the sites, ask yourself some questions, maybe turn up and say: 'Is this person really a masseur? Did this person actually know what they were getting in for when came to Australia?' That's an area we really should be focusing on. What worries me about this, in this section 140GD, is that, so many times, there are things that are self-evident, and you say, 'Surely you understand that, without too much effort, you could find those people and arrest them and do something about them.' Well, why don't we?

It's like, in a way, the illegal tobacco shops. You see people going in, going out and buying illegal tobacco. Everyone talks about it. Then they come up with the idea that, to deal with illegal tobacco, they will say to the people who might own the premises—who had been told their tenants were going to rent it out for a shop but are now selling illegal tobacco and are also in organised crime—that they're going to fine the owner of the premises, not the participant in the building. This is where you say, 'I think you've got this mixed up.' On this one here, the balance is not quite right. I believe that, if there was further work done on this, it would have the capacity to get through. I think on some issues it just ignores other problems that are screaming at you in your face. Other people know about them or talked about them, but no-one wants to do anything about them.

I rise to speak in support of the Migration Amendment (Combatting Migrant Exploitation) Bill 2025, put forward by the Minister for Home Affairs, and I commend him for doing so. I'm not sure about the member for New England's frankly confusing and somewhat offensive comments before me. He, like his party, wants to continue creating friction and heat in multicultural communities across our nation. But I am honoured to follow my friend the amazing member for Barton and commend her for her dedication to protecting the rights of migrants through her work as an employment lawyer and every day in her role in this parliament.

At its core, this amendment bill is about the value that migrants bring to our nation—a nation shaped by generations of migrants who came to Australia in search of opportunity and a better future. From the Sydney Opera House to the West Gate Bridge, the very bridge that connects my community in Melbourne's western suburbs to the city, it's migrants that built the Australia we all enjoy today. The contributions migrants have made to this country have often come with great sacrifice. For too long, migrating to Australia to work has meant low wages, few protections and an uncertain future. In a country where, apart from our First Nations brothers and sisters, we all have migrant ancestry, where even today almost half of us have a parent born overseas, the fact that migrant workers have not been adequately protected and have been subjected to exploitation, coercion and wage theft is shameful.

Our government does not tolerate the exploitation of migrant workers. I'm a proud member of the Transport Workers' Union and I'm thrilled to say that, after years of campaigning, the TWU, supported by legislation passed by our government last term, has struck a deal with Uber Eats and DoorDash. These companies will provide workers with minimum pay rates, injury insurance and protection against unfair dismissal by algorithms. Migrants make a huge contribution to the gig economy. This work supports them while they study and train and allows them to work and make a living while adjusting to a new home. They deserve to be properly protected in this work, and our government is determined to support them in this.

The amendment bill before us now is another piece in this broader project to support migrant workers. It delivers on a commitment we made in the Migration strategy:getting migration working for the nation, from 2023, to enhance protections and oversight for these workers. The bill will establish a public register of approved work sponsors, which will be publicly available on the Department of Home Affairs website. The register will include the name and type of approved sponsor, the sponsor's ABN, the postcode associated with the approved sponsor's ABN and the number of sponsored workers and their occupations. The inclusion of the employer's postcode in particular will enable migrant workers considering changing sponsors to identify employers nearby, ensuring that the register is fit for use. With this register, it will be easier for migrant workers to check whether a sponsoring employer is legitimate and to find a new sponsor when exploring alternative employment opportunities, giving them the resources they need to be better informed about potential employers as well as greater mobility should they need to find a new employer. It's a simple reform that will make a big difference to the power imbalance between migrant workers and their employers.

Too many temporary migrant workers who provide much-needed skills and labour to Australian businesses find themselves underpaid and subjected to poor conditions. In 2023, the Grattan Institute reported that one in six migrant workers were paid less than the national minimum wage and many endure unsafe working conditions and harassment. In 2016, the ABC reported that 7-Eleven workers were being paid as little as 47c an hour. They were made to work more than twice the number of hours permitted by their visa conditions, and they were physical intimidated when seeking repayment.

Since then, the exploitation of migrant workers hasn't stopped. In December last year, the Fair Work Ombudsman found that workers at a sushi franchise had been underpaid more than $650,000. The franchise was ordered to pay more than $15 million—the highest penalty ever secured by the Fair Work Ombudsman in a single legal action. Most of the workers who were underpaid were working holiday-makers and skilled visa holders, and many of them were young people aged under 25. Migrant workers put up with these conditions because they are afraid of jeopardising their visas, because they haven't been told what their rights are, because they don't know what to do when they are underpaid, because they don't know how to check if their employer is legitimate and, sometimes, because they are being threatened by employers. It isn't fair and it isn't right, and that's why our government won't let it stand.

When we came to government we took decisive action to start eradicating this exploitation. In 2023, we introduced a package of measures targeting employers seeking to exploit migrant workers and ensuring workers could speak up without fear of reprisal. These measures made it a criminal offence to use a person's visa conditions or status to exploit them in the workplace. Because of these measures, dodgy employers can now get up to two years of jail time for this conduct. We also introduced prohibition notices, increased penalties and new compliance tools to deter and punish this conduct by employers, and we repealed section 235 of the Migration Act which made it harder for temporary workers to report exploitation. To ensure these laws have real power, we committed $50 million to the Australian Border Force for enforcement and to promote compliance with these regulations, and we carried out a month-long blitz, inspecting around 300 businesses to check compliance. That was on top of the 140 businesses we sanctioned for bad conduct in 2022.

In 2024, we brought in the Migration Amendment (Strengthening Employer Compliance) Act, which introduced three new work related offences addressing coercive practices used by employers to exploit migrant workers. In March this year, we launched a $13.25 million grant program to educate temporary visa holders and their employers about our reforms. This piece builds on the systemic changes we've already made in this space, making sure that migrant workers have the right information to make informed choices about their sponsors and can find a new sponsoring employer more easily, reducing their susceptibility to exploitation.

This issue is not so far from my electorate of Gorton. Not long ago, a constituent of my electorate came into my office distressed at the refusal of her application for an Employer Nomination Scheme visa. She had been an employee at her place of work, a small business, for several years already, but her visa application had been refused twice because her employer had failed to pay her at the same rate an Australian worker would be paid for the same work and had abrogated their sponsorship obligations to other workers. This constituent was distressed at being left with no choice but to leave the country despite having done nothing but work hard and support this small business during her time in Australia. These are the challenges faced by temporary workers of our country—temporary workers who have been left at the mercy of their employers, who've had little control over their lives and who've had no choice but to bear the consequences of their employer's indiscretions.

At its core, making sure that temporary migrants are protected from exploitation is a matter of fairness and human dignity, because everybody should be paid properly for the work they do, and nobody should have to endure mistreatment, coercion or exploitation. It's also about making sure that wages stay strong for all Australians. Wage theft is fundamentally anticompetitive—a race to the bottom. When migrant workers are underpaid, it drives wages and conditions down for everyone. It erodes institutions that make Australia a good place to live and work, like our world-leading minimum wage, and it harms employers doing the right thing. It means that employers are faced with a difficult choice—whether to pay their workers the lawful amount and sacrifice market share or join the race to the bottom. By making sure that migrant workers are paid properly for their work across the board, employers don't have this incentive to reduce wages, protecting the wages of all Australians.

It's about making Australia a place where people from other countries want to work. For our economy and our future, Australians need migrant workers. According to the peak body for the building and construction industry, every building and construction trade is currently deemed to be in shortage. To address the current housing crisis and ensure that we have the housing we need for the future, we need skilled labour from overseas, particularly in rural and regional areas.

Shortages of skilled workers like cooks and chefs are also presenting an ongoing challenge. In 2022, Jobs and Skills Australia reported that 66 per cent of employers experienced difficulty filling hospitality roles, and an article by the ABC reported that businesses, particularly in rural and regional areas, are having to decrease operating hours to cope with persistent skills shortages.

Of course, shortages like these have more than one cause and require multifaceted approaches, but temporary migrant workers are an essential part of the picture to plug these gaps, reduce the pressure on these industries and keep small businesses afloat, ensuring that our economy keeps moving forward and that we maintain and grow the industries that are critical to our future.

As we discuss what migrant workers have to endure in our country, I'm proud again to be sitting on this side of the House and not that side of the House. Time and time again, those opposite have failed in their responsibility to protect temporary migrant workers from exploitation. Not only did they preside over worsening conditions for temporary migrant workers in this country, failing to actually implement the recommendations of the Migrant Workers' Taskforce they created, which responded to the revelation that 7-Eleven's mistreatment of some migrant workers essentially amounted to slavery; but they also actively prioritised temporary visas over permanent visas, changed visa rules to restrict workers rights and removed pathways to residency, actively degrading workers protections and leaving them vulnerable to exploitation.

At every opportunity to demonstrate support for migrants, at every opportunity to show that they know the value of migration to our country, they've done the opposite. The comments made by those opposite about migrant communities during their last term of government don't bear repeating. You would think that, after their decisive losses in 2022 and, again, this year, they'd have realised that vilifying migrant communities and dog whistling to the far right doesn't play with Australians. But, no, they've persisted with this divisive rhetoric. With racist and offensive remarks, they've validated and legitimised the blaming of migrants for social issues instead of working with the government collaboratively to address the real causes of these problems—problems we're only dealing with today after 10 years of neglect under their leadership.

Blaming migrants is what a party does when they don't have real solutions to the issues we face as a nation. We know the coalition doesn't have real solutions. We knew it during the election campaign when they proposed solving the transition to clean energy with billion-dollar nuclear fantasies. We knew it when they proposed solving the housing crisis by reducing the number of international students in higher education and VET. We knew it all the 10 years they were in government, during which they reduced emissions by a meagre three per cent, ignored our ageing population and deemed it unnecessary to appoint a housing minister. We know it now, as they ditch net zero and let migrants take the blame for the consequences of their neglect.

Once again I'm proud to be on this side of the House, where we tackle the issues head on and where we treat migrants with the dignity, care and respect they deserve and actually listen to them and their experiences as members of our Australian community. Last week, Minister Thistlethwaite and I held a migration forum. It was held in my office and was attended by leaders of multicultural communities in my electorate. The forum was productive and insightful. It was an opportunity to ask questions and gain insights on parts of our migration system that were less well known. It was also a chance to share information about how the system works in practice and identify opportunities for greater cultural sensitivity and understanding.

I'm so proud to represent one of the most multicultural communities in the country, and every day that I represent my electorate I'm reminded of the value that migrants add to our community, whether it be in skills, in the insights they bring, in the ways in which they lift each other up and model close-knit, supportive and welcoming community or in the culture they share—food, language, celebrations and knowledge. This amendment recognises the value of migrants. It recognises that they deserve to feel safe and secure as a matter of human dignity but also as people who add immense value to our communities, who have an important role to play in our future and who are welcome in our country. I commend this bill to the House.

The member for Gorton is new here. I wasn't going to pick on her about her speech, but some of the things that she mentioned—

Then don't.

I listened to her in silence, so the member for Kingsford Smith can give me the same courtesy, and I'll get to you in a minute. She cannot come in here and start talking about racism in the coalition. She cannot make allegations about nuclear when it's not mentioned in the Migration Amendment (Combatting Migrant Exploitation) Bill 2025. And she cannot come in here and talk about exploitation of migrant workers and blame the coalition. That's just a bridge too far. I had a good relationship with Brendan O'Connor, the member for Gorton's predecessor. He's a good man, and I'm sure you're a good person too. Brendan was often very bipartisan in the sorts of things that he brought to this parliament and in the sorts of ways that he wanted to make a better Australia. I wish him well in his future and I also wish you well in your parliamentary career. But don't just take the talking points that Labor gives you and think that that's the way to proceed with a debate.

What the coalition did in nine years—not 10 years but nine years—of government was make sure that they protected workers, and not just migrant workers, to ensure we had a fairer Australia. There's no better place to see it—I understand that your electorate is very multicultural. That's fantastic. So too is the Riverina, whether it's the Riverina that I first represented in 2010—which included the Murrumbidgee Irrigation Area, which I think is the cradle of multiculturalism in this country. So many people went there—pre World War II, but particularly after the Second World War, when the great mass of migration came out from Europe after the guns had fallen silent in 1945—and made a better life for themselves in regional Australia.

I understand and appreciate that the member for Gorton mentioned the regions and I commend her for that. Because it's the regions that are crying out for migrants, Member for Gorton. They truly are. And the sad reality is that we recently had a productivity summit that was headed up by the Treasurer, the member for Rankin. I think what we need in this nation right now is a planning and population summit. I think we need to do much better across the aisle when it comes to seeing where our migrants go. Because, all too often, they are going into the western suburbs of Melbourne and Sydney, and they're not reaching the regions where they're crying out for skilled labour and crying out for unskilled labour. They're not reaching out to those places. I appreciate there are measures in place that are put there by—I see the member for Parkes at the table. He's Assistant Minister for Resources and Assistant Minister for Agriculture and he knows about this. He represents more than half of the New South Wales landmass. And in western New South Wales, just like in the Riverina, they want migrants, they welcome migrants, and they celebrate migrants. So for the member for Gorton to suggest that coalition members are in any way racist is, I think, a bridge too far.

In Wagga Wagga, my home town, the largest celebration of the society—after the Wagga Wagga Gold Cup horse race, which is on the first Friday in May—is our FUSION BOTANICAL multicultural festival. It celebrates the food, culture, dance, music and attributes that migrants bring to our city. It's the largest inland city in New South Wales. You were right when you said, in one sense, that some migrants were exploited, but it wasn't the fault of government. There are some higher firms which do do the wrong thing, and they deserve the full force of the law brought against them. They deserve the immigration department raiding them—whether they're doing the wrong thing by farmers or the farmers in some cases are doing the wrong thing by migrant workers, and some of them do. Let's not beat around the bush about this.

I'll tell you one thing that Labor did do, which was, I believe, antimigrant. They changed the rules around the Pacific Australia Labour Mobility scheme. What that did, as Labor tried to unionise that scheme, was force farmers to pay for work that was never going to be done by trying to even out the number of hours and extend the number of hours such that they would pay migrant workers money when there wasn't the work there at all. We know that farming work is so seasonal, whether it's in crop production, horticulture—whatever the case might be. The biggest losers out of that were not necessarily the farmers, who stopped employing the migrants; they were the Pacific workers themselves because the work stopped and the farmers turned off the tap. Labor brought this in, they tried to unionise the scheme, and it fell foul of the people that they were purportedly trying to help. They were the workers themselves, the PALM workers, those magnificent people who come here and do the jobs that Australians simply won't do or can't do.

There's 30,000 people here on PALM, Michael.

Well, Assistant Minister, seriously, I live it. I breathe it. I have these people come into my office all the time. I'm not sure how many of them come into your Melbourne office and talk to you about the pitfalls and the shortcomings of what Labor did when they made those changes to the PALM scheme.

I know I was right, because I was the shadow Pacific minister at the time.

Labor then put a pause on it and changed the rules. They did. They backtracked. You can't tell me they didn't, because they did. Labor then went back to the scheme as it was to begin with, because the farmers were leaving it in droves and so were the PALM workers. You know what was happening? The fruit was being left to rot on the ground. The work wasn't being done.

You can throw your head back all you like, Assistant Minister, and make out as if I'm off on the wrong tangent. I am not, because I had that lived experience. I'm there at the front and centre of what the Pacific Australia Labour Mobility scheme is, because the Riverina lives it. We have those workers, we enjoy those workers and we applaud those workers. You cannot come in here, Assistant Minister, and tell me that the changes to that PALM scheme weren't wrong, because they were.

The Minister for Pacific Island Affairs backtracked and backflipped—the member for Shortland—because he knew that he'd got it wrong. He'd listened to Minister Burke and he knew that it was wrong, because the scheme started to fall apart. Don't try and tell me anything else, because I know. It's our farming areas that grow the food, grow the fibre and employ the PALM workers, who benefit from that scheme. They were being dudded by the changes by this Labor government, and that is true.

Now, let's talk about this legislation, shall we? Many businesses in the Riverina, as I said, rely on the migrant workers. It's a regional area that welcomes these—I don't know why you're shaking your head, Assistant Minister. I've said everything that was true, and with the PALM scheme—

Order!

The member for Cooper will leave her remarks for the rest of the contribution, and the member for Riverina will direct comments through the chair, not at the assistant minister. Thank you.

The coalition supports stronger integrity in the skilled visa program, but what this bill does is it fails to achieve that objective without exposing employers to unjustified risk. I'm not saying that every labour hire company, every employer, is going to do the right thing. And I agree with the member for Gorton: those people who exploit workers should be exposed. Absolutely, 100 per cent, they should.

Certainly, I know the raids that were conducted by the immigration department when we were in government. I know the sort of work that those public servants, for and on behalf of the Commonwealth, do now, with Labor in power. They should be doing it. They should be exposing people who do the wrong thing by some of the most vulnerable people who come to Australia to work hard, to do the jobs that sometimes won't or can't be done by Australians themselves. We thank those workers, and we should be protecting those workers—absolutely, we should.

The publication of basic sponsor information could be seen as a proportionate step, but the bill, unfortunately, gives rise to too many potential problems and also leaves the scope of data of any exemptions to regulations. That's what the coalition is concerned about. That's why the coalition is not supporting this bill. We need to establish clear criteria and review mechanisms to prevent what would be arbitrary use of power—we should.

But there are so many potential risks to businesses which rely on migrant workers, particularly in regional areas—and it's regional areas where many of these workers are being engaged. It's regional areas, as I said earlier in my remarks, which welcome these people, which need these people and which by and large—the honest employers, those good farmers, those well-meaning communities—do the right thing by these workers.

More substantial antiexploitation reforms promised by the government as part of its Migration Strategy, including criminal sanctions, a whistleblower visa and repeat-offender bans against those recidivists have yet to materialise. Labor and the city based members get so uptight about these things; the city based members often want to tell us—I appreciate there are some city based coalition members sitting here with me!—how to live our lives, how to run our businesses, how everything should happen in regional Australia, they who've barely ever set foot in the place. I'm not saying that about the coalition city members in the chamber at the moment. You know who I'm talking about—they just need to learn a thing or three about regional Australia. And the government should be held to account for those unnecessary delays.

But don't just take my word for it; maybe find a farmer who does employ these workers and ask them. Maybe find a local government mayor—and I know the member for Parkes has many of them—and see how vital these workers are to the operations of our local communities in country Australia. As I say, by and large, people in regional, rural and, in particular, remote Australia do the right thing.

A concern raised directly with Senator Paul Scarr from Queensland, the immigration shadow minister, by the Business Council of Australia relates to the inclusion of nomination headcount data. I don't always agree with the BCA, but, certainly, in this instance, they argue that the information is not necessary for the stated transparency purpose and could expose employers to—wait for it, Member for Parkes—union harassment. We all know what happens when the unions start to harass. I say this—and Labor members can smile about this all they like—I was a union member for 21 years. I've been a member of a union. I understand that unions have a part to play, a role and a responsibility in this nation, but what we don't want is to give a green light to unions to harass employers unnecessarily.

Master Builders Australia also advised the good senator that migration agents—the key contacts for migrant workers, rightly or wrongly—would already have the information proposed to be included in the register. And, in cases where a migrant worker needs to find a new sponsor, these agents are already well placed to assist with that search. Alternatively, the information that the government is seeking to include in the new register could simply be shared with the migration agents rather than be made far more widely available.

So there are clauses and pieces of this legislation which are concerning, and Labor, in typical Labor fashion, has not properly explained this. Labor, in typical Labor fashion, did not do, I and my colleagues believe, the proper stakeholder engagement before it brought this legislation to the chamber. But what the 'Labor dirt unit' does is give the notes to the members, and they come in here and just assiduously read them and think that that's all true and all right. They've always got that 'decade of neglect and dysfunction' et cetera; we all know it because we hear it parroted all the time, and if you say it that often eventually you'll believe it. But this side of the parliament did some very good work in the migrant worker space. I hope that the Labor side also does some work in that space to benefit our migrant workers because regional Australia needs them and regional Australia needs legislation that is the best it can be.

Modern Australia is built on migration. The great economic advancements that we had in the wake of World War II were related to the 'populate or perish' policy that our immigration department and Arthur Calwell delivered in those important years after the Second World War.

Unfortunately, as a government, we're aware that too many migrants who are working in Australia have been exploited. They haven't received the correct wages and conditions that they are entitled to. Many unscrupulous employers have taken advantage of the power imbalance that exists between migrant worker and employer. Our government is determined to fix this and ensure that all Australian workers, including migrants, enjoy the full protection of the law and are paid a fair wage for a fair day's work. We're taking responsible action to fix the problems that we've inherited in this system from the previous government. We're restoring integrity to the system and working to bring migration back to sustainable levels, with a focus on skilled migration as a major part of the program.

When we first came to government, we commissioned Martin Parkinson to review the country's migration system. It hadn't been done for decades, but we thought it was important to take stock of whether or not the migration system was delivering better living standards, greater productivity to our economy and, most importantly, better living conditions for migrants who come to Australia. Martin Parkinson found that the system was 'broken' and in need of 'major reform'. In the wake of that, we put together the Migration strategy to fix the problems that Martin Parkinson had identified, which had developed under the previous government.

This bill that we bring to the parliament today is part of this process of fixing the issues that we inherited from the previous government, particularly those around combating migrant exploitation. The government have been clear about the need to bring migration back to normal and our actions are helping to achieve that. But we're also restoring integrity to the system and ensuring that it delivers the skills that we need. This legislation strengthens arrangements around skilled entry to Australia by introducing a public register of approved work sponsors, to be published and maintained by the Department of Home Affairs on their website. It will implement a commitment made by our government in the Migration strategy, which was released in December 2023.

The exploitation of those on temporary visas hurts all workers by driving down wages and worsening conditions for everyone. This reform provides enhanced protections and oversight mechanism. The intention is that the development of a public register will encourage transparency, monitoring and oversight. The register will help combat temporary skilled migrant worker exploitation by enabling workers to find a new sponsor and provide a resource to check that a sponsoring employer is legitimate. The proposed amendment in the bill is underpinned by extensive consultation that was undertaken with businesses, unions and stakeholders through the migration review that informed the Migration strategy.

Delays in the passage of this bill will mean delays in the implementation of the public register which strengthens the integrity of the temporary skilled visa program. The register is of employers who are approved as standard business sponsors and have nominated skilled workers for entry into Australia. The register may include details such as the type of approved sponsor, the name of the approved sponsor, the approved sponsor's ABN, the postcode associated with the approved sponsor's ABN, the number of sponsored workers and the occupations nominated by the approved sponsor.

Including the postcode registered with the approved sponsor will enable migrants who are considering mobility to identify employers nearby and increase the practicality of the register. The register will complement the public register for sanctioned sponsors published by Australian Border Force. This is a name-and-shame register that workers and other employers can go to in order to see who is abiding by the rules and regulations related to people working in Australia on visas. Approved standard business sponsors will be automatically included on the register without needing to request this at the time of applying for sponsorship.

The data behind the register will be uploaded and updated regularly to ensure that it remains current. Information will be provided to approved sponsors at the time of sponsorship application as well as messaging on the department's website to alert them to their business details to be included on the register. The register will also draw on already available public information, such as the information the sponsor has provided for their ABN. Any disclosure of information on the register would be consistent with the Privacy Act 1988. No personal identifying information of nominated workers will be included on the register.

The government has made a commitment in the Migration Strategy to develop a new skills-in-demand visa. The passage of this bill will continue the government's commitment to implement reforms to strengthen and maintain integrity of the temporary migration system. Migrants make a valuable contribution to Australia, not only to our prosperity but also to our communities, our national identity and our connections across the world. They have the right to feel safe and to be safe, particularly in their workplaces. Since 1945 more than six million migrants have chosen to make Australia their home, and each of them has in their own unique way contributed to our cities, regions and towns. They're our relatives, neighbours, friends, work colleagues, acquaintances, industry and business leaders, corporate and small-business owners, and of course workers—good, hardworking people who help shape our culture and our social, civic and economic life.

Our human diversity is both our nation's defining characteristic and our nation's greatest strength. My electorate of Kingsford Smith was one of the original homes to many of those post World War II migrants—the Greeks, the Italians and the Chinese—who settled in our area, and we're now into the third and in some cases fourth generation of those original migrants. I love living in a country where you can have a front-row seat to see Australians from so many backgrounds honouring their traditions while passing them down through those new generations.

We know how important it is to maintain the Australian people's trust and confidence in the migration system, to ensure that those settings that we put in place for migration work in the national interest and deliver better living standards for all Australians. At the same time, we're progressing an ambitious migration reform agenda, building a migration system that matches the needs of the nation and delivers for Australians and for migrants. This bill will help ensure that we have the skills we need into the future and ultimately make sure that the system is working in the interests of all Australians. The Albanese government continues our important reform work to ensure that the migration system works in the interests of all Australians and can be the best that it can be. Much has been achieved already, particularly in relation to system integrity, skills gaps and student migration. We're restoring public trust and aligning with Australia's economic and humanitarian programs.

Australia is a great country. We must never take our way of life for granted. It must be cherished, valued and nurtured, and this bill is an important step towards achieving this government's aim of a coherent migration strategy that delivers better living standards for all Australians.

I too rise to speak on the Migration Amendment (Combatting Migrant Exploitation) Bill 2025. This bill will insert a new section into the Migration Act 1958 that authorises the secretary of the Department of Home Affairs to publish a public register containing the details of employee sponsorship of skilled migrants. The bill title attempts to link this register to combating migrant exploitation. I have no issue with combating migrant exploitation or the exploitation of any workers. But particularly vulnerable people who are coming from overseas to work in our industries need to be protected. That is something that is believed on that side of the House and it is something that is believed on this side of the House. I have worked in horticultural industries for a great many years and I have seen a lot of good work on both sides from good people who want to make sure that the people who come from overseas to work in our industries are protected. I'm confident in saying many farmers and businesses in my electorate of Nicholls who welcome migrant workers feel exactly the same way.

Skilled migration, whether temporary or permanent, has always been about benefiting both sides of the equation. Farms and businesses facing critical workforce shortages are able to access skills and labour, and migrants are able to access jobs, be paid a fair wage and work under fair employment conditions. We have history of this. This is basically what built the electorate I now represent. Anytime anyone turned up in Australia, even before World War II, from the Albanian community, where were they sent? They were sent to where there was requirement for what was then unskilled labour. Those people often came to the Goulburn Valley, which was a burgeoning irrigation district that had a lot of dairy farms, a lot of fruit orchards. After the war, people from the United Kingdom, southern Europe, the subcontinent, the Middle East and now from Africa and parts of Asia have been welcomed in the Goulburn Valley. We all understand that we would not have built the economic miracle that is the Goulburn Valley without them.

People have come to build our industries, which become their industries. Often what happens in the Goulburn Valley is that these people who are paid a fair wage, by and large, save up enough money to buy their own farms, and that's happened over and over again. It's wonderful to see second-generation people whose parents came here with nothing becoming very wealthy people and able to educate their children in a way that they were never able to be educated because they were able to build the capital, buy their farms, and become incredibly successful business owners.

I don't deny there have been instances of migrant worker exploitation, and I believe it is actively sought out, stopped and the offenders prosecuted. If there are better ways we can do that then we are happy to work together on that. But I will tell you this: since 1 July 2024, the Australian Border Force have had a prohibited employer register providing information about employers, sponsors and third parties who have seriously, deliberately or repeatedly broken the law and have been prohibited from employing additional migrant workers for a period of time. Let me go to the media release of 29 September 2025 from the member for Bruce, the Assistant Minister for Citizenship, Customs and Multicultural Affairs. The release is headlined: 'Australian Border Force names and shames business for exporting migrant workers', which sounds great and we support that. When you go to the first paragraph, it says: 'A Western Australian business has become the first in the nation to be publicly named and shamed by the Australian Border Force for exploiting vulnerable and migrant workers under the strong new laws introduced by the Albanese government.' That business is still the one and only business that has been shamed on the Border Force prohibited employer register. One business has been named and shamed between July 2024 and November 2025, and that is despite well publicised employer rights material attached to visa applications and despite clear lines of reporting breaches such as underpayment, sexual harassment, pressuring or coercing a temporary migrant to breach a visa condition or pressuring them to hand over their passport.

The Fair Work Ombudsman has a wealth of information for migrant workers and offers a dedicated telephone helpline that includes interpreting services. The PALM scheme provides ongoing welfare and wellbeing support to workers throughout their time in Australia, and PALM has a dedicated 1800 number support service. There's adequate information and assistance already available to migrant workers or prospective migrant workers. There's already a name-and-shame register of dodgy employers. That register is a mandatory publication requirement in the Migration Act that triggers Australian Privacy Principle 6.2(b), which permits the Australian Border Force to disclose the personal information of an individual where a law requires it to do so.

The point I'm making is that there has been a lot of good work from both sides of this chamber, when in government, to try and combat this. So what is being put in place now to help further combat exploitation of migrant workers?

Under the guise of protecting migrant workers, this bill allows the publication of personal details of individuals and corporate entities, regardless of whether they've even transgressed. It will publish the sponsor's activity and track record, apparently as a deterrent against the poor treatment of migrant workers. We've already got the risk of prosecution, hefty fines, 10-year bans, and naming and shaming. But those are not enough of a deterrent.

I want to emphasise this point. Employers of migrant workers—farmers and businesses like those in the Goulburn Valley—care about these migrant workers and know that their businesses can't operate without them, so why would they want to exploit them? Why should they be on a public register saying that they employ X number of temporary workers? Here's what I'm worried it will lead to—and I've seen this in my electorate. It can lead to unions deciding that they will go and harass those businesses, even if there's no evidence of anything being done wrong. I agree with the member for Riverina, who said before that unions have their place. They're an important part of Australian cultural history and an important part of Australian economic history. But I have seen them behave in really disappointing ways. They have come into the Goulburn Valley and tried to stir up a lot of trouble where there was no offence or exploitation happening. I think there are areas of migration that it would be better for the Albanese government to focus on. The temporary skilled migration system is failing regional businesses, and a lot of those regional businesses are agricultural businesses.

On 11 December 2023 Labor's migration strategy, outlining reform directions for Australia's skilled visa programs, was released. The promise was to 'fix' a 'broken system' and streamline visa processes so they'd better support industries that required temporary workers from overseas to plug workforce shortages. Key to the reforms was the introduction of the skills in demand visa. It replaced the temporary skill shortage visa. This skills in demand visa would have three target pathways: a core skills stream, a specialist skills stream for high earners and an essential skills stream focused on addressing lower income labour shortages. The essential skills stream is especially important for regional businesses because it replaces the labour agreement stream which so many industries rely on in my electorate of Nichols and across regional Australia. Currently, there are labour agreements covering horticulture, dairy and meat. These are all key industries for the Australian national economy—but particularly for regional Australia. Those labour agreements are still being used because, while the core and specialist streams are operating, the essential skills stream has not yet being implemented. We don't know what the conditions of the essential skills visa will be, but I do hope it creates a pathway for employers who are currently priced out of the migration system to recruit the workers they desperately need.

Why have so many employers been priced out? For most migrant workers, their visa has to meet the temporary skilled migration income threshold. When the Albanese government came to power, it was $53,900. On 1 July 2023, it soared to $70,000. But it is also indexed. In July 2024, it was $73,150 and, in July this year, it's $76,515. And dairy, horticulture and meat operate under labour agreements, which means they have to pay workers equal to or greater than 90 per cent of the Temporary Skilled Migration Income Threshold. So, if we follow the same path from 2023, the minimum payment under a labour agreement has gone from $48,510 to $68,863 and, accounting for indexing, by July next year it will be around $72,000.

I have businesses in my electorate that desperately need workers and they have migrants who want to come on a temporary visa, but the mandated pay rates are well above what their Australian workers earn and are unaffordable for the employer. Not having workers is a big problem, because the businesses can't grow and they can't employ other people. And this is not just for farms; this has happened in the auto industry and it's happened in all sorts of industries. We need much greater flexibility in the visa program. Instead, we get this bill, which seems, at best, to be a replication and, at worst, a serious overreach.

No-one in this place wants to see migrant worker exploitation. Where it happens, it needs to be rooted out and prosecuted. I believe, as I said earlier, that both sides have done some good work over the past 20 or 30 years to strengthen that.

I just want to finish with an anecdote about what the common experience in regional communities is. A couple of years ago, a very prominent fruit grower from a fifth- or sixth-generation family passed away. It was of great sadness to the community, and I went to his funeral. He had been using the PALM scheme, employing Pacific workers and making sure that he had a vibrant business so that money could be sent back to those communities over generations. When that man died, and I went to his memorial service, there were over 30 Pacific workers and their families who attended and sang the most beautiful songs and music in unison that I've ever heard to honour a person who had put together a business, employed them, treated them so well and provided so much money and work. It was a real combination of capital and labour that worked for both the capital and the labour, and went on. The respect that was shown by him to those workers, and then, when he passed away, by those workers to him, was truly moving.

If there's exploitation, it needs to be rooted out. But, more often, these schemes are very good for Australia and very good for the migrant workers who come here. I don't think this bill helps that. I think this bill creates division. I think there are already some great things in place to assist the continuing combating of migrant exploitation. If there are serious proposals that can be put forward to further address that problem, I think that people on this side of the House would be very interested in working together with the government on it. But I don't think this is serious. I think it's a half-baked solution that doesn't address the problem, and it will lead to further division and harassment by some unions of regional businesses. Therefore, I won't be supporting the bill.

I think you had 58 seconds to go, after all those fine words, when you finally fessed up that, despite all the concern about exploitation of migrant workers and all the noble sentiments, you're actually not going to vote for the bill. This is not 'a half-baked proposal', to quote you; this is something that came out of the Migration Strategy, following the migration review, that is responding to a serious problem, which is the foul, disgusting, shameful, ongoing exploitation of migrant workers.

Let me address two of the points that the member for Nicholls made. Firstly, in relation to the TSMIT, let's be very clear about what we heard there. We heard 3½ minutes of a circular argument, but, when you strip it back, what the member opposite was arguing for was lower wages. That's not a surprise, given the entire economic management philosophy of the previous government was a 'deliberate design feature' of their economic management to keep wages down. The member spoke of the shock and outrage at the TSMIT. For those listening at home, that's the temporary skilled migration income threshold. It's the minimum amount that an employer bringing in a migrant worker has to pay them. He said: 'This is terrible! It's jumped from $53,000 to $70,000!' Shock, horror!

Well, do you know why? It's because, in their nine years in government, those opposite didn't index it. They held it at $53,000. So, in real terms, employers were able to bring in workers year after year and pay them less and less. Guess what that does? The economic labour market analysis was absolutely clear: it holds down the wages of Australian workers. When employers can too easily bring in migrant workers and pay them a pittance, it holds down the wages of low-skilled Australians. That was absolutely clear. It was established through parliamentary inquiry after parliamentary inquiry with labour market submissions and labour market analysis. But, of course, they did nothing about it. They wouldn't index the minimum wage that you could pay migrant workers, because that was their agenda—to hold down wages. Their ministers actually said it. I want to be very clear about and put on the record what they actually meant by that.

Secondly, we learned about the opposition's argument for 'greater flexibility' in visas so that it's easier for employers to bring in low-paid workers. So, when you hear all the hysterical rhetoric and the chest beating from most of the opposition backbench, undermining their leader and calling for massive cuts to migration—they'll never actually specify what they want to cut. Is it Australians falling in love with people from overseas? Are they going to cut the partner visas? Is it working holiday makers, who actually do the agricultural work in regional Australia? Is it international students, who keep the hospitality sector going? They're never prepared to outline which regions are no longer going to have GPs or healthcare workers or which aged-care centres are going to close. That's the debate they want to have out there, but the debate which they want to have in here is, 'Bring more migrants in, pay them less, drag down wages and give employers greater flexibility.' That's exactly what the member for Nicholls was arguing—exactly. It's unbelievable. The hypocrisy!

I thought that this bill would be routine. I did. Aware of the history, the briefing is clear, the case is clear, a lot of fine words about combating migrant worker exploitation—I genuinely thought it would be routine. But then we find out, with 58 seconds to go for the previous speaker, that the opposition is going to oppose this bill. He talked about unions. It was cute. He said that unions have a place in Australia—in history—and that unions did fine work, historically. But, when push comes to shove, every time, the thing they always get most angry about—it's the age-old debate of workers versus employers, isn't it? The Labor Party believes in bringing capital and labour together, but what really triggers those opposite is the idea that workers should actually get paid properly, get their fair share and be looked after.

The great Australian promise, so we say, is a fair go. The great Australian promise of Australian multiculturalism is a fair go—that everyone gets a fair crack at life here and gets treated fairly under the law, no matter their ethnicity, their circumstances, how long they've been here, their visa class and so on. We're all equal under the law. Mostly, we live up to that promise. Mostly, we do well. But, at times, for too many Australians, including many in my electorate—I spoke at the African Music and Cultural Festival in the middle of Melbourne. Forty per cent of Australia's African-born population, to illustrate the point, live in Victoria. For too many people in that community, it's structural racism that means they don't get a fair go. You see it in employment data.

Mostly, we live up to our promise, but one of the most shameful, disgusting examples of where we fail as a nation and undermine our own values is the exploitation of migrant workers. It's not good enough that every now and again we see the media splashes—and people go 'Oh, that's quite bad'—of people living in squalor, being underpaid, with sexual and financial exploitation, human trafficking and slavery They're strong words, but that's actually what's going on in our country with vulnerable migrant workers.

Those opposite want to argue for lower wages, argue for employers to be able to bring in more and more workers on low wages and argue against the role of unions in exposing exploitation. I say this very genuinely: I was born in Australia. As far as I can tell, we go back four generations. Hopefully, they were convicts and had a good time—I don't know. But, for those of us born in Australia, it's really hard to understand, viscerally, the vulnerability that a temporary visa status has over someone, the extreme power that an employer can have over a temporary worker, the threat: 'I will have your visa cancelled. I will report you. I will cancel your sponsorship unless you do what I say unless you work extra hours, unless you pay me kickbacks, unless you put up with these foul living conditions, unless you give me sexual services,' or worse. That threat, that insecurity, in itself, creates an enormous power dynamic that those of us who take our citizenship for granted just don't truly understand. It's not a criticism. It's an explanation of the lived experience of a lot of people in our country—people who do critical work, people who work in food service, people who work in hospitality, work in agriculture, work in aged care and so on.

I think everyone would agree—and I hear those opposite and I believe them—that the exploitation of migrant workers is wrong morally but people accept that. It's not who we are as a country. We've done very well as a country over centuries now from a model of permanent migration, where those people who come and make a contribution and meet our labour market standards over time can seek permanent migration and build a life here and contribute with security. We've done well from that.

We don't have mass migration. Some of them like to bang on on Sky News. We have a highly controlled, orderly migration program. We're not experiencing what we're seeing in Europe. We're not experiencing the long-rolling issues on the southern US border that dominate the media and infect our politics. We have a highly controlled, tightly managed migration program. It can go up, it can go down, but governments of the day are in control of that program.

The exploitation of migrant workers—this creation of a permanently temporary underclasses hidden from the view of society—does us no credit as a people. It also harms Australian workers. This is the point. When we fail to act on the exploitation of migrant workers, it puts downwards pressure on the wages of Australian workers. It hurts everyone, not just morally, not in the conception of who we are as a people, but economically. I gave the example before and it remains current. If the minimum wage that's paid to migrant workers isn't sufficient, then it drags down the wages of Australian workers. This has been proved over and over again. It's also proved in aggregate with one of the worst, stupidest policy decisions the former government made to uncap the—

An honourable member interjecting—

I know. It's a strong competition. I'm thinking within my portfolio space. You know, keep it narrow. I don't want to go too broad. It's late at night. But the decision to uncap the work hours that international students could work to allow them to work unlimited hours turned our high-quality student visa—our premium student visa—into some kind of low-rent guest worker visa. It corrupted the student visa pipeline. We're still paying for that today, with the non-genuine students that the Morrison government let in, working their way through the ART appeals system and gaming it. We're still paying for that failure today. It's the same principle: if you let too many low-skilled workers in without the right safeguards, it actually drags down the wages of Australian workers. As we know, that was their policy.

This bill is another key step to strengthen protection for migrant workers that helps all Australians. The bill seeks to enhance protections by introducing a public register of approved work sponsors. It implements a commitment that the government made in the migration strategy. There's a sort of shock-horror routine from those opposite: 'Ooh, where did this come from? Who made this up?' Well, it was in the migration strategy. I know those two words would be unfamiliar to them because we inherited a complete and utter mess in the home affairs department. They'd sacked over 1,500 workers and destroyed the capability of the Public Service. Peter Dutton, Scott Morrison, the whole legacy, the whole cabal, were up there with the Australian flag behind them. They'd run out of Australian flags for every press conference. But when you look behind the curtain, when you look under the hood, there's no compliance. There is literally no enforcement going on in the Department of Home Affairs that we inherited. We did the migration review, we did the Migration strategy, we set out the things we're now implementing to tighten up the system and we're rebuilding the enforcement capability in the Australian Border Force—and that's a proper agenda. This bill is the next step. It complements the register of sanctioned sponsors published by the Australian Border Force.

I thank the previous speaker and acknowledge something I haven't heard before: he read out one of my press releases. I've never met anyone who has read any of my press releases, so I'm very grateful to the member who spoke.

I have!

The member for Werriwa has read one of my press releases! You can talk about that, too, when you get up.

The previous speaker mentioned that it was a deep surprise that there'd been a sanctioned sponsor named and shamed. Well, I say genuinely to the member: the legislation has been operative for a bit over a year. It takes proper process and time, and natural justice. You've got to be fair to the employers. You've got to do the investigation. Actually, let's go back to basics: you have to put the money in, employ the staff, train the staff and then send them out. You have to have public servants to go and do the enforcement—also a shocking concept, given the tens of thousands of staff they stripped out of the Public Service; there was almost no enforcement capability left in the Department of Home Affairs. I say to the member: in addition to the naming and shaming of that sanctioned sponsor, there are legal worker warning notices, compliance notices, enforceable undertakings, prohibited employers, employer sanction infringements, nonvoluntary location and human trafficking referrals—so there's been a whole range of sanctions put in place that the staff now working in the Australian Border Force are able to employ, and in many cases are employing.

This bill comes as the latest part of a package of reforms to address migrant worker exploitation. We've put in place a range of pragmatic measures that focus on strengthening the legislative framework available under the Migration Act and the enforcement capabilities of the department and the Australian Border Force to address employer noncompliance. That includes enhancing protections to encourage temporary migrants to report exploitation and resolve workplace issues in a timely manner.

The Migration Amendment (Strengthening Employer Compliance) Act amended the Migration Act with the following measures—I will outline a few of them for context because they work as part of a package. This is just the latest part of the package—and, to quote the member for Moreton, from last night, we like a big package! It's good reform. There are three new criminal offences targeting employers and others in the labour chain for misusing migration rules to exploit temporary migrant workers; a new power to prohibit employers found to have engaged in serious, deliberate or repeated exploitation of temporary migrants from employing additional temporary visa holders for a period; increased penalties for breaches of employer obligations under the Migration Act; and new compliance tools, which are the ones I touched on earlier—compliance notices and enforceable undertakings—to support a proportionate response to the issues of noncompliance.

I'll close where I started: the vast majority of Australians would not morally put up with migrant worker exploitation. It's a thing you hear about in the media, but some of these most vulnerable human beings living in our society on insecure visas are incredibly vulnerable to exploitation. It is that threat that rogue employers—most employers don't do this; most employers are decent—can make, using that power imbalance to coerce a vulnerable employee, be it through wage exploitation or sexual exploitation. As I said, Border Force, with these powers and resources, are now making reports every year of suspected human trafficking. We have a very clear agenda as a government to raise the wages of Australians. Part of that is indexing the minimum wage that employers have to pay migrant workers, and part of that is stamping out migrant worker exploitation.

Debate interrupted.

Just last week the Prime Minister of Australia visited Forrest. I welcome him to come to Forrest as often as he'd like with a visit like that, because he really disappointed the people of my electorate with what he didn't do while he was in our community. He didn't address the issues that matter most to the people of the south-west. He didn't talk about housing pressures, rising costs or the challenges facing our families, businesses and community groups. The people of Forrest deserved much more than a fly-in photo opportunity of him on his private jet at the underfunded and underdeveloped Busselton airport. They deserved answers from the country's Prime Minister, and they didn't get them, so tonight, in this House, I want to put on record the issues that matter to the people of Forrest, because my community deserves to be heard in this parliament when it is ignored by the country's Prime Minister.

Housing remains one of the biggest pressures in our region. According to REIWA, median house prices in Western Australia have increased by some 67 per cent since 2001 and median rents are not far behind, with an increase of 57 per cent. Families, young people, key workers and even retirees in Forrest are all feeling the pressure from these sorts of price hikes. That's why I've consistently called for action on both demand and supply. This is a market that experiences both. It means controlling migration levels to better manage housing demand and it means unlocking additional supply by cutting red tape, clearing delays and removing the barriers that are blocking builders and councils from getting new homes to market.

If the Albanese government refuses to act, this crisis will only continue. More Australians will be priced out, rents will climb and the dream of home ownership will slip further from the grasp of another generation of Australians. I'm fighting for practical solutions, faster approvals, more homes and genuine affordability. Importantly, I'm fighting for practical immigration reforms that support our regional workforce without crippling our housing market, because migration should strengthen our community, not overwhelm it.

The 2025 cuts to travel allowances and service rates for NDIS providers in communities like my community in regional Australia are a betrayal of those in regional Australia, including our most vulnerable. A one-size-fits-all policy may work in the inner-city suburbs and in places such as here in Canberra, but it doesn't work in the south-west of Western Australia. In Forrest, where services are already limited relative to metropolitan areas, these cuts have led to appointments being cancelled and providers closing their doors to our community's most vulnerable altogether. In some sort of sick postcode lottery, families are being punished simply because of where they live. It's unacceptable, and I stand with the families in my community and the NDIS providers who have been so badly let down by the decisions of this government. In the interests of fairness and accessibility to a safety net that every Australian deserves, I ask the government to reconsider the changes that it stands by.

The Margaret River Hospital, just south of where the Prime Minister landed his plane, is outdated and increasingly unable to meet the needs of a growing, ageing population, not having been upgraded since 2001. The health minister is pretty quick to come into this chamber and crow about what he's done for the good people of Forrest, but the reality on the ground is a sad story indeed. Residents shouldn't have to travel three or four hours to Perth for services that should be available locally—a fact totally lost on the WA Premier, Roger Cook—so a major upgrade to the Margaret River Hospital is essential. I'm committed to advocating for a modern, expanded hospital that delivers the high-quality care in the community that my region deserves.

Apprentices, like everyone else in our community, are already facing lower wages and rising living costs. Cutting their travel and accommodation allowances makes it even harder for young people at the start of their careers to complete their training, especially in a regional electorate like Forrest, where long travel to the city is simply unavoidable. These cuts punish the very people that we need most: young Australians who are learning a trade, rolling up their sleeves and helping to fill our national skills shortage. I'll continue fighting to ensure that our apprentices and trainees get the support that they need.

Finally, one of my key priorities is advocating for a new terminal at the Busselton Margaret River Airport, the same airport the Prime Minister is very fond of landing his private jet at. He had the perfect opportunity during his visit to acknowledge the enormous pressure on the facility from our FIFO workforce, our tourism and trade opportunities and the freight for our region. Instead, he said nothing.

My first adjournment speech in my first last sitting week of the year is giving me a chance to reflect on what I've learnt over the last six months. I have tried to employ a very simple philosophy in the electorate that I am privileged to represent, and that is to listen, to fight for what I hear and to deliver for our community. To that end, we've been doorknocking most weekends of the year. Our team have been out there, knocking on doors. I've been organising house visits. We've been holding community barbecues. The sorts of issues I'm hearing are that people are still doing it really tough. It's been a crisis, in many ways, as our housing minister says, 40 years in the making—not just in housing, but in energy, training and so many areas. I think that this government is beginning to turn it around. I think that we are really beginning to deliver.

With Medicare, I've never seen, in all of the time that I've been a participant or an observer of politics, one single policy have such a massive impact as that policy to provide incentives to everybody for a GP to bulk-bill. That has meant that, in the electorate of Forde, we went, overnight, from nine bulk-billing clinics to 20—more than doubling the number of clinics. That number has gone up to 21, and that number is only going to continue to rise. I've never seen a policy so successful.

I believe that housing is my No. 1 priority in Forde. That is where people are really doing it the toughest, and this has been a failure of policies, as our housing minister says, over 40 years in the making. A complete lack of federal government investment in public housing like we used to has created the problem that we have today. Our post-war economic miracle was very much based on cheap public housing and cheap public energy, and, over the last 40 years, the federal government really has left the field and left people to struggle with what we have now. But we are delivering, and I am delivering in Forde, some very practical policies—policies like the five per cent deposit; policies like the Housing Australia Future Fund, which has already built almost as many houses in Forde in one year as the coalition built in 10 years; policies like they Help to Buy scheme; policies like getting behind the building 100,000 houses just for first home buyers; policies like getting behind National Cabinet's objective of 1.2 million homes to take that pressure off. They are the sorts of policies that this government is delivering in communities like mine.

Cost of living is, without doubt, something that housing is a part of and that health care is a part of—not just housing and health care. Cost of living—I can see the member for Hume shaking his head at me and my speech tonight. Member for Hume, I'm shaking my head at the policy that you took to the last election—a policy to bring taxes up on Australian people. When that happened, member for Hume, that's when I thought I had a chance of winning Forde, by the way. That was the very day I thought, 'Hang on, they can't seriously be going to repeal the tax cuts?' When you did, that's when I thought, 'I've got a chance here.' It's not just tax cuts; it's energy rebates and it's cutting down HECS by 20 per cent. When we cut, we're about cutting the cost of living for people. It's things like the real wages growth. I think we've had eight consecutive quarters of real wages growth. That replaced your five consecutive quarters of cutting real wages.

Ultimately, the world that I grew up in, in the nineties, was a much different world to the one we have today. The home town I came from, Broken Hill, when I went back there in the nineties, had an unemployment rate of over 20 per cent—Depression-level unemployment. Today, it's different. We've got work. We've got employers screaming out for workers. But, again, a failed system of training has meant that Labor is now playing catch up. That's why things like free TAFE are helping both people get the skills that they need to have a good life and employers employ the workers that they have. There's a lot to do. I'm listening to workers and fighting for workers and people in our community, and this government is delivering. (Time expired)

I rise to give attention to a sobering fact: Australia is under sustained attack, not a conventional war with tanks and troops but a campaign of coercion and interference, with cyberattacks on our banks and hospitals, espionage in our institutions, coercive trade measures, dangerous provocations against our servicemen and women, and assaults on places of worship. This is a warfare without a formal declaration but not without victims. Australians feel it when their data stolen, when services are disrupted, when communities are pitted against each other and when they are made to feel unsafe in their own homes and suburbs.

Our security agencies have made clear we face the most dangerous circumstances since the Second World War. Great power competition has returned, and its centre of gravity is our region. It's a contest between open societies and the axis of autocracies. Russia, Iran, North Korea and the Chinese Communist Party are working together more closely than ever and using every lever of power short of open conflict: manipulating international rules; funding proxy crime and terror groups; coercing smaller nations through trade, technology and energy; and waging persistent cyber and information campaigns against countries like ours.

Australia sits in the eye of the storm, pulled by two powerful forces—a weakening economy and rising threats to our sovereignty. In such a moment, what we need most is clarity of leadership—clarity about the threat, our alliances and about the national priorities. Leadership starts with telling the truth, even when it is uncomfortable, yet Labor still struggles to name the threat plainly and consistently. We are not getting clarity from this government. We should be crystal clear about the world we face. We oppose Russia's illegal and brutal war in Ukraine. We welcome early steps towards a peace deal and the government's confirmation that more assistance is soon to be announced. That assistance must be substantial, timely and focused on learning the lessons of this conflict to better protect our great country.

Turning to our region, it is vital to strengthen trade relationships with the Chinese people. But the Chinese Communist Party is a strategic competitor, with flares fired at our aircraft, live-fire exercises off the coast, foreign interference on our soil and state-sponsored cyberattacks on our infrastructure. In recent days, we have seen coercion directed at our great friend and trading partner Japan for merely asserting its right to self defence and peace in our region. At the same time, we must never confuse the threat posed by an authoritarian government with the contribution of its diaspora. From Ballarat to Young, Chinese Australian communities have helped build our towns and our prosperity. Our disagreements lie with the authoritarian states that seek to upend the rules based order on which our freedom and prosperity depend, not with Australians who have come here seeking the freedom and prosperity and who yearn for their families to enjoy the same freedoms at home.

Labor has weakened our standing with Israel, a long-standing democratic partner, and too often dragged its feet on AUKUS, leaving our servicemen and women waiting for the capabilities they need and denying Australian industry the jobs, skills and innovation we know AUKUS can deliver. But national security doesn't exist in a vacuum. We cannot defend our country with a weak economy. We cannot build unity and resilience in a nation where too many Australians are locked out of the opportunity of homeownership and rising living standards, and that is why prosperity and sovereignty live hand in hand. They are twin national priorities, not competing goals; they depend on each other. A stronger economy gives us the resources we need to invest in defence, intelligence, cybersecurity and critical infrastructure, and to defend that critical infrastructure. Greater sovereignty in energy, industry and technology protects our prosperity from coercion and threats. Our path forward should be clear: Australians are entitled to leadership that levels with them about the risks, sets clear priorities and that has a credible plan to restore prosperity and strengthen our sovereignty.

That is the test that a government must meet to rebuild our strong economy, a sovereign nation and a safer future for our children; to move on from rhetoric to readiness; and to ensure Australia stands on its own two feet while standing shoulder to shoulder with our allies.

I rise today to talk about something that sits at the heart of our identity as a nation; something that speaks to our values of fairness, decency and care for one another; something that millions of Australians depend on every single day—that is, Medicare. It is difficult to imagine Australia without it. Even more difficult to imagine is that, before Labor's reforms in the 1970s, the size of your bank balance determined whether you could visit a doctor, get treatment or simply look after your health. Yet that was the system Labor inherited from the Liberal Party—a health system where private insurance decided who received care and who went without and a system that left many Australians on the wrong side of the waiting-room door, shut out from the care they desperately needed.

When Labor first introduced Medibank under Gough Whitlam, the Liberal and National parties fought it every step of the way. They refused to pass the Medibank legislation twice in the Senate, triggering the 1974 double-dissolution election. They opposed the historic joint sitting of parliament in August 1974 that finally passed the bills, and, when they returned to government after Whitlam's dismissal in late 1975, they moved quickly to dismantle Medibank and wind back its universal coverage.

Then in 1984, when Labor created Medicare, the coalition opposed it all over again. They opposed the principle of universal health care, favouring models based on private payment and private insurance. Their policy on health paper at the time recommended letting people opt out of Medicare altogether if they bought private health insurance. But an opt-out system like that only works for those who can afford it, and that is where the real problem begins. We end up with a healthcare system where your level of care depends on your ability to pay, which reflects the private insurance model, not the principle of universal access.

That is the reality of a market run system; its priority is profit. Under that model, those who can pay are prioritised and everyone else is pushed to the margins, trading away the principle that universal access to health care belongs to every Australian. It tells you more about their attitude to ordinary Australians than they would ever dare say out loud. The Liberal and National parties never wanted the universal principle of Medicare. I'm reminded that every coalition member of parliament since has relied on Medicare, despite their repeated efforts to dismantle it.

Medicare is one of the clearest demonstrations of our national values and is one of the most remarkable public health policy achievements in the world. Other countries study it and experts praise it. It delivers universal care that is the envy of many countries. It rejects the model that ties health to income, and replaces it with a universal commitment that recognises that a fair society safeguards the health of all Australians as a matter of principle, not privilege. It gives every Australian the right to see a doctor, the right to receive treatment and the right to live with dignity and security. It does all of this because Labor governments had the courage to build it for the Australian people and the determination to protect it.

Today, under the Albanese Labor government, we are strengthening Medicare once again. We've delivered the largest increase to the bulk-billing incentive since Medicare was established. We've opened urgent care clinics across the country so that families can access the immediate care they need, fully bulk-billed, without sitting for hours in emergency waiting rooms. One of the busiest of these clinics is in Dandenong South in my electorate of Isaacs, and other clinics serve the community every day in Frankston, Narre Warren and other locations. By mid next year there will be 137 urgent care clinics across Australia. We're investing in new women's health initiatives, including expanded endometriosis care. We're rebuilding the primary health system that was left idling in cuts and neglect for nearly a decade by the previous Liberal-National government.

These reforms mean more people can see a doctor without worrying about cost. More parents can take their sick children to an urgent care clinic and get the treatment they need close to home. More women can access the specialised health support they deserve, with 11 new endometriosis and pelvic pain clinics opening across Australia. That is what Medicare looks like when a government believes in it and strengthens it instead of trying to ruin it.

We should never forget how hard fought this achievement was. Medicare exists because Labor built it, and it thrives today because our Labor government understands that health care is not a privilege; it is a right. Labor will always protect Medicare for all Australians.

Australians deserve affordable energy and responsible emissions reduction, and the coalition believe we can do both, but affordability must come first. This is what families and businesses in my community tell me every day. They're desperate for a government that understands the pressures that they are facing, but, instead of relief, Labor has delivered an energy system that is failing. Prices are soaring, and the targets are pure fantasy.

Labor promised cheaper power—a $275 cut to your bill, I remember. Instead, under this prime minister, the average household is paying around $1,300 more. Energy prices have risen by almost 40 per cent. Factories are closing. Business insolvencies are at record highs. Investment is stalling, and emissions haven't moved an inch since the coalition left office. Labor talk tough on climate, but their results say everything. Australia's emissions remain at 28 per cent below 2005 levels, exactly where they were the day the coalition left office. In other words, Labor's emissions reduction has flatlined—all pain and no progress. Yet they continue to insist that their targets—physically unattainable, economically reckless and never properly costed—are the only way forward, and they want Australians to bankroll this failure, even as cost-of-living pressures bite harder than ever before. While families struggle to afford groceries and to keep the lights on, Labor are chasing headlines, lecturing Australians and approving fossil fuel projects they then condemn in public. The hypocrisy is staggering.

The Prime Minister is happy to export Australian resources to fuel foreign energy grids and drive global emissions, but he refuses to let Australians benefit from the same standard that he holds for the rest of the world. He forces higher power bills and unaffordable targets on our nation while criticising anyone who questions the price that we are being asked to pay. And now the Minister for Climate Change and Energy, the part-time energy minister moonlighting as an international climate frontman, wants you to trust him on a new 2035 target that experts say is built on spin and fantasy. The government won't release the costings. They won't release the modelling and they tried to hide the briefing that confirmed exactly what every family already knows: under Labor, power prices keep going up.

Australians have been let down. They deserve better than slogans, secrecy and promises that never materialise, and that's why the coalition has put forward a new energy plan, a practical plan to bring down costs, strengthen reliability and responsibly reduce emissions. Our plan focuses on results Australians can afford, not targets that Australia can't meet. We must restore reliability at the centre of Australia's energy policy.

First, we want to change the national energy objectives so planning is built around price, reliability and security, not political targets. Second, we will introduce the technology-neutral affordable energy scheme. It would support all forms of reliable generation: gas, hydro, batteries, coal and renewables in the right places. There's no ideology and no picking winners. It's just the affordable, reliable power that Australians need. This scheme would bring on new supply faster, keep existing reliable generation in the system until real alternatives are ready and crowd in private investment so taxpayers aren't forced to shoulder the burden.

Third, we will support more gas supply, fix regulatory delays and ensure Australian consumers aren't left behind in their own market. Fourth, we'll pursue energy abundance by removing the ban on zero-emissions nuclear technology, by protecting reliability and by using all of Australia's resources responsibly.

Finally, we will reduce emissions year on year in line with the Paris Agreement, through technology, choice, energy abundance and industry led innovation, not through taxes or mandates or by punishing families and businesses. Emissions reduction will be driven by technology and genuine progress, not political theatre.

Australians want affordable power and responsible action on emissions reduction. Labor has delivered neither. It's time for a plan that actually works. It's time to put Australians, Australian families and businesses first, not last.

Longer days and queues at shopping centres and Australia beating England in the Ashes cricket can only mean one thing—Christmas is fast approaching, along with the end of the year, and 2025 has been a very interesting year. Globally, we've seen conflict after conflict and, tragically, the needless deaths of far too many people, especially civilians. Famine and war are sadly a constant, and I acknowledge all of those in my community who are touched because they have friends and family in danger. Their fear and concern are something they live with every day.

As this is my last speech in this place for 2025, I want to acknowledge and thank everyone who has invited me so warmly and welcomed me into our community: All Saints Liverpool, St Rafqa's, Saint Zaia Cathedral, John the Baptist, the Bilal Mosque at Hinchinbrook, Iftar and Ramadan dinners, Assyrian New Year events, the Affinity Intercultural Foundation, the Ramadan Eid bazaars, the many Buddhist new year and lunar events, Mandaean events such as Dehwa Daimana ceremony, the Hindu Festival of Chariots—the list is extensive and encompasses every corner of the globe and of Werriwa.

And then there are the many sporting groups who do so much in the electorate to support fun and healthy activities for tens of thousands of people. Thank you to all the volunteers of the Liverpool Catholic Club, junior rugby league, Liverpool Olympic Football Club, Southern Districts football, Preston Hornets, Hoxton Park Tigers cricket, Autism Advisory & Support Service, CNA and Ladies Like To Lunch.

I've been generously invited to many events, including those of the Liverpool historical society, the Rural Fire Service medal presentation and the opening of McGirr Park. The events I've listed are just a taste of what I've been to this year, and I always receive a generous welcome in our community. Day in and day out, in countless ways, there are thousands of people who devote themselves to helping others. To each of them, I express my sincere thanks and extend the very best for the upcoming Christmas and New Year season.

I would also like to add those who serve the electorate through their work. I think of all the first responders, nurses, teachers, police and retail workers. Thank you for what you do. Please be patient with the retail workers at this time of the year. It's not okay to be rude to anyone trying to serve you. Remember they are someone's parent or child.

The Albanese government, having been so resoundingly re-endorsed at the May 2025 election, has wasted no time in delivering. The government is focused on cost-of-living relief. Just this week, we reduced student debt by 20 per cent. A constituent wrote to me:

I cried when I saw the $11000 come off my debt. I have been making payments, buying a house and honestly unable to get ahead on any of it—this helps!

On 1 January, medicines will be the cheapest they've been since 2004—no more than $25 per PBS script and $7.70 for concession card holders. We've reduced the beer excise to support consumers and venues. We've made the biggest investment in health in decades—bulk-billing incentives, 137 urgent care clinics and $1 billion to support Australians' mental health. There's a new Aged Care Act, implementing the recommendations of the royal commission, that started on 1 November. There has been a minimum wage increase in each of the three years of our government. There are fee-free TAFE places legislated for the future and 10,000 for apprentices that support housing construction. New homebuyers only need a five per cent deposit for a new home, and there are over 100,000 Australians that have taken advantage of cheaper home batteries.

In Werriwa, work has begun on Fifteenth Avenue, with community consultation for the upgrade underway and early work started. Next year, Western Sydney international airport will open, bringing jobs and opportunities for our community.

I especially want to wish my constituents, each and every one of them, the best for Christmas and the upcoming New Year. It's only because of your support that I stand here and can advocate on your behalf. That honour and privilege is never lost on me, and I treasure it, and it is a task I recommit myself to each and every day as I look forward to 2026. To one and all, a very merry Christmas.

House adjourned at 20 : 00

Yesterday marked the launch of the UN 16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence. In Australia in 2024, a woman was killed every four days, and intimate partner violence contributes to more death and disability in women aged 25 to 44 than any other preventable cause. This is simply astounding. And these are not just numbers; they are lives cut short. The ongoing ramifications of domestic and family violence are devastating. It rips families apart, and the ripple effect on our society is endlessly damaging.

In 2024 in my electorate on the northern beaches of Sydney we had the second-highest increased rate of domestic violence related assaults in New South Wales—and these are only the reported cases. This underscores the urgent need for government investment in prevention, culture change and more support and accommodation services, including in Mackellar.

The recent, shocking Guardian investigation into the response of Queensland police in the deaths of three women in that state lays bare just how much work there is still to do on changing the culture around domestic and family violence in this country, especially for our frontline responders.

In Mackellar, the Northern Beaches Domestic Violence Network brings together local providers and community organisations to support victims-survivors of domestic and family violence. On behalf of the northern beaches community, I extend the most enormous and heartfelt thankyou to you for your tireless care and compassion. These organisations include the Zonta club, the Women's Resilience Centre, Lifeline Northern Beaches, MoWaNa Safe Space and the Northern Beaches Council.

Other key members, the Northern Beaches Women's Shelter and Women & Children First, are trusted specialist providers of crisis accommodation for mothers and children fleeing violence. These charitable organisations have delivered thousands of nights of safety and support to those in need, and yet on average both organisations turn away between 40 and 50 families a month due to a lack of capacity. The wait for social housing for families in New South Wales can extend to 10 years. Despite this, across the northern beaches there are only 10 government funded crisis rooms available for women and children escaping domestic violence, and none at all suitable for mothers with boys over 12.

For many women and children, sadly, the approaching holiday season does not bring a sense of joy and relief. It brings a heightened sense of fear and a risk of abuse. The wish of many women and children this Christmas is simply to be safe from harm and to know that, if they do reach out for help, it will be there. Quite frankly, it does not seem like much to ask.

I rise today to honour Emily Attard, a Caroline Springs local and the founder and managing director of Specialist Hoops, a truly transformative basketball program operating across several locations in Melbourne's western suburbs. What began in 2017, when Emily was only 16 years old, has grown eight years later into a vibrant community that bridges the gap in inclusion for people with physical and intellectual disabilities.

As a young referee, Emily witnessed firsthand the barriers faced by children with disability—unable to play a full game due to a lack of inclusive opportunities and facing pushback on playing while wearing noise-cancelling headphones. Motivated by what she witnessed and a game she loved, she founded Specialist Hoops to create a safe space not just for children but for adults, too, to play sport, to belong and to grow. But, more importantly, Specialist Hoops has matured into a community, a place where participants can develop skills but also friendships, self-confidence and a strong sense of belonging. Emily's vision doesn't stop at inclusion for its own sake. She's created pathways for higher performance too, with some Specialist Hoops players now training weekly for state level tryouts and others now in mainstream basketball teams.

What Emily has built is a powerful example of grassroots leadership, identifying a need, building a solution and growing something that matters deeply. Her work ensures that no-one is left behind not just in sport but in community. I congratulate Emily Attard, her team, her volunteers and the Specialist Hoops community for eight years of dedication, growth and genuine inclusion.

Today I would also like to recognise the Westvale Men's Shed in Kings Park for its inspiring commitment to community inclusion not just for men but for women too. While the shed offers traditional social and woodworking sessions for men, every Tuesday they run a women's shed woodworking program free of charge. Last week I was fortunate enough to be invited to one of their sessions. This isn't a typical class. It's a skills exchange where women learn to use tools, develop skills, work on DIY projects and build confidence alongside experienced volunteers. Through this program, the shed creates a welcoming, non-threatening space for women to connect, create and grow. Each of the women were keen to share their current and past projects, ranging from wood-turned bowls, hardwood pens, upcycled items rescued from local hard-rubbish collections, restored furniture and so much more. One of the women told me how much this community has supported her mental health since the passing of her husband. With guidance from the shed, she was able to create a wooden urn for her husband. This meant so much to her family and helped her process her grief in a different way.

Westvale's model shows how community sheds can evolve, preserving their core mission of supporting men's wellbeing while also extending genuine opportunity and belonging to women. This inclusive, grassroots leadership strengthens our community in real, practical ways and it's something worth celebrating and supporting. Well done, Westvale Men's Shed.

Australia's support system and tax system should make it easier, not harder, for our older Australians to keep working. But, instead of rewarding their contribution, the Work Bonus now punishes them with sudden tax hits, pension losses and complex rules. At a time when we are relying on their skills and experience, the system is pushing them away. That's wrong, and it undermines the very workforce we need to strengthen. We need to tackle age discrimination in the workforce and have more incentives in place for older Australians to continue working where they can and if they want to.

I met recently with Mary and Joseph, two Warringah local residents. They're hardworking age pensioners who are living this reality. Mary teaches English at TAFE. She rents, owns no assets beyond an old car and cannot live on the pension alone. When extra classes are available, she's happy to take them, but every additional dollar above the income limit reduces her pension by 50c. Worse, if she crosses the income threshold of just $52,759, even by just a few hundred dollars, she's hit with a tax bill in the thousands and goes backwards. The stress of these unpredictable penalties make her hesitate to take on extra work when it's available.

This is not an isolated case. It reflects the broader systemic failures of this system. Other TAFE teachers have reported similar struggles—feeling forced to retire despite rising rents and living costs. We hear a lot in this place about the need for productivity and the fiscal impact of an ageing population. This means that we need a more flexible support and welfare system that works for our changing economy, ensuring older Australians can work without the fear of unpredictable tax bills. This should include the flexibility to manage rising rents, cost-of-living pressures and reduced retirement savings. We must act to keep our system fair by lifting and smoothing-out de facto thresholds; reviewing income-test taper rates; aligning pension, Work Bonus and tax settings; and ensuring that the ATO hardship provisions are flexible for low-income welfare recipients. A fairer system will deliver greater dignity, choice and help strengthen our economy.

I've written to the government and the minister about this issue that we have to be able to smooth out. It just makes no sense that, when we have shortages, the people who are willing and able to continue contributing by taking on those extra shifts go backwards because as soon as they go over that threshold, the tax bill they get hit with is in the thousands, which they simply can't meet because of the cost of living and everything else being tight. I urge the government; I hope the minister will respond and meet with me to discuss this very urgent issue.

Today I rise to honour Jenny Rayner. She's a longstanding and beloved community worker who recently retired after 18 years of service to the most vulnerable members of my electorate, Cooper. Jenny's retirement from the Jika Jika Community Centre, a local neighbourhood house, gave us all pause to reflect on her work over almost two decades.

Jenny ran playgroups at the beginning, critical for connection between parents and for the development of children. She then worked providing outreach to the residents at the Walker Street public housing estate, where she ran homework programs and advocated for the public housing tenants there. At the High Street housing estate, Jenny ran everything from cooking classes to putting in vegetable gardens and caring for the residents there. She organised hampers for Christmas, delivered meals and ran activities like the popular chalk drawing competition during COVID. All these programs and activities are about connection. They're about people centred, community centred care. They are programs designed to meet real need on the ground, programs that can't be easily accessed elsewhere and that foster healthy, connected living while addressing unmet need and essential support for anyone who needs it in our community.

When I think of Jenny and her work, she embodies the essence of community work done right across Victoria through our neighbourhood houses. It reminds me of the many wonderful community workers now in retirement. And, while these are not exclusively female domains, it happens to be women from neighbourhood houses who have provided timely and effective services to the community over many decades—great women like Marie Goonan, Angie Davidson, Gina Wittingslow and Colleen Duggan, who all left our community stronger and more resilient through their tireless work and advocacy. I thank sincerely Jenny and all the workers in neighbourhood houses.

These are amazing spaces designed to meet hyperlocal needs centred in neighbourhoods with the diverse needs of each location in mind and in heart. They are spaces that provide friendship, support, learning and wellbeing. I don't know of any other space where anyone can drop in for a cuppa to reduce their isolation, collect a food parcel, speak to a support worker, learn a skill, volunteer, join an activity group and the list goes on. All of these activities provide support to improve the wellbeing of community members. This is not a flippant statement; it is a fact. Neighbourhood houses contribute $21.94 of value for every dollar of funding they receive. I'm sure there's not an MP amongst us that doesn't appreciate the value of neighbourhood houses. To all the workers in neighbourhood houses across Victoria: thank you for putting community first. Your responsiveness is what brings care, compassion, knowledge and dedication.

It's great to be able to rise today and say that common sense has prevailed. It's not very often that I am able to say in this chamber that common sense has prevailed under this Albanese Labor government, but for the first time in a long time it has. Do you know why? It's because—the Minister for Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development and Local Government is here, and I'm pleased that she's here—the government made the commonsense decision to say, 'We're not going ahead with reducing speed limits on regional and rural roads back to 80 kilometres per hour or back to 70 kilometres per hour.' I've got to say the coalition has advocated strongly against this decision, and I recognise the member for Barker, who has been campaigning along with me on road funding for the last four or five years because, sadly, it has been cut under this Albanese Labor government. At last we have seen some success, because the minister for infrastructure has said she's not going ahead with this harebrained idea to cut the speed limit back down to 70 kilometres per hour or 80 kilometres per hour.

We now need to see the Albanese Labor government fix the roads. They've made the decision that they will not cut speed limits, but now they need to fix them. I've got a few places—and, luckily, the minister is here—where I can suggest that they start in my electorate. The Princes Highway—we put in $60 million to fix the piece of road between Warrnambool and Port Fairy. They did the job, but they only half did the job. Go back. Do the job properly. That will make my constituents in Port Fairy and Warrnambool very happy.

There's also the Western Highway. The Western Highway runs past Ballarat to Beaufort and then onto Stawell. Fix that. Fix the duplication between Beauford and Ararat. Fix that, and that will make my constituents incredibly happy. There are numerous more roads which we'd like to see extra funding go into. I'm glad that the minister's here, because she's hearing directly from my constituents as to what needs to happen. People's cars are being damaged. The potholes have got worse and worse. Instead of the Prime Minister being in Melbourne announcing billions and billions of dollars for the Suburban Rail Loop, fix the existing infrastructure. Why would you spend billions on these projects when you're existing infrastructure is deteriorating before your eyes? Minister, you've got a big job, but at least you saw common sense on not reducing speed limits.

Last week I welcomed the Assistant Minister for the Prevention of Family Violence to my community to see a new approach to supporting people in WA impacted by family, domestic and sexual violence. The Perth South FDSV Local Link pilot will help general practice teams to intervene early and connect victims-survivors with support. The pilot program in our community sees Anglicare in partnership with Starick, a local domestic violence support service that I was proud to be the chairperson of before entering parliament. Through this partnership, they are embedding social workers into general practice clinics in Perth's south-east, with plans to expand the program to accept referrals from any GP clinic in Gosnells and Armadale.

One clinic leading the way is Pramana Medical Centre in Gosnells, who walked Assistant Minister Kearney and me through their engagement with the program. Pramana is a leading general practice in our community and indeed in the country. Named Medicare champion award clinic earlier this year by the Minister for Health and Ageing, Pramana was just one of two centres in Western Australia receiving an award for their support to vulnerable communities and an innovative model of care.

I also want to offer my congratulations to Dr Raji Kirshnan from Pramana Medical Centre, who this year has been recognised with multiple awards for the amazing support she provides in Gosnells, with constant effort to reach disadvantaged communities and go that extra mile. In August Dr Raji was named the Western Australian GP of the Year by the Royal Australian College of General Practitioners and awarded the 2025 AMA President's Award. This month Dr Raji was named Australia's 2025 GP of the Year by the RACGP for her 'tireless and empathetic service', especially to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander patients. Congratulations to Dr Raji. Our community is so proud of you and grateful for the work that you do. It might be time to buy a new trophy cabinet, though!

This is all important because accessing a GP when you're sick should not be a struggle. The Albanese Labor government is delivering more bulk-billing for all Australians so that we can all see a GP for free. With the largest investment into Medicare ever, we've expanded the bulk-billing incentive to all Australians and are boosting payments to practices that bulk-bill every patient. In my community of Burt, we've already seen clinics signing up to bulk-bill every patient, and by 2030 nine out of every 10 visits to the GP will be bulk-billed, with triple the number of practices bulk-billing every patient. You can find a fully bulk-billed practice in our community by visiting the Healthdirect website. After a decade of Liberal cuts and neglect, we're turning around the freefall that they left our Medicare system in. Labor created Medicare, and the Albanese government is strengthening it.

I start by congratulating Nick Dametto on his resounding win in the mayoral by-election in Townsville. Nick, a former state member—not of the same political persuasion as me—decided to resign his seat in the state parliament and run for the city of Townsville mayoralty. He won resoundingly. I'd like to let Nick know, as well as the parliament and the wider community, that we look forward to working closely together to ensure that the people of Townsville have a mayor that puts them, not politics, first and that can work with all colours of political persuasions to get the job done for the people of Townsville. We have seen neglect over many, many years from former Labor mayors who haven't put the people of Townsville first. So having a new mayor is a breath of fresh air. I believe that Nick Dametto resigning his position with the KAP—leaving the political party—demonstrates that he is willing to put people before politics.

I'd also like to say congratulations to Andrew Gisinger and his team on an amazing 20 years of QSolutions. He spent 22 years in the Australian military and he bedded down his position with his company based in Townsville. When business does well, a lot of business leaders leave the regions to set up in the capital cities. Andrew and his team decided not to do that. Whether they work in Townsville, Brisbane, Western Australia, Papua New Guinea—all around the world—their base is Townsville. They employ locals. They support locals because they know the importance of getting behind the great city of Townsville. Andrew had his 20-year celebration with his business and present were mayors, former mayors, former ministers, state MPs and federal MPs. It was clear to me that Andrew and his business have seen lots of political change, but he will also be there long after all of us have been in this place and have left. I think that's a testament to him and his business, who've put down strong roots in Townsville. It'll be great to see the business grow and thrive. I hope that naming the two extra partners for QSolutions does him well as he slows down and goes into a bit of retirement where he can enjoy his life. But, from the people of Townsville, to Andrew and his team, we say, thank you. Thank you for employing locals. Thank you for driving our economy. You're a good man.

Last week my office hosted my neighbour, the member for Maribyrnong, Joe Briskey; the local state MP for Broadmeadows, Kathleen Matthews-Ward; and the Glenroy Post Office working group, a local working group led by John and Sonja Rutherford. We've had many meetings with that working group over the last two years since the closure of Glenroy Post Office in 2023. I wanted, once again, to commend the work of the entire working group—all those locals who care, as we continue to advocate together for Australia Post to reopen an LPO in Glenroy.

The effects of this closure, which occurred two years ago, cannot be underestimated for the community: the elderly, people with disability, local shopkeepers, people that don't have cars, and many others who have felt the negative effects of the post office closing. However, our pleas to reopen a Glenroy site have fallen on deaf ears. Despite improper metrics being used—they measured the foot traffic while the Glenroy train station was being rebuilt, so that didn't give an accurate reflection—and a lack of community consultation, there's still resistance to reopening this vital community service.

The Glenroy Post Office closure is not unique to my electorate. I know this is occurring in many electorates around Australia. Many constituents have contacted my office—and I'm sure those of other MPs here—in distress about the inability to access local postal services. My hope for the Glenroy community, and for those affected across the country, is that Australia Post continues to come to the table with realistic solutions toward the viability of postal services. It is a community service; it is not just for profit. This is a service that's been provided by government for hundreds of years—like the military, the police and other frontline services. It is important that the community are consulted when changes are happening locally, and we will keep fighting for them.

It was also disappointing to learn through the media just last month that the local community health service, cohealth, planned to cease operations at three of their clinics in Melbourne's inner north. This will impact thousands in my community, many of whom I've spoken to directly in the past month.

The announcement by cohealth's board was not done in consultation with our government. We actually found out as the public did—through the media. But, once we found out, the Albanese Labor government jumped into action, repeatedly urging cohealth's board to pause their decision. The department of health and the Primary Health Network have been trying to work with cohealth to help them utilise the record investments that Labor have made into Medicare, without compromising the high-quality, complex care that they provide. In fact, just last week Minister Mark Butler announced $1.5 million in additional federal funding to assist cohealth in keeping these clinics open at least until 31 July next year. But this issue isn't over. I want them, this board, to understand that they provide an essential community health service. We want to work with them together to make sure that these clinics stay open.

I rise to address the government's recent announcement regarding new endometriosis and pelvic pain clinics. While this announcement is fantastic on the surface, underneath it is a profound disappointment for South Australia, the health minister's very own state. The minister claims to be leveling the playing field, yet for regional South Australian women the field remains uneven and the game hasn't even started.

We are told these 33 clinics ensure care closer to home. This is an insult to South Australia. Of the 33 clinics overall, only two are in SA. Of the 11 new locations, zero are in SA. That is right—zero. In my electorate of Grey, we are left relying on a single existing clinic in Kadina. While the staff there are dedicated and do a fantastic job, they are drastically understaffed and facing an impossible workload. Endometriosis affects one in seven women, causing debilitating pain, and one solitary clinic cannot physically serve tens of thousands of women across our vast rural and regional expanse.

The government claims they are stopping women from struggling in silence. However, by ignoring our states desperate need for additional resources, they are affectively silencing women on the Eyre Peninsula, the mid-north, the upper Spencer Gulf and beyond. How can the minister speak of dignity and access when some women in regional SA faced a seven year diagnostic delay exacerbated by geographic isolation. This $800 million package rings hollow when access remains a postcode lottery, a rigged lottery, a lottery regional SA never wins. It is unacceptable that despite this significant spending South Australian women remain an afterthought. We do not need more press releases. We need funded, staffed clinics. This announcement completely fails regional South Australia.

Uniting Country SA are tireless advocates for our region's most vulnerable young people, and I specifically want to thank Helen Worby from the Kadina team for illuminating a critical issue—the urgent need to keep country kids in the country. When children enter the protection system, the trauma is profound. Minimising the pain requires keeping routines familiar, ensuring students remain in their local schools, staying close to family and keeping siblings together. Consistency is powerful.

The statistics, however, are sobering. As of July 2025, nearly 5,000 SA children are in care. While dedicated families care for over 1,600 of them, demand in our region outstrips supply. Agencies reported an increase of 80 children needing placements this year alone. Unfortunately, SA has the highest rates of residential care which cannot replicate the warmth of a family home. To our foster parents: thank you. Your dedication builds brighter futures.

'Little schools do matter.' They're the words of Maree, a mum of four and active school community member at Lal LalPrimary School, one of a number of proud local schools who are celebrating their 150th anniversary this year. The Lal Lal celebration was a brilliant event with songs from students, the retrieval of a time capsule and plenty of cake, of course. I met the current grade 5 and 6 students here in Parliament House in October, but it was really exciting to also meet 94-year-old Pat, a grand matriarch who attended the school in 1937, and, of course, 100-year-old Jim, who attended the school for a month back in 1931 while he was staying his grandma while his mum was having his sister.

Trentham Primary School also celebrated their 150th anniversary this past weekend. They celebrated with a sausage sizzle, slushies and a lot of dancing and cake. My sister-in-law Kerryn, who's actually here in Canberra this week, and her sisters all attended this little school in the 1960s. They still have very fond memories of it. I was proud to attend the Clunes Primary School 150th anniversary in July this year, and I look forward to celebrating the 150th anniversary of Warrenheip Primary School on 7 December. It really speaks volumes of just how much little schools matter in that so many people are coming together to celebrate these momentous occasions.

There is, of course, nothing quite like the Ballarat Show. 2025 was the show's 170th year, but it was its first in its new Mount Rowan home. It's always a huge and fun-filled day for local families, from dachshund races, camel rides and miniature goats to competitive woodchops and motocross professionals doing exciting tricks. I'm not the only one who loves the show; in fact, over 20,000 people visited this year—5,000 more than last year's show. I was very pleased to support the Ballarat Agricultural and Pastoral Society with a $1.5 million election commitment in April this year. The funds will go towards the new event and exhibition centre. It will be a versatile and modern venue able to host everything from agriculture and wine shows to workshops and community get-togethers. I want to congratulate in particular Kerri, Matt and the rest of the volunteer committee, who've done a brilliant job of relocating to the new premises and continuing the show's proud legacy.

I also want to briefly speak about the huge increase the Albanese Labor government is giving to regional road funding. Two things that really shocked me when I first became the minister included the cuts that had been made to road maintenance funding under those opposite—the cutting, the freezing of indexation to road maintenance funding. Now that we have doubled Roads to Recovery, $1 billion is going each and every year to our local governments for the roads that we work on every single day.

This month, I was privileged to hold my Casey Volunteer and Community Awards and my Casey Apprentice and Trainee Awards. Volunteers, community groups, apprentices and trainees had their dedication to our region recognised across the two ceremonies.

A division having been called in the House of Representatives—

Sitting suspended from 10:01 to 10:09

At the Casey Volunteer and Community Awards, held on Saturday 8 November, three community groups and 70 individuals were recognised for their outstanding service. It was an honour to celebrate the heart of our community and offer well-deserved recognition. Our volunteers are the people who consistently show up and dedicate their time to make the Casey community strong and connected. They give so much without ever asking for anything in return, and I'd like to acknowledge the three community group recipients: She Won't Be Right Mate. Southern Cross Kids' Camps Yarra Ranges and the Philanthropic Collective. I'd also like to acknowledge the many individuals across the region who were recognised, including representatives from the CFA, local sporting clubs, community houses, guides and scouts, emergency services, food relief organisations, Rotary, Lions, historical societies, men's sheds and so many other local groups.

At the Casey Apprentice and Trainee Awards, held on Thursday 20 November, 10 local apprentices and trainees were recognised across a variety of fields. It was encouraging to see so many local business owners nominate their apprentices and trainees. These awards highlight that university is not the only pathway to success, and that trades are vital to our region's future. The event also recognised the contribution apprentices and trainees make to local businesses. I'd like to acknowledge the award recipients. The winner was Eden Roberts, apprentice chef at Dudley's Restaurant in Olinda. The runner up, Jarryn Stephenson, is an electrical apprentice at Stretch Electrics in Lilydale. The distinguished finalists were Aimee Kleehammer, a trainee chef at Three Sugars Cafe in Warburton; Lily Reynolds, a hairdressing apprentice at Blonde & Co in Yarra Glen; and Nathan Robinson-Darvell, a carpentry apprentice at Maltarona Constructions. The other finalists were Ebony Eagleton, a plumbing apprentice at Specialised Plumbing Group; Ayden Keithley, a mechanical apprentice at the VACC; Hayden Neil, an electrical apprentice at Acton Electrical; Oscar Scash, an electrical apprentice at In Electrical Services in Kilsyth; and Tim Sullivan, an electrical apprentice at DCP Electrical in Healesville. At both events, it was inspiring to acknowledge the people who contribute to our community today and into the future.

It is with deep sadness that I record in parliament the passing of Dr Erica Smyth, AC. Erica was a great Western Australian who leaves an indelible mark on the resources sector of Australia. Erica was one of the original geologists, and the first female geologist, who helped uncover the vast Western Australian iron ore deposits of Newman that would eventually underpin, to this day, Australia's national economy. She was a trailblazer for women in the resources sector.

Raised in Geraldton, her first job was cleaning crayfish tails on her school holidays. After completing a science degree at the University of Western Australia, she began her career in the seventies as an exploration geologist across the Pilbara. For seven years she was the principal geologist for what is now the world's biggest mining company, BHP, the big Australian. Later in her career she moved to senior roles at Woodside, where she became a vital part of the effort to grow Australia's gas exports to the region, providing the energy security the region needs.

Her contribution to the resources sector was recognised by a lifetime achievement award in 2010 from the Chamber of Minerals and Energy WA. She was the first woman to be acknowledged in this manner. It says a lot about Erica that she had bestowed upon her Australia's highest honour, the Companion of the Order of Australia, for her contribution to the mining industry, to science and to charities. A diabetic whose life was saved by the Royal Flying Doctor Service, she donated her time and service to the RFDS as a non-executive director. She was on countless boards including the board of the International Centre for Radio Astronomy Research, based at UWA, an institution I'm very proud to have had a longstanding relationship with.

I first met Erica when I was at the university, where we both had started as members of the UWA senate. Erica was an established leader in the resources industry, and I was just an undergraduate. My then undergraduate colleagues and I learnt so much from Erica and continued to do so throughout our careers. A mentor and a friend, she was an inspiration and leaves a great legacy. My sincere condolences go to her loved ones.

I would also like to mark the passing of John Donaldson, a dedicated member of the Rockingham-Safety Bay branch of the Australian Labor Party. John had worked tirelessly on state and federal Labor Party campaigns since the fifties. He campaigned for Kim Beazley senior, Kim Beazley junior, Gary Gray, Alan Carpenter, Mark McGowan, Roger Cook and, of course, for me. I'm very grateful for his contribution to my campaign. He poured his heart and soul into local campaigning. Labor depends on good, hard-working people just like John to fight local campaigns to get into government to support working people. He will be dearly missed, and it was my great honour and pleasure to be at his 100th birthday celebration recently at Gracehaven Aged Care in Rockingham. I want to thank the family for inviting me, and I want to pass on my condolences to his daughter, Denise, who is another much-valued member of my branch. My condolences to all who loved John.

Last week, I launched a 'local first' campaign to celebrate all things home grown in Hinkler. In the lead-up to Christmas, the state member for Hervey Bay, David Lee, and the member for Burnett, Stephen Bennett, have joined with me to encourage my community to shop, visit, eat, buy, drink and dine local first, I thank the many businesses who have signed up for the posters to help spread the word, and I do hope it all results in a much-needed boost to our local economy. Hinkler's small and family businesses are the backbone of my community 365 days a year. Thanks to businesses such as Bundaberg's Cha Cha Chocolate and Avenell Bros; Homeleigh House at Bargara; Migaloos Seafood, Urangan Fisheries and RAD Rolled Ice Cream in Hervey Bay; and Buck's Butcher Shoppe in Childers—just to name some who have helped us kickstart this great local first initiative.

Sixteen days of activism has begun this week in Hinkler. It's a campaign to eliminate violence against women run by the Zonta clubs of Bundaberg and Hervey Bay. As a White Ribbon ambassador and through my various roles in the police service and politics, I've always been a passionate advocate for this cause. Tomorrow, day 3, is a day of orange to symbolise a brighter future free from violence. The program will conclude with a day of reflection on Wednesday 10 December. I encourage everyone to stand with our Zonta clubs to eliminate violence against women and children.

Last week, Peter and Joyce Drummond celebrated 70 years of marriage. The word 'wow' was written on their anniversary cake. Married in Ballarat on 19 November 1955, Peter and Joyce have two children, Stephen and Kerry. They are also blessed to have four grandchildren and five great-grandchildren. I wish Peter and Joyce all the very best, and here's to many more anniversaries down the track.

Congratulations must extend to all the winners of the recent Bundaberg and District Business Excellence Awards. There were so many great achievements acknowledged on the night, but I want to mention that the Bundaberg Business of the Year was awarded to LiveLife Pharmacy Kepnock, and the Childers 2025 Business of the Year was presented to IGA Supermarket at Childers. Congratulations to all the awardees. It's a season for celebration in Hinkler. I was proud to support the annual Fraser Coast Business and Tourism Awards and tip my hat to my region's most successful businesses and tourism enterprises. The award I had the privilege of sponsoring was the Best New Fraser Coast Business, and that went to Social Box. The Social Box team now has a full-scale operation serving up wholesome meals to people all over Hinkler, including to aged care and NDIS clients and providers.

It's a privilege to serve as the federal member for Hinkler. My family and I would like to wish those in my electorate of Hinkler a wonderful Christmas filled with love and laughter and a new year that brings peace, health and happiness.

The Dunkley community is disproportionately impacted by suicide, with rates higher than the state average, particularly for men. This issue is close to my heart, which is why I recently invited Dan Repacholi, the Special Envoy for Men's Health, to the electorate. Dan's day in Dunkley began at Monterey Secondary College, where he spoke with year 9 and 10 boys about healthy masculinities, the influence of social media and their views on the upcoming social media ban. We then visited Chisholm TAFE to meet electrical apprentices and discuss the physical and mental challenges they face, the strategies they use to manage them and the importance of regular check-ups with their GP. The opportunities reinforced how essential it is to create safe spaces for men and boys to speak openly about their experiences with mental health and wellbeing.

We concluded the day with the Dunkley Men's Health and Wellbeing Forum, attended by 70 men, students and representatives from 14 men's organisations. The event was supported by the Man Cave, Movember and the Frankston Dolphins football club. My husband and my son, Dave and Flynn, emceed the event, with Flynn reflecting on the pressures facing young men, and the expectations and the reality that comparison can be detrimental to mental health and wellbeing in young men. Dan spoke about key health issues, including prostate cancer, body image, the importance of regular health check-ups and asking for help when you need it. Participants also heard about current research and local initiatives identifying what is working, emerging issues and the next steps our community can take. Activities throughout the event ensured the voices of men and boys were genuinely heard. It was heartening to see attendees commit to forming a Dunkley men's health network.

Last Friday I hosted Minister O'Neil's special envoy Josh Burns, Minister Kilkenny and Minister Shing at the Dunkley Housing Forum. I thank the Frankston City Council and the Committee for Frankston & Mornington Peninsula for their strong support of this forum. The forum brought together housing providers, funding bodies, investors and builders to explore practical pathways to address Dunkley's housing supply challenges. Together we examined the needs, barriers and opportunities to delivering housing stock, including more social and affordable homes.

As the federal member for Dunkley, I will continue bringing organisations together to collaborate and deliver outcomes that meet communities' needs now and into the future.

I rise to express my great pride in the farmers of Mallee. They are facing an uphill battle right now. They have the Victorian government and their tentacle subgroup TCV, Transmission Company Victoria, coming onto farms. Well, that's what they want to do; they want to enter farms. Instead we have farmers standing inside the fence saying, 'Access denied.' Access is denied to TCV and to the Victorian government for seeking to railroad my communities. These farmers are on the edge of harvest. They are literally about to start harvest.

We also hear in this space that we have Chinese made brake pads with asbestos in them. Asbestos is illegal. It is illegal to bring it into Australia. But here we have companies all over Australia who are bringing in wind turbines with asbestos as part of the works of each turbine, creating biosecurity hazards, I would suggest. I'm not an engineer, but, if a wind turbine goes on fire, what happens with that asbestos? There is food growing under these turbines.

It is an absolute disgrace that the Labor government has allowed these turbines to come into Australia with no checks and balances. What is going on is that these products are all over Australia now, by the thousands—maybe hundreds of thousands. Renewables absolutely cost farmers. I have farmers in my electorate, and I'll name a few of them: Andrew Weidemann, Ross Johns, Julie Weir, Marcia McIntyre, Ben Duxson and Gerald Feeny. All of these farmers and the myriad that are coming to support them are standing at the gate, stopping TCV coming in. Now, TCV don't actually have court orders to be able to enter the properties. They have no right. But, I tell you what, they're intimidating and they're bullying our farmers. It is outrageous—at the beginning of harvest.

We hear today that the Victorian government have put out a consultation about the five new RESes—I think there are six now—doubling the gigawatt hours that they require to put on farmland. Seriously? That's a consultation over a harvest period right through to February, when farmers are at their busiest and they are tired, and now they have to do what we know already is a sham consultation. It is a disgrace. Both the federal Labor government and the Victorian Labor government should be held to account, and that's what we are doing on this side of the House.

I rise today to acknowledge an outstanding achievement by a much-loved market and a much-loved person in our community, Le Marche French Market and its founder, Solveig Coulon. Last night, at the French embassy in Canberra, Le Marche was awarded the French-Australian Excellence Award for Arts, Culture, Entertainment and Events. It is national recognition of the contribution this market has made to Australia's cultural life. It is an honour that they have well and truly earned. For those who haven't had the pleasure of visiting it, Le Marche hosts its Sydney market at Woolwich Dock in Hunters Hill. What they've created down there is remarkable. It's not simply a farmers' market; it's a celebration of French culture, creativity and community spirit. Thousands of locals flock to Hunters Hill throughout the year to experience a slice of France—its flavours, its artisans, its music and its warmth.

As the chair of the Parliamentary Friends of France group, I've had the privilege of seeing firsthand how cultural events just like this strengthen the relationship between our two nations. Le Marche has become one of Sydney's most vibrant examples of that friendship in action. Solveig's leadership has been central to this success. Her determination, her years of hard work and her deep commitment to community building have created something very unique, and we are so blessed to have it in Bennelong. I congratulate Solveig and the entire Le Marche team for their wonderful recognition last night, and for their commitment to the enduring friendship between Australia and France.

I also rise today to acknowledge the life and legacy of Col Joye, a music pioneer, a household name and—for us in Bennelong—a much-loved local from Woolwich. Col was one of the first greats of Australian rock-and-roll. In the late fifties and sixties, his warm voice and cheerful stage presence helped shape a new sound and a new confidence for our country. In 1959, his hit 'Oh Yeah, Uh Huh' became the very first No. 1 single by an Australian pop artist—an achievement that opened doors for many who followed.

But Col's story wasn't just about chart success. He gave young artists, including the Bee Gees, opportunities, and he worked behind the scenes to strengthen Australia's music industry. He was recognised with an Order of Australia for his contribution to entertainment, and his generosity continued later in life when he donated more than a thousand pieces of memorabilia to the National Film and Sound Archive of Australia—preserving our cultural history for generations. Col Joye showed us that Australian artists could make their mark on the world stage. He brought joy to millions, inspired countless musicians and carried himself with warmth and humility. We remember him not only as a pioneer of Australian music but as a valued member of the Bennelong community. May his legacy continue to inspire.

In Dawson, the quiet of Crystal Brook and Kelsey Creek is under siege from the threat of a wind farm that would steal a sunrise, drown out the dawn bird chorus and loom over homes and farmlands. The Mt Challenger Wind Farm is not a minor project. It is an industrial-scale intrusion placed within minutes of family homes, farms and one of our region's most treasured recreational landscapes, the Peter Faust Dam. Residents were blindsided. A handful of landholders were approached in private. Turbine locations are vague. There is no genuine consultation.

In response, more than 120 residents have now united, through the Whitsunday Wind Farm Action Group, to defend their homes, their health and their livelihoods. Their concerns are not hypothetical and they are not political. They are real health concerns—sleepless nights, persistent headaches and other known documented effects of ultrasound. Some of these turbines will be less than two kilometres from homes. There'll be increased heavy traffic movement on narrow rural roads. And this is not to mention the heightened threat to our delicate ecosystem, which is home to eagles, brolgas and the Proserpine rock-wallaby. Above all, there is the destruction of peace that generations have enjoyed. These are proud rural Australians—people who have already invested in solar, batteries and sustainable practices. They support clean energy. What they do not support is a project forced upon them without respect, without honesty and without proper scrutiny.

Crystal Brook and Kelsey Creek are not suitable locations for wind turbines. They are farming communities. They are residential communities. They should not be the dumping ground for poor planning and poor policy shortcuts. Yet, while these communities fight to protect their homes and farmlands, Australia is being asked to tolerate something extraordinary—an energy minister bestowing the virtues of energy and climate across the globe while power bills here have surged nearly 40 per cent. Australians do not need a part-time energy minister. They need a government focused on lowering bills, stabilising the grid and protecting regional communities, not pushing reckless projects onto them.

This government's priorities are backwards. Rural communities are paying the price for policies written for people who will never live next to a wind turbine. They'll never lie awake at night worrying about the noise, the flicker or the health impacts. These communities are entitled to transparency and proper planning. They deserve to be heard, and I will ensure that they are heard. Energy projects must go where they make sense, not be dumped in the backyards of hardworking Australians.

I rise to recognise the deep contribution that Indian Australians have made to shaping Canberra. Walter Burley Griffin, the designer of our capital, spent his final years in the world's largest democracy. Today, Indian Australians help build the city he imagined.

At the last census, more than 17,000 Canberrans were born in India, making India our largest non-English speaking country of birth. Each February, the National Multicultural Festival turns Civic into a celebration of the world, and India In The City has become one of its most energetic anchor events. Run by the Canberra India Council, it fills City Walk with classical dance, contemporary performance, regional associations from across the subcontinent and, inevitably, those long food queues that signal something irresistible.

Whether it's Nav Varsh, Holi Mela or Diwali, Indian community events draw crowds across Belconnen and Gungahlin. I'm a regular visitor to the Gungahlin Mosque, the BAPS Shri Swaminarayan Mandir in Taylor, and the Hindu Temple and Cultural Centre in Florey, where I especially enjoyed participating in the chariot walk in June. I run into Gopal Baglay, High Commissioner of India, more often than I see any other diplomat.

The Indian community are regular and welcome visitors to Parliament House. This week, the member for Bean organised for members of parliament to meet His Holiness Baselios Marthoma Mathews III of the Indian Orthodox Church. Last month, Satendra Nandan and others organised an event here to mark the anniversary of Gandhi's birth. Many parliamentarians also attended the Deepavali celebration in the great hall, organised by the ACT chapter of the Hindu Council of Australia.

Indian Australians serve in our public service; run thriving small businesses; advance research at ANU and UC; and contribute across health, education, engineering, the arts and community life. During the pandemic, volunteers from the Canberra Sikh Association and HelpingACT, founded by 2022 Canberra Citizen of the Year, Mohammed Ali, provided vital support to those in need. I also acknowledge Dr Madhumita Iyengar, for her leadership of Initiatives for Women in Need, and collaborators Raffy Sgroi and Hari Iyengar from South Asian Federation ACT.

On a personal note, I'm excited to be travelling with my family to India next month. As I keep telling my sons, you can't understand the world if you don't understand modern India. To the Indian Australian community of Canberra: thank you for the energy you bring to our festivals, the enterprise you bring to our economy and the civic spirit you bring to our city. Canberra is more vibrant, more curious and more confident because you have chosen to call it home.

My constituents, like all Australians, treat health care and access to Medicare as a major priority. During the election campaign, Prime Minister Albanese promised on over 70 occasions that Australians would be able to see their doctor with nothing more than a Medicare card, but recently published Medicare data shows that bulk billing nationally stands at 77.6 per cent—unimproved from a year ago.

The PM isn't fooling anyone in my electorate of O'Connor, where bulk-billing rates have dropped to 76.1 per cent. Under the previous coalition government, O'Connor's bulk-billing rates were 84.4 per cent, which means bulk-billing rates have actually dropped 8.7 per cent under Labor in my electorate. In 2022, the average out-of-pocket cost for a visit to the doctor in O'Connor was $43.19. This year's Cleanbill Blue report states that the average out-of-pocket cost for someone visiting a GP in O'Connor is now at $45.41. That's an increase of five per cent.

Last week's West Australian published an article headlined '$8.5 billion bulk-bill baulk'. It stated that, despite the much-lauded commencement of bulk-billing reform, figures across Perth had failed to improve. Citing the government's official health website, Healthdirect, the West found that only two out of 30 GP clinics fully bulk-billed in each of the large Perth metropolitan centres, Joondalup and Midland. In Fremantle and Mandurah, only five out of a collective 60 clinics advertised that they fully bulk-billed.

I conducted a quick search for my electorate. The city of Albany, with a population of 40,000, has only one practice advertised as fully bulk-billed. In Esperance, with a population of 17,000, none of the GP practices contacted had taken up the fully bulk-billing option, and only one clinic indicated that they were open to doing so in the future. On the plus side, a constituent from Wagin, with a population of 1,800, responded that their town's only GP was now fully bulk-billing.

Unfortunately, for many of our O'Connor towns there is no local doctor. Increasingly it has fallen to local government authorities to secure and sustain medical services for their residents. In 2023 the Wheatbelt shire of Quairading made national headlines when they offered a package of $1 million to secure a GP. On top of a base salary, the shire was providing a four-bedroom house and covering all running costs at the clinic. Shire president Peter Smith told the West Australian:

If we don't have a doctor, we don't have a medical clinic … Then we won't have a hospital … we won't have a chemist … and so the demise will continue.

This mantra is echoed by many of the 47 regional shires across O'Connor and was reiterated in the inquiry into local government sustainability currently being conducted by the House Standing Committee on Regional Development, Infrastructure and Transport. In the committee's interim report, the chair of the committee, the member for Solomon, said— (Time expired)

My first neighbour in Australia was Bruce Baker. My family and I migrated to Australia in 2002, and our first house was in Bull Creek, in my electorate of Tangney. One day Bruce looked over the fence and saw that I needed help—help with how to mow my lawn, clean the swimming pool, cook a barbie and, more importantly, repair my retic. He helped me to become more Aussie. My wife, my kids and I all call him Uncle Bruce. My kids would go over to his house for treats and to be spoiled. Today my grandchildren also call him Uncle Bruce.

'Mesothelioma' is a word I didn't know until last year, when Uncle Bruce told me he had been diagnosed with this rare cancer that has no cure. Mesothelioma is caused by asbestos exposure. It is terminal and aggressive. This is a painful disease. Bruce can't breathe very well. Some nights he barely sleeps. Australia has one of the highest incidences of mesothelioma in the world. Every year more than 4,100 deaths occur due to asbestos related diseases in Australia. Australia bears a significant asbestos burden, with 10 million tonnes. It is a pressing health concern.

I want to acknowledge the Asbestos Disease Society of Australia, who have been very helpful to Uncle Bruce. Uncle Bruce is a constituent of Tangney, my first neighbour and a very dear family friend. I have more memories and gratitude than I can ever say in one speech. I speak not only to raise awareness about mesothelioma and to advocate for eliminating this terrible disease but also to raise awareness about the importance of having people like Uncle Bruce in Australia and in our life.

A few months ago, even though Uncle Bruce was not well, Uncle Bruce stood beside me at pre-polling. His presence meant so much to me. I would never, never forget you, Uncle Bruce, and thank you for everything you have done for me and my family.

In accordance with standing order 193, the time for members' constituency statements has concluded.

If the contribution that Graham Richardson made to public life was simply measured by what he achieved as a minister in the Hawke and Keating governments, then that alone would mean his legacy was one of titanic proportions.

As the minister for social services, he sought to make life fairer for pensioners by increasing the earnings on their savings, by making their pharmaceutical medicines more accessible. As the minister for sport, he oversaw an inquiry into drugs in sport, which led to the establishment of the Australian Sports Drug Agency in 1990. And, of course, as the minister for the environment he put in place protections for the Kakadu National Park and saw the inscription of the Daintree Forest on the World Heritage List, which guaranteed its protection. That achievement alone is one which will last long after all of us have left and are forgotten. It is an achievement of the most enormous proportions.

That Graham was so successful as a minister spoke to his intelligence, his passion, his drive but also to his fundamental ability to get things done in this place. Yet, of course, we all know that Graham Richardson was much bigger than all of that. Politics is about the exercise of power, and that exercise is a competitive business. Thankfully in our nation that competition is peaceful, but it is competition nonetheless, and it happens at every level between parties—within parties: competition to become preselected, competition to sit on the frontbench.

There are those who are involved in the organisation of that power, and it is far and away the most difficult task which is undertaken in political life. Graham was a person who performed that role. Now, all of us in our journeys have known those who have sought this role for all the wrong reasons. So to have a person who comes to it with the right motives and the right interests makes their place all the more precious. Graham was empathetic, he cared about the Labor Party first and foremost, he was intelligent in the way in which he went about his business and, most of all, he was willing to do hard things and make difficult decisions—quite often to his own personal detriment. But his performance of that role, with the likes of the former senator Robert Ray and others, underpinned the entirety of the Hawke-Keating government, the longest serving Labor government in our nation's history and the great peacetime government in the Australian story. It means that in addition to his own personal contributions as a minister, his name is rightly connected with the achievements of that government as a whole.

As a person growing up and coming into young adulthood, the Hawke-Keating government was for me the definition of the very best of Labor. It defined for me what I hoped my life would be about. It was a government that was filled with heroes, and amongst them from where I sat at that age, I saw Graham Richardson as a giant. Later in life, as I came to be in this place and to walk these same corridors, it was clear that, for all of us, we are on a pursuit of understanding—understanding how the Labor Party works, understanding how power works, understanding how broader politics is pursued, understanding how Australia fundamentally runs. And it occurs to me that, when Graham Richardson left this place back in 1994, his understanding of all of that was as great as anyone who has ever lived. And it meant that, in his postparliamentary life, when Graham went into the media, he was incredibly successful. He knew what he was talking about and he had an ability to cut to the heart of an issue, to understand its essence and to be able to convey that to a much broader audience and to do so with humour.

It was in his role in the media where I first met Graham personally. In fact, Graham in many ways reached out to me simply to offer his wisdom and his counsel if ever I needed it—and need it I did. I found myself speaking to Graham frequently. As all of us come across problems in this place which feel at times completely intractable, Graham was a source of advice, and, more often than not, he offered a way through. He was really clear about what needed to be done. He didn't pull any punches if that involved doing difficult things, but he was deeply encouraging in the ability for us to achieve it. It was a counsel and a wisdom and a friendship which mattered to me greatly. And of course I was not unique. There are so many others of us who have been a beneficiary of Graham's wisdom. What it means is that, in the current generation of Labor politicians in this place, Graham's mark is very much amongst us on this very day, and I'm deeply grateful for it.

When I take a step back from all of that, what strikes me is the generosity of it, because Graham was already a giant. He had every reason, having left here, to walk off into the sunset, not busy himself with the difficulties of this place and to simply enjoy life. But he loved the Labor Party. He cared about us. For those of us who were the beneficiaries of his wisdom, we very much felt that sense of care. And so, the Graham Richardson I knew is a person who was characterised as a man with a giant heart. Graham demonstrated that mostly in his relationship with his family, Graham had a former wife, Cheryl, and children Mathew and Kate, but in the time I knew Graham it was in his raising of D'Arcy and his marriage to Amanda where I really saw this on display. Graham loved both of them so, so much.

Graham had real difficulties with his health. He was a long-time sufferer from cancer, and in 2016 he had a very well publicised and very appalling decision to make. His pathway forward was to have radical surgery which involved the removal of much of his gastrointestinal tract, and it promised a future which would be one where there would be a very, very long recovery, much pain and a very different life that would be led afterwards. It was not an obvious choice to make, actually. But I remember talking to Graham about it, and he made it clear to me that, by the time he was 23, he'd lost both of his parents, and that had impacted him greatly. As his son D'Arcy was growing up, he was absolutely determined not to leave D'Arcy without a father in his childhood. He was determined to see D'Arcy achieve adulthood in his lifetime. And so he made that decision, and it was all of those things. It was painful, there was a long recovery and life afterwards was very different. But he did return to the media. He gave his insightful commentary. He continued to be a mentor to me and to so many others, but most importantly he was there as D'Arcy's father and Amanda's husband.

You know, in those years I looked at what Graham was doing and thought it was utterly heroic. It was such an incredible thing that he was doing for his family. When Graham passed away last Saturday fortnight, he did so after D'Arcy had turned 18 and he did so within 48 hours of D'Arcy completing his last final-year exam. He did indeed live to see D'Arcy complete his schooling and for his boy to become a man. Amidst the grief that I know that D'Arcy and Amanda are feeling right now, amidst the grief that we all feel right now, there is a solace in that, because it is such an incredible gift that Graham has given to D'Arcy and to Amanda. For all of us who had the privilege of seeing that, it is an extraordinary inspiration. Graham Richardson very much will live on in his family. Graham will live on in what so many of us take from his counsel and in the way in which we go about our work in this place. He is a man who is much loved, who will never be forgotten and who will be deeply, deeply missed. Vale, Graham Richardson

Fine words by the Deputy Prime Minister from another, former deputy prime minister. I love Richo. I really did, and he was so good to me. You can only take people as you find them. You can only take people as you see them, as you have experiences with them, and Graham Frederick Richardson AO was so very, very good to me—unusually so, because, as you just heard from the Deputy Prime Minister, the member for Corio, Richo was a Labor man through and through. He loved the Labor Party—he did—but he loved his politics more, and he wanted Australia to be the best possible place it could be. I think he also loved the fact that he could help and defend somebody who was being kicked, somebody who was down.

I have to say during my time as DPM there were times when there was a pile-on, and you knew that when there was a pile-on most of the media, most of those in politics, would also pile on. They would kick and they would kick hard. Richo was somebody who would come across and put his hand out. He would defend you. And, when I met Richo the first time in a political sense, he was there defending me. He came to my wife Catherine's and my house, our home, and he had Amanda with him. He had D'Arcy with him—what an impressive young man D'Arcy was and is. You could tell there was this deep bond between those three, that close-knit family.

Richo interviewed me for Sky, and he did a special on me which was cut short by one Alan Jones. Richo was horrified at the fact that Alan Jones—it was his show—stepped in and, you know, nipped the interview in the bud. But, whilst the show was on air, you could sense this friendship that was forming between Graham and I, and it was a friendship that endured and endured to the day that he passed.

I was very, very upset when I learnt that he had died, not just because I didn't get to experience that long lunch that we'd been promising to do for some time but because I'd lost a very true and dear friend, and Catherine had too. I wasn't aware of how close Catherine and Amanda were, but they were texting on the day. I saw Amanda in the corridor the other day. I know she was in the parliament this week for the Prime Minister's and the Leader of the Opposition's fine eulogies and fine memories of Graham. But I have to say Australia has lost one of its brightest beacons with the death of Graham Richardson. He was always so very supportive and encouraging. He happily gave his wise counsel. I'm from the National Party—go figure this. You've got a Labor doyen, somebody who is entrenched in—call it for what it is—the union movement, the labour movement, who reaches out across the aisle, across the political divide, and wants to help and support a National Party person at a time when that National Party person was having a pile-on against them.

I'll tell you the other person who did this as well—it was Simon Crean. Simon Crean and I were very, very close, and I cried the day I learnt that he had passed, and I don't cry very easily. But when my wife, Catherine, just after Easter last year had open-heart surgery, Richo reached out. He sent a beautiful bunch of flowers. That was special. He would be the first on the phone to ring and to offer his advice but also to pep you up when he thought you needed it, and that's rare in politics. I know the Deputy Prime Minister and I have a good relationship, and I admire the job that he's doing, although I'd never admit it publicly—I think I just did!—and I know the Attorney-General and I have a very close relationship. You form these friendships across the aisle, and you do it because you want the best for our nation. I hope the member for Dickson and I can, eventually in the future, as well. We're only custodians of the job for as long as the people who get to vote us in decide that we are still the person for the job.

Richo gave his all when he was the health minister and other portfolios as well. Yes, it was whatever it took. Yes, he was a rogue. Let's call it for what it was. He was a bit of a rogue in his younger years, but who isn't? None of us are perfect—absolutely none of us are perfect. But he gave so much to this nation. He gave so much to politics and to the Labor movement. He wore his heart on his sleeve, and I understand and know full well that he was one of Labor's powerbrokers, numbers men. He was ruthless when he needed to be, but he got on well with people across the political spectrum, and that's the important thing. He loved his country—there's no doubt about it.

You didn't have to second guess Richo, because he was a plain talker. He was upfront and he was honest. He was straight to the point. He meant what he said and he said what he meant each and every time. I know that he gave that promise to D'Arcy—lovely, smart, intelligent, beautiful, young D'Arcy—that he would live until D'Arcy had completed his Higher School Certificate, and he did. He kept his word. You know why he kept his word, Deputy Speaker? It's because he was a man of his word, and he was. If he said he was going to do something, then he jolly well did it.

As the Deputy Prime Minister has just said, he had so many surgical procedures. He had so much going wrong with his health, but he didn't complain. You didn't know about it; he just got on with the job. He was mortified as to his inability to do the normal daily everyday things that most of us just take for granted, but he was mortified as to what he was doing to Amanda or asking her to help him in every possible way of life. That was the Richo we know and loved. His articulate thoughts in the media—and they were articulate—always cut through. Even when Scott Morrison went on his little overseas trip—and I know; I was the DPM at the time!—and the whole nation was on top of Scott for doing that, Richo defended him. Richo was in there, and he was saying: 'Well, prime ministers need holidays too. They need a break.' The one thing that he fell upon in that argument defending the then prime minister was the fact that it was about family. Richo believed in family. He believed in core values.

I'll be a little bit political here. Even though he was a former environment minister and we can thank him for what he did to preserve, save and protect the Daintree rainforest, he also believed in—wait for this—coal. He did! I remember he texted me one day, and he said, 'Only idiots think we can do without that black stuff.' He was sensible, and he was pragmatic—unusually so for this place. I say 'this place' across the aisle because he didn't always go with what you would expect him to go with. He didn't always just go with the grain and fall into line because that was the party political position. And that's what I liked about him most. He was a little bit maverick. But when Graham Richardson spoke, not only did the parliament listen, but the nation did as well. And, as I say, I loved the bloke. He was so, so good, and for somebody from the National Party to be saying this in a condolence motion about somebody from the Labor Party—it boils down to the fact that we're all just human. We all just have the same desires, the same hopes, the same ambitions and the same aspirations.

The thing that Richo and I shared was a love of this nation. And I know we all do, but I will never forget the support and encouragement that he gave me. It was when you were at your lowest ebb—and I'm sure that goes for other people too—that you could always expect a call out of the blue from Richo. I say 'always expect', but it was out of the blue. He'd send a text, he'd give you a call and he'd say, 'Keep on going.' He would be there to support you when the party political way would be, 'Let's get stuck into him, and let's ruin this bloke forever.' No—that wasn't the Richo way, and that shows the deep love that he had for this nation, for his fellow human beings. Yes, we have lost a combative person from the halls of parliament, but we've also lost a beautiful man who had so much more to give. And I know he gave all he had.

To Amanda and D'Arcy, and to the Labor Party, the Labor family: my and Catherine's deepest condolences. I will miss him greatly. I loved him dearly. Vale, Graham Richardson.

I rise today to pay tribute to the extraordinary life of Graham Richardson, a stalwart of the New South Wales Labor Party and someone many, from all sides of politics and the commentariat, regarded as a mentor and friend. I pay my condolences to his family, particularly his wife Amanda and their son D'Arcy.

However, I do want to spend the balance of my contribution today reading into Hansard a tribute by someone who knew Graham for more than four decades. The following are the reflections of Mr David Tierney on the life of Graham Richardson:

I, David Tierney, have known Graham Frederick Richardson, or 'Richo' for over 42 years. In 1983, when Graham first got elected to the Senate, he hired me as his researcher. I was 21 and it was my first time in a suit.

Later, I served as his chief-of-staff and for decades was the behind-the-scenes "number cruncher" or scrutineer on those election night coverages from 1984 onward.

We pioneered election night coverages—well before the AEC did two party counts on the night.

And it is those coverages that first exposed the public to the young brash senator with the bouffant hair.

While we are very different people—with different personalities and priorities, we immediately clicked from day one.

And so, it was from boss to mentor, election guru to lunch and footy buddy, to a dear friend.

Even though we disagreed on many things, we only ever had one argument in 42 years.

I apologised, even though I was right, and we moved on.

Although I formally stopped working for him in 1990, at times over the years I think Graham never accepted that resignation. At times, I felt I was still his chief-of-staff in perpetuity.

…   …   …

It has been well documented that Graham was the consummate, and sometimes, ruthless political dealmaker. He often forged those lasting friendships over a meal. Many deals, friendships and plots were forged over meals, the most famous being "the night of the long prawns," where he brokered a deal between Michael Knight and John Coates to end an AOC/Government financial stalemate.

So, when it came to fighting political battles—Graham's weapon of choice was the Chopsticks!

He was a master of the dark art of "lazy Susan diplomacy".

Nothing much got past Graham and certainly not the lazy Susan at Sydney's Golden Century.

…   …   …

Graham—of course—had a reputation for being a hard political operator and tough negotiator.

When it came to negotiating, there was often a nuance to Graham's tactics, taught to him by his political mentor, the legendary Bruvver John Ducker.

A nuance but not subtle: you just openly tell the person what you would actually do, and then just do it.

…   …   …

Whenever there is discussion about Richo's ministerial career and legacy—a great legacy—the commentary often reflects the day that he, along with fellow staffer Simon Balderstone and myself, got manhandled a little in Ravenshoe, North QLD.

We were there prosecuting the case to World Heritage List the Wet Tropics—often shorthanded to—"the Daintree".

As it is well reported, I won't recount the story (suffice to say it was a bit scary), but rather describe its instructive postscript.

At the airport on the return from the rainforests, we reflected on how we had been ambushed and roughed up by outside timber workers.

Graham said that was not a fair hearing for himself NOR for the people of Ravenshoe. They weren't heard either. So, Graham said "we're going back!"

And two weeks to the day that we were bashed, we were all back in Ravenshoe in the Town Hall. Although this time we had four federal police with us. We still got booed and they ended up turning their backs on us.

But it reinforced the message that Graham repeatedly told his staff: "you must always show up".

That is, if you make decisions that directly impact people's lives and livelihoods, they have a right to hear from you, and you have a duty to explain your decision to them 'face-to-face'.

And so, in all his portfolios, and party roles, he always showed up to defend his position, argue his case and often cop a return serve.

…   …   …

Graham's most recognised Ministerial achievements focus on his work protecting Australia's most precious natural environmental assets like the Daintree, Tasmanian Forests, more of Kakadu and the Great Barrier Reef.

But, he made some other major significant contributions to public policy.

He drove through the largest funding package for initiatives to improve health outcomes for Indigenous peoples; programs that made a real difference to people's lives.

He rewrote the model of sports funding and super charged sports funding in Australia. He reformed the AIS; directly funding coaches for the first time and reorganising funding priorities to focus on the 10 key sports. All those measures significantly improved Australia's overall sports scene and our Olympic Games results then, and in the decades that have followed.

Australians have long held a fascination and love for the Antarctic. It conjures up images of adventures and wilderness. But, our Antarctic expeditions had been poorly serviced. Graham developed the business model to build Australia's first, and only, icebreaker supply and scientific vessel to service our Antarctic bases.

And he convinced his colleagues to spend a little extra so that the icebreaker—the Aurora Australis—was built by Carrington Slipways in Newcastle. Launched by Hazel Hawke, it dutifully served Australia from Hobart for more than 30 years.

…   …   …

Graham served at a time when there were great orators.

Wran in NSW. Hawke and Keating, a young Kim Beazley, and a long list of very impressive and articulate Federal Ministers.

Graham was not quite in the same league as those. While Graham spoke very well, especially to the Party faithful—he COULD sell a message.

People could, and did, relate to him.

He would walk down the street and people would yell 'give it to them Richo'.

I'm not sure today of the exact reasons why people identified with him. Maybe a factor was that people got to know him through his election night coverages, where he would cut through the white noise—even chiding his own side sometimes. But I think of greater importance was that he used simple language to explain complex things. He cut through political spin and called a spade a spade.

Because as he often said: "the mob will always work you out".

…   …   …

While Graham had humble beginnings, it has been a long time since he could be considered a battler. Killara, Paddington and finally Dover Heights are not exactly worker enclaves. Not many worker cottages in the Heights and certainly no revolution is ever going to start from there.

However, no description of Graham is complete, without reference to his life-long commitment to helping those that struggle. As he told us and his son D'arcy as well… "When you are someone, remember always look out for the little people".

And he did. Both in office and his private life.

The best example is told by my fellow staffer, Morris Iemma. He recalls how a group of young sole-parent mums came to visit Graham with their kids when he was the Social Security Minister.

As they told their story of how hard life was, with many of them not having proper meals, Graham noticed that the kids just wore sandals and had blisters on their feet from ill-fitting shoes.

Graham then picked up the phone to the PM, Bob Hawke, and said 'Mate, what are you doing for lunch?'

Richo didn't wait for a reply, he said 'You are now having lunch with a group of young women and their kids as they haven't had a decent feed in a while and you need to hear what they've got to say. And then you are going to fix it.'

Again, not your regular Senator. And this was not an isolated case.

So contrary to his image, Graham championed the causes of those that were doing it tough—a trait best summed up by the ever-astute John Della Bosca who said, 'Graham's reputation suffered from a misinterpretation of his well-known "whateverittakes" motto. But in reality, he was a compassionate, public-spirited man whose sympathy was always with the underdogs.'

…   …   …

It surprises many that Graham was actually a 'details' man. His reputation was sometimes shortened to being just a short-term political opportunist. The reality was, as most insiders and the more astute journalists, and certainly all staffers knew, he worked hard to get across the details. He also had the inquisitive mind—always asking the right questions.

For instance, on the decisions to protect Tasmania's South West Forests, he was up against some powerful forces. The major economic and resource departments of the Government were monstering the much smaller Environment Department throughout the assessment process. They were pro-industry.

Graham read the draft and final cabinet papers and studied the maps four or five times. So, when he went into the detailed Cabinet discussions he knew the names, numbers and values of every forest coope in South West Tasmania.

That's why over 20% of Tasmania is now world heritage-listed.

Ditto the protection of the Daintree and the Wet Tropics.

Ditto Kakadu.

…   …   …

No reflection on Graham Richardson would be complete without mentioning that he was a devoted Head Office loyalist. All his life he supported the machine he helped create—sometimes to his own detriment.

He believed in the role of Head Office in campaigning, in managing party affairs, managing the factions and in advising governments.

He was close to every General-Secretary except one, since he left the role in 1983.

He provided counsel and advice to all party officials—whether they wanted it or not!

For Party Secretaries taking a call from Richo was often like mowing the lawn. Something you didn't want to do, but you knew you had to.

I think that even up to the day he died, he would consider himself the General Secretary in absentia.

…   …   …

Finally, one last reflection. No matter what your opinion of Richo was—Graham actually got to live the life he wanted.

He wanted to be involved in politics.

He wanted to be a player in government.

He wanted to make changes to society and above all, he wanted to help people.

So, for someone to be able to actually live the life they wanted is a good thing.

' So, m ate, my last duty is , for one last time , I doff my hat ( my titfer ) to you. Well played, son. Rest in peace. '

Vale Graham Frederick Richardson.

I last saw Graham at the desk of the 2024 election coverage for the Queensland state election. We had a great chat together in the Sky studios. We compared notes. We sat and had a bit of a bite as we fuelled up for some six hours on air. We admired the fight that Steven Miles and the Labor team had put into their election effort, but we agreed that the likely outcome was pretty clear for all to see. We did have some highlights during that night. We shared some smiles across the desk, as we watched the Greens struggle and then go backwards throughout the night. And there I was, admiring his determination to be a blunt, sometimes painfully honest, Labor champion, despite all of the health challenges he'd been so open about. His wife, Amanda, was there with him, supporting him and sharing her insights as well.

To Amanda and to Graham's son, D'Arcy, I share my deepest condolences. Any family that shares a family member with the public spotlight pays an additional price, and I think we all know that Amanda and D'Arcy have lost someone who had so much more depth and so much more love than the 'whatever it takes' persona that many know of Graham in public.

As the Attorney-General just referenced, Graham didn't mind picking up the phone to give some advice to various party officials. He didn't just do it for the New South Wales branch. When I was secretary of the Western Australian branch of the Labor Party, he was happy to reach both across the continent and across the factional divide with some at the time very welcome advice on how to defeat the Liberals in WA, as we did.

If I think back to having read about the start of his engagement in politics, I can imagine the Monterey branch that Graham Richardson first joined. It's been described in many of the reports as 'sleepy'. I think we can all imagine that sort of dull party meeting that he must have walked into and thought, as a 17-year-old, 'I'm here to make a difference', and everyone's there to, probably, whinge about head office. But, just a few years later, there he was in New South Wales Labor headquarters himself. And before too long he was running what then became known as the New South Wales Labor machine. That was part of the passion and pragmatism that defined him.

Despite being passionately from New South Wales and passionately from the right of the Labor Party, Richo was an Australian, first and foremost. The blistering opening to his first speech left you in no doubt of where he stood with a view that he was here to act in Australia's interests. He said:

The rejection of Supply by the Senate in 1975 finally debunked all of the myths about this being a States House.

And he went on then to reflect on the core Labor belief of ensuring employment for all who wanted to work, saying:

The last election was won by the Australian Labor Party on the issue of unemployment.

And then, some 11 years later, he gave his valedictory—an excellent contribution after many fine arguments in that Senate. But it was with humour, flair, honesty and a very proud plug for his forthcoming book, trying to encourage senators to go and buy a copy, he said:

… Senator Faulkner and I had some … disagreements. I want you to know, Senator Faulkner that, for all the appalling things you have done, I forgive you. I want you to know … I harbour no grudge and that within 30 or 40 years they will all be forgotten. But, if I were you, I would be the first to buy the book in September, and I would look up the index, because I have got to tell you that you are there in large lumps.

Which confirms, I think, what the Prime Minister said in his obituary, which was:

Richo's life was often colourful, and sometimes controversial, but what lay at the heart of it was his sense of service, underpinned by his powerful blend of passion and pragmatism. He gave so much to our party, to our nation and to the natural environment that future generations will cherish.

That passion and pragmatism gave us both Prime Minister Hawke and Prime Minister Keating—election wins that, in retrospect, looked easy and certain outcomes but were nothing like that at the time. They were very hard fought, earned and won.

But it was in the environment portfolio, as many have reflected, that a man who loved politics and the political battle in all its dimensions really demonstrated his love for Australia itself. 'The greening of Graham Richardson' was the Sydney Morning Herald headline that would define his time in the portfolio, and in that they quote Graham as saying:

Trees are the sexiest issue of the '80s.

I'd like to say that some of those trees might be a little bit older now, in 2025, but those trees are equally as sexy today. And, if we think about those forests and the natural environment which he preserved—Kakadu, the Daintree—they are uniquely Australian locations forever attached to his legacy.

The Leader of the House, who worked for then senator Richardson, shared an obituary for his friend, and he outlined that the 'whatever it takes' headline was not just about power. The Leader of the House said:

I know the title of his book will always lead people to conclude everything was about power. I saw, up close, a fiercely loyal man try to drive a better health system and invest his capital before he left parliament in obtaining what was back then the largest ever investment in Indigenous Health.

Graham Richardson was blunt about the realities of politics. He was equally blunt about the possibilities of what can be achieved, and only achieved, by Labor governments. He also realised that the time for members and senators in this place is always limited but the impact of their decisions can last forever. As the Prime Minister quoted in question time yesterday, Graham said: 'My memory won't be around for very long, but the rainforests of North Queensland will be around forever.' I extend my condolences to all who knew Graham Richardson, especially to those from the New South Wales branch of the Australian Labor Party and, most importantly, to Amanda and D'Arcy. Vale, Graham Richardson.

Today we pause to remember a towering figure in the Australian Labor Party—a strategist, a fighter and a loyal servant of the movement—Graham 'Richo' Richardson. Richo was many things over his long public life: a senator, a minister, a commentator. But, more than anything, he was Labor to his bones. He understood the party not as an institution but as a living thing carried forward by people, by values and by the promise of a better life for working Australians. He dedicated every waking hour of his career to that mission.

Born in 1949 and raised in a family steeped in Labor tradition, Richo was shaped early by the stories of struggle and solidarity that define our movement. He joined the party as a teenager, not for prestige but because he believed in something bigger than himself. By his 20s, he was already deep in the engine room of the New South Wales branch, learning, negotiating, persuading and doing whatever he had to do to keep Labor competitive, united and capable of governing. And then came his extraordinary career in the Senate, where he quickly became one of the most influential political thinkers of his generation.

As Minister for Social Security and then as minister for the environment, he carried the same unwavering purpose of improving people's lives. The preservation of our natural heritage, of Kakadu and the Daintree, bears his fingerprints to this day. He understood something profound: working people deserve not only economic security but a country worth passing on to their children. In the great tradition of Labor reformers, he fought hard and sometimes fiercely to make that vision real.

Richo was known for many things: his sharp political instincts, his unmatched ability to read a room, his blunt humour and, yes, his famous willingness to do whatever it takes for the party he loved. But beneath all of that was a deep loyalty to colleagues, to friends, to the labour movement and to the ordinary Australians he believed Labor existed to serve. He never drifted from those roots. Even after leaving parliament, his voice remained unmistakeably Labor, on television, in commentary, at party events and in quiet conversations with leaders seeking his counsel. People listened to him not because he demanded it but because he understood politics the way few ever will and because his advice was always grounded in purpose, not ego.

Richo was not a saint, nor would he want to be remembered as one. He was a human—imperfect, fiery, passionate and utterly committed to his cause. But that is what makes a political life real. He believed in government as a force for good, he believed in the power of solidarity and he believed in the idea that no Australian should be left behind, and he fought for those beliefs with a seriousness and intensity that shaped a generation of Labor thinking.

In the electorate of Spence, in the northern suburbs of Adelaide, where working-class traditions run deep, there would be many who remember Richo not as a distant political figure but as a symbol of Labor's determination to keep fighting for ordinary families. He spoke in a language people understood. He didn't hide behind jargon or niceties. He cut through. And, whether you agreed with him or not, you always knew where he stood. That clarity and that conviction are rare.

Richo's passing marks the end of an era for Labor—an era defined by bold reform, tough decisions and unwavering belief in the transformative power of government. But his legacy lives on in the environmental protections he helped deliver; in the electoral victories he helped secure; in the culture of strategy, loyalty and purpose he instilled in the party; and in the countless Labor MPs, staffers and members who learned from him, formally or informally, what it means to serve. Richo faced significant health battles over recent years, yet even in illness he remained engaged, insightful and committed. His courage in those final years was immense. He continued to write, to analyse, to mentor and to speak his mind. He continued to give back to the movement that had given him purpose.

Condolence motions remind us that politics is not just policy or contest; it is the people, people who dedicate their talents, their energy and, at times, their health to the service of others. Graham Richardson was one of those people. He lived a big life. He leaves a big legacy. To his family, his friends, his colleagues in the Labor Party and all who mourn him today: I offer my deepest sympathies. May they find comfort in knowing his work changed this country for the better, and may they know that his contribution will be remembered not only in the history books but in the lives of Australians who benefit from his determination and his belief in a fairer nation. Vale, Richo. May you rest in peace.

Debate adjourned.

Recently I joined the Assistant Minister for Mental Health and the member for Macarthur at the opening of the Medicare Mental Health Centre in Campbelltown. The service is beautiful, calm, welcoming place, close to Campbelltown railway station and the bus interchange, and there's parking in proximity. The service is open seven days a week, and, like all Medicare Mental Health Centres, it has a range of support professionals including peer support workers, psychologists, psychiatrists and wrap around supports when you walk in. Medicare Mental Health Centres are free. All you need is your Medicare card, and they're available for you to walk in and find support straight away.

The Campbelltown centre is also special because it's the 50th Medicare Mental Health Centre that has opened in Australia and the 44th opened since the Albanese government was elected in 2022. For anyone needing support, there is also a Medicare Mental Health Centre located in Liverpool on Macquarie Street. All the details are on the website if you need them.

I'm looking forward to joining the assistant-minister in opening our own Medicare Mental Health Centre in Werriwa in 2026. No-one has worked harder than the members for Hindmarsh and Dobell to provide support for Australians seeking help with their mental health. The Albanese government is investing an historic $1.1 billion over a range of incentives to deliver new and expanded mental health services across the whole of your life, working with state and territory governments to provide affordable and often free support as soon as possible. In 2025, as part of the $41.1 billion mental health election commitment, we committed to boosting the number of Medicare Mental Health Centres by 30, taking the total to 91. In my part of the world, my opponents did not even match this commitment to deliver any more community based mental health services.

As part of the Albanese government's plan to strengthen Medicare with this historic $1.1. billion commitment, people will be able to access mental health support whatever age they are. This includes: the 91 mental health centres and multidisciplinary teams; the 20 perinatal mental health centres delivering support for new and expectant parents; the 17 Medicare Mental Health Kids Hubs, providing children and families with behavioural, social, emotional and wellbeing support; and the 203 headspace services supporting the mental health and wellbeing of young people aged 12 to 25. Many of these services are already up and running.

Early in 2026, the Albanese government will be rolling out the new National Early Intervention Service. The service will deliver free mental health phone and online support from trained professionals, and it is expected that will support over 150,000 people each year. We know that the sooner someone finds support that is right for them the sooner they start feeling better. It's not only for them but for their families, work colleagues and, of course, the community as a whole. Providing more free public mental health services for Australians with different levels of need will help relieve the pressures on subsidised services provided by private psychologists.

We're also building the mental health workforce. This includes 4,000 psychology scholarships, internships and training places. This is complemented by our work to professionalise the peer workforce, because we value lived experience. Next year we're establishing a new peer workforce association and undertaking a census of the peer workforce. As we expand the range of free services, the Medicare Mental Health phone line—which is 1800595212 if you want to ring them—and the website medicarementalhealth.gov.au will help Australians find the service that is right for them.

In Mental Health Month in 2024, the assistant minister and I opened the new headspace at Edmondson Park in the electorate of Werriwa. The centre is located in the shopping centre, across the road from the Edmondson Park railway and bus terminal, and it's been kicking goals since then. The Youth Reference Group is made up of more than 14 amazing young people. They are working hard to ensure that the needs of all young people in the area are addressed by the centre. Recently, they held a trivia night to raise funds for the work of headspace. Unfortunately, I couldn't attend the event, but I'm told the night was a fantastic success with many in attendance. I'd like to thank the Youth Reference Group again for their insight and hard work and also all the staff at the Edmondson Park headspace. You're providing so much, much-needed support to our community. The work they're doing is not just in the centre. They also do significant outreach to several high schools in our community.

I note that the shadow minister, in his reply speech in the House, claimed that the government was not delivering on early intervention services. As the minister said in her speech, we're establishing the new National Early Intervention Service, and that will be up and running early in January next year, providing phone and online mental support. The shadow minister also stated that our government was simply rebadging Liberal government projects. That couldn't be further from the truth. Under the Liberals, fewer than 10 pop-up Head to Health centres were established. We are now working towards 91 Medicare mental health systems, providing all services from peer support to psychologists and psychiatrists as a free, one-stop shop if you need that help. We've also established the virtual network to ensure every centre has access to psychologists and psychiatrists when they need it.

I'm proud to be part of a government that is doing so much to support the health of Australians, with historic levels of funding for Medicare improving access and costs for GP visits and especially more opportunities for bulk-billed services, cheaper medicines from 1 January next year and more than $1 billion invested in mental health support. The mental health support ranges from telephone to walk-in Medicare mental health centres and headspace, and the government is training more support workers, psychologists and peer support workers to ensure that all Australians in the future have an option to improve their lives, support their families and do wonders for our community.

I rise today to speak on the statement made by the Assistant Minister for Mental Health and Suicide Prevention about Mental Health Month. Unlike the days when people were derided when something was wrong with them, I am proud that we are here today in this place speaking about mental health. Not long ago in the chamber, I read a speech from a young leader in our community in Leichhardt, Claudia, about the desperate situation facing many young people in regional areas.

The situation is even more desperate in our remote and rural communities, where regular mental health services are essentially non-existent. The Mental Health Month theme this year is 'taking steps on your wellbeing journey'. It is a journey many of us know, and I'm sure we all know someone who has suffered through dark times. Hopefully, we know someone who has pulled through. Sadly, though, some don't make it out of the darkness, and I am not immune. My life from an outside perspective was fairly blessed. I was playing professional sport and had a family. Things were going well. Basketball was taken away from me. Age, talent—whatever it might have been. I was no longer required. Basketball had provided me with an identity, a structure, an understanding of my place in the world, a bubble. From 16 to 30, all I had to think about was that. People looked after my medical needs. They looked after my rent, my houses. People booked holidays for me. I had no life skills. I could not operate in the real world. When that safety net was removed from me, I crashed. I didn't know where to turn for help. The hypermasculine version of professional sport tells you to harden up, tells you to square your shoulders and take the hit, tells you to keep moving forward. No matter how hard I would try to live by that ethos, I drowned. I got further and further down.

I required intervention from people that loved me—from my friends, from my former teammates, from my family. They had to find ways to bring me back. It was not a journey that I could take alone. I wasn't strong enough, and it wasn't a question of strength. It was a question of fatigue. People think that mental health and depression is sad all the time. It's not. It's numbness. It's blankness. It's fear. It's panic. It's heavy and it's exhausting. It is not something that people should try to face alone. And I am glad—thrilled, even—that we are able to take these steps as a parliament, as leaders to say to our communities: 'It is okay. Things aren't always going to be linear. Things aren't always going to go in a straight line. Things aren't always going to be great. But there are people and services out there that can help you. There are people who love you, who want to see you be your best again, and, with a bit of hard work, you can be.

You might not get back to where you were. I am not the same person that I was as a basketballer. I am better, more empathetic. I understand myself more. It was a journey I don't wish on somebody else, but was a journey that I needed to take, and I wouldn't be standing here without the love and the support and the help of external forces. That's the thing that buries people: they think they have to take it on alone. That's why I'm proud to be a part of this government that is rolling out more help for mental health, because people don't have to do this alone. It can get isolating and you can feel trapped.

Part of this is obviously the $1.1 billion mental health package, the single biggest investment in mental health services, delivering more support and care in communities, backed by Medicare. Speaking to GPs, we know that most presentations these days—somewhere around 70 per cent in my area—are related to mental health and mental health issues. My region was rocked. COVID was very difficult for a service and tourism based economy. The subsequent natural disasters have been difficult as well. Entire communities—Wujal Wujal was displaced, sending elders to different parts of the region, taking away that connection to community, making children go to school in places they weren't familiar. Mossman was cut off for weeks. People went stir-crazy. It was difficult. My region has suffered, and that's why we're doing things like opening the mental health urgent care clinic. We're doing the things that matter on the ground to provide the services that people need so that they know that, when things get rough, they can reach out. Sometimes it's a whole community.

The free walk-in care with extended hours with no referral or appointment is a game changer. Sometimes it can be hard to get a GP. Sometimes it can be hard to take that step, to make that phone call, to have that appointment. But, if you can walk in and go, 'I need help,' and know that there's someone there that is trained, capable and empathetic to help you, that will save lives. Absolutely, it will. A multidisciplinary team, whether you need psychology, a psychiatric intervention or some social work, will be there for you in a Medicare mental health clinic.

But it's not just the mental health clinics. For new and expecting parents, we're partnering with the Gidget Foundation to open 20 perinatal mental health centres. Changes in life bring struggles. Children, as I've discovered twice, change things fairly dramatically. If you are unprepared for this, you can start to struggle. You can start to drown. Birth, pregnancy, menopause and perimenopause can play games hormonally with women, sometimes making mental health more and more critical. This is why places like the Gidget Foundation exist. They offer vital care. And it's not just women. One in 10 men also experience mental health issues upon the birth of a child. I experienced less sleep; I was one of the lucky ones.

For children aged nought to 12 and their families, we're opening 17 Medicare mental health kids hubs in partnership with state and territory governments. We are finding that mental health issues are impacting younger and younger children, which is why the social media ban for under-16s is so important. Let our kids be kids. Let them frolic outside, the way people my age did when we were younger. Let them have a break. If school is hard with a device, school can follow you home. Without a device, you would be safe and free. We are giving this back to the children of Australia.

For young Australians aged 12 to 25, we're strengthening the headspace centres, including in my own region. When headspace was first introduced 20 years ago, one in five young people experienced mental health distress in any 12-month period. That has now doubled to two in five. We can't pretend that the advent of social media or that COVID didn't change the way our young people see the world, which is why we're opening 58 new expanded headspace services across the country. That will be 203 services understanding the unique challenges and pressures of young people.

For those of us who remember that 18 to 25 range, there is a lot of potential and a lot of hope, but there's also a lot of pressure. Pressure comes from family. Pressure comes from external sources—from university or from work. You're an adult, but you're not quite there. Certain things are expected of you, but you're not quite understanding it. It's hard and you can get lost. But headspace is designed specifically to cater to the young, for their needs.

Mental health is not a 'one size fits all' approach. Different stages of your life will require different types of help. Sometimes it will be peer support. Sometimes it might be a clinical intervention. These packages make sure that the full gamut is taken care of so that a broad brush is not used and we watch people slip through the cracks—because it is about people. It's wives, daughters, husbands, fathers, cousins and brothers. Every mental health illness brings a cost to those around them. By providing this support, we strengthen families, we strengthen people and we strengthen our country. I am very, very proud to be a part of this. My own struggles notwithstanding, this makes Australia better.

I want to acknowledge the contribution of the member for Leichhardt. This is a place where really personal stories get shared—that's what we all bring to our roles—and it's important for others to hear them. When I think about mental health, I cannot foresee a time when I will ever say, 'Job done. We've done all we need to do.' I just cannot see that we will get to a point where there isn't more to do, because it feels like there will always be more to do. But Mental Health Month does provide an opportunity to reflect on progress, and I'm very proud to be part of the Albanese Labor government, which is delivering more mental health services in the heart of communities right across the country. I'm also really proud to have been one of the advocates who has helped ensure that this is a key focus for this government.

When I look back to the start of my time in parliament, access to free mental health services was available only in acute situations—essentially when you were hospitalised. the biggest change I've seen in that decade is access to free early intervention and ongoing management care for complex mental health issues through places like headspace and Medicare mental health centres. It truly is transformational. When I came to this place in 2016 there simply was no free mental health service where young people could front up before something happened, before they reached a crisis. After years of advocating we were able to secure, first of all, the Katoomba headspace and then in more recent years the Richmond headspace, and of course the Penrith headspace was one that we set up last time we were in government. These have provided and continue to provide access to young people.

That's why I support the expansion of these services. We're expanding to 203 headspace services to support the mental health and wellbeing of young people aged between 12 and 25. You might say, 'Well, that's great for young people, but what about adults?' My experience is that some older people who are able to go to headspace are opting for an alternative service, which is the Medicare mental health centre, a place that anyone of any age can walk into and ask for help. I think that's the key thing: it's the ability to walk in, at any time, to ask for help. And the centres are not just open from Monday to Friday, nine to five. The Medicare mental health centre in Penrith is open seven days a week and the one in Richmond is open six days a week, including Thursday and Saturday evenings. As the mother of someone who's experienced complex mental health issues throughout their life, I can assure you that it never happens between nine and five, and that's been taken into account in so many of the services that have already rolled out and that are in the process of being rolled out.

I recently visited the Penrith Medicare mental health centre with Assistant Minister McBride. The centres are staffed by multidisciplinary teams with mental health clinicians and, importantly, peer workers. These peer workers are a vital part of the process. I see them at my Richmond centre and at the Hawkesbury centre as well as at the Penrith one. They're located in every Medicare mental health centre. It means they meet you on your level. They've been there. They've walked in your shoes. Care in these centres is tailored to the needs of each person, with wraparound support for people who have more ongoing need. No appointment, no referral, no mental health treatment plan is needed. You literally walk in.

Ninety-one Medicare mental health centres are on their way, offering free walk-in care from this multidisciplinary team. The expansion has been part of our plan to strengthen Medicare, and we made a historic $1.1 billion commitment at the election to deliver these new and expanded mental health services. It's across the whole lifespan of Australians. It includes 20 perinatal mental health centres to deliver support for new and expectant parents. I had a fantastic update just this week on the plans for the Penrith service, and I'm really looking forward to more details of the location of that one coming out, because we know how important those first few years are. They can be tough on mums and dads, but they are formative for children. So these perinatal mental health centres will unlock a whole other way of accessing support at a time when things are already quite complex. Even if everything's going well, it's never the easiest time in a parent's life, especially a mum's life.

We're also creating 17 Mental Health Kids Hubs to provide children and families with behavioural, social, emotional and wellbeing support. We're really looking at these free services being expanded across the entire range of need. From early next year we're rolling out the new National Early Intervention Service, which will deliver free phone and online mental health support from trained professionals. We received the details this week of the organisation selected to deliver this free digital mental health service. It's going to be called Medicare Mental Health Check In, and St Vincent's Health Australia has been tasked to deliver this service from 1 January next year.

The Medicare Mental Health Check In is part of our commitment to making sure that, no matter where you are—whether you're in periurban areas like mine, whether you're at the top of the Blue Mountains or beyond, whether you're way up in the world heritage area and not easily able to access centres in places like Richmond, Penrith or Katoomba—you can access support. This is a free digital mental health tool. It'll give you access to self-help tools and low-intensity cognitive behavioural therapy. CBT is part of so many support treatments that people receive. It'll be delivered by trained professionals via phone or video. I'm very excited to see the impact that the Medicare Mental Health Check In will have. It's for anyone over 16, and you don't need a referral from your GP to access it.

We'll also be encouraging people to seek help early. Having personally experienced the quality of care of the St Vincent's mental health team in our family, I look forward to seeing the product they roll out and how they work with the various stakeholders to get this right. Everyone should know the Medicare mental health phone line: 1800 595 212. Everyone should know that there's a Medicare mental health website, medicarementalhealth.gov.au, to help you find the service you need.

You can't do any of this unless you build a workforce. Reflecting back, we have been able to build that workforce, with more than 4,000 psychology scholarships, internships and training places, plus our focus on peer support workers. Next year we'll establish a new peer workforce association with a census of peer workers.

I know I'm not alone in advocating for better mental health services, and I really want to pay tribute to Assistant Minister McBride, who has used her professional experience in the sector to drive so much of the reform that we're seeing, along with the Minister for Health and Ageing. Our special envoy for men's health, the member for Hunter, has met people in my electorate, including Panthers, the Nepean/Blue Mountains/Hawkesbury prostate group, Walk it Off, Men's Shed and Lions, to hear their stories and concerns around mental health. The Panthers wellbeing officer, Kevin Kingston, shared the work being done to focus on wellbeing on and off the field for players, coaches and support teams. This is work that happens in our community.

I know groups like Reachout are doing incredible work, and I met recently with a delegation of young people, including Sina from Bligh Park, to talk about their research on the need for trusted mental health information online so that young people know what to trust. As co-chair of the Parliamentary Friends of Eating Disorder Awareness, we will continue to do work so that people suffering from an eating disorder can control what they see online. There is so much more to do, and I'm very proud to keep doing it.

Mental Health Month has been an opportunity for us to reflect on an important issue that deeply affects our community. I thank the member for Macquarie for her fine, fine words. I think the Assistant Minister for Mental Health and Suicide Prevention put it best when she made her statement on significant matters in the House—she said, 'mental health is health, it's central to how we live, work, and connect.'

I want to thank the assistant minister, the member for Dobell, for her extraordinary work in such an important area of public health and policy. Mental health considerations are front and centre across the work of this government, and that is, in large part, thanks to her work and advocacy, supported by caucus.

Mental Health Month presented us with a moment not only to take stock of the challenge we face with regard to mental health but also to review what our government is doing about it while being cognisant that this is an issue which is with us year-round. We all have a sense of the scale of the challenge that faces Australia. No-one in this place or outside it has avoided being impacted by poor mental health. Millions of Australians experience poor mental health every year. If anyone has not needed mental health care themselves, then they have undoubtedly known and cared about someone who has. Some will experience poor mental health once or twice. For many, it's an ongoing health challenge which requires treatment and care. For too long too many suffered without appropriate, timely or quality health care.

The sheer scale, diversity and complexity of the mental health challenge is staggering. As the assistant minister outlined and reminded us in her statement to the House, mental health is the number one reason that Australians visit their general practitioner today. For eight years in a row, mental health issues have topped the list of concerns that are raised with GPs. More than 70 per cent of general practitioners have reported this trend. The Labor government has been listening to the community and to health practitioners, and we are acting to provide the necessary support and resources for this important challenge.

The theme of Mental Health Month this year was 'Taking Steps on Your Wellbeing Journey'. That is a very good summation of what our government is seeking to facilitate and make easier for all Australians. We're doing this to the tune of $1.1 billion. This is the largest mental health package, the single biggest investment in mental health services, backed by Medicare. What this looks like in practice is impressive. We are establishing 91 new Medicare Mental Health Centres; we are establishing 20 new Perinatal Mental Health Centres; we are establishing 17 Medicare Mental Health Kids Hubs, which will provide children and families with behavioural, social, emotional and wellbeing support; and we will establish and support 203 headspace services, which will support the mental health and wellbeing of our young people.

I was happy to host the assistant minister in my electorate of Bean not long ago to see what this $1.1 billion package means on the ground in my community. In July, I opened a new Medicare mental health centre in Tuggeranong with the assistant minister. It is operated by Think Mental Health and funded through $3.5 million to the ACT Primary Health Network. The centre on Eileen Good Street—just down the street from my electorate office—is a welcoming, calm environment staffed by a multidisciplinary care team which includes mental health clinicians and peer workers. The care that they offer is tailored to each person who visits the centre, and, crucially, you don't need an appointment, referral or mental health treatment plan to access support at the centre. All you need is a little piece of green plastic—your Medicare card.

I couldn't be happier that my constituents now have a local, accessible walk-in centre providing mental health support. I've had many conversations with staff over the first few months of its operation, and already they've become a well-understood, -respected and -regarded part of our health ecosystem. Having free, ready, walk-in access to mental health support is a real win for people right across Bean, and it's already making a real and tangible difference on the ground.

But this wonderful Medicare mental health clinic is not the only new piece of mental health infrastructure that will help so many in Bean. Next year, we will deliver a new perinatal mental health centre in Tuggeranong at the same location as the Medicare mental health clinic, in the heart of my electorate.

We know how stressful pregnancy and new parenthood can be and that it's a period when poor mental health can become more common. New and expectant parents in Bean will be able to get free and personalised mental health support through this new centre. This support for families will run from the perinatal period to the first birthday of the baby. We know that the demand is there for these services, and through this centre families will be able to get services without cost. The centre will be operated by the Gidget Foundation, and I can't wait for it to open next year. I would like to applaud the Gidget Foundation for the extraordinary work they've done right across the country in promoting the need for this perinatal support.

Beyond this, and coming up very quickly—in early December—our social media ban for young people under the age of 16 will make a real difference for their mental health. We have been listening to parents, experts and schools. In particular, I've been engaging with local schools on this topic, including today. Today there are two schools from my electorate in here grilling the Prime Minister and the Minister for Communications for Behind the News, that iconic ABC program. And their questions were pretty tough! But both the minister and the Prime Minister were able to provide pretty good responses about why the ban will make such a difference to mental wellbeing for young people right across Australia. The feedback from young people across our schools is clear: social media is a vector for poor mental health that many of them have experienced, and our action on this front will make a real difference to their lives.

The government is taking steps to improve and support the mental health of all Australians. We know there's always more to do, but we're very much moving in the right direction and we are working with our communities of health practice right around the country to do what we can to support Australian families and communities. Thank you.

It's always an immense privilege to meet the people working on the front line of mental health care in our community—people who show up each day with empathy, professionalism and purpose. Right now two in five young Australians are experiencing mental health distress. That is double the rate from 20 years ago. During Mental Health Month I joined the Assistant Minister for Mental Health and Suicide Prevention, Emma McBride, to visit the Liverpool Medicare mental health centre, right in the heart of south-west Sydney. It's one of 50 Medicare mental health centres now open across the country, part of a new model of care that brings mental health support into the middle of communities—

A division having been called in the House of Representatives—

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It's one of 50 Medicare mental health centres now open across the country, part of a new model of care that brings mental health support into the middle of communities where people live, work and seek help. Since opening in 2023, the Liverpool centre has delivered more than 23,000 occasions of service. That means thousands of people across our region—people who might otherwise have gone without care—have been able to walk through the doors and receive the support they need.

These centres represent a shift in how we think about mental health care. They remove the barriers that too often stop people from seeking help—the need for a referral, a diagnosis or even an appointment. You can simply walk in and be seen by a multidisciplinary team of mental health clinicians, nurses, counsellors and peer workers. These are people who understand the complex medical system but, more importantly, understand people.

When you step inside the Liverpool centre, there's a sense of calm and care that's not common in health care. It doesn't feel clinical or intimidating; it feels human. There's a sense that help is here and that someone is ready to listen. I met staff who spoke about supporting people at some of their lowest moments—people in distress, people who have been waiting too long for support, people who just needed someone to take them seriously. For many, centres like this are the difference between isolation and recovery, between being seen and being overlooked.

This is what the Albanese Labor government means when it says it's putting mental health at the heart of Medicare. It's about building a system that treats mental health just as importantly as physical health, not just as an afterthought, a luxury or a separate lane of care. In Liverpool alone the Albanese government has invested $18.4 million to fund the centre's operations, and it's already transforming lives. In October this government also opened the new Campbelltown Medicare Mental Health Centre, providing even more south-western Sydney residents with access to free walk-in mental health support and care. When we invest in services that meet people where they are, we strengthen the fabric of our community. Mental health isn't an abstract policy. It's deeply personal. It's in every family, every workplace and every street in our suburbs. I've heard firsthand across Hughes from parents worrying about their children; young people struggling with study or work pressures; adults trying to balance family, finances and wellbeing; and seniors feeling isolated. Mental health and resilience is part of all our stories, and that's why this new network of Medicare mental health centres is this government walking the walk not just talking the talk on mental health.

I also had the opportunity to visit headspace Liverpool and headspace Miranda on national mental health day. Both of these services do remarkable work supporting young people across south-west Sydney and the Sutherland Shire. At headspace Liverpool I met a team that's passionate about creating a space where young people feel safe to open up. The service is welcoming, warm and led by people who know that early intervention can make all the difference. It's amazing to see how well networked this program is with local high schools and how these programs are growing from strength to strength. That's why the Albanese government is expanding headspace centres to 203 locations nationwide. Speaking to the staff at headspace Liverpool, you can see how seriously they take that mission—their outreach into schools, TAFEs and community organisations means help isn't hidden behind a waiting list or a long drive. It's part of daily life.

For many young people the hardest step is the first one, which is seeking the help they need. Once they do, the transformation can be incredible. As part of the Albanese Labor government's $1.1 billion mental health election commitment, over $200 million will be invested in 58 new upgraded and expanded headspace services. Headspace Miranda will receive $2.5 million through the headspace Demand Management and Enhancement Program to hire additional clinicians and relocate the service to expand capacity and improve care.

I visited headspace Miranda to meet with staff and members of their youth reference group and discuss all the great work they're doing. This centre supports young people across the shire, an area that, despite its beauty and strong sense of community, isn't immune to the pressures young people face. At Miranda the team shared stories about how they've supported young people dealing with everything from exam stress to family breakdowns, loneliness and depression. They spoke about how they're seeing an increase in family violence and child protection concerns but also that more young people are reaching out for help earlier, which is highly encouraging.

In the shire I often hear from families who are trying to support their kids through tough times. Sometimes they're not sure what to say or how to help. Services like headspace Miranda give those families a starting point. They give young people a safe space where they can find understanding and care without stigma or judgement. It's not just for crisis care. Headspace helps young people develop the tools and confidence to manage their wellbeing. That building of resilience is critical, and it will last them a lifetime.

When we talk about mental health, we often talk about numbers—how many centres, how many appointments, how much funding. Those numbers matter, but what matters more are the people behind them—the young people who walked into headspace Liverpool and found hope; the peer worker at Miranda who turned their recovery into a career of helping others; and the clinicians at the Liverpool Medicare Mental Health Centre, who open the doors each day to anyone in need with no referral required. These are the people building a better mental health system in real time, and, as a government, we're supporting that with the largest investment in mental health in Australia's history, with $1.1 billion to expand access to community based care backed by Medicare. That means more services, more staff and more options for people at every stage of life. It also means acknowledging that one size doesn't fit all. For new parents, we're opening 20 perinatal mental health centres in partnership with the Gidget Foundation. For children, 17 new Medicare mental health kids hubs are being rolled out across the country. For young people, the headspace network continues to grow and evolve.

All of this work shares a single vision that mental health care should be accessible, compassionate and local. I want to thank each clinician, counsellor, peer worker, receptionist and volunteer that works so hard across these services. Your work is vital. You're saving lives every day, often quietly, without recognition, but always with impact. I also want to thank the families, carers and loved ones who support those experiencing mental ill health. The strength, patience and love you show are the backbone of our community's mental health response.

Mental Health Month's theme this year is 'Taking steps on your wellbeing journey'. From my conversations in Liverpool and Miranda, one message stands: out the first step is often the hardest, but it's also the most powerful. This always bears repeating because of the devastating impacts mental health can have in our community. If you're struggling, reach out. If you're not sure where to start, walk into one of our Medicare mental health centres or your local headspace. You don't need a referral, you don't need to wait and you don't have to do it alone.

Together, we're building a system that meets people with compassion and one that makes it easier to ask for help and easier to get it, because mental health is health, and when we take care of it, our whole community is better off.

Australia is in the midst of a mental health crisis, and the statistics are stark. One in two Australian adults will suffer from a mental illness at some point in their lives. Three thousand Australians will take their own lives each year as a result of mental ill health. In South Australia, one in five people experience a mental illness every year, and 43 per cent of South Australians will experience a mental illness in their lifetime. While we wouldn't think twice about seeking professional care for a physical injury, too often we treat mental illness with an unseriousness we wouldn't treat the common cold with. That's why Mental Health Month is so important in bringing awareness to an issue which has, for decades, been under prioritised when it comes to government support.

I've worked in and around the mental health space all my life. I've run primary mental health services across South Australia, including in rural and remote areas. I've run primary health services for SA Health in the city, as well as homelessness services for Catherine House and Vinnies. And I've witnessed firsthand the emotional and financial toll that a mental illness can take on a person's life if the mental illness is left unchecked, untreated.

The effects of mental ill health are felt far beyond the individual sufferer. It can have devastating impacts for the family and the community. The factors known to have a causative link to mental ill health are many and various, including unemployment, homelessness, financial insecurity, family and domestic violence, and significant life events. But a lack of accessible and affordable mental health services in the local community can mean a short-term episode becomes a long-term, serious, debilitating illness.

Poor access to mental health services can be due to a range of issues: limited mental health workforce, continuing stigma around mental illness, a lack of collaboration across the different types of mental health services, an unequal concentration of mental health services in metropolitan areas to the detriment of regional and rural areas, and the high demand for mental health services where there is an undersupply of workers.

But there is hope. Hope exists in a government that is prepared to take your mental health seriously—a government that is prepared to acknowledge the fact that a mentally unhealthy Australia means a socially and economically poorer Australia, a government that is prepared to support the most health-vulnerable members of our community by making access to mental health services easier and more affordable, and a government that will continue Labor's proud legacy of ensuring that health care and mental health care is a right and not a privilege.

That's why, as part of our Medicare plan, the Albanese Labor government has committed to investing an historic $1.1 billion to expand and enhance mental health services right across this country. The numbers speak for themselves: 91 Medicare mental health centres, 20 perinatal mental health centres, 17 Medicare mental health kids hubs and 203 headspace services.

In my electorate of Boothby, we have a very well-utilised headspace service helping young Australians between the ages of 12 and 25 navigate their mental health challenges. I visited there recently myself, and the staff do an absolutely excellent job, including one-off, walk-in visits.

In December this year we will open a mental health kids hub in the Marion GP Plus centre, providing crucial early intervention support and resources for children and their families. A Medicare mental health centre will also be established in Marion, providing a free walk-in service delivered by a multidisciplinary team. Work on a perinatal health centre is currently underway in Elizabeth, in northern Adelaide, and we're expecting at least one more in Adelaide as part of Labor's 2025 election commitment. This will support the mental health and wellbeing of mothers and families during and after their pregnancies, a particularly vulnerable time.

These mental health services are in addition to the other facilities currently being built in Boothby. We have a statewide eating-disorder centre which will be established at the Repat hospital in Daw Park, at the very heart of Boothby, providing round-the-clock treatment and outpatient services for those living with an eating disorder. Now close to completion, we're rebuilding and expanding the inpatient mental health service at the Margaret Tobin Centre at Flinders Medical Centre. When completed, it will be able to accommodate 48 mental health beds, including 12 brand-new beds up in the psychiatric intensive care unit.

The Albanese Labor government will also invest $500 million in 20 youth specialist care centres across the country to support young Australians with complex mental health needs, including personality disorders, eating disorders and early psychosis. This is part of the government's plan to fill what the experts have called 'the missing middle', ensuring that young Australians whose mental health issues warrant neither a GP visit nor hospitalisation can also receive specialist care.

On 1 January next year, the government will launch the National Early Intervention Service, which will provide over-the-phone and online support from trained mental health professionals for those with mild to moderate mental health needs. It will be a free service. You won't need a referral. You won't have to pay a gap fee. We're expecting that this service will support around 150,000 people every year.

The Albanese Labor government's historic $1.1 billion package to fund mental health services across this country reflects Labor's long-held commitment to the idea that an affordable and accessible public health service is for the benefit of all Australians and our community.

Our expansion of mental health services under Medicare will relieve the pressure on subsidised private psychologists, allowing them to work more efficiently and effectively to support those with moderate to high mental health needs. To relieve this pressure further, the government will build up our mental health workforce by funding more than 4,000 psychology scholarships, internships and training places. This will mean more psychology places at universities and more training places for mental health professionals, including for psychiatrists, psychologists and peer workers. The government will also professionalise the peer workforce, establishing a new peer workforce association and undertaking a census of all peer workers. When I worked in mental health for SA Health, we were the first to implement peer workers, and it's great to see this important skilled workforce valued appropriately. They've proven to be invaluable in providing peer support and advocacy across a range of mental health settings.

Significantly, from 1 November this year, the government will expand the eligibility for bulk-billing incentives to all Medicare patients and will create an additional incentive payment for general practices that choose to fully bulk-bill, because the GP is often the first point of contact for those seeking professional advice on a mental health issue. We aim for nine out of 10 GP visits to be bulk-billed by 2030. Mental health can be treated as a chronic disease, and GPs are a really important part of maintaining good mental health and preventing relapses, but only if they're affordable and only if the medications are affordable.

The metaphor of 'the black dog' is often invoked when speaking of depression, one of the most common mental illnesses in our community. The black dog is a companion who is extremely difficult to shake off. It can wake you up in the morning. It disturbs your sleep at night. It literally dogs your every move, casts a shadow on every activity, drains your joy, drains your energy and makes everything a little darker, a little greyer, a little more difficult. It craves your attention during the quieter moments of your day and barks even more loudly when it thinks your attention has strayed. We all have friends, family and colleagues—maybe even ourselves—who have been stalked by their own black dog. It's not easy, but it is possible to keep the black dog at bay.

Many in our community live satisfying and productive lives, managing mental illness as a chronic disease. That's why the Albanese Labor government's groundbreaking investment in a national infrastructure of mental healthcare workforce and services is so vital. It will ensure that all Australians—no matter their age, no matter the severity of their condition, no matter their financial circumstances—are able to get the mental health support they need whenever they need it and wherever they need it. Thank you.

Mental health has touched many people, most likely everybody in this House, whether it's a friend, a loved one or even yourself. There are many reasons someone might struggle with mental health. It could be biological—genetics, family history, brain chemistry or structure. It could be psychological—trauma, stress, substance abuse. Or it could be social and environmental—social isolation, life events, socioeconomic factors, discrimination, or someone else's environment.

Recently I spoke with Ariana, a 10-year-old student going to school in my electorate, and we chatted about mental health through the lens of school bullying. She may be only 10, but her observations were very wise and very mature. While we chatted she reiterated what she wrote in her winning Raise Our Voice submission, which I'll read out now. She said of the goal of stopping bullying school:

This goal is so important because bullying does not just hurt in the moment; it can stay with a person for life.

Many people in our community have experienced bullying, whether at school or online, and we must stop our young Australians from carrying that pain inside because it can lead to serious mental health issues, even suicide.

Ending bullying will help create a peaceful, loving, and safe Australia for everyone.

Those are wise words. While medications can help those who are struggling with their mental health, that's just part of the answer. We still need to lean in, as Ariana did, and question whether there is something more to do.

Our society has become less connected with one another. We have to question whether we're being driven more by social and environmental factors. It's actually human nature to want to feel connected and to feel part of something bigger than what we are. As humans we assign meaning to emotions and relationships that go well beyond an immediate experience. And we can feel a sense of belonging or connection through supportive relationships. But the rapid increase in technology and social media has meant that more and more people are seeking that kind of interpersonal connection through our screens and less with each other—or, to use a young person's language, IRL, which means 'in real life'.

I grew up in a household of eight siblings, including foster kids, Mum, Dad and grandparents next door. We didn't have much, but being a family meant we always had each other and we had our community. Now we have an entire generation who didn't grow up knowing what it was like to ride your bike around for hours, to go to the local park and kick a footy, to climb a tree or to drop in on a friend unannounced. Let's face it, that's what was available to us, and we made our own fun. But we do live in different times, and we know that mental health challenges affect many in our community. In fact, a recent Australian Institute of Health and Welfare study report showed that one in five Australians aged 16 to 85 experienced a mental disorder, 3.4 million experienced anxiety—that's 17 per cent—and one in seven children and adolescents experienced a mental illness.

As the government we have a responsibility to provide tools and support to give people help when they need it most. That's why I'm really proud to be part of a government that not only recognises this responsibility but is backing it up with necessary resources and funding. This government is putting mental health at the heart of Medicare and delivering more services in the centres of communities across Australia, boosted by our historic $1.1 billion in mental health care, an election commitment. Over the coming years we will see new expanded Medicare mental health centres, headspace services, Medicare mental health kids hubs, perinatal mental health centres and youth specialist centres—very broad ranging. We've already delivered 45 mental health centres, 172 headspace services, 11 Medicare mental health kids hubs and 10 perinatal mental health centres.

During the election campaign obviously I talked to a lot of the voters, and one of the biggest issues raised with me was lack of access to affordable mental health care. That's why I was so pleased to join the Assistant Minister for Mental Health and Suicide Prevention recently to open the new Medicare mental health centre in Lutwyche. This centre provides a safe and very welcoming place for anyone to access free, quality mental health care and over extended hours. It's staffed by a team of highly qualified mental health professionals and, importantly, people with lived experience of mental health challenges. They will listen and work with those in my community, providing them with the care and support they need. Again, support through this centre is free for everyone who walks in the door. You don't need an appointment or a GP referral. You can walk in and get access to free mental health support without the need for an appointment, without the need for a referral and without a mental health treatment plan. The centre, as I mentioned, is staffed by multidisciplinary teams, including mental health clinicians, for when they're needed, and peer support workers.

It's vitally important to provide places for people to feel safe, where they can get the support they need. As a government, though, we also do need to look at the negative impacts of social media and bullying that are leading to some of this increase in demand. The rise of social media addiction is at pandemic levels, and it impacts our society as a whole but particularly the younger generation. That's why it was so important that this government had the guts to take on the big tech companies and the social media giants to introduce the world's first ban on social media for those under 16.

The eSafety Commissioner's recent Keeping Kids Safe Online survey explored the benefits but also highlighted the risks of the online world to children in Australia. There were some telling statistics. Almost three in four children had seen or heard content associated with harm online. More than one in two had experienced cyberbullying. Three in five had seen or heard online hate, while over one in four had personally experienced it. One in four had experienced non-consensual tracking, monitoring and harassment. The prevalence of online harm varied by gender and age, with teens and trans and gender-diverse children generally more at risk.

We want kids to know who they are before the platforms assume who they are. The new laws that ban social media for those under 16 give an integral buffer that allows kids to do just that. They will save lives because, as the minister said, while we can't control the ocean, we can police the sharks. These laws, starting in approximately two weeks, on 10 December, will save the lives of Australian kids. We know there will be kids and others who'll try to get around them. It happened when we introduced the alcohol ban, but we persisted with that. It's about a cultural shift, too.

That's why I also thought it was important to organise a local social media forum in Brisbane to discuss the upcoming changes with parents and provide them with tools and resources to navigate them. We brought together some experts—Paul from the eSafety Commissioner, and Professor Alina Morawska, who's the director of the Parenting and Family Support Centre at the University of Queensland. Their insights on how these laws worked were very helpful. They provided practical tips for parents and carers, and I really do congratulate those who came along to hear what those experts had to say.

When we think about who we are, we have Maslow's hierarchy of needs, which is a psychological theory that outlines five levels of human needs. According to this theory, individuals must satisfy those lower levels—food, shelter, security and health—before we can even think about fulfilling ones like friendship, love et cetera. As a government we're playing our part to try and address some of the fundamentals: affordable housing, being able to see a GP for free, cheaper medicines and 20 per cent off student debt.

But, let's face it, there is a loneliness epidemic in our society, and we all have the power to change that. I want people out there to know you are not alone, and, no matter who and where you are, you deserve to be happy. Everywhere we look we see people glued to their phones, almost hypnotised, waiting for the next thumbs-up emoji or that red-heart emoji—an instant response. But the reality is that this is not providing our communities, and each of us, with genuine connections. It's harming our mental health.

I believe that we as a society need to take back control of what it means to feel connected and to be happy. Are we really going to wake up one day, when we're much older, and say, 'I wish I'd spent more time on my phone or online'? Or are we going to think, 'I took that chance'? Are you going to spend more time with your loved ones, join that community or sporting group that's been on the to-do list forever, go to that party, read a good book, have a good boogie to your favourite song or simply smile at that person you don't know? You might just change your life for the better and you might just change someone else's in the process.

October was Mental Health Month, a time to reflect on and to raise awareness of the wellbeing of every Australian. It's a time to speak openly, to listen deeply and to act with compassion. In my electorate of Braddon, we have a powerful reason to celebrate. We just marked a major milestone for mental health care in our region, with the official opening, alongside Assistant Minister Emma McBride, of the new Medicare mental health centre in Devonport. This isn't just another health facility; it's a lifeline, a place where people in distress can walk through the door and find support without barriers, without judgement and without delay.

For too long, mental health support has been out of reach for many Tasmanians, particularly in our regional areas. We've heard the stories of long wait times, referral requirements and those cost barriers—people struggling in silence, unsure where to turn or unable to afford the help that they need. That's not good enough, and it's not the kind of Australia we want to build. The Devonport Medicare mental health centre changes that. It offers free, walk-in support, with no appointment, no referral and no treatment plan required—just help when and where it's needed most. The model of care is built around the individual. It's staffed by a team of clinicians and peer workers—people with both professional expertise and lived experience. Together they provide support that is compassionate, timely and tailored to each person's needs. Whether someone is experiencing a crisis or seeking ongoing care, the centre is ready to respond. It's a safe space, a welcoming space and a place where people are seen, heard and supported.

I'm proud to say that we'll take a major step forward soon with the opening of a new Medicare mental health centre in Burnie. This centre will join the growing network of Medicare mental health centres across Australia designed to fill critical gaps in the mental health system and reduce that pressure on our hospital emergency departments. Its establishment reflects the Albanese Labor government's commitment to delivering accessible, community based mental health support, particularly in regional areas like Braddon. This is deeply personal for our community. We've seen the toll that mental distress can take, especially in our regional areas, where services are limited. But that stigma still lingers, because of our small communities. We know that mental health doesn't discriminate. It affects young people, parents, older Australians, workers and carers. It actually affects all of us, and we know that when people reach out for help they deserve to find it close to home.

Across the country, the Albanese government is delivering more mental health services right in the heart of our communities. As part of our plan to strengthen Medicare, we've made an historic $1.1 billion commitment to expand mental health services across the whole lifespan. This includes 91 Medicare mental health centres offering that free, walk-in care from a multidisciplinary team—and, as I said, we've got one in Devonport and are really excited that we'll be opening one very soon in Burnie—20 perinatal mental health centres supporting new and expectant parents; 17 Medicare mental health kids hubs helping children and families with behavioural, emotional and social wellbeing; and 203 headspace services supporting young people aged 12 to 15. We have an expanded headspace service right in Burnie.

We're not stopping there. We're investing an additional $72.7 million to boost headspace services right across the nation, giving our young Australians quicker access to the free mental health support that they need when they need it. This funding will add more staff to meet growing demand, expand individual and group therapies, and improve infrastructure to create safe, welcoming spaces. I found that really important in terms of the Medicare health hub in Devonport, where, when you walked in, you felt a really relaxing, calm environment. That's really important, particularly for young people. It will also enhance inclusive support for First Nations youth, for LGBTIQA+ individuals and our CALD communities.

I'm especially proud to say that Burnie will be home to one of those 30 headspace services that I talked about as being uplifted to headspace Plus—providing enhanced care for young people experiencing severe mental health issues, right in our community. They don't have to travel. It's a really difficult time for young people when they have mental health issues and then have to find the care that they need right in their own community. That's what this delivers. We know that regional communities need to be able to access services. Expanding these facilities in Burnie will mean much more support for young people aged 12 to 25 right where it's needed most. I've sat down with the health and support people in the Burnie health space and they are excited about reaching out more broadly from Burnie, right across the community of Braddon. I'm excited about that.

From early next year we'll also roll out a national early intervention service, providing free phone and online support from trained professionals. That's expected to help more than 150,000 Australians each year. We are layering the assistance. People can walk in or they can get on the phone, and they can get the service they need without long waiting lists.

We're also investing in the workforce that makes this care possible. Without fantastic health workers in this area, we just can't do the sorts of things that we want to do. We're investing in that workforce with over 4,000 psychology scholarships, internships and training places and investing in new support to professionalise the peer workforce. We value that lived experience. When we opened the Medicare Mental Health Centre in Devonport recently, I met a fabulous support worker who has had lived experience. I think it makes the journey for someone with a mental health condition much easier if they can actually speak to someone who has had that lived experience as well. We know that peer workers bring something powerful to the table: empathy and understanding, which then provides hope for people. Next year we'll establish a peer workforce association and conduct a national census of peer workers to better support and grow this vital part of our mental health system and provide the support that those workers need.

As we expand the range of free services, we're making it easier for Australians to find that right support. The Medicare Mental Health national phone service number, 1800595212, and the website, medicarementalhealth.gov.au, are there to help people connect with the care that they need. With a phone call or a tap on a website you've got the help that you need. You can go and find them and navigate through.

Mental Health Month reminds us that wellbeing is not a luxury. It is a right. With every new centre, every new service and every new conversation, we're building a stronger and more compassionate Australia. But we should also say that every day is a chance to look after our own and others' mental health—not just for the month of October, but all year round.

October was Mental Health Month—a time to remind ourselves that mental health touches every part of our lives. It's a part of every family, friendship and community. This year's theme, Taking Steps on Your Wellbeing Journey, is such an important reminder that mental health isn't about one big moment. It's about the small steps we take, the conversations we start, the habits we build and the support we reach out for along the way. Those steps look different to different people. For some, it's finally talking to a mate. For others, it's showing up at a men's shed, calling for help from Lifeline or accessing services like headspace. Every step counts and every step forward deserves to be recognised. We all know someone who has struggled—a friend, a colleague, a neighbour or perhaps even ourselves. For too long, mental health has been seriously stigmatised. The reality is that mental health is health. It deserves the same care, attention and compassion we give to every other part of our wellbeing. Mental Health Month is about starting conversations. More importantly, it's about continuing them. It's about building communities where people feel supported all year round—where taking the first step, or the next one, is seen as an act of strength.

Recently I visited two fantastic men's sheds in my community, at Strathmore and Moonee Ponds. They are two remarkable groups that are supporting men's mental health. Men's sheds are more than workshops. They are places of belonging where conversations happen naturally over the workbench, and friendships are formed with shared purpose. For too many men, especially older men, loneliness can creep in silently. Work ends, routines change, loved ones are lost and suddenly the days get quieter. Social isolation is a major risk factor for poor mental health, and men's sheds tackle that head-on. They offer connection, purpose and mateship, often in ways that feel natural and safe. I'm proud that the Albanese Labor government continues to support men's sheds. We recognise that connection and prevention start in local halls, community groups and sheds just like these.

I've also had the recent opportunity to meet with the new CEO of Lifeline, Graham Strong. Lifeline has been answering calls from Australians in crisis for more than 60 years, offering compassion, understanding and hope. Each call is a chance to save a life. It takes extraordinary dedication to listen, care and help someone see a way forward. The volunteers and staff of Lifeline are the quiet heroes of our mental health system, and their work deserves recognition and support.

In Maribyrnong, the Albanese Labor government is boosting access to vital mental health services with a $6.2 million investment to open a new headspace in Moonee Valley. I've spoken about this project a lot, and I will keep speaking about it, because it's such an exciting and important initiative for my community. Headspaces provide free wraparound support for young people aged 12 to 25, covering mental health, physical health, alcohol and drug support, and study and work pathways. As a qualified child and youth psychologist, I know how powerful early support can be. Giving young people help before the challenges escalate can really transform years of silent struggle into a chance to thrive.

This new centre is part of the Albanese Labor government's $1 billion investment to expand free public mental health care through Medicare, making it easier than ever before for Australians to get the support they need when they need it. I recently caught up with our local primary health network to get an update on where things are at, and it's coming along quickly. They let me know that there will be more updates in the coming months and that the process is moving along swiftly, and I'm keen to keep my community in the loop every step of the way. Young people in Moonee Valley have been waiting far too long for this service, and I'm determined to see it delivered as quickly as possible.

I also want to touch on the government's work to protect young people online. We cannot talk about mental health without talking about the impact that social media is having on our kids. I recently held a social media forum with Minister Wells for local parents and teachers in my community. We heard powerful stories from two bright young students in my community about why these social reform changes are necessary. Netasha spoke about how social media began shaping her identity long before she even knew who she was—how the constant comparison, the created perfection and targeted content left her feeling smaller, not stronger. Hayden spoke honestly about what many young men are experiencing—platforms deliberately targeting their insecurities and pulling them into toxic, hypermasculine content without them even realising it.

These aren't isolated stories. They're happening in homes, classrooms and playgrounds across Australia. Social media platforms are designed to be addictive. They feed insecurity. They amplify anxiety. They expose kids to content they simply aren't ready to navigate.

That's why the Albanese Labor government is introducing world-leading minimum-age reforms for social media accounts, giving kids a crucial additional 36 months before they're thrown into the online world that can profoundly shape their self-esteem, their relationships and their mental health. This is about giving young people the time to build resilience and real-world connections first, it's about giving parents some peace of mind that the algorithm isn't raising their children and it's about putting responsibility back onto the platforms that have profited from our children's attention without keeping them safe. We can't out-parent an algorithm, and kids can't outwit one. These reforms help give young people, including Netasha and Hayden, a better chance to grow, learn and thrive offline before facing the pressures online.

We know our mental health system has some deep structural problems, we know the workforce shortage is real and we know reform won't happen overnight. But, just as we are doing with Medicare, housing and climate action, we're getting on with the job and fixing what's been broken for too long. Reforming mental health care isn't something you can fix in a single budget with one announcement. It takes time, coordination and genuine partnerships across government with the workforce and, most importantly, with people who have lived experience.

We're continuing to build a mental health system that is public, coordinated and fair—a system that backs early intervention, supports the workforce and makes sure care actually reaches the people who need it. Our billion dollar investment will deliver 31 new upgraded Medicare, mental health centres, 20 new youth specialist care centres and eight new perinatal mental health centres, and we're creating 1,200 new training places for clinicians and peer workers because none of this works without the people who deliver the care. On top of that, we've committed an additional $361 million through our stronger Medicare reforms, including $163 million for a new National Early Intervention Service that anyone can access for free. Our government is committed to getting this right for the long-term.

We can't talk about mental health without talking about suicide. As a co-chair for the Parliamentary Friends of Suicide Prevention, I co-hosted an event in September to mark World Suicide Prevention Day. We heard from Suicide Prevention Australia's leadership and from Leesa Mountford, who turned her family's tragedy into advocacy and hope for others. Her story reminded us that behind every statistic is a person, a life lost, a family grieving, and a community forever changed. The Albanese Labor government's National Suicide Prevention Strategy takes a whole-of-government, whole-of-society approach, tackling health, economic and social drivers of distress. Listening to lived experience must remain at the heart of policy and service delivery.

Earlier today, I attended a briefing from Dr Alex Hains, the head of the National Suicide Prevention Office. He walked us through the new National Suicide Prevention Strategy and the early development of the National Suicide Prevention Outcomes Framework, the tool that will help us understand what's working, where the gaps are and where support needs to go. It's evidence based, compassionate reform and exactly the direction we need to be heading.

Mental Health Month and its theme of taking steps on your wellbeing journey is a reminder that mental health wellbeing touches every part of our lives. It is about compassion, community and connection. It's about recognising every step, big or small, that someone takes to look after their mental health. It's about building a country where no-one feels ashamed to ask for help and where care is available, when and where it's needed. The Albanese government is investing in reform, but the heart of this work lives in our communities, in our Lifeline volunteers, in our men's sheds, in our mental health workforce and in the courage of those who share their stories. So, as we head towards the end of our parliamentary year, let's keep taking those steps. Let's keep the conversation going. Let's reach out, listen and support each other because mental health is everyone's business, and together we can make sure no-one faces it alone.

I spoke on this yesterday in the Federation Chamber, but I think a longer speech gives me the opportunity to go into this in a little bit more detail. On a light note, the moustache which I'm. now proudly displaying is 26 days old, I think. It's actually thanks to my friend next to me, the member for Hunter, who encouraged me to raise awareness and funds for men's health but particularly for men's mental health. If the camera were able to look around this chamber, there are three of us sporting moustaches. It's important that guys who don't normally like to talk about their health or situation feel encouraged to do so.

I guess my own experience with mental health is informed by where I grew up. I have the great privilege of representing the electorate of Forde now in Logan, in the northern suburbs of the Gold Coast, but I'm a Broken Hill boy at heart, a country boy. Broken Hill is a mining town like Gladstone. It's a mining city, actually, and it is working class to its bootstraps. The men and women out there are tough, hard-working and salt of the earth—everything that you would expect about Australians when you think about Australians. The men are tough working-class men. Even though it's 1,400 kilometres or so away from where I live now—even though the geography is different—the demography is the same. People in Forde are tough working-class people, men and women, trying to do their best, trying to get ahead and putting themselves last so often.

When I think about growing up in Broken Hill, I think of two guys who would be my age today if they were still around, but they're not still around. It's been a long time since I've been back to talk to their families, so I won't use their last names, but I'll use their first names. Anybody who knows who I'm talking about will know them—Benny and Jezza. Benny was this magnetic kid with this cheeky smile. When I became interested in politics as a young person, the New South Wales government had come to power and was cutting education. This was back in 1988. All of us who were aware of what was going in politics were getting really outraged, and somehow we managed to foment a school strike.

I remember that Benny was one of the people really encouraging me to lead the strike. Benny couldn't have cared less about politics. The last thing Benny was interested in was what was going on with student-teacher ratios. Benny wanted a day off! Benny was just this tough kid with this natural gravitas that attracted people to him. And it was because of Benny getting behind me, and pushing me, that he and I marched up to the principal and announced that we were going to have the school strike. Well, for me, it was a school strike; for Benny, it was a day off. Benny was an amazing character.

Jezza was from the same group—we were all sort of southies in Broken Hill. Jezza was a different kind of guy. If you didn't know him very well, he was a quiet, gentle bloke. But jeez, he loved to laugh, and he was the sort of mate you would go into the trenches with.

Despite how good they were, Benny and Jezza took their own lives. This is not uncommon in working-class communities, and it's not uncommon amongst men. In many ways, the only thing worse than talking about suicide is not talking about suicide. The reason why it's so important to look at the impact that it has on men is that something like 75 per cent of suicides are men. As much as it is a men's issue, the people who bring it up with us when we're going around in our communities are generally the mums, the wives and the daughters, who are concerned about their man's mental health. Men are usually the ones least likely to bring it up themselves.

It is so important for us as a parliament to do what we can as leaders in our community, but also collectively to shine a light on the scourge that is male mental illness. There are a lot of reasons for why it might happen. I think Australia was a much more egalitarian country when I was growing up in the '80s. We were more equal. There was this commitment to mateship that you don't hear a lot of these days. And I think that through the '80s—through economic rationalism, through privatisation, through chasing the dollar rather than community—we moved away from that spirit of doing things for the sake of other people, and we've been left poorer as a society for that approach to economics. When I'm talking to young people today, one of the reasons that they cite for their mental health—I mean, look at the state of housing. It's bad enough when we see it, but imagine trying to grow up in a world where this is the world you're going to come into after high school. So it's tough on kids and it's tough for other reasons too.

One of the things that I for some reason had a look at was past royal commissions. There was a royal commission into television back in the 1950s that was looking at whether there would be multiple stations, whether there would be one government owned station, whether television would run 24 hours a day, whether people would pay for licences et cetera. One of the submissions that went into that royal commission was that television would destroy communities, and in many ways they did. Television took people away from those community experiences and stuck us in lounge rooms, gathered around the box. But social media has done that on steroids. Look back at television now. At least there was some shared experience. Now we are completely chopped up into little tiny slices in our bedrooms, separated from family, separated from community, all getting some sort of message through social media. The stress that this puts on young people—and older people as well—has got to be one of the reasons that mental health is so bad, is such an epidemic in our community.

But I think that, despite the problems that exist and the problems that in many ways are getting worse, there are real solutions out there. I think the best example of that would be MATES in Construction. Some know, I'm sure, but it started somewhere around 2007 when suicide rates amongst male construction workers were way above the community average. Because of the work that they've done, they've managed to bring suicide rates down to about the community average amongst male construction workers and, the way that they're going, it's going to be less than the national average. So something is going on. They are doing something right. So often it is just one conversation that makes all the difference. It is just a few sessions with a trained professional that makes all the difference. Without having that one conversation, without putting somebody in the right direction, not having that conversation can have catastrophic consequences for the individual and catastrophic consequences for the family.

There's so much more to do. The moustache will be coming off on 1 December, but the work will continue, led by the Special Envoy for Men's Health, who we're lucky to have today—led by a position the first time that it exists in the Commonwealth. (Time expired)

I rise today to speak about Mental Health Month and, in particular, the mental health of Australian men. This is an issue that cuts across every part of our society. It affects every community, every workplace and every family. No matter where you live, what work you do or what your background is, every community in this country has men who are doing it tough, often without saying a word. The truth is simple, and it's also very confronting: Australian men are struggling with their mental health, and too often they are struggling in silence and also in isolation.

Last year alone, 2,529 Australian men died by suicide. That is more than three-quarters of all suicides in our nation. For men aged 15 to 44, suicide remains the leading cause of death. It's ahead of accidents, it's ahead of diseases and it's ahead of anything else. It's an enormous and preventable loss that should give us all the time to pause and reflect on these horrifying statistics, because behind each and every one of those numbers is a real life—a father, a son, a brother, a mate, a co-worker, a neighbour. When a man dies by suicide, it never just affects one person. Families carry that grief for years and years. Children grow up without their dads. Partners lose the person they planned a life with. Mates feel shock, guilt and heartbreak. Communities feel the loss deeply, often for generations.

Despite this enormous burden, men remain far more likely not to seek any help. Only around one-third of men experiencing a mental health condition saw a health professional last year. Many waited weeks or even months before reaching out and, tragically, some never reached out at all. Part of the challenge is that men often show signs of mental ill health in ways that can easily be misunderstood. For many men, poor mental health does not always include or look like sadness. It may come out as anger, frustration, disengagement, drinking more than usual, withdrawing from mates, losing interest in activities once enjoyed and loved, changes in behaviour at work, or physical symptoms such as headaches, insomnia and ongoing stomach pain. These signs can easily be overlooked—not because people don't care but because men themselves have grown up believing they should hide emotions, suppress vulnerability and simply soldier on. For generations, Australian men have been taught, directly and indirectly, that expressing emotion is a weakness, that asking for help is embarrassing and that suffering in silence is the strong thing to do. This old stereotype is costing lives in this country.

The risks are even higher in male dominated industries such as construction, mining, transport, agriculture, emergency services, defence and fly-in fly-out work. These industries come with long hours, isolation, physical strain, high-pressure environments and irregular shifts that disrupt routines and relationships. Many men in these sectors feel significant pressure to push through and avoid being seen as a burden or a problem. I've spoken to miners who work two weeks on and one week off and feel completely disconnected from their families. I've spoken to farmers who carry enormous financial pressures and the weight of generational expectations. I've spoken to tradies who will not mention how they're feeling on site because they do not want to make things awkward on site. These experiences are real, and they are far more common than many people realise. This is why addressing men's mental health requires a whole lot of community effort and why the Australian government continues to invest significantly in mental health services, prevention and support.

This year, around $7.8 billion is supporting mental health services, suicide prevention initiatives, digital programs and growth of a strong mental health workforce. Through Strengthening Medicare, more than $1 billion is helping Australians—especially young people—access support earlier and more easily. That includes expanding bulk-billing incentives, more affordable psychology and support that meets people where they are. Importantly, these programs are designed specifically for men because we know that a one-size-fits-all approach does not work.

The Men's Table gives men a safe, structured and confidential place to talk openly with other men. MATES in Construction, MATES in Energy and MATES in Manufacturing provide practical support for workers in high-risk industries. These programs save lives not just by offering professional help but by building cultures where it is normal to check in on your mates. Dads in Distress assists separated fathers who often feel isolated and unsure of where to turn. DadBooster provides online support for new fathers navigating the huge transition into parenthood. SMS4dads, developed by the University of Newcastle, sends out simple but powerful messages to new dads, reminding them they are not alone and providing guidance during the early and often overwhelming months of fatherhood.

For First Nations men, who face suicide rates around three times higher than non-Indigenous men, culturally safe services like Brother to Brother and 13YARN are absolutely vital. These services are run by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. They recognise the importance of culture, community and connection in healing. The National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Suicide Prevention Strategy is designed with strong community leadership, supports long term change and local self-determined solutions.

As important as funding and programs are, they alone cannot overcome the biggest barrier which is, unfortunately, stigma—stigma around mental health, stigma around seeking help, stigma around what it means to be a man. Too many men still believe that asking for support shows weakness. Too many fear being judged. Too many think they'll be letting their families down if they admit they are struggling. But, in truth, speaking up is a sign of strength and a sign of responsibility and courage. Every Australian can play a part in breaking down that stigma.

Movember promotes a simple and effective method called ALEC—ask, listen, encourage action and check in. Ask a mate how he is really going. Listen carefully without rushing to fix or judge. Encourage action such as talking to a GP, calling a support service or opening up to somebody close. Check in again later because one conversation is just the beginning, not the end. These small moments all matter. These conversations save lives.

Workplaces can do even more by encouraging open discussions, providing mental health training, offering flexible work arrangements, building supportive environments and promoting early intervention. Employers can help reduce risk and create healthy cultures. Workplaces that value mental health do not just protect workers; they build stronger, safer and more productive teams.

Communities also play a powerful role. When men feel connected to family, friends, culture or community, they are healthier and safer. When men feel isolated, unconnected or ashamed, their risks increase significantly. Strengthening social connection through sport, volunteering, culture, clubs, Men's Sheds or community groups is often one of the most effective ways to protect men's wellbeing. Men themselves can also take practical steps to protect their mental health—sleeping well, eating well, staying active, limiting alcohol, spending more time with mates, reconnecting with hobbies, reaching out early when something feels wrong and getting help to build resilience, balance and wellbeing.

But when things get tough, support is always available. Lifeline, Beyond Blue, Men's Line, the Suicide Call Back Service, 13YARN, Kids Helpline and headspace are ready to assist at any hour for any reason. These services provide confidential and non-judgemental support, and we need to make sure we keep getting people to reach out to them.

Mental Health Month is not just a date on the calendar. It is something that should be looked at every day of the week, and I urge every male out there to make sure you are looking after your health and your mental health as best as you can because mental health and physical health go hand in hand. If we're struggling, we need to be talking to our GPs. Get out, and see your GP. Do yourself a favour on your birthday—book in an appointment with your GP. Make it normal to see them. Get a blood test, and talk about your mental health. If you are struggling, reach out because help is available. Please make sure you do it, and remember it's not weak to speak.

To my fellow colleague Dan Repacholi, the member for Hunter and the Special Envoy for Men's Health—November marks Mental Health Month, a time where we pause, reflect and confront one of the most pervasive and often unseen challenges affecting Australians today. We know that 42.9 per cent of Australians aged 16 to 85 have experienced a mental health issue. That's nearly half of us, half of our families, our workplaces and our communities. This is not an issue that sits at the fringes of society. It touches almost everyone's home in the country.

In 2024 alone 3,307 Australians died by suicide. That is nine people, a sporting team worth of lives, lost every single day. Behind every one of those numbers is a family with an empty seat at the dinner table, a school with a chair that will never be filled and a workplace hoping for a colleague who will not walk back through those doors. More than seven million Australians are close to someone who has died by suicide or attempted to take their own life. By the age of 25, one in two young people will have been personally affected.

These are not statistics. These are stories. These are families. These are lives. Mental health shapes every aspect of a person's life. It determines whether they can finish school, maintain relationships, secure stable housing, keep a job or imagine a future they feel hopeful about. Australia is in the midst of a suicide crisis, and for too long, for too many years, the responsibility for navigating a fragmented system has fallen on those already struggling.

My commitment to mental health does not come from theory or politics. It comes from lived experience and from more than 20 years working alongside young people, families and frontline workers in the community sector—at Anglicare, at Family Life and with the Women's Spirit Project. I saw both the extraordinary strength people possess and the pain that arises when they reach for help and find long waiting lists, confusion or even silence. I have sat with young people exhausted from carrying burdens they didn't have the words for or felt too ashamed to mention. I've spoken with parents about their desperate need to help their children but not knowing how to navigate the system. I have worked shoulder to shoulder with frontline workers, youth workers, counsellors, case managers—people who show up every day and give everything, despite feeling overwhelmed. And I grew up in a family that faced its own challenges. I know what trauma feels like, what recovery requires and what it means when someone steps in early and believes in you before you slip too far through the cracks.

These experiences shaped who I am and my being here now. They shaped the way I listen, advocate and fight for reform, and they taught me two truths that guide every decision I make: early intervention saves lives, and community support changes them. When a young person gets help at 14 instead of 24, their life changes. When a family is supported, not judged, their hope grows. When a community wraps around someone, their chance of surviving and thriving increases. This is why mental health is deeply personal to me and why I will always use my voice to push for the change our communities need.

I am proud to stand as part of the Albanese Labor government, with my colleague the member for Hunter—a government acting with urgency, compassion and a focus on early intervention. Since coming to office, we have invested $2.4 billion in mental health and suicide prevention. This includes $225 million for 31 new or upgraded Medicare mental health hubs, $500 million for 20 youth specialist care centres, $90 million to train more than 1,200 mental health professionals and $200 million to upgrade or expand 58 headspace centres, including $1.2 million for a headspace in Dunkley. This investment means young people in Dunkley will no longer face months-long waiting lists. It means more early intervention, more crisis support and more services delivered close to home. While these investments are significant, they are the beginning, not the end, of building a stronger, fairer, more accessible mental health system.

One of the most meaningful moments for me this year was hosting the Dunkley Men's Health and Wellbeing Forum with the Special Envoy for Men's Health, the member for Hunter, on 12 November. Around 70 men, boys and organisations joined us, supported by the Man Cave, Movember and the Frankston Dolphins football club. It was a room filled with honesty and hope. It was also special for my family. My husband, Dave, and our son, Flynn, emceed the event. Flynn spoke with courage about growing up as a young man today—the pressure to be perfect, the weight of expectation and comparison, the pull of social media. His openness reminded us that young men want to talk; they just need safe places to do so. The member for Hunter shared important insights about prostate health, body image, mental health and the courage required to ask for help in a society that tells men to tough it out.

What stayed with me most was the willingness of men—teenagers and retirees—to speak with honesty and vulnerability. There was no bravado or judgement—just connection. From that night, that event, came something powerful—a commitment to form a Dunkley men's health network, a community led initiative dedicated to connection and prevention, and to ensuring no man or boy feels they must face hardship alone. I will continue supporting this work wholeheartedly.

A week later I attended the Governor-General's residence for an International Men's Day event recognising the Man Cave, an organisation with deep roots in Dunkley. Their first program was delivered at Frankston High School in 2014. Ten years on, they have supported more than 100,000 boys and young men across Australia. Their work builds emotional literacy, resilience, respect and healthy masculinity. It challenges outdated ideas that tell boys to stay silent or suppress emotions.

Mental health cannot be solved by government alone. Leadership matters and investment matters, but mental health is ultimately a shared responsibility. We need to keep listening to young people, families, frontline workers and people with lived experience. We need systems built on early intervention, not shame, and genuine accessibility for all.

I'm proud of the steps we are taking nationally and locally, but the work is far from finished. Every life touched by mental ill-health matters. Every family grieving a suicide matters. Every young person searching for hope matters. I will continue to work every day to ensure our community is seen, heard and supported and to ensure that our mental health system reflects the dignity every person deserves.

Sitting suspended from 13:31 to 16:01

The month of October was Mental Health Month, and the Albanese Labor government is delivering more mental health services in the heart of communities right across the country. As part of our government's plan to strengthen Medicare, we made an historic $1.1 billion commitment at this year's election to deliver new and expanded mental health services that support Australians across every stage of life. As a government, we are establishing 91 Medicare Mental Health Centres offering free, walk in care from multidisciplinary teams. Our government is also creating 20 perinatal mental health centres to deliver tailored support for new and expecting parents and 17 Medicare Mental Health Kids Hubs to provide children and their families with the behavioural, social, emotional and wellbeing support they need. For young people aged 12 to 25, 203 headspace services across the country continue to play a vital role in supporting their mental health and wellbeing.

Additionally, as part of the Albanese Labor government's recent election commitment, headspace Knox in my electorate of Aston will be uplifted to a headspace Plus, demonstrating the deep understanding this government has regarding the growing need and complexity of youth mental health. Headspace Knox offers young people in my community aged 12 to 25 a welcoming environment where they can access confidential and free mental health support, health advice and general information. From early next year, we will also roll out a new national early intervention service, providing free mental health phone and online support from trained professionals. This service is expected to reach more than 150,000 Australians every year, helping people access care early before their challenges become a crisis. By expanding access to free public mental health services that meet different levels of need, our initiatives will relieve pressure on subsidised private psychology services, thus making it easier for people to get the right care when and where they need it.

Furthermore, our government is investing in the future of the mental health workforce with more than 4,000 psychology scholarships, internships and training places to ensure we have the skilled professionals required to deliver these services across the nation. Importantly, we are recognising the invaluable contributions of people with lived experiences. We are professionalising the peer workforce, establishing a new peer workforce association next year and conducting a national census to better understand and strengthen this vital part of our mental health system.

On a personal note, I have my own lived experience of requiring mental health support, back in November 2001, when my firstborn baby boy, Clancy, was around four months old. I had not been feeling myself for some time but couldn't figure out why. My new little bub, Clancy, was a dream. He slept soundly. He wasn't much of a crier. He breastfed beautifully and I bonded so strongly with him. On that level, we were doing very well as new mum and bub. But I couldn't sleep. My mind was racing. I was no longer interested in socialising or doing all the things that used to bring me joy. On one of my visits to the maternal child health nurse in my local area, she gently asked me some questions. How was I feeling? Was I getting out to see friends and family and so on? Then she got me to fill out a questionnaire, and, as it turned out, I was subsequently diagnosed with post-natal depression.

It had never occurred to me during those first few months of motherhood. In my naivety, I figured only mums with babies who didn't sleep or who cried all the time got post-natal depression. But PND can happen to any mum. It can happen to new mums or it can strike you when you've had your second baby or any other baby after that. I was very fortunate to have had the mental health support I needed at that time and was able to get through that challenging time in my life.

Every Australian deserves access to compassionate, quality mental health care no matter where they live, their background or their circumstances. We know that mental health challenges can affect anyone at any stage of life, just as they affected me 24 years ago. These investments are about meeting people where they are, providing support before crisis strikes and ensuring that no-one faces their struggles alone. Behind every policy and every program is a person, be they a parent, a child, a young person, a friend or a neighbour who deserves to be heard, supported and valued. When someone reaches out for help, they are showing courage, not weakness. Our responsibility is to meet that courage with care, to replace stigma with understanding and to ensure that hope is never out of reach.

Let us be clear that this is not just about services or statistics. It is about building a culture of compassion. It is about communities that lift each other up, workplaces that nurture wellbeing and schools that teach our children that it is okay to ask for help. It is about ensuring that mental health care is not a privilege but a fundamental right for every Australian.

We know that when mental health is supported, everything else follows. Families grow stronger, communities become safer and our economy thrives because people can reach their potential. Mental wellbeing is not just a health issue; it is a foundation for opportunity, equality and national prosperity. This government understands that when we invest in people's minds and hearts, we invest in the future of our country.

This is what leadership looks like: not turning away from hard conversations, but embracing them with honesty and hope. It is about standing beside every Australian saying: 'You matter. Your life matters, and help is available.' Together we are rewriting the story of mental health in this country to one of connection, care and courage. As we expand this network of free, high-quality services, Australians can turn to the Medicare mental health phone line or visit the Medicare Mental Health website to find the service that's right for them.

This is what it means to govern with empathy, with purpose and with a commitment to the wellbeing of every Australian, because when we invest in mental health, we invest in the strength, the resilience and the humanity of our nation. Hope is the heartbeat of a healthy society. Through these investments we are saying to every Australian: 'You are not alone. Your story matters and your future is worth fighting for.'

I rise on the 50th anniversary of the Racial Discrimination Act and think that it's a reflection really on how far we've come as a country that it's been 50 years since it was put in place. I know from growing up with a name like Holzberger that, even though I might like look like a lot of the kids that I grew up with, just having a name can invite ridicule, teasing and bullying. And while I guess I took it, in most cases, with the sort of humour with which it was intended, it didn't feel great and it did make me feel excluded. I can just begin to imagine what it must feel like for people in the community who might have a different accent or different skin colour.

The brutality of that reality for people means that there is a role for government when it comes to passing laws on that. So I think this was something, 50 years ago, that really shows that even though we've come a long way there's still a lot to do. It reminds us that 50 years ago Australia was really coming out of that White Australia policy. And it's remarkable to think that I, now at the age of 52, was born so close to that period in time. It's been a great thing for Australia.

Before I conclude, I've got to say that the one thing I never thought I would appreciate so much as a federal member of parliament is going around to school assemblies, particularly primary school assemblies, in Forde, a very multicultural electorate. Seeing all those little kids with different coloured faces and different shaped faces all looking up and singing the national anthem has got to be the most moving thing I have experienced as a federal member of parliament. Multicultural society makes us stronger and all the better for it.

I rise today to recognise that it has been 50 years since the introduction of the Racial Discrimination Act, Australia's first antidiscrimination law. For most in this place there would now be broad agreement that we need laws to prevent racial discrimination. However, the Racial Discrimination Act is like many progressive reforms that are now such fundamental parts of Australian society that they are sometimes taken for granted. Reforms like Medicare and superannuation required sustained effort and a deep commitment to principle to get the legislation passed—the kind of effort and principle that only Labor governments show, in this case the Whitlam Labor government. Like other important Labor government reforms, it was opposed by the then Liberal Country Party coalition. And, like other important Labor government reforms, it has required us to show that same effort and commitment to principle to protect it from attacks from the coalition to weaken and undermine it.

The act codified into Australian law our international obligations under the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, ratified in September 1975 by Australia. It showed a commitment to international law, to our international obligations to being responsible members of the international community that continues to this day. The act made racial discrimination unlawful in Australia through federal legislation. This historic legislation came only two years after the Whitlam government abolished the final vestiges of the White Australia policy.

The coalition's shadow Attorney-General, on speaking in the second reading debate, stated—with a myopia that mirrors that of the current federal Liberal Party—that 'we in Australia have been singularly free of racial discrimination'. Sadly, that wasn't true then and it isn't true now. There is still racism of both the overt and the covert kind. The Racial Discrimination Act is just one tool to combat it, but it is a crucial one.

Going to the specifics of the act, it includes a general provision making racial discrimination unlawful as well as specific protections to prevent discrimination in areas including employment, the provision of goods, housing and access to public places. This means that when someone goes to purchase a product in a store or to visit a restaurant or tries to access services like their local GP they must be treated the same, regardless of their race, ethnicity or national background. When someone applies for a job or a promotion or asks for leave, they will not face discrimination, under the provisions of this act.

But the act goes further, preventing indirect discrimination, where a person requires another to comply with a term or condition that is not reasonable and that requirement is discriminatory. It goes to that fundamental principle of the rule of law—that all people are equal under the law. Not surprisingly, the act has a significant legacy. It influenced the states and territories to legislate their own antidiscrimination laws. Section 10 of the act, which provides for rights and equality before the law, influenced the decision in Mabo v Queensland (No. 1) to invalidate legislation which would have retrospectively abolished native title rights. Of course, the subsequent decision in Mabo (No. 2) rejected the fiction of terra nullius in Australian law. But most importantly the act made clear to the community, to employers, to businesses and to services that they must treat people the same, regardless of race, and that, where this doesn't occur, there will be consequences.

Vital to the administration of the act is the Australian Human Rights Commission, who are responsible for receiving complaints and attempting to mediate them. The most common type of complaint received are those related to discrimination in the provision of goods and services, followed by discrimination in employment. The AHRC also play a vital role in educating the community about their obligations under the act as well as implementing the national antiracism strategy, commissioned by the Albanese Labor government in 2022.

It is not just the AHRC that plays that vital role of combatting racism within society. There are also many organisations within my electorate of Menzies that play this vital role. We have the Migrant Information Centre in Box Hill, which supports migrants and refugees to settle in the community, links them with essential services, informs them of their rights and their responsibilities as members of the community, and holds a number of functions reaching out to the broader community. We have AMES, who deliver the Adult Migrant English Program to ensure that recent migrants have a level of English that allows them to communicate with businesses and employers and helps them settle successfully in Australia. But our local schools, kindergartens, childcare centres and businesses all play a role in combatting racism.

I'm lucky enough to visit a lot of schools around my electorate, and I know that they all have strong antiracism strategies so that all the children from diverse backgrounds should, as much as possible, feel safe attending school, knowing that they won't face racism or discrimination. Menzies has a higher-than-average proportion of people born overseas and a higher-than-average proportion of people who speak a language other than English at home, and it's really important that all of our services, especially those that support young people, are sending that message that racism is not acceptable under any circumstances.

We also have some great local festivals that play an important role in building bridges and celebrating and sharing cultures in our local community. On the weekend just past, I was lucky to attend the Persian Fair at Box Hill Town Hall, which was organised by the House of Persia and the Australian Iranian Society of Victoria. I was fortunate to be able to watch their amazing performances with dancing and music. The food was really incredible as well, and I was very grateful to the community for being so welcoming but also for providing the opportunity for members of the wider community to experience the richness and the colour of Iranian culture.

Next year we will have the Box Hill Chinese New Year Festival, which is one of the highlights of our local calendar and one of the biggest Chinese New Year festivals in Melbourne. It attracts over 100,000 people, and it's a real staple of our calendar. I was proud to advocate and secure an election commitment of $150,000 to support the Box Hill Chinese New Year Festival. We will also be holding the inaugural Manningham Chinese New Year Festival. It was held for the first time last year and was a huge success. I'm looking forward to seeing it back in the northern part of my electorate next year and seeing how it benefits our local traders around Jackson Court and in Doncaster East. We have been able to support that as well with a federal election commitment of $50,000. Both of those events are run by the Asian Business Association of Whitehorse. We're very active in our community in running these local festivals and advocating for small businesses.

In 1995 the Racial Discrimination Act was strengthened by the Keating Labor government, following a number of inquiries into racist violence in Australia as well as in response to a recommendation of the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody. One of the more debated amendments to the act is section 18C, which provides that 'it is unlawful for a person to do an act, otherwise than in private, if the act is reasonably likely to offend, insult, humiliate or intimidate another person or a group of people' due to their race. Now, there are some in this place, some on the opposite side, who believe that people have a right to be bigots. That is something we in the Labor Party will never support.

The Racial Discrimination Act is more important than ever. As much as we would like to believe that the arc of justice bends towards history, this is not something we can take for granted. Anti-immigration rallies organised by neo-Nazis have been held in our major cities; foreign narratives and conspiracy theories spread on social media erode our trust in democracy; and conflicts abroad have tested our social cohesion here.

The Labor Party will always stand up for modern multicultural Australia. We are the party that enacted the Racial Discrimination Act, we are the party that acted to address apartheid and we are the party that will always back modern multicultural Australia.

Today I rise to acknowledge and honour the 50th anniversary of the Racial Discrimination Act 1975.

A division having been called in the House of Representatives—

Sitting suspended from 16:22 to 16:46

This is one of the most profound legislative markers in Australia's modern story and a law that has shaped the lived experience of millions, including families like mine and communities like Barton. The passage of the Racial Discrimination Act was not just a legal reform. It was Australia declaring formally and finally that equality before the law is not optional, not conditional, not aspirational, but fundamental. Half a century on, we recognise that this act continues to be a pillar of our democracy, our social cohesion and our identity as a nation that believes in fairness.

When I delivered my first speech in this place, I spoke about the journey of my life. So many migrants arrived here with hope, humility and a fierce determination to build a much better life. I spoke about growing up in my electorate, about the pride I feel in my Sri Lankan and Papua New Guinean heritage—raised by a Maltese and Italian family—and about the pride I feel being Australian. I spoke about the lessons of my late grandfather, a man who taught me that service, kindness and dignity are the measure of a life well lived.

What I did not get the chance to say, but wish to say today, is that their lives and mine would have been very different if not for the Racial Discrimination Act. When the Racial Discrimination Act passed this parliament in 1975, it did something incredibly simple yet profoundly transformative. It recognised that everyone in this country is entitled to the same respect, the same safety and the same dignity, regardless of race or background. That principle sits at the heart of the electorate of Barton.

Barton is one of the most multicultural communities in the nation. Our residents come from every continent, every faith tradition and every culture, and we are stronger because of this. I'm proud to represent a community where diversity is not just tolerated or accepted but absolutely celebrated as our greatest asset. But the truth is that, for many decades in this country, people of colour, First Nations people and multicultural communities faced systemic discrimination. It occurred in housing, in employment, in education and in access to services. Many still face it today.

The Racial Discrimination Act was a promise to all of those communities that the law would stand with them, not against them. It was a promise that the lapses of our past—including the White Australia policy, exclusionary practices and harmful sways—would not define our future. It is a promise that we must continue to uphold. Over the last 50 years this act has changed lives. It has empowered people who face discrimination to seek justice. It has shaped policies and behaviours across both public and private sectors. It has strengthened multiculturalism as a core Australian value. It has shown generations, including mine, that belonging is not something you must earn at the expense of your identity. Belonging is a right.

In Barton I see the legacy of this legislation every single day. I see it in the confidence of young people who grow up speaking two or three languages at home. I see it in the parents who know their children will be judged on their character, not the colour of their skin. I see it in the friendships, in the local businesses, in community organisations and in faith groups that together form the social fabric of our community.

But anniversaries are not only moments of celebration; they are moments of reflection, because the work of the Racial Discrimination Act is not finished. It cannot be finished while racism, in any form, still exists in this country. We know it persists. We see it in the rise of online abuse. We see it in misinformation campaigns targeting migrant communities. We see it in casual racism that still sits beneath the surface of national conversations. We see it in the prejudice experienced by our First Nations people, whose rights and voices must never be ignored. We see it in humiliating behaviour, particularly this week from Senator Hanson in the Senate, who's clearly said she has no respect for the people in this House, let alone the people of Islamic faith. We also see it in new forms, including algorithmic bias, discrimination in AI and inequalities in data and technology. These are challenges the original drafters of this act could never have imagined, yet they now fall on us to confront. It is our responsibility, as parliamentarians and as Australian citizens, to ensure the Racial Discrimination Act continues to evolve so it remains powerful and relevant for the next 50 years.

As someone who has worked closely with communities through the St Vincent de Paul Society, I've seen the way discrimination, even subtle or systemic, compounds disadvantage. It limits pathways to employment. It affects health outcomes. It creates social isolation. It sends a message that some people are less valued. We are not simply recognising a historical achievement. We are recommitting ourselves to the vision of a nation where equality is real and not rhetorical.

The founding words of the act are as relevant as they were in 1975. They say that racial discrimination is unlawful in any area of life. Those words must continue to guide us, especially in the era of global uncertainty, rising extremism and economic pressure. History has shown that in times of hardship, racism can resurface. It can be used by those who seek division. It can weaken the social cohesion that all Australians rely on. As leaders, it is our duty to push back clearly and firmly.

In my first speech I spoke about the privilege of being the daughter and granddaughter of people who sacrificed so much so that I could stand in this Chamber. I spoke about representing a community that embodies the best of multicultural Australia. I spoke about the responsibility I feel to fight for fairness, for justice and for the dignity of every person in Barton. Those convictions are strengthened by the legacy of the Racial Discrimination Act. As we mark the 50th anniversary, let us pay tribute to the lawmakers who passed it, the activists who demanded it and the communities who needed it. But let us also honour the next 50 years, the generations who will depend on us to defend it.

The fight against racism is not a moment; it is absolutely a movement. It's not a single law; it is a lifelong effort. It's not the work of one parliament; it is the work of an entire nation that believes in fairness. Australia is at its best when we treat every person with respect. Australia is at its strongest when we cherish our diversity as a source of pride. Australia is at its most united when we stand up clearly and courageously against racism in all forms.

The Racial Discrimination Act gave us the foundation. It is our task to build the future. On behalf of the people of Barton, a community shaped by migration and strengthened by diversity, I am proud to stand today to honour the 50th anniversary of this landmark legislation.

I congratulate the member for Barton for putting it so eloquently and so well. It's just great to see some of these young people that are here today in our parliament. When I compare it to the parliament that I joined in 2004 and the faces all around us, how it's changed and how it's changed for the better is just incredible. When I see members like the member for Barton, it gives me great joy that we are finally coming of age in this parliament. We still have a long way to go, but we're just coming to that point where we are truly a reflection of our communities. It's so important to ensure that we honour and celebrate those things—just as it's important to honour and celebrate milestones in our political history, such as the 50th anniversary of the Racial Discrimination Act.

The Racial Discrimination Act was the cornerstone of our modern-day society in ensuring that everyone was treated equal under the law, even though that was the case under our Constitution. This value-added to the significant pieces of legislation in Australia's history. It was a cornerstone of our journey towards becoming a truly multicultural nation but also a truly egalitarian nation. This landmark act came into effect on Friday 31 October 1975, under the Whitlam Labor government. It was the first legislation of its kind in Australia to focus squarely on human rights and to prohibit discrimination on the basis of race. So what did that mean? It meant that, even though we had a Constitution that looked at all of us equally and fairly—unless you were of Aboriginal descent, of course; we know that it took many years to come up to the mark there, and we still have a long way to go. But what this meant was that under the law you could not be vilified on the basis of race. It embodied a principle that has long been part of our Australian spirit.

The Racial Discrimination Act gave life to Australia's commitment under the UN International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. It signalled a new direction for our nation—a future built on acceptance, inclusion and respect for all cultures. This legislation protects people across Australia from unfair treatment based on race, colour, descent, national or ethnic origin in many areas of public life. It also ensures equal footing and preserves fundamental freedoms. It goes further by prohibiting insults, humiliation and vilification—actions that deny basic human rights. In short, it guarantees equal enjoyment and exercise of those rights for all Australians.

We've seen some pretty horrific things on our TV news and other media on national days such as Anzac Day and just recently, a couple of weeks ago, on Remembrance Day. There are certain groups that take great enjoyment in vilifying people and ensuring that people are made to feel lesser than all of us. Those are areas where governments and police et cetera can take action because of this particular act. If you removed this act from 50 years ago, there would not be much action that you could take against groups like that. So it is squarely one of our fundamental laws in this country that ensures that equality that I spoke about and the rights of everyone to coexist in a respectful way.

At the heart of the act is section 18C, which provides protection against racial vilification. Alongside it is section 18D, which offers exemptions for actions done in good faith, such as artistic works, research et cetera.

The pathway to getting this act through wasn't easy. It is testament to the determination and grit of then senator Lionel Murphy, as Attorney-General, who introduced the bill into the Senate not once but three times. Three times it was introduced, and it was rejected—voted against—all three times. It's something just mind boggling, if you think about it today, that a racial discrimination act to ensure that everyone's rights are protected had people in this place voting against it.

The debate was divided. But the Whitlam government understood that the bill was more than just another bill or more than just law; it was about social change. We see the fruits of that social change today. Attorney-General Kep Enderby said at the time:

… the Bill will perform an important educative role. In addition, the introduction of legislation will furnish legal background on which to rest changes reflecting basic community attitudes. The fact that racial discrimination is unlawful will make it easier for people to resist social pressures that result in discrimination.

Australian laws exist to express the values of a civilised society. The Whitlam government reflected the future of where we are today and the current values of Australia: a multicultural country that embraces diversity and is proud of it.

When I think of our diggers that died in World War I, in Gallipoli, and right through World War II, and I think of the many theatres of war that we've engaged in—Afghanistan, Vietnam—it's all about the individual freedom, the ability to be free in a nation with a vibrant democracy, where everyone is treated equally regardless of race, religion, the colour of their skin et cetera.

Going back to part 18C, which forms a very important part of this act, it hasn't been without its challenges. Section 18C, the core protection against racial vilification, came under threat not that long ago. In 2016—or maybe it was 2014—the then Attorney-General of the coalition government introduced and argued for a bill proposing the repeal of 18C. It would have basically meant people would have had the right to be bigots, if that had gone through back then.

How could we allow that? How could we permit open racism and discrimination to creep back into our society? Imagine if that bill had passed. Australia would not be the country it is today. Migrant families could have been relegated to a second-class citizenship and denied the fair life that they deserved. I've made this statement in this place a couple of times that, if you think back to when we were negotiating mass migration in the late 1940s, there was a mindset in this place before the bills went through that enabled us to bring migrants in to fill labour shortages and basically 'populate or perish'. The argument was that migrant workers should be paid less than Australian workers. That was the argument that was taking place in this chamber back then. Thank God the unions and the Labor Party relentlessly disagreed to it. Can you imagine what sort country that Australia would be today had that gone through?

So you need people with foresight like Mr Whitlam and Lionel Bowen to ensure we put acts into place that preserve those rights, preserve dignity and preserve an equal society that ensures everyone is treated fairly, which is in our Constitution. But you also have to insure against that ability of vilification to creep in. It could creep in slowly but gradually and then become a mass vilification, and we could have an entire upheaval of our society. So that's why this law from 50 years ago that we're discussing today is worth celebrating. And it's worth honouring, because it's laws like this that give the direction of the country. They change the country and benefit future generations, as we see today in our wonderful multicultural Australia that actually treats everyone fairly. We have good laws in place. Regardless of your religion, your ethnicity and your place of birth, we ensure that people are treated equally with the same opportunity and can have the same hopes for future that everyone has.

I rise today to speak on the statement made by the Minister for Northern Australia. My electorate, Leichhardt, is the perfect embodiment of northern Australia, and, while some will point to Townsville as the capital of the far north, they are wrong; it is in fact Cairns. But Cairns is just the gateway to a much broader and spectacular part of the world. If you'll indulge me, Deputy Speaker Aldred, I would like to go on a little bit of a geography tour of a place I know that you know well, as I ran into you randomly one day at one of the local shopping centres as you were enjoying many of the delights that Cairns has to offer.

So we'll start in Cairns. Cairns is a thriving, metropolitan city. It is multicultural. It has many different industries. It is welcoming. It is beautiful. It is home to the reef fleet and the Great Barrier Reef, the gateway to Green Island, Osprey Reef, Lizard Island and Fitzroy Island, where I believe my daughter is right now celebrating schoolies. It is a truly magnificent place. We have over 128 different cultures that are celebrated en masse. Over 10,000 people went to the recent India Day festivals. Diwali was a huge celebration. We are multicultural, we are proud of it and we pull together. We have a shipping industry. Over $250 million is run through our shipping repairs, including working on our naval boats. It is a truly beautiful place. It is also home to the far north's only national sporting team, my beloved Cairns Taipans, who we wish were going better—but we can't have everything.

If you spend a few days in Cairns, you might think, 'What else is on offer?' so you'll start driving north. You'll get to the tourism hotspot, the destination, that is Port Douglas, one of the most beautiful places on the planet. The golf course there, Palmer Sea Reef golf course, has the crocodile on the first hole lurking in the water trap. You just let the ball go if it's too close to the edge. It is one of the places that people put on their bucket list. Port Douglas is amazing. I would encourage everybody to get there as soon as possible.

A little bit further on we've got Mossman, home of the Mossman Gorge Cultural Centre, a world renowned Indigenous cultural area. Mossman is currently transitioning away from sugar cane. They are having discussions about what their future looks like, and, while this is a tough time for them, they are built of really strong stuff. There is a frontier attitude, a pioneering attitude, that is part of the far north that I know will serve them greatly.

If you leave Mossman, you've got to head up a bit further. Now we're at the gateway to Cape York. The gateway itself positions itself as Lakeland, with its bananas—some of the best bananas on the planet!—as far as the eye can see. At Lakeland, you have a choice: continue on straight and head up to Wujal Wujal, Cooktown and Hope Vale or take a left and drift out to Coen, Kowanyama, Pormpuraaw, Weipa, Aurukun and Lockhart River. We'll stay right for the moment.

Once you get to Cooktown, a historical place—it used to be that over 30,000 people lived in Cooktown during the gold rush. It is now down to about 3½ thousand, but they are proud. They have a great tourism industry, a great fishing industry and a fantastic bowls club if you need a cold beer and a good feed at the end of the day. Close to Cooktown is Wujal Wujal, a beautiful, beautiful place nestled in the rainforest—the rainforest people. Wujal Wujal obviously suffered catastrophic effects through Cyclone Jasper. Everyone had to move out, but I am pleased to say they're back. The sports hall has reopened. They're rebuilding their arts centre. That community is as strong as ever. To the other side of Cooktown is Hope Vale, home of Noel Pearson, who has brought so much positive change to Indigenous Australians. It's a town that bats well above its weight. It is strong. It is proud.

Back down to Lakeland, we're going to head out to the western cape now. We'll start at Lockhart River, tucked away—well, it's actually on the eastern cape; you've got to go west first. It's a trick of the road! The PDR is one of those—look, it is a bucket-list experience. The PDR gets you all the way up to Pajinka. Lockhart River is the home of five different clans, fantastic fishing and some of the best art in the cape. It is also where the American fighter pilots were based during World War II, and the rocks in the ocean carry the scars of the 50-millimetre guns that were shot during target practice.

We'll go back down onto the PDR and out to Aurukun, with fantastic art and fantastic people. I've spent many days there, running basketball clinics for kids, bringing up shoes, and spending time with Steve Norman at the PCYC as they show their children how to make good choices and as they build the leaders of tomorrow.

Weipa is a mining town—there's bauxite as far as the eye can see—but it is developing. It is now a town town. There are almost more small businesses now in Weipa than there are miners. It is ready to take that next step. Just south of Weipa is Napranum, which is a beautiful little spot. They want to become the food bowl for Rio Tinto. It's a really great ambition. To the north, in Mapoon, they are getting ready for cultural tourism when the cruise ships start arriving in the western cape next year. Down further south we've got Kowanyama and Pormpuraaw, the place of many waters, with great art and great fishing.

Then, finally, up top we have the NPA. The NPA is home to a truly unique culture, where Aboriginal land was gifted to the Torres Strait Islanders. It is a place where the two cultures mix, merge and create something truly unique and beautiful. As our great industry—there's possibly gas out there. People drive all the way up to Pajinka, staying in Bamaga, and then of course Zenadth Kes, the Torres Strait, home of Eddie Koiki Mabo, and the multiple different islands. It's the only regional council with an international border. Councillor Chelsea sits there and ticks people off as they drift over from PNG for cultural ceremonies and for trade. It is the most northern part of northern Australia.

The thing that all of these places have in common is the limitless potential—the potential of the people, the potential of the minerals, and the potential of the tourism. It is all there at our fingertips, and it is great to hear Minister King speak of the potential and the opportunity that is presented to northern Australia—not just my part of the world, but right the way across. The world is pivoting north. All roads are leading north. We're pivoting our international focus towards the South Pacific. We are tailor made for it. We are in the right place geographically. We have the right things, we have the right space and we have the right people.

I'm proud to be a part of government. I'm proud to have been put here by the people of Leichhardt to try to snatch these opportunities, to become the renewable powerhouse that I know we can be. Some of the best silica in the world is located in Leichhardt. As some might know, silica is essential in the building of solar panels. There is opportunity for manufacturing there. The Indigenous rangers know country backwards. They understand carbon capture and farming and have been doing it for tens of thousands of years. In doing so, they're showing the way for new industries to evolve—carbon capture, blue carbon, all of these storage options—using ancient knowledge. There is a lot of space up there for carbon capture.

On cultural tourism, we have something unique, something nowhere else in the world can talk about: the world's oldest living culture. 60,000 years. The art decorates the rocks. The language is still spoken in many of the small communities. It breathes, and it's real. Sit with the elders. They'll tell you the stories. They'll show you the dances. Last time I was in Mapoon, I ran into a group called Indigital, who are taking the stories and putting them into a Minecraft-style game so that you can live and walk the Dreaming. The kids get to design the characters. It is a great community-building exercise, as the elders sit down with the young ones and tell them the story. It takes ancient knowledge and puts it in a 21st century context. That's what the Far North is: an ancient and wild place ready to take on the 21st century in a way that not many other places are positioned to do.

I want to commend the minister for working with northern Australia, for understanding the challenges that we face, but not turning her back on us. Sometimes, when challenges present themselves, it can become too hard for people. They're not sure what to do or where to go. But through every challenge there is opportunity, and we have so much opportunity. We will carry Australia forward in the renewable transition with our critical minerals. We will show the world who we are through our cultural tourism. We will protect and promote the mighty Daintree, the Great Barrier Reef and the wildness of Cape York. We will celebrate the unique culture of Zenadth Kes, whose elders are actually in this building today meeting with us.

It is my honour to represent northern Australia. It is my honour to defend northern Australia. And I am so proud to be here doing so with a government that believes in the opportunity that my region possesses. Thank you.

I thank the member for Leichhardt. That was magnificent. I understand that the member for Solomon is on his way. We're going to take a short recess and then I'll resume the chair.

Sitting suspended from 17:15 to 17:17

Thank you, Deputy Speaker. I do appreciate that short recess as I was coming from the other chamber.

It's an absolute privilege to be speaking in the Federation Chamber this afternoon about northern Australia, something very close to my heart, obviously, representing the people of Darwin and Palmerston and Territorians in our federal parliament. I was particularly proud of Territorians over the weekend, when Cyclone Fina came through from the east, moving across the Top End and now down to WA. Monday, when we started the clean-up, was the day when there were statements on northern Australia, and I couldn't be here, and I appreciate the opportunity to make some comments now.

Cyclone Fina and the damage and disruption created is indeed a timely reminder of the extra challenges faced by people and communities right across the north of Australia. It's very heartening to hear about the progress being made through the Northern Australia Action Plan's first annual progress report. To see that progress on the ground is important and is part of my job as the special envoy for northern Australia. The work being done is strengthening an already resilient north; people living in the north of Australia are generally resilient. But it's also providing many further opportunities for the development of industries and infrastructure, and I want to go through those in a bit of detail.

The work addressing critical issues such as housing availability in the north and enabling greater First Nations economic self-determination and progress is only made possible through collaboration. So it was good to hear from the minister, the member for Brand, about the decision to extend the life of the NAIF, the Northern Australia Infrastructure Fund. That 10-year extension of the NAIF will mean that it can continue to invest in projects right across the north, well beyond the current investment deadline of 30 June next year. That will reassure communities and stakeholders in the north, many of whom contributed to the review. The short story is that the NAIF has been topped up and is here to stay, and long may it be topped up and long may it stay.

The Albanese Labor government has worked to ensure that the NAIF is supporting projects that deliver tangible benefits to northern Australian communities. So far, $4.32 billion has gone to finance infrastructure development across the north of Australia, including 14 projects in Queensland, 10 in WA and eight so far in the NT. The NAIF was designed to address a lack of private investment that we sometimes see in the north, although more enabling infrastructure is drawing in more private investment. It is understood by people living in the north that things cost more. There are higher risks associated because of our distance from the main population capitals in the south and the remoteness of many of these areas of the north. They have abundant resources and the climate that we quite love, but the vagaries of tropical weather systems, as we saw on the weekend, also make them interesting and exciting places to live and carry some challenges that the NAIF was set up to help with by growing financial ecosystems throughout the north with responsible investment through the NAIF on those long-term development goals.

The north is absolutely central and essential to our nation's future prosperity and, of course, our security. I want to give a shout-out to the reference group for First Nations people across northern Australia. The IRG, the Northern Australia Indigenous Reference Group, is led by the esteemed chair Professor Martin Nakata. I was also delighted to spend some time with IRG member Alinta McGuire in Darwin recently with my colleague the Assistant Minister for Northern Australia, Senator Nita Green. We had a great conversation. I also want to publicly thank past members of the Indigenous reference group, including Darwin fellow and good bloke Jerome Cubillo, Tara Craigie, Peter Jeffries, Gillian Mailman and the former chair Colin Saltmere, for their contribution to the Northern Australia Indigenous Reference Group and support for northern Australia.

I want to just make a quick comment that the financing that's involved with the NAIF is vital, but it's also vital that we're doing all the things that we're doing to get a workforce and to provide pathways for not just First Nations people but non-Indigenous people as well in the Northern Territory, WA and Queensland who have been underemployed and to build our own. That's what a lot of our policies are about in terms of fee-free TAFE and any work that we can do to have a pipeline of northern Australians to do all the work that we need done in the north. They are the workers and the workforce that we can depend on the most, obviously. So that's also important work.

There is important work also done by the offices. So I want to give a shout-out as well to the NAIF office and the Office of Northern Australia. They're providing great support, and long may it continue. Obviously, with the extension of the NAIF, that's assured, but the Office of Northern Australia does great work to support industry and to support communities, including remote First Nations communities, who have a deep and ancient connection to their country but also want to have a future for their children and want to have their kids on a pathway to a sustainable future and a future of dignity.

If there's one thing about the north that all honourable members should know and would know, it's that it's very rich in resources, whether it be sun, wind, gas, iron ore or those important critical minerals. Those critical minerals are really crucial to our nation's future security and our engagement with our neighbours in the Indo-Pacific and the development of northern Australia is for all those reasons and for the fact that we are a united country that wants the best for every Australian, including people living in the north. That is why the north is such a priority for our Albanese Labor government. We are committed to realising the full potential of the region. The potential was often talked about, but the action to turn that potential into opportunity, into futures, is what's really important, because a strong north means a strong Australia.

The action plan, the 2024-29 annual progress report, shows that we are progressing those priorities and activating the northern economy. Part of the NAIF—$500 million—has been earmarked for projects under the government's Critical Minerals Strategy. We are putting substantial resources into the Arafura Nolans rare earths integrated mining and processing facility near Alice Springs. That's what a future made in Australia is all about—not just digging stuff up but then doing the processing. What that means is great jobs. What that means is logistics hubs up through central Australia that are going to support a whole range of industries into the future, making us more resilient. That is important for our sovereignty. The Australian nation has a bright future in part because of northern Australians and what we can bring to the table, and we thank the federal government for that support.

Debate adjourned.

Federation Chamber adjourned at 17 : 28