Mr Speaker, I rise to speak as the new Chair of the Standing Committee on Petitions for the 48th Parliament.
I present the first report of the Petitions Committee for the 48th Parliament, together with 107 petitions and 53 ministerial responses to petitions presented previously.
The report read as follows—
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
PETITIONS COMMITTE E
REPORT No. 01
Petitions and Ministerial Responses
25 August 2025
MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE
Chair Ms Jodie Belyea MP
Deputy Chair Mr Leon Rebello MP
Ms Emma Comer MP
Ms Trish Cook MP
Mr Rowan Holzberger MP
Mr Llew O'Brien MP
Ms Tracey Roberts MP
Mr Andrew Wallace MP
This committee is supported by staff of the Department of the House of Representatives
Report summarising the petitions and ministerial responses being presented.
The previous committee met in private session in the 47th Parliament on 26 March 2025.
1. The committee resolved to present the following 104 petitions in accordance with standing order 207:
Petitions certified on 26 March 2025
From 20 petitioners—regarding laws related to hate speech (EN7155)
From 6 petitioners—requesting a review of tobacco excise duty rates and regulations (EN7158)
From 7 petitioners—requesting that the House move a motion of no confidence (EN7159)
From 32 petitioners—requesting an increase to the JobSeeker payment
(EN7161)
From 156 petitioners—requesting that transcripts of the Federal Circuit and Family Court of Australia be made available at no cost (EN7162)
From 8046 petitioners—requesting that Australia provide asylum for members of LGBTIQ+ communities from the United States (EN7163)
From 6 petitioners—requesting the establishment of regulatory frameworks for artificial intelligence (EN7165)
From 10 petitioners—requesting the establishment of a regulatory authority for artificial intelligence (EN7166)
From 3 petitioners—regarding the recognition of gender identities (EN7167)
From 8 petitioners—requesting the establishment of a publicly-owned internet service provider (EN7168)
From 8 petitioners—requesting that celiac disease be recognized as a listed condition under the National Disability Insurance Scheme (EN7170)
From 7 petitioners—requesting an extension to Temporary Graduate visa (subclass 485) timeframes (EN7172)
From 7 petitioners—requesting that politicians be required to undertake tolerance training (EN7173)
From 10 petitioners—requesting that the Minerals Resource Rent Tax be reinstated (EN7174)
From 22 petitioners—requesting foreign policy that supports scientific integrity and independence (EN7175)
From 8 petitioners—requesting that section 501 of the Migration Act 1958 be reconsidered (EN7176)
From 2617 petitioners—requesting reform of the family law system
(EN7179)
From 38 petitioners—requesting a moratorium on all government financial arrangements with foreign entities (EN7180)
From 17 petitioners—requesting changes to natural gas taxation to improve revenue collection (EN7181)
From 10 petitioners—requesting changes to tax rules affecting exempted companies and large businesses (EN7182)
From 5 petitioners—regarding processing times for Skilled Regional visa (subclass 887) applications (EN7183)
From 3 petitioners—requesting legal protections for beneficiaries of deceased company directors (EN7184)
From 343 petitioners—requesting increased capacity for eating disorder treatment in South Australia (EN7187)
From 16 petitioners—requesting a ban on baiting large mammals for culling or eradication (EN7188)
From 17 petitioners—requesting a medical imaging licence be approved to enable publicly funded magnetic scans in the electorate of Oxley (EN7189)
From 4 petitioners—requesting funding and support to expand renewable energy infrastructure (EN7191)
From 14 petitioners—requesting discounts on basic groceries for concession card holders at major supermarkets (EN7193)
From 4 petitioners—requesting diplomatic action on human rights and democracy issues in Pakistan (EN7194)
From 7 petitioners—requesting prohibition of the broadcasting of Al-Jazeera through the Special Broadcasting Service (EN7195)
From 450 petitioners—requesting financial services legislation amendments and an inquiry into the Australian Financial Complaints Authority (EN7196)
From 20 petitioners—requesting that insulin pumps be funded through Medicare (EN7198)
From 8 petitioners—requesting COVID-19 vaccine injury compensation and policy reform (EN7199)
From 7 petitioners—requesting Australian Government-sponsored per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances blood testing for Blue Mountains residents (EN7201)
From 9 petitioners—requesting reforms to governance, free speech and privacy protections, immigration, taxation and firearms regulations (EN7202)
From 3 petitioners—requesting wage increases for construction apprentices to increase the construction workforce (EN7204)
From 2 petitioners—requesting that the burning of incense be banned to address indoor pollution and respiratory risks (EN7206)
From 6 petitioners—requesting aged care facility fee reform (EN7208)
From 25 petitioners—requesting changes to visa processing to address long processing times (EN7209)
From 70 petitioners—requesting constitutional reform to protect free speech and freedom of the press (EN7210)
From 3 petitioners—requesting that Parent Sponsor visa holders be permitted to work and undertake small business activities (EN7211)
From 5 petitioners—requesting more affordable housing and employment opportunities for refugees and asylum seekers (EN7213)
From 7 petitioners—requesting increased funding for the transition from fossil fuels to renewable energy (EN7214)
From 4 petitioners—requesting rules to require transparency around the use of artificial intelligence in hiring processes (EN7215)
From 22 petitioners—requesting removal of the income and assets tests for the Age Pension (EN7216)
From 15 petitioners—requesting that psychiatrists and psychologists be required to offer bulk billing (EN7217)
From 6 petitioners—requesting reforms to gene technology and biosecurity regulation in response to artificial intelligence (EN7218)
From 4 petitioners—requesting better funding and more classrooms for schools (EN7220)
From 5 petitioners—requesting that taxes on tobacco and alcoholic beverages be reduced (EN7223)
From 17 petitioners—requesting increased funding for support services for men in crisis to prevent homelessness (EN7225)
From 16 petitioners—requesting reforms to improve transparency and good governance (EN7226)
From 5041 petitioners—requesting that obstetrics and gynaecology be included in a private health insurance risk equalisation framework (EN7227)
From 8 petitioners—requesting that Australia end all trade deals with the United States and exit the AUKUS agreement (EN7228)
From 10 petitioners—requesting enhanced consumer protections for airline passengers (EN7231)
From 7 petitioners—requesting a review of the Disability Employment Services program (EN7233)
From 12 petitioners—requesting action on trails left by planes in the stratosphere (EN7234)
From 8 petitioners—requesting reforms to the oath of affirmation or allegiance made by Members of Parliament (EN7235)
From 6 petitioners—requesting action against foreign property investors
(EN7238)
From 2525 petitioners—requesting regulation of the brightness and height of vehicle headlights (EN7242)
From 14 petitioners—requesting that the social media platform X be banned
(EN7243)
From 119 petitioners—requesting that weighted blankets and toys be made eligible for National Disability Insurance Scheme funding (EN7247)
From 17 petitioners—requesting changes to section 501 of the Migration Act 1958 (EN7249)
From 16 petitioners—requesting that pay rates for Members of Parliament be tied to national median wages, and other reforms (EN7250)
From 61 petitioners—requesting that the House pass legislation requiring truthfulness in political advertising (EN7252)
From 8 petitioners—requesting a mandatory ethical framework for artificial intelligence (EN7253)
From 2723 petitioners—requesting that United States President Donald Trump and his associates be banned from entering Australia (EN7254)
From 54 petitioners—requesting termination of the AUKUS agreement
(EN7257)
From 16 petitioners—requesting that Australia Day be moved to the 19th of January to celebrate Australia's Federation in 1901 (EN7260)
From 5 petitioners—requesting the creation of a Medicare Urgent Care Clinic in the Forster Tuncurry area (EN7263)
From 6 petitioners—requesting that Australia's largest corporations be made to pay mandatory employee bonuses based on profit margins (EN7264)
From 12 petitioners—requesting prohibition of imports of military equipment from the United States (EN7265)
From 13 petitioners—requesting changes to Australia's defence strategy and role in global security (EN7267)
From 10 petitioners—requesting that tobacco and alcohol taxes be revoked and that marijuana be legalised (EN7269)
From 11 petitioners—requesting reforms to the legislation governing child support assessments (EN7270)
From 114 petitioners—requesting reforms to the training of assistance dogs and a public education campaign on their access rights (EN7271)
From 164 petitioners—requesting that Fee-HELP loan fees charged to students at the National Art School be rescinded and refunded (EN7274)
From 11 petitioners—requesting reforms to ensure a more just and humane immigration system (EN7277)
From 36 petitioners—requesting a Royal Commission into supermarket prices and the conduct of major retailers (EN7282)
From 9 petitioners—requesting expedited processing of refugee visa applications by Syrian families fleeing conflict (EN7285)
From 1718 petitioners—requesting actions to address violence against religious and ethnic minorities in Syria (EN7286)
From 25 petitioners—requesting a review into security and privacy concerns about the Starlink satellite network (EN7287)
From 10 petitioners—requesting a review of funding for programs to address the root causes of youth crime (EN7289)
From 9 petitioners—requesting funding for enhanced defence and peacekeeping cooperation with the United Nations and NATO (EN7292)
From 5 petitioners—requesting that the Fringe Benefits Tax exemption for plug-in hybrid electric vehicles be extended (EN7293)
From 9 petitioners—requesting an artificial intelligence non-proliferation treaty and other regulatory action on artificial intelligence (EN7296)
From 10 petitioners—requesting that parents of children aged 0-5 years be supported to care for children at home rather than in daycare (EN7297)
From 53 petitioners—requesting stronger enforcement of tax and royalty payments by mining companies (EN7300)
From 8 petitioners—requesting improved mobile phone infrastructure in Bangalow, New South Wales (EN7301)
From 16 petitioners—requesting that the Australian Bureau of Statistics report modal averages for Australian household income (EN7304)
From 7 petitioners—requesting funding for collaboration with the NATO Climate Initiative (EN7311)
From 3 petitioners—requesting action on the underpayment of employees by Lifeguard Services Australia (EN7312)
From 37 petitioners—requesting an increase to the Medicare rebate for psychiatrist appointments (EN7314)
From 25 petitioners—requesting the creation of a strategic alliance with Canada, New Zealand and the United Kingdom (EN7317)
From 107 petitioners—requesting stronger penalties for false accusations against men, and reforms to support men facing domestic violence (EN7318)
From 122 petitioners—requesting that free reusable sanitary products be provided for schoolgirls (EN7320)
From 67 petitioners—requesting that the Prime Minister's salary be reduced to the national minimum wage (EN7321)
From 84 petitioners—requesting that medical services for women with pelvic pain be bulk billed or free of charge (EN7322)
From 3 petitioners—requesting the deportation of a visiting social media influencer (EN7326)
From 56 petitioners—requesting reforms to give National Disability Insurance Scheme participants the right and ability to live alone (EN7327)
From 21 petitioners—requesting the imposition of reciprocal tariffs on imports from the United States (EN7332)
From 14 petitioners—requesting changes to prohibited imports rules to enable easier importation of Airsoft equipment (EN7333)
From 30 petitioners—requesting that June be officially recognised as Men's Mental Health Awareness Month (EN7336)
From 84 petitioners—requesting that nirsevimab be added to the National Immunisation Schedule or made accessible via private prescription (EN7337)
From 5447 petitioners—requesting that Australia withdraw from the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework (EN7339)
From 110 petitioners—requesting that Ministerial Direction No. 105 for prioritising skilled visa applications be reconsidered (EN7341)
The new committee met in private session in the 48th Parliament on 20 August 2025.
2. The committee resolved to present the following three petitions in accordance with standing order 207:
Petitions certified on 20 August 2025
From 569 petitioners—requesting that financial support for the Suicide Prevention Research Fund be continued beyond June 2025 (PN0638)
From 57 petitioners—requesting a review of specific immigration applications made under section 195A of the Migration Act 1958 (PN0639)
From 1378 petitioners—requesting support for humanitarian options in International Criminal Court proceedings involving the former President of the Philippines (PN0640)
3. The following 53 ministerial responses to petitions were received.
Ministerial responses received by the Committee on 20 August 2025
From the Assistant Minister for Climate Change and Energy to a petition requesting that the IPCC Climate Change recommendations be implemented into legislation (EN4156)
From the Assistant Minister to the Prime Minister to a petition regarding parliamentary reform (EN4552)
From the Minister for Climate Change and Energy to a petition regarding fossil fuel production (EN4984)
From the Assistant Minister to the Prime Minister to a petition requesting the restoration of the original phrasing of the Australian National Anthem (EN5507)
From the Assistant Minister to the Prime Minister to a petition requesting legislation to ban individuals from flying flags that are not the Australian or Aboriginal flags (EN5563)
From the Minister for Health and Aged Care to a petition requesting national implementation of a law to allow families of critically ill patients to call for immediate intervention (EN6573)
From the Minister for Resources to a petition requesting the creation of a circular economy for lead (EN6714)
From the Minister for Employment and Workplace Relations to a petition regarding the policies, operations and structure of Uber (EN6728)
From the Minister for Early Childhood Education to a petition requesting an increase to the Child Care Subsidy cap for families of children with disability (EN6731)
From the Assistant Minister for Competition, Charities and Treasury to a petition requesting the inclusion of Yazidi language, religion and ethnicity as distinct categories in the 2026 Australian Census (EN6775)
From the Assistant Minister for Health and Aged Care to a petition requesting mandatory labelling of palm oil on products sold in Australia (EN6792)
From the Minister Assisting the Minister for the National Disability Insurance Scheme to a petition requesting that remedial massage therapists be recognised as National Disability Insurance Scheme providers (EN6823)
From the Minister for Communications to a petition regarding social media minimum age limits (EN6838)
From the Minister for Communications to a petition regarding social media minimum age limits (EN6840)
From the Minister for Communications to a petition regarding social media minimum age limits (EN6856)
From the Minister for Employment and Workplace Relations to a petition requesting changes to employment conditions for casual workers (EN6860)
From the Minister for Health and Aged Care to a petition requesting the establishment of an independent commission to oversee the private health system (EN6877)
From the Minister for Communications to a petition regarding social media minimum age limits (EN6889)
From the Minister for Communications to a petition requesting that the School Student Broadband Initiative be extended (EN6903)
From the Minister for the Environment and Water to a petition requesting support for a gamba grass eradication program in the Northern Territory (EN6909)
From the Minister for Communications to a petition requesting improvements to telecommunications infrastructure and coverage in Coomera Waters, Queensland (EN6913)
From the Minister for Health and Aged Care to a petition regarding the affordability of mental health-related medications (EN6918)
From the Minister for Health and Ageing to a petition requesting that tobacco excise rates be reduced (EN6919)
From the Special Minister of State to a petition requesting an inquiry into the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Reform) Bill 2024 (EN6924)
From the Attorney-General to a petition requesting the implementation of a uniform domestic violence disclosure scheme across all Australian jurisdictions (EN6927)
From the Minister for Health and Ageing to a petition requesting that three- dimensional paramedical tattooing be included in the Medicare Benefits Schedule for people who have undergone breast reconstruction after a mastectomy (EN6928)
From the Minister for Communications to a petition requesting that the construction of a National Broadband Network telecommunications tower be ceased (EN6973)
From the Assistant Minister to the Prime Minister to a petition requesting the simultaneous display of the Australian National Flag, the Australian Aboriginal Flag and the Torres Strait Islander Flag (EN7005)
From the Special Minister of State to a petition requesting the prohibition of corporate donations to political parties (EN7009)
From the Minister for Health and Aging to a petition regarding long-term shortages of hormone replacement therapy patches (EN7012)
From the Minister for Social Services to a petition requesting that Youth Allowance and Austudy be made available to postgraduate research students (EN7022)
From the Assistant Minister to the Prime Minister to a petition requesting that the date of Australia Day be changed (EN7023)
From the Minister for Employment and Workplace Relations to a petition requesting support to assist homeowners to remove asbestos (EN7030)
From the Minister for Industry and Innovation to a petition requesting that the use of artificial intelligence in creative industries be prohibited (EN7040)
From the Minister for Social Services to a petition requesting changes to the way child support payments are calculated (EN7048)
From the Minister for Communications to a petition requesting that access to the social media platform X be prohibited (EN7075)
From the Minister for Social Services to a petition requesting that Partner Income Tests be abolished for recipients of Centrelink payments (EN7076)
From the Minister for Communications to a petition requesting that the speed and reliability of the National Broadband Network be increased (EN7086)
From the Minister for the Environment and Water to a petition requesting that processing of renewable energy project applications be ceased (EN7087)
From the Attorney-General to a petition requesting action to address instances of antisemitism (EN7095)
From the Minister for Climate Change and Energy to a petition requesting that Australia withdraw from the Paris Agreement on climate change (EN7104)
From the Attorney-General to a petition requesting an amendment to section
268.22 of the Criminal Code Act 1995 to include gender apartheid (EN7118)
From the Minister for Indigenous Australians to a petition requesting the implementation of recommendations from the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody (EN7119)
From the Attorney-General to a petition requesting the establishment of a Bill of Rights (EN7131)
From the Minister for Foreign Affairs to a petition requesting that cooperation with the United States be ceased (EN7139)
From the Minister for Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry to a petition requesting that the sale and use of products containing metaldehyde be prohibited (EN7144)
From the Minister for Resources to a petition requesting that new oil and gas fracking projects be prohibited (EN7146)
From the Minister for the Environment and Water to a petition regarding public access to National Parks (EN7147)
From the Minister for Health and Ageing to a petition regarding access to the National Diabetes Services Scheme for people living with cystic fibrosis- related diabetes (EN7148)
From the Minister for Climate Change and Energy to a petition requesting urgent action on climate change (PN0561)
From the Minister for Climate Change and Energy to a petition requesting stronger targets for reducing greenhouse gas emissions and achieving net- zero emissions (PN0628)
From the Minister for Government Services to a petition requesting a Services Australia kiosk in Numurkah, Victoria (PN0634)
From the Minister for Government Services to a petition requesting face-to- face Centrelink and Medicare services in Cobar, New South Wales (PN0635)
Ms Jodie Belyea MP
Chair—Petitions Committee
I present the following 104 petitions:
I present 53 ministerial responses to petitions previously presented to the House:
These petitions comprise of 104 e-petitions that were certified in order by the previous petitions committee—but were unable to be presented in the House before the 47th Parliament was dissolved—and three paper petitions certified in order by the new petitions committee of the 48th Parliament.
Petitions enjoy a long history in the Western parliamentary tradition dating back to the 12th century. Today, petitions remain one of the few ways for Australians to raise their concerns directly with parliament, and their popularity has only continued to grow. Over the course of the previous parliament, 1,706 petitions were presented in the House. The vast majority of these petitions were e-petitions lodged under the e-petitioning system adopted by the House almost 10 years ago at the commencement of the 45th Parliament, in August 2016. This represents remarkable growth from the days of paper petitions, when fewer than 300 petitions were typically presented over the course of a parliament. The new petitions committee looks forward to continuing to support this venerable tradition into our modern era and to facilitating a process that supports thousands of Australians to make their voices heard in this chamber on an ever-growing diversity of issues.
As it has in previous parliaments, the petitions committee has started with a large workload that built up during the election period. I thank the many petitioners who submitted petitions during this period for their ongoing patience. I present the committee's first report and look forward to presenting many more petitions to the House in the 48th Parliament.
I rise to speak in support of Repeal Net Zero Bill 2025, brought forward by the member for New England, and I commend him for doing so. At the start, I'll say the obvious: climate change is real. With a global population of over eight billion people, obviously the industries that support them have an effect on climate change, and this is something that we need to manage as a government. But it's how we do that that counts, and I believe that we haven't got those settings right—not even close at the moment.
When we signed up to net zero, in 2021, we did so on the premise that the whole world was decarbonising and that the major emitters were going to take it seriously, and, four years on, it's obvious that that's not the case. China, the biggest emitter in the world, last year alone constructed 94 gigawatts of coal-fired power. It is mining coal at an unprecedented rate; it is not giving it up. India is also investing heavily in coal, and its targets under this agreement are so far out into the future that they're almost worthless. Russia is at war with Ukraine; its emissions are going up. It's building infrastructure to pipe gas into China. The US has started a formal process to get out of the agreement. Why? Because it's putting its people and its economy first, and that's what we need to do in Australia. But what are we doing in Australia? We have a government in Australia that is engaging in one of the greatest acts of economic self-sabotage in the history of the nation, pursuing 82 per cent wind and solar targets that are destroying rural and regional Australia. They're tearing our communities apart. They're pitting community member against community member. Sadly, in some cases, they're pitting family member against family member, and that is tragic. And for what? For the most expensive electricity in the world. A lot of our prime agricultural land is being carpeted with these Chinese solar panels. In the greatest act of hypocrisy our pristine, prime, beautiful forests are being mowed down in the name of environmentalism to construct wind turbines.
How did we get into this crazy space? We got into it because we had a prime minister who promised us cheap electricity. He promised us prosperity and jobs, and that has all been a total and utter mistruth. He promised us some sort of renewable energy superpower and that we'd have so much of an abundance of this electricity that we could break through the normal barriers of physics and economics and create an industry of green hydrogen. He promised we'd export this to the world, and it would be so fantastic! But what has happened? It has been a spectacular failure—in Gladstone, in the Hunter and in South Australia, and it's cost the taxpayer an absolute fortune.
The Prime Minister stood here in this very chamber when he was giving his second reading speech for the climate change bill and talked about this wonderful SunCable project from the Northern Territory that was going to have such vast amounts of renewable energy that we'd be exporting it to Asia. Well, within 18 months of saying that, what happened? It went into voluntary receivership; it's been downscaled, and now it has so many question marks over it that it's a joke. It's an absolute joke! I'll tell you what is real. What is real is the lives of business people who are trying to survive in this country, who are going insolvent at an incredible rate—33,000 of them since this transition to net zero began. It is crippling our productivity. It is seeing our manufacturing go offshore because we're not competitive. We have lost industries like our urea industry that is absolutely fundamental to agriculture. Our plastics industry and our nickel industry have gone offshore. Our heavy metal smeltering is on life support because it is captured in the safeguard mechanism. This is a nightmare that needs to stop.
Voting to stop this blind obsession with net zero doesn't mean you don't believe in climate change. It doesn't mean you're a good citizen. It just means that you are reassessing and looking at the world around us, our global environment, that is saying that this is not working. It's saying that you want to make Australia resilient as we go into an uncertain future; that's what it is saying. I commend this bill to the House.
Into the vacuum of policy that the opposition offers waltzes the member for New England, saying the quiet stuff out loud and proud, and going nuclear. He and his Nationals collaborators reject the goal of net zero emissions ever. Let's contrast the priorities of the opposition to those of our government. Our first piece of legislation was to cut student debt by 20 per cent. The opposition's first piece of legislation into this new parliament is not about cutting student debt but about cutting climate change action. The Nationals want to party like it's 1999. To be fair, the Howard government in 1999 was, in theory, supporting action on climate change but then changed its mind on supporting the Kyoto protocol. Even the Morrison government announced a plan in 2021 to achieve net zero emissions by 2050. So the member for New England, in this bill, is effectively tossing out the policies of previous coalition governments.
People in my community know we cannot pretend she'll be right, mate—not after fires like in 2019-20 that ravaged the Greater Blue Mountains World Heritage Area for three months, took homes and destroyed nearly a million hectares while the eastern seaboard burned like never before and not after the increasingly frequent floods and storms, the wilder weather, that climate scientists in the 20th century predicted in this, the 21st century. Climate change is real, and reducing emissions is an imperative we owe our children and their grandchildren.
People are embracing the opportunities to do their bit to increase the amount of energy we generate through solar. Households in Macquarie across the Blue Mountains, Hawkesbury and parts of Nepean have taken up our offer of subsidies for home batteries to bolster their rooftop solar. The latest data shows 438 households in Macquarie had new batteries installed in the first six weeks of the program, putting us in the top four electorates in the state for take-up of the home batteries program. They are among tens of thousands of households and small businesses taking that next step on their solar panels and installing batteries. In fact, the biggest uptake has been in the regions, in peri-urban areas and in outer suburbs. It shows that ordinary Australians care about reducing their energy bills and reducing emissions.
The bigger picture on renewable energy is that Australia has hit new records with the volume of renewables generated, up around 30 per cent since we came to government, reaching 46 per cent of the national energy market at the end of 2024 and working towards 82 per cent of our mix by 2030. Emissions are down 1.4 per cent, or 6.5 million tons of carbon dioxide, to March this year, driven largely by Albanese government policies. There's record investment in clean energy, including $9 billion for new large-scale generation, evidence of an improved policy and investment environment. More than 18 gigawatts of renewable generation capacity has been installed across Australia since we were elected in 2022, enough to power more than six million households. Around the world, according to the International Energy Agency, global investment in clean energy will hit $2.2 trillion this year, double the amount going to fossil fuels. Last year, renewables made up 92.5 per cent of all new electricity capacity added worldwide. China will account for more than half the world's renewable energy by 2030. They are the facts.
There's another area where the member for New England ignores the facts, and that's on the use of rural land for renewables projects. For instance, in New South Wales, the Agriculture Commissioner estimates that just 0.1 per cent of rural land is needed for new energy infrastructure by 2050. We know with certainty that worsening drought and extreme weather are far worse for farmers and food prices. The opportunity of carbon credits, which are being embraced more by regional Australians looking to diversify incomes than by anyone else, is a significant counterbalance. The biggest threat to agriculture isn't net zero; it's doing nothing. That's the choice the Liberals and Nationals will make in their vote on this bill being put forward by the member for New England. Will they choose to abandon net zero targets to fearmonger without facts and stand in the way of renewable projects or will they stand with Australians who want a better future?
I thank my Nats colleagues for raising this very important subject as a national debate. They often view it through a regional lens. We heard that in the comments from the previous speaker. I am going to cast an engineering lens across this policy and explain to you why I have strongly opposed it from day one, standing side by side, by the way, with the member for Wide Bay all the way through, and I thank him for his support.
Before I start, let's be clear. We should be able to separate a policy like net zero from the technologies that it relies upon. Those are two very separate things. The technologies are not dependent on net zero. They have been developing for some time, and they will continue to do so. We can have a grown-up conversation separating those two things. Why is it that, under net zero, so many technologies fail? Why is it that green hydrogen, this great promise that was made, has failed so spectacularly that almost every carpetbagger in the land has run away from it? Why is it that offshore wind has received such an emotive 'no' from everyone around it and everyone whose coastlines it's going to affect? Why does it fail that test of social licence? Why did carbon capture fail at the Great Artesian Basin? Why do these things happen over and over again? I could point to SunCable, as well, as another example of a great story that was going to happen but has failed that test. It's something that happens time and time again. It's called the technology valley of death. Other examples are Google Glass and the hyperloop, a transport project in the US—cool ideas and cool technology with absolutely no social licence, no marketability and a plethora of problems that they raise when you try to take them through the commercialisation process.
What this is all about is, when we think about innovation and new technologies, we assign them, as they progress, technology-readiness levels and commercialisation-readiness levels. We think about it, from the first idea through to the test flight—along that pathway, technology progresses. It becomes more and more capable, and it becomes more and more commercially viable as it progresses along there. The technology valley of death kills projects and kills technologies when you push them through that process far too quickly. It's very clear to argue that that is exactly what has happened with green hydrogen. Green hydrogen has a higher technology-readiness level of nine. That's the end of the scale. It's one to nine. It's got a nine. The commercialisation-readiness level is three. This was never going to work. If you stood back, outside of the net-zero conversation, and you asked, purely from an engineering perspective, 'Will this work?' the answer would be no. For carbon capture, it's the same thing. It's absolutely low on commercialisation and high on technology. For offshore wind, it's the same thing again—high technology. It can be done. There's a cool technology there—very low commercialisation.
When this happens, it's not just that we go back to the drawing board and start again. What happens is these technologies get ruled out by the public. They lose social licence. We have seen that over and over again. What we have here is net zero policy trying to force through technology before it is ready and before the market is able to take it up. The bizarre thing, if that weren't bad enough, is that we live in a time where we have a government that is blocking a proven technology at both technology- and commercialisation-readiness levels of nine—well beyond test flight—which is actually out there in the market doing what it does and that would reduce emissions. It's called nuclear. It's used all around the world. We've got one policy that is killing off technologies and another one that is pushing back on ones that are proven and can be used. We are getting nowhere, which is why this isn't working. This trial that we've done of net zero hasn't worked. We can see that in increased emissions.
We can see, when we break down where emissions have changed in Australia for the last 20 years, is that the only place they've changed is where we've changed land-use conditions and stopped farming. That's what's happened. In an electorate like mine, transport industry emissions have gone up over the last 20 years, manufacturing industry emissions have gone up over the last 20 years and intensified agriculture emissions have gone up. These are the bedrocks of my local economy. All of those emissions have gone up. The only thing that takes it down is when we close off farming. I'm very happy to acknowledge members of the LNP who were with me on the weekend and voted against this bill. We're a great grassroots organisation when we listen to our members. I remember the last time we did that. It was the Voice. They got it right then. I'm sure they've got it right this time too. I'm very happy to stand beside the Nats on this issue as well as the members of the Libs who have joined me, because I think it's an important issue for Australia's future.
I remind the member for Groom, who's just spoken to the House, about a recent federal election in which Australians were presented with two very distinct energy policies when they voted in May: embracing Labor's plan for a clean, cheaper renewable energy future that secures our economy, is good for our environment and our communities and will deliver the jobs of the future; or the coalition's costly detour down a nuclear path that we all know is slow, risky, expensive and out of step with our national strengths. Australia no longer stands at a crossroads. Aussies made their choice.
The Queensland LNP, however, are obviously still in denial, as demonstrated over the weekend. The people of Australia overwhelmingly voted at the last election to support better health care, more cost-of-living relief and a strong jobs economy that includes a transition to cheaper renewable energy. This affects everyone. It affects Queenslanders living in the regions, who want more local jobs; young people in our inner cities, concerned about climate change; and farmers, who are seeing and experiencing firsthand the impacts of natural disasters.
Reducing our emissions is crucial to creating Australia's future. The world is undergoing one of the most rapid transitions since the Industrial Revolution. Most industrialised nations have committed to net zero emissions. Governments are setting ambitious targets, investors are shifting capital towards clean technologies, and consumers are demanding more sustainable practices. Big businesses have shifted to net zero practices because, if they want to be competitive, save costs and ensure resilience, they absolutely must.
By endorsing Labor's plan in May, Aussies have made a very clear statement to the world that Australia is the place to do business if you're looking to use clean energy to create prosperity. That is why this bill, the Repeal Net Zero Bill 2025, is so bizarre. It goes against the will of the people and it is antibusiness. Responsible emissions targets are essential to Australian jobs. Australia's trading partners, particularly those in Europe and Asia, are more and more demanding that the places they trade with act responsibly. If we don't act, we risk being left behind.
Many of those opposite say that this transition is costly, but that simply is not true. The truth is it's an investment—an investment in Australia's future and an investment in our suburbs and the regions. In Australian suburbs, over 33 per cent of homes now have rooftop solar. With over four million rooftop solar installations, Australia has the highest per capita rate of solar in the world. Solar panels on homes are saving families up to $2,300 a year. Our Cheaper Home Batteries Program, with a 30 per cent discount on solar batteries, is already working to bring on energy storage to cut bills for households and support the grid.
We know climate change disproportionately affects cost of living for regional households—for example, due to higher insurance premiums. Worsening droughts and extreme weather from climate change are far worse for farmers and food prices. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change says climate change has already slowed agricultural productivity. The Australian Bureau of Agricultural and Resource Economics and Sciences found that, from 2001 to 2020, climate conditions reduced farm profits by an average of 23 per cent.
This bill is the clearest sign yet that those opposite are in a shambles. They are not even trying to hide their undermining of the Leader of the Opposition anymore; they've come straight out with it. This is their desperate attempt to cling on to the keystone policy of my predecessor, despite it being shot down by Australians at the election. This bill is not just seeking to repeal Labor policies but also seeking to repeal those introduced by the Morrison and Howard governments. The member for Maranoa doubled down at the Queensland LNP convention over the weekend, because along with the member for Fisher he thinks he is much smarter than the Queensland voters. (Time expired)
The time allotted for this debate has expired. The debate is adjourned, and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting.
I move:
That this bill be now read a second time.
The community has been waiting over two years now for the federal government to enact significant legislative reform following the final report of the royal commission into robodebt. But, to their shame, the government has failed to do so, and this bill seeks to remedy that.
Now, I do acknowledge that the government has made some efforts and made some progress, particularly on cultural change within Services Australia. But we simply can't accept this as job done because still missing is the legislative change to ensure that robodebt never happens again.
Remember, robodebt was a catastrophic failure of government administration that destroyed the lives of thousands of Australians. As the royal commissioner herself noted, it was 'a crude and cruel mechanism, neither fair nor legal, and it made many people feel like criminals.' Moreover, two years ago, the Prime Minister himself described robodebt as 'a gross betrayal and a human tragedy' which 'should never have happened and should never happen again.'
But, it turns out, so far at least, that this was just paying lip service to the matter, which is troubling because it's entirely at odds with the tragic impacts of robodebt on thousands of Australians, especially those who suicided at least in part due to the financial and emotional devastation inflicted by the scheme and the impact on their friends and their family.
Indeed, the possibility for human tragedy under this scheme was made clear to me and my office as early as 2016 when, after hearing from many distressed constituents who had received frightening and unfounded debt notices, I was among the first to raise the alarm, with the media, with the Ombudsman and with the government.
But, while the media were slow to pick it up, and the then government didn't want to hear it, my office continued to hear countless shocking stories from my electorate in Tasmania, and indeed right across the country. In one memorable case, a person presented to my office so distressed that they curled up into a ball on the floor in my waiting room and broke down in tears, having a panic attack.
Of course, all now agree that robodebt was a shameful chapter in Australia's history. Well, maybe not all, seeing as many members of the former LNP government don't seem to have any or many regrets about the whole sorry saga.
It's also now better understood that, while the core of the scheme was found to be unlawful, many legitimate aspects of social security legislation did also encourage the situation to arise and supported it continuing unexamined for so long.
No wonder the core of the royal commission's findings was the simple fact that government services need to return to providing Australians access to an effective income support system and to ensure that they are treated with respect and dignity when they do so.
And so that's what this bill aims to do: to improve and expand the principles and duties contained in social security law in line with the royal commission recommendation relating to the effects of robodebt on individuals, and to make other changes to the social security law to align with recommendations on compliance activities and vulnerability, automated decision-making, and debt recovery and collection practices.
In particular, a large part of the bill aims to give effect to recommendation 10.1, that Services Australia should design policies and processes with emphasis on the people they are meant to serve. And it does this by inserting, within social security law, improved principles and duties for the secretary in administering that law.
There's also a duty to avoid language and conduct which causes unnecessary stigma and shame for recipients of government support. This is a particularly important counter to decades in which governments, the media, and plenty of others demonised and used welfare recipients as policy punching bags.
Moreover there's a duty to ensure sensitive, easy and efficient engagement with Services Australia in person, over the phone, or online, which I'm sure would be welcome news to anyone who's tried to get in touch with Centrelink to do even the most basic task, particularly when they're then directed to a phone line which rings for hours only to hang up.
There's also a duty to explain processes in clear terms and plain language so that people can find out what is required and expected of them, and, just as importantly, what is expected of Services Australia. Moreover there's a duty to act with sensitivity to financial and other stressors, and where possible to avoid actions which exacerbate these stressors.
It's all simple stuff, but for some reason it's been missing in the legislation to date, and that's what this bill will remedy.
Now of course the 'robo' in robodebt referred to the use of computer programs and other forms of automation. So, importantly, this bill also includes new legislated guidelines for how automation is used and overseen by Services Australia.
This includes requiring certain automated decisions, which are likely to have the most distressing impact on people, to be reviewed by a real person before coming into effect.
And it requires any decision made by a computer program to be flagged as such to people and to have clear instructions on seeking further information or review.
Furthermore the bill makes changes to debt waiver provisions to better provide for Services Australia to waive a debt where it was raised, either as a result of an administrative error made by the Commonwealth or incurred because of family and domestic violence circumstances, including cases of coercive control.
The bill also implements the clear recommendation of the royal commission that a six-year limit be reinstated on debt recovery. Not only does this bring social security debts back into line with other debts, it would also go quite some way to addressing the decades of illegally raised debts which were the subject of the recent Federal Court decision on income apportionment.
This bill has been drafted in close consultation with Economic Justice Australia, which is the peak body for community legal centres providing specialist social security legal services. Alarmingly, these legal services continue to see the harm and distress caused by Centrelink debts and observe that this will continue so long as the government continues to sit on its hands and not bring about appropriate legislative change.
I'd also like to acknowledge Greens senator Penny Allman-Payne—who will be moving a corresponding bill in the Senate today, I think, and who will join me shortly in a media event to discuss our reforms—and Liam Dunn from my own team, who did much of the legwork to get us to this point.
To conclude, my crossbench colleagues and I are ready and keen to work with the government to ensure robodebt never happens again. Hence I urge the Minister for Social Services, the Minister for Government Services, the Prime Minister and, in fact, all members of this House to finally come together at the table for legislative reform to ensure such catastrophic failures of social services administration can never happen again.
In my remaining time, I invite the member for Indi, who is seconding the bill, to make a few comments.
Is there a seconder of the motion?
I second the motion. I'm proud to rise in support of the Social Security and Other Legislation Amendment (Responding to Robodebt) Bill 2025, moved by my friend the member for Clark. This bill represents unfinished business when it comes to robodebt, more than two years after the final report from the robodebt royal commission was handed down. It implements or complements some of the outstanding recommendations from the royal commission's final report. It sets out new positive duties that require the government to emphasise and prioritise the needs of social security recipients when administering social security law and designing systems and policies. It mandates human oversight of debts raised above $2,000 before the decisions come into effect or decisions which would cause the cancellation of a payment or benefit. It also mandates notifying recipients if a debt has been raised against them as a result of automation. It places a six-year time limit on debt recovery actions, among other measures.
Robodebt cannot be allowed to be forgotten or to be repeated. We can't allow the most vulnerable in our community to come up against the might of the government—of automated systems—without compassion or compromise. Yet I worry that bills like this and the ethos behind them are needed more than ever.
The Commonwealth Ombudsman found this month that 964 JobSeeker recipients had their social security payments unlawfully terminated between April 2022 and July 2024, due to IT glitches in the targeted compliance framework which automatically cancelled payments without oversight.
We can see that automation without oversight is still a barrier to vulnerable Australians getting the help they need. It's clear we have a long way to go before the lessons of robodebt are learnt and implemented. We need a true turnaround in attitudes to guard against the demonisation of welfare recipients.
The time allotted for this debate has expired. The debate is adjourned, and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting.
I move:
That the bill be now read a second time.
Today I introduce the Climate Change (National Framework for Adaptation) Bill 2025. This is landmark legislation to protect our communities, our economy and our environment from the escalating risks of climate change.
This bill ensures that we have independent, regular climate risk assessments and a fully funded national adaptation plan, so that Australia is prepared, resilient and able to thrive in a changing climate.
It's about keeping families safe, safeguarding livelihoods, and making sure Australia can stand strong in the face of accelerating climate risks and impacts.
We cannot afford to leave our safety, our economy and our prosperity to chance or the current piecemeal, reactive approach where the government only turns up after events, keen for the photo ops.
We need an independent plan grounded in evidence, transparency and accountability. Ignoring or downplaying the problem and threat does not make it go away. It just puts Australian lives at risk.
In many parts of Australia, people are already living the reality of escalating climate risks, like coastal erosion, flooding and bushfires, communities and industries disrupted and spiralling insurance premiums.
The New South Wales State Disaster Mitigation Plan warns that, by 2060, the Northern Beaches local government area alone could face close to $1 billion in annual damages from extreme weather. Currently disasters are costing Australia $38 billion per year and that is scheduled to double by 2060.
Household costs from extreme weather impacts are set to rise from about $888 per year at the moment to $2½ thousand per year by 2050.
Local governments are left bearing the increased costs of road maintenance, storm and disaster repairs, and residents are the ones who end up paying sky-high rates.
We are standing at a crossroads. The Albanese government is withholding currently its one-off National Climate Risk Assessment.
The report has been finished for months, and those who are familiar with the report have described its findings as 'dire', 'diabolical' and 'extremely confronting'.
It contains suburb-level mapping of inundation, projections of drought, and alarming forecasts around agriculture and health.
This report was meant to inform our national response and should drive an ambitious target of at least 75 per cent emissions reduction by 2035—but what we are going to have is not going to be released ahead of that target at the moment. We need to know that national risk assessment. It will drive our mitigation and will inform the ambition to mitigate as fast as possible and drive investment and innovation.
If the government was genuine in addressing climate risks, it would debate this bill and legislate a national risk framework.
Instead, it is giving debate time for the coalition's continued climate denial. The coalition is more and more on the fringe and irrelevant when it comes to this core and essential policy debate. The question now for the government is: will it act and genuinely protect our communities or just be a little bit less bad than the coalition?
In 2021, I launched Climate Act Now—a campaign to legislate net zero and a clear path to emissions reduction. It succeeded. We have legislated net zero. This was an important commitment, but now the government must legislate a national risk framework to keep our communities safe.
We can still prevent the worst of catastrophic climate scenarios, but we also have to be honest with the Australian people and prepare for what is coming.
We know that we have a level of climate impact already locked in due to past emissions.
Adaptation is about not giving up—it's about implementing smart investment to safeguard our economy and communities.
Research shows that for every $1 invested and spent on resilience, you save up to $11 on recovery costs. Yet the government continues to spend only 13 per cent of the disaster budget on resilience and adaptation.
Last year, I convened a climate risk roundtable with experts, local government, industry and academics.
What I heard was confronting—the scale of the risk is enormous but so is our capacity to protect ourselves if we act decisively.
This bill provides us with the framework for us to get adaptation right. It provides for independent national climate change risk assessments every five years, free from political interference, publicly released and comprehensive.
It provides a national adaptation plan in response to each assessment—fully funded with clear strategies, timelines and measurable outcomes, and an annual progress report to parliament, ensuring government is held accountable.
Climate related reports, including declassified versions of the intelligence assessments—the ONI report—must be released to the public.
The federal budget must also include climate risk costs so the economic reality is clear.
This bill is about certainty, independence and preparation—ensuring that future governments take climate risk seriously, regardless of who is in power.
Last week we saw the Treasurer fail to address or include in his roundtable the impacts of climate change and rising risk. We cannot insure our way out of the climate crisis. We must have visibility of that national risk framework.
Australia can't afford to keep reacting after disasters strike.
Planning for climate impacts is crucial—it's how we protect our economy, our communities and our way of life.
This bill is common sense, fiscally responsible and future focused.
It's time for a reality check—climate change is here; it's costly and it's accelerating. The Nationals and the LNP don't want targets or to reduce emissions, but they're always keen for handouts when disasters strike.
We need to start preparing. Other jurisdictions and other countries have the tools, knowledge and ability to adapt, prepare and thrive.
The question now for the Albanese government is: what will they do? Will they be brave and honest enough with the Australian people and actually address these risks or remain shackled to fossil fuel interests and outdated policies?
This 48th Parliament is an opportunity to protect Australia. Will the government be reckless and ignore this responsibility?
I urge the government and all the new MPs who have come into this place to urge for the debate and support this Climate Change (National Framework for Adaptation) Bill 2025.
Is there a seconder for the motion?
I second the motion. I rise in support of the member for Warringah's private member's bill, the Climate Change (National Framework for Adaptation) Bill 2025, and thank her for her tireless efforts since her election to protect our climate and environment.
The threat posed by climate change is existential. We know what is coming and yet we are failing to act decisively. Extreme weather events fuelled by climate change are already destroying lives and livelihoods across Australia. So far this year in Australia, we have faced Cyclone Alfred, the most severe drought in decades in South Australia, devastating floods on the mid-north coast of New South Wales, ocean heatwaves that are causing mass bleaching of the Great Barrier and Ningaloo reefs, and vast and deadly algal blooms off South Australia. The frequency and ferocity of extreme weather events will only get worse, and yet here in Australia we have not implemented even some of the most basic measures required to respond and adapt effectively.
The member for Warringah's bill addresses these failings. It would require government to undertake a number of actions, including regularly assessing climate risk, formulating a plan to address the risks and mapping our progress against that plan. These three actions represent some of the most basic and most commonsense steps required by any government that is serious about rising to meet the threat of climate change. I'd also like to highlight that the member for Warringah is calling for the cost of climate change to be incorporated into the federal budget. Until this happens, action will never meet the challenge. According to Deloitte Access Economics, extreme weather is already costing the economy more than $38 billion a year, and yet at last week's productivity roundtable climate risk wasn't even on the agenda.
Lastly, the most critical action of this framework, I believe, is to ensure all new bills are compatible with climate change adaptation and resilience measures. Why? This is because we have two fundamental flaws in our political decision-making process. One, we have siloed decision-making so that different ministers and departments take actions that conflict and undermine the goals of other ministers. Two, we have an absence of long-term vision. Without an all-of government response, we are unlikely to ever make real progress, and it cannot be left solely to the purview of the minister for climate change to act on this existential threat.
Implementing the member for Warringah's framework would embed climate resilience into the DNA of our decision-making across all sectors and levels of government, and in the strongest terms possible I commend this bill to the House.
The time allotted for this debate has expired. The debate is adjourned, and the resumption of debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting.
I move:
That this bill be now read a second time.
As I begin my second term in this House, I want to restate something very important: this bill remains at the very top of my agenda. It's not just another piece of legislation that will come and go. It is a call for justice, fairness, and equity in our education system—a system that should be an engine of opportunity for all young Australians, no matter their background or postcode.
We all know the government has made some meaningful moves recently. The reduction of HECS debt by 20 per cent is welcome news for many students struggling under the weight of years of accumulated higher education costs. But, frankly, it's a temporary fix—a sugar hit that masks a far bigger wound in our higher education system.
The real problem we face stems from a policy introduced some years ago—the Job-ready Graduates scheme, or JRG for short. This policy was meant to reshape university fees to better align with job market needs—particularly to encourage more students into science, technology, engineering, and mathematics fields.
But here's the problem: the JRG has caused real harm. Despite its good intentions—and it started with very good intentions, but all roads to hell are made with good intention—it has led to drastic fee increases for students studying arts and humanities, fees that are now more than three times higher than they were before, while fees for STEM, education, and agriculture degrees have remained comparatively stable.
Let me be very clear here—I am not questioning the importance of STEM. We all acknowledge that Australia needs more scientists, engineers, technologists and innovators to compete in a global economy and solve complex problems ahead. But what we cannot accept is a system that places a higher monetary value on some degrees over others, effectively creating a two-tiered university system.
The JRG is, in effect, using financial deterrence to push students away from arts and humanities degrees. Arts students are being asked to pay significantly more, and the message is clear: your chosen field is less valuable to this country. But this policy hasn't worked the way it was intended. Students are not abandoning arts degrees en masse. They continue to pursue their passion, but they're now saddled with debts that are much heavier and more burdensome than before.
Who feels this impact the most? It's students from lower socioeconomic backgrounds, Indigenous students, women and those from non-English-speaking backgrounds—the people I represent in electorates like Fowler, where communities are vibrant and diverse but face economic hardship every day.
I hear from countless young people just trying to get an education, just trying to build a better future. And it's not just the soaring fees—they tell me it's also the day-to-day struggles: the costs of travel to and from campus, often on a patchy and unreliable public transport system; the costs of textbooks and learning materials; the expenses of food and basic living while they study. These costs add up long before they even begin to think about the HECS debt waiting for them after graduation.
So I ask again—how is it fair that these students are punished simply for wanting to study subjects they love and are passionate about? How is it fair that aspiring archaeologists, historians, artists, anthropologists and social scientists are told their ambitions come with a far greater price tag than their peers studying engineering or computer science?
I believe this is fundamentally unfair, and I know many members in this House will agree.
The JRG policy rested on a flawed assumption: that by hiking fees for certain degrees, students would automatically choose to study 'more job-ready' STEM fields instead. But humans are not that simple. Passions, talents and interests drive students as much as financial realities. Many students continue to choose arts and humanities despite the heavy financial cost—with no government support or relief.
The result? Too many young Australians are now entering the workforce burdened by crushing debts directly tied to choices they made out of love for their field, a desire to contribute culturally and intellectually or a commitment to addressing complex social issues.
We know that Australia cannot thrive on STEM alone. Our society, culture, economy and democracy require a broad and diverse knowledge base. Fields like history, literature, anthropology, politics and philosophy provide essential lenses to understand who we are as a nation and where we need to go.
In particular, as we work towards reconciliation with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, the education provided by arts, humanities and social sciences is crucial. These subjects help us understand our shared history, respect cultural identities and build a future founded on truth and mutual respect.
Moreover, arts and humanities graduates contribute significantly to sectors that shape our society—education, public service, social justice, the creative industries, media and beyond. They are the thinkers, creators and leaders who enrich our national life.
The mistaken stigma that arts degrees don't lead to meaningful careers is outdated, harmful and perpetuated by policies like the JRG. I am a beneficiary of an arts degree focusing on political science and creatives as well. The Universities Accord's interim report in July 2023 reinforced this truth—calling the current fee structure damaging and urging an urgent redesign.
But despite these clear warnings, the government's response has been slow and insufficient. Students and universities are left waiting—with little clarity, no relief, and continued uncertainty about their financial future.
As members of this parliament, our role is to make life better for Australians, not harder. We're here to fix policies that hold people back, deepen inequality, or force young people to make impossible choices about their education and futures.
This bill is about doing exactly that—correcting a deeply flawed system that disproportionately punishes students from disadvantaged communities. Students in Western Sydney and electorates like mine want to study subjects that inspire them; they deserve an education system that supports those dreams fairly.
I have said it before, and I will say it again: the JRG promotes inequity and punishes young Australians pursuing degrees vital to the intellectual and cultural fabric of this nation.
Reforming this policy is not about fair fees—it's about protecting the diversity of skills and knowledge this country so desperately needs.
That's why I am passionate about bringing this bill back to parliament—to shine a light on this injustice and demand change.
When we lift barriers and create an education system that values every field of study, we invest not just in individuals but in the future of Australia itself.
I commend this bill to the House and, with that, I gladly hand over my remaining time to the member for Calare.
Is the motion seconded?
I second the motion, Deputy Speaker, and I'm very pleased to do so and support this very important bill. I commend the member for Fowler for bringing it to this House. She certainly is a fighter for her electorate. She knows the importance of education to her constituents and she wants a better deal for them and also for students everywhere, all around this great nation of ours.
This bill is being introduced as it's critical that we give students who choose to study society, culture, humanities and arts a fair go. Last year when I rose to support this bill, I said that society, culture and arts subjects at our universities aren't just mere subjects to tack on to a degree; they're a critical source of learning which equips students to gain a greater depth of understanding about the communities and world in which we live. Importantly, these courses and subjects lay the foundation for careers in a wide variety of fields that benefit our communities and our country. So it's critical that we ensure that students can undertake these subjects and study them without being burdened with huge university debts. It's the last thing these students need, especially in a cost-of-living crisis.
Now, I certainly don't begrudge students studying STEM courses receiving lower course fees, and neither does the member for Fowler. I do, however, like the member for Fowler, question the effectiveness of the Job-ready Graduates Package. The evidence is that only a very small percentage of students changed their course selections as a result of the scheme being introduced, and it has also resulted in an inequitable and unfair student loans scheme. The Job-ready Graduates Package is a failure. It's a dud, and it needs to be overhauled. This bill is a step in the right direction towards greater fairness for uni students, and I'm very pleased to support it.
The time allotted for this debate has expired. The debate is adjourned and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting.
I move:
That this House:
(1) notes:
(a) National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS) providers and participants will be significantly impacted and hold grave concern regarding changes to the transport allowance arrangements that have been announced in the recent annual price review, at very short notice without consultation by the Government; and
(b) the feasibility for NDIS providers and participants to make the necessary adjustments to service delivery arrangements in such a short time period is not achievable and will be at the detriment of the participant;
(2) condemns the Government for failing to consult with the NDIS sector and failing to understand the needs of participants and providers; and
(3) calls on the Government to:
(a) defer these changes for at least three months to allow for consultation and planning around the changes to service delivery that may result from these changes; and
(b) explain how it expects community-based service providers in particular to adapt to these new pricing arrangements.
There is nothing more important that we can do in this place as parliamentarians than to look after our most vulnerable—to make sure that they are supported and have the services they need to live their best life.
As a member of the coalition, I sit with two minds when I talk about the NDIS, one being that it definitely needs reform—absolutely. I also sit with a heavy heart and great anxiety, because my daughter Emery, five years old, is on the NDIS. She has level 3 autism, and changes that get made quickly, changes that get made without consultation or with minimal consultation, terrify me as a father—terrify me for my daughter's future. And I'm not the only person in this parliament or this country that is looking at the changes to the NDIS with lots of fear.
I know that reform is needed. I get that. I understand it. But it must be done in a way where participants aren't waking up in the morning to find that things have changed; with providers being told, 'You have 10 working days to change your whole model because there will be a change to your pricing' due to the annual pricing review; with people in the regions not knowing if their services are going to be able to continue; and with travel being cut in half. What about for places like Magnetic Island, where you have to travel by boat to get there, or Palm Island? Regional Australia is going to feel this more than anywhere else.
The minister said that no-one will fall through the cracks and that there won't be any changes to people's services or their funding and support through the NDIS. Well, that hasn't been the case, because places like AEIOU, which provides support for children with autism, has seen closures, and Autism Queensland has had a reduction in hours. People who were diagnosed by a paediatrician or doctor as needing more support from the NDIS have had their packages and supports reduced. Those are significant changes.
In Townsville just recently I was speaking to a woman who shared with me that her daughter, born without enough muscle strength to move and play, relies on constant physiotherapy to grow. This young girl has been receiving physio support since birth, and it's her lifeline to getting stronger. She's learning to move, walk and play, like every child should. When changes happened through the annual pricing review, they slashed funding for her local physio provider. There are a few alternatives, but there shouldn't need to be an alternative to where this family gets the support that they need. Her mother is worried sick that her progress is going to end. It pains me, pains me to my heart, that families feel like their children are an inconvenient dollar figure on a government's budget bottom line.
We must do things differently. We must do things better. We need reform, but we have to work with the participants and with the providers, to ensure that no-one fall through the cracks. I understand why the government is making changes, but I can't understand that in regional Australia, such as in Townsville, participants are waking up in the morning to find that things have changed, and providers are being given only 10 working days to provide any sort of response. This risks our participants losing the support they need, and, without early interventions and without interventions now, they will not be able to live their best lives into the future. That's why it's so important that we bring on this debate and speak about our most vulnerable.
Is there a seconder for the motion?
I second the motion and reserve my right to speak.
FRANCE () (): The NDIS is a lifeline for so many. It can be the difference between isolation, loneliness and intermittent human contact and regular time in the community with people and with support at home. It has also enabled carers to work and re-engage with community and take care of their mental health. Many participants and carers remember what it was like before the NDIS. I stayed in the house all day—just awful. I don't know how we survived. Every time we in this place talk about making change to the NDIS, their fears rise up. They struggle to sleep at night. I struggle. It is a reasonable reaction to the trauma of a severe lack of support before the NDIS. That is why Labor established the NDIS and why we will always work to protect it and ensure it delivers for those it was set up to support: people with significant and permanent care and support needs. It is also why we are making structural changes to the system—changes that must be made to ensure the system is equitable, safe and sustainable.
The NDIS is a lifeline for many and has been a cash cow for many others. Participants know this, providers know this and the general public knows this. Despite knowing this we still fear the change. Most participants and carers are genuinely distressed by the rorting and fraud that was allowed to enter the system by the previous coalition government. They have tainted our lifeline. We feel the scepticism from others. We see the buzzards circling. A few weeks ago a local mum, Carol, who has an adult child with cerebral palsy, came to the office distressed and upset over the bill a new service provider had sent them for two trips down the road to and from the Endeavour Foundation. The trip was no more than five minutes; their car had broken down. The bill was $1,000. She was embarrassed and angry and didn't know what to do with it. I seek leave to table a copy of Carol's bill and her email.
Leave granted.
We know, those opposite know and good providers, which are the majority, know that many bad actors were rorting the travel subsidy. We are listening to the vast majority of providers, who do the right thing, particularly those who travel to areas with no local services. But let's be clear: we need pricing discipline. People on the NDIS should not be paying a cent more than those in the aged care and health sectors. Change is needed not just because of bad actors but because the NDIS is not doing what it set out to do. It has left many with no support while others are overserviced. The other side talk about recent changes to rectify some of this, but they often talk knowing that nine years of turning a blind eye and a general lack of interest in the lives of disabled people allowed the problems of today to fester, run rampant and set in.
As soon as we came into government in 2022 we ordered a review, and what I heard was worse than I had ever anticipated. There were no basic fraud or compliance controls in the nine long years the coalition were running the NDIS—zero. That's on the coalition; that's your record. The fact that the vast majority of providers, 15 out of 16, are unregistered and unregulated is a disgrace. We are fixing it. The fact that the states and territories were given the green light to step away, under the coalition, from being the provider of last resort and delivering support where no other provider was willing to set up in a country town has left a deep hole in our mainstream systems of support. We are throwing the sink at that.
We also know that children with autism wait too long for diagnosis and early intervention and that while kids in our cities can mostly get access to early intervention supports, kids in regional and remote areas and those from disadvantaged backgrounds really struggle for the basics. That is why foundational supports and Thriving Kids is so important. We cannot have a system for our kids where the biggest spender wins.
I thank the member for Herbert for this motion. I too have grave concerns about the reduction in professional fees and funding for travel costs outlined in NDIS pricing arrangements and price limits 2025-26. The issues I have are with the substance of the changes but also their timing. I've been told that providers were only given a few weeks notice, despite the significant impact these pricing changes will have.
In regional Australia, these providers are small businesses and, on the whole, they're striving to provide important services to NDIS participants. They're not in the big city, where services are abundant and delivery is a lot simpler. It's a theme of mine—coming into this place to explain that things in regional and rural Australia are quite different from things in the city. I've said this in relation to industrial relations. I've said it in relation to agriculture and business. I've said it in relation to transport. I've said it in relation to aged care. But sometimes you've got to put a different lens over things in relation to regional and rural Australia. The businesses that service clients in rural and remote areas—clients are not spoiled for choice, and the practitioners must travel to reach clients. The reality is that in the bush you often don't have the services you need where you live. Either you travel, or the service provider travels to you. Under these changes, the compensation that providers can claim for that necessary travel has been cut.
We all agree that the NDIS needs to be financially sustainable; however, we need to be cautious that changes do not have a disproportionate impact on regional Australians simply because of where they choose to live. The Albanese government has some form in this area with changes made to registered nurse minutes in aged care. Regional aged care does not have the same access to qualified nurses, and meeting the requirements has meant employing agency staff, which means labour costs have soared and the viability of services has decreased. Again, it's that lack of understanding that things are very different in regional Australia.
We're concerned that, with these NDIS changes, once again the Albanese government has failed to consult with the sector and failed to understand the needs of business and service recipients. It's a disappointing move. The member for Herbert has written to the Minister for Disability and the National Disability Insurance Scheme, calling on the government to defer these changes for at least three months to allow for consultation and planning around changes to service delivery, and I support that deferral.
The NDIS supports independence and social and economic participation of people with a disability. It was developed so as to have a nationally consistent approach to access to, and the planning and funding of, supports for people with a disability. I think people all around this chamber agree with the intent of the National Disability Insurance Scheme, and it received bipartisan support when it was brought to this parliament. But, if we make changes to it, we've got to carefully examine the impact of those changes—sometimes they might be unintended. This might affect the ability of rural and regional service practitioners to do what they do and therefore provide the service that is so sorely needed.
Providers are saying to us that cutting travel supports will reduce access for regional clients, and that's something that we've got to be really careful about analysing. Once again, it's the same old story: where you live dictates what support is available, and that's just not good enough. It's inconsistent with the goal of equitable access across Australia, and it should be reviewed. I hope that the Albanese government can look at this, take the three-month deferral, consult with the industry and see whether there are better ways that we can do this. If this is the way forward, at least inform providers and recipients that this is what's going to happen and how it will affect them into the future.
The National Disability Insurance Agency released its annual pricing review earlier this year, making recommendations designed to help refocus the National Disability Insurance Scheme on its primary purpose, which is to provide funding and support services to Australians with a permanent and significant disability.
The provision of funding and support services is targeted towards helping those with disability live as independently and autonomously as possible, helping them to be able to spend more time with family and friends. It's also directed at helping people with a permanent and significant disability access new skills, access meaningful work or access a community volunteering opportunity. It is firmly aimed at delivering an improved quality of life.
The NDIS currently supports over 700,000 Australians with disability to access the services and support they need. This includes approximately 80,000 children with developmental delay, ensuring they receive supports early so that they achieve the best outcomes throughout their lives. To be clear again, the services and support facilitated by the scheme are directed at persons with a permanent and significant disability. Supporting those persons is the purpose; it is the entire point. The Albanese Labor government is focused on making the National Disability Insurance Scheme the best and fairest it can be.
The National Disability Insurance Agency's annual pricing review contained new recommendations with respect to the way travel is charged by those providing support and services to persons with a permanent and significant disability. The updated travel-claiming rules create clear cost expectations for those persons, helping them to get increased value and efficiency from the funding provided to them. The new rules also encourage providers to implement more efficient scheduling and to seek to ensure that travel costs are proportionate to the services being provided. Travel costs must be itemised separately on invoices so that participants can clearly understand where the funding provided to them, pursuant to the NDIS, is being used.
The National Disability Insurance Agency learned during the annual pricing review that participants were finding that therapy travel costs were exhausting their funding faster than expected. In this respect, participants, whose needs the National Disability Insurance Scheme is designed to fulfil, were listened to and heard. What this means is that the updated travel-claiming rules encourage more efficient scheduling by providers and provide clear cost expectations for participants, to help them get better value from their funding.
A similar motivation exists for the changes to increment recording by providers. Displaying therapy price limits in 10-minute increments is intended to increase flexibility in billing and in service delivery. It aims to clarify that one hour is not a default or expected service length and that the length of service can vary, depending on the agreement between the participant and provider based on individual needs and circumstances, which may evolve.
What changed following the National Disability Insurance Agency's annual pricing review is that, from 1 July 2025, therapy providers, not disability support workers or other types of support providers, can claim half of the relevant price limit for their time spent travelling, which equates to around $90 per hour, up to the usual time-limit caps, depending on location. Other travel rules did not change, which means all providers may continue to claim non-labour travel costs, such as vehicle-running costs, parking costs and road tolls. It is also open to providers to negotiate with participants to include costs and accommodation associated with travel to remote and/or very remote and regional locations. Travel in remote and very remote locations, as determined by the Modified Monash Model—which is the model used by the NDIA to classify the remoteness of a location—has price limits and is not subject to time caps. Additionally, remote loadings of 40 per cent and 50 per cent for remote and very remote locations, respectively, remain unchanged. This government will continue to work with regional, remote and rural communities to trial different ways of delivering services to make it easier for people in remote communities to receive the services they need.
Behind every policy decision, there are real people. When the NDIS was created, it carried a promise that every Australian with disability, no matter their postcode, would be supported with dignity, fairness and opportunity. For those in regional, rural and remote communities, that promise was meant to close the gap, ensuring access to quality care, even hundreds of kilometres from the nearest major city. But that promise has now been broken. Without consultation, the NDIA pushed through changes in its annual pricing review. Hidden deep within recommendation 12 was a devastating cut that unduly punishes regional Australians. Providers have been left scrambling, unsure if they can continue travelling to the communities that rely on them. Participants are frightened, wondering if the care they have depended on for years will suddenly disappear.
These changes are not a simple policy tweak; they are the difference between a child receiving life-changing therapy or going without. They are the difference between a provider staying in the region and a provider walking away. For many residents in rural communities, the nearest physiotherapist is hours away, making regular therapy all but impossible without providers travelling long distances to deliver care. The NDIA might call the changes 'efficiency', but let's call them what they are: a direct hit on regional Australians living with disability. Yes, there are rorts in the system, and they must be addressed. No-one disputes that. But, instead of targeting the culprits, Labor has swung the axe at the providers who are doing the right thing, the ones who drive thousands of kilometres and invest time and money to reach those left behind and ensure families and participants aren't forgotten—but that is already happening.
My constituent Susan Blackborough was diagnosed with MS at just 12 years old. Susan did not let her disease define her. She was active and independent and once ran a successful business. But, as her disease progressed, she lost her independence and now lives with profound disability. Susan told me that some days she's unable to get out of bed without assistance and that she has lost her ability to walk. But with the help of her physiotherapist, Greg, Susan has slowly regained some strength and independence. Susan's goal is to walk again. With Greg's support, she has gone from dangerous falls and being bedbound to being able to do weight-bearing exercises safely. She said, if she doesn't have access to physio, her progress stops. Susan has a message for this government: 'Rural Australians are just as important as people in the cities. Disabled people already have enough on their plates. If they live rural and can't access these supports, sometimes life just isn't worth living.' Susan's words should haunt every member of this House.
Her physiotherapist, Greg Muller, also spoke to me about the impact of these cuts. His mobile practice was built to reach the people who often get left behind. They deliberately run lean, check every code and do everything possible to keep services viable, but there's only so much they can do. Greg told me that there are people like Susan who simply can't leave their homes. These people deserve the same access to quality care as everyone else. But what the government is saying is 'you just have to take what you can get'. Providers in regional and remote areas already face significant challenges. They drive hundreds of kilometres, often in difficult conditions, paying higher costs for fuel and vehicle maintenance. These policy changes make it financially unsustainable for them to continue serving the people who rely on them. The government's assumption that providers can simply adapt ignores the realities of delivering care in the bush.
And let us not forget the personal toll. Families are left carrying more responsibility when support services are cut. Carers must fill the gaps, sacrificing their own health and wellbeing. Children miss out on therapy that could be life changing. Adults lose independence they have fought so hard to gain. This is not just policy; it is real life, and it is being put at risk by decisions made in offices far from the regions they affect. These changes send a chilling message to all Australians living outside major cities that your postcode determines the quality of care you receive and that your progress, your independence and your dignity are negotiable.
I am calling on the government to defer these changes for at least three months. This time must be used to consult properly with providers, participants and communities. The government must plan how service delivery will be maintained and explain how community based providers are expected to adapt without leaving vulnerable Australians high and dry.
It's not too late for the Australian government to put people first. It's not too late to listen to Susan; her physio, Greg; and every regional Australian who depends on the NDIS for dignity, independence and hope.
The National Disability Insurance Scheme is one of the great Labor social reforms. It has fundamentally changed the lives of people with a disability for the better, giving people the opportunity to participate in society in a way that they never could before. Quality allied health professionals play an absolutely crucial role in achieving these goals. In my electorate, in the Illawarra, we are incredibly lucky to have a strong, well-established network of quality, passionate and dedicated professionals working hard on this every single day. For them, the work they do is more than just a job. It is a reflection of their compassion, commitment and strong desire to improve the lives of others. I want to start by acknowledging this work and thanking everyone in my community working so hard to improve the lives of others—helping children to walk and talk, helping to reduce pain and discomfort and giving people the tools and the power to engage socially and economically. It is such valuable work.
I also want to give a very special mention to the Illawarra Disability Alliance. The IDA is an incredibly passionate group of local NDIS-registered not-for-profit organisations who want to support the success and inclusion of people with disability in our community. They are experienced professionals who have dedicated their lives to working in this field—true experts. So I was concerned when they and other local providers started voicing objections to the recent NDIA pricing review. These providers work in the system every single day. They understand its unique challenges. And their voices need to be heard in this process.
As a government, we have not shied away from the fact that the NDIS needs to undergo changes to become fairer and sustainable in a way that works for everyone. There is always going to be debate across the sector about how we achieve this. What is absolutely essential during this process is strong engagement with participants and with providers every step of the way.
As an MP, I have a very firm expectation that the National Disability Insurance Agency undertakes proper and respectful consultation before making decisions that affect the lives of people with a disability and those working hard to support them. It is for this reason that I have engaged in conversation with the NDIA since these changes were announced, to ensure that consultation with groups like the Illawarra Disability Alliance is occurring in a full and frank way. I wrote to the NDIA to express the concerns of my constituents and urged further consultation with local providers as a matter of urgency. Regional areas like mine simply will not have a large enough pool of providers to draw from if some of these long-established organisations exit the scheme.
I would really like to thank the minister's office, and the NDIA's Deputy Chief Executive Officer for partners, providers and home and living, Penelope McKay, for meeting with some of my local providers last week to hear directly from them about the impact of these changes. I also want to thank our amazing local providers who have engaged with me on this issue.
I was reassured to learn that the NDIA will soon be putting out a three-year work plan to help providers better prepare for upcoming changes and engage in consultation more easily. I was also really pleased that the deputy CEO took the time to listen to the feedback that my local providers had, and I hope that this will see engagement with these providers continue into the future. Following the meeting, I have been working hard to ensure that my local providers have a seat at the table when the NDIA is consulting with industry through the agency's quarterly Industry Chief Executive Forum.
The government also last week invested $45 million in pilot programs to support providers and gain valuable data to inform future approaches to therapy pricing. This is welcome news.
The NDIA is an independent agency and decisions are made by the NDIA board. However, this does not mean that the agency has no accountability to its participants and providers or to government. We are all trying to get the best outcomes for people with disability in our community. We want them to thrive and get the vital support that they need in a way that works for them. To achieve this, we absolutely must have real and open dialogue between participants, providers and the NDIA. Being open to feedback and collaboration means better results for participants and the sustainability of the NDIS. Once again, I want to thank everyone who is working hard, across the industry, to improve the lives of people with a disability.
The National Disability Insurance Scheme is a complete shambles at the moment, on Labor's watch, and something must be done to restore and fix this broken system. It is one of the most important things that we, as a parliament, do: to look after our most vulnerable people. But we are letting them down. The Labor government stands condemned for its new pricing payment system which came into effect on 1 July. This affects NDIS providers and clients, particularly in regional Australia.
There's no point writing to the Minister for Disability and the National Disability Insurance Scheme, the member for Hindmarsh. You'll get a letter back from his chief of staff. I should not know his chief of staff's name but he's the only one I ever get a letter from when I write to the minister's office, and that is a disgrace. Write instead, if you are a member of parliament, to Senator Jenny McAllister. She will at least respond, and I've at least got some faith in her ability to fix any issue which I take to her. That is a great shame and it's on the minister's head.
But don't just take my word when I say that the NDIS is in a mess. Take the words from constituents of mine, such as Patricia Veney and her son Michael. He is 34, and they live in Cowra. She says, 'I believe this scheme was introduced to help people who need it, with "choice and control" and "reasonable and necessary". They have taken choice away, leaving us with no control, and it is not reasonable and necessary.' She says that living in rural and remote areas of Australia presents unique challenges, particularly for people with disabilities who rely on the NDIS. But when you've got the travel component being virtually taken away from people who are our most vulnerable, it is going to leave them without allied health help—without podiatry, without speech therapy, without physiotherapy. It's simply not good enough in this day and age.
Take Diana Martin and her son Grant Cain. He's 43. He lives in a group home in Cowra as well. Grant's occupational therapist has contacted Diana to say that they can't work with Grant anymore because the NDIS has cut funding for travel. It's simply not good enough.
These people need our help. These people were getting our help, and these people have been taken off that help by the Labor government—a Labor government which does not care about regional Australia. It's simply not good enough. They should be caring at least for those vulnerable people who live in regional Australia who can't help themselves. These people are suffering. They have disabilities and they've had their help stripped away because of the selfishness of, and the cruel and callous contempt that they have been shown by, this government. It's simply not good enough. Regional people are demanding better. They are demanding that people who have disabilities should be looked after.
Georgie Butt, a sole trader, of Teach Me Speech speech pathology, looks after the towns of Cootamundra, Harden and Temora. She says, 'My entire speech pathology service is delivered via mobile therapy, with each client requiring me to travel at least 27 to 67 kilometres, which is between 30 minutes to an hour travel.' And she says: 'Due to recent NDIS travel price cuts, I've had to absorb 50 per cent of travel costs. If I stop travelling to clients, I would have no clients as my service relies entirely on reaching families in their communities.' So either she absorbs the costs, or she doesn't go to help the people who need treatment as she's done in the past. Georgie is very good at what she does.
Then we have Donalee Gregory, a director and physiotherapist at Kids I Can in Wagga Wagga. She too has been left high and dry. 'These changes will have a significant impact in regional areas where providers often travel large distances to support their clients. We value the impact of supporting children in their natural environments and have continued to provide these supports'—that's what she says. But they can't keep providing the supports if it's going to cruel their business. It's not only cruelling their business; it's cruelling those people who rely on the support: Australia's most vulnerable people who live in rural, regional and remote Australia. And it's on Labor's watch. They've turned a blind eye to those people. Shame on them.
What I would say to this House is that it was on Labor's watch when the NDIS became a reality. People facing profound disability had not had the opportunity to seek that support until a Labor government put it into place. The National Disability Insurance Scheme is a critical Australian institution. It's a world-leading piece of public policy reform that, on the individual level, changes the lives of participants for the better, every single day.
Recently, I had the opportunity to meet some of those participants at the Kuraby Special School family fun day. It's a day that's put on for kids with disability who do not get the opportunity to go to the Ekka. The principal there, Abby Kilfoy, and their P&C leader, Glen, know how critical that is, because everyone who is a person with disability deserves dignity, deserves support and deserves to participate in our community. That's what they do day in, day out at the Kuraby Special School, and, when it comes to the NDIS, they are some of the participants who make up the 717,000 people who now have the choice to control their own supports. It enables them to access reasonable and necessary services, supports and equipment for the care that they need, for the care that their families need, for the care that they deserve. In particular, they need that care to work towards personal goals and to access their community just as those students did when it came to the Kuraby Special School and the Ekka.
As Minister Butler recently said, Australia's NDIS has gone from a dream of generations of disability activists to an entrenched and beloved institution, and we need to keep it that way. To be able to keep it that way, what the NDIS needs is financial sustainability so that the NDIS remains a reality and remains a critical support for all of those participants who use it day in and day out. It is imperative we ensure the long-term viability of the NDIS so that future generations can access it, and Labor takes this responsibility incredibly seriously. Cost projections showed the annual cost of the NDIS would grow from about $35 billion in the 2022-23 year to more than $50 billion in the 2025-26 year and exceed $90 billion a year within a decade.
The Albanese Labor government is focused on the sustainable growth of the NDIS, and Labor is also determined to ensure that prices are fairer for participants, providers and workers in the sector and that there is a transparency for the Australian taxpayer about that process and outcome. This means ensuring that participants are not overcharged. It also means that our investment in the NDIS has to go to our frontline workers and participants. It means clarity around pricing arrangements. It is the participants and the frontline workers of the NDIS who are the lifeblood of this scheme.
The annual price review is a key part of monitoring the scheme to ensure efficiency, equity and financial viability, and the National Disability Insurance Agency incorporates market data, research and public and industry engagement in its review, considering numerous factors such as changes to the minimum wage and the superannuation guarantee. In the last review, the agency also commissioned an independent report into pricing, focusing on a detailed examination of pricing data and patterns. The review is a rigorous process. It's a rigorous process in which this year more than 10 million therapy transactions were assessed and benchmarked with Medicare, private health insurance and 13 other government schemes. The outcomes of that 2024-25 annual pricing review included recommending new prices for certain therapies where participants were paying more than other consumers, as well as restructuring and clarifying travel charges.
What the NDIS is fundamentally about is making sure that some of the most vulnerable people in our community have the support they need every day, and the only way to do that—the only way to ensure this world-changing critical piece, this great institution introduced by Labor—is to make sure it is financially sustainable.
There being no further speakers, the debate is adjourned and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting.
I move:
That this House:
(1) notes that:
(a) during National Skills Week, we recognise the importance of Australia's vocational education and training (VET) sector;
(b) there have been more than 650,000 enrolments in the Government's Free TAFE program; and
(c) there have been more than 170,000 Free TAFE courses completed by Australians;
(2) commends the Government's successful passage of the Free TAFE Bill 2024, supporting quality training and putting TAFE back at the heart of the VET sector;
(3) recognises Free TAFE is helping Australians to get skills in in-demand areas like housing construction, nursing and aged care, giving Australians the skills they want, in sectors we need; and
(4) supports the Government as it continues to invest in the Australian people by prioritising training initiatives like Free TAFE.
This week is National Skills Week, and it reminds us that our future economy and security depend on building Australia's skills capacity today. To seize new industries, meet community needs and stay competitive, we on this side of the House carry this week's message forward through policy and with purpose.
Since January 2023, more than 650,000 Australians have enrolled in free TAFE. That's 650,000 Australians who might otherwise have been shut out of training because of cost. And, importantly, more than 170,000 Australians have completed a free TAFE course—finishing, qualifying and having an opportunity to move into work.
These are not abstract numbers. They represent people taking their first step into a career in construction, nursing, aged care, early childhood education or cybersecurity, areas whose skills this nation needs. And these numbers reflect among them people retraining, mid-career, to keep up with changing industries.
This government promised to put TAFE back at the heart of vocational education and training, and we are delivering. Through the passage of the free-TAFE bill, Labor locked in at least 100,000 free TAFE places every year. This is ongoing and permanent. It's not a pilot and it is not a trial.
In my electorate of Calwell, we are fortunate to have institutions such as the Kangan Institute, one of Victoria's most important skills and training centres. The opportunities that skills and training provide matter, and this government is backing that in. The experiences of Kangan students show us why. Take Christopher, who switched from IT to automotive studies. He said:
I realised a career in automotive could be a better fit for me. Kangan's facilities and teachers have been excellent. My goal is to secure work placement and eventually find a job working with light vehicles.
Tamani is a mature-age student. She said:
Returning to education gave me a sense of purpose and the confidence to be a role model for my son, my nieces and nephews, and my community. I was a stay-at-home mum for many years and decided to return to education so I could better my life.
These are real stories from real people.
Free TAFE is not just changing lives; it is addressing national priorities: in housing construction, where apprentices are being supported with incentive payments of up to $10,000 to take on trades like carpentry, plumbing and electrical work; in nursing and aged care, where free TAFE is training the workforce we need to care for an ageing population; and in cybersecurity, where certificate IV and diploma graduates are already working on the front line in councils, community organisations and small businesses.
Labor is also delivering in other areas. We are raising the living-away-from-home allowance for apprentices, for the first time since 2003. We are increasing the disability wage support payment for employers, for the first time since 1998. And we have delivered the landmark $30 billion five-year National Skills Agreement with the states and territories, lifting skills investment right across the country.
But let's be clear about the alternative. When the Liberals were in office they cut $3 billion from TAFE and vocational education, and only earlier this year, in February, they voted against the free-TAFE bill. The now leader of the opposition even called fee-free TAFE 'wasteful spending'. She went further, saying, 'If you don't pay for something, you don't value it.' Well, tell that to Christopher, to Tamani and to the 650,000 enrolees who have seized the chance to take part in free TAFE. Tell that to the student nurse in Victoria who has saved $17,776 by enrolling in a free-TAFE diploma of nursing.
Liberals don't value free TAFE, just as they don't value Medicare, the NDIS or public hospitals. They would rip this away if they had the chance.
Our national skills policies reflect our focus on some of the most important reforms in a generation, because, in a world of increased complexity, when Australians have the skills, Australia has the future. Free TAFE gives people a fair chance, builds the industries that keep our economy strong and delivers good jobs and secure livelihoods. That's what Labor stand for and that's why we will always back skills, training and TAFE. I want to acknowledge the work of the Minister for Skills and Training for his focus and commitment to this very important policy area.
I now call for a seconder for the motion.
I second the motion and reserve my right to speak.
Labor's so-called fee-free TAFE program has failed to deliver real results. They've spent in excess of $1½ billion of taxpayers' money and yet fewer Australians are in apprenticeships and traineeships today than before. This is not a success story; this is a policy failure. Fee-free TAFE might sound good on paper, but the reality is very different. The Albanese government is not training enough people in the areas where they're actually needed—trades, construction, aged care and essential infrastructure. We don't need more people in low-level generic training programs that don't lead to real jobs, especially not when it comes with a billion-dollar price tag. You can't build houses without tradies, you can't manufacture without boilermakers, you can't fix the economy without trained workers and you certainly can't grow the economy without a skilled workforce.
You may remember the Albanese government's Jobs and Skills Summit in 2022. It was meant to be a game changer. Instead, it was another classic talkfest with no real outcomes. Our skills gaps are getting worse, not better. Right now, we are facing a massive housing shortage and infrastructure bottlenecks. Builders and contractors are crying out for skilled tradies. Ask any builder and they'll tell you they're waiting for months to find a qualified worker. Projects are delayed, costs are rising and communities are missing out. Labor promised that fee-free TAFE would fix this problem, but the dial has not shifted.
Let's not forget Labor's record of decline. When the coalition was last in government, there were 415,000 apprentices and trainees in training. Today, under Labor, that number has collapsed to just 311,000. That's a reduction of more than 100,000, a whopping 25 per cent reduction. Despite the $1.5 billion being poured into fee-free TAFE, fewer people are actually in training. And, even when young people do sign up, too many drop out—three-quarters. Why? Because there's not enough support to help them complete their training. Fee-free TAFE doesn't fix completion rates. You can waive fees, but, if apprentices and trainees aren't mentored, supported or connected to real job opportunities, they won't finish their courses. The result is churn—lots of enrolments, very few completions, a bigger burden on the taxpayer and no solutions to the skills shortage.
If only one in four TAFE apprentices are finishing their courses and we have a skills shortage, the commonsense solution is to fix what we've got, not add more places. Let me put it this way: if you're struggling to pump water to your local community and, after inspection, you find a gaping hole in the pipeline, do you (a) fix the pipe or (b) build a bigger pump and pump more water through it? The government is buying a bigger pump and putting it on the taxpayers' credit card, which is already maxed out.
Labor's skills crisis isn't just a policy problem; it's an economic handbrake. More than one in three occupations across Australia are assessed as being in national shortage. That's 36 per cent of all occupations. Every day that Labor ignores this, costs go up for families, businesses and communities. When Labor talks, you pay. The longer Anthony Albanese and Labor ignore their skills crisis, the bigger the bill will be for our country. What we actually need is investment in outcomes. The construction industry does not need slogans. It needs serious investment in apprenticeships, training equipment and quality trainers and proper incentives for employers to take apprentices on. We need targeted funding for high-demand trades and skills. We need a stronger link between TAFE and employers. We need more apprentices gaining hands-on experience on real worksites. That is how you build a pipeline of skilled workers.
Fee-free TAFE as it stands is not meeting the needs of industry, it is not fixings workforce shortages and it is not helping young people build lasting careers. Unless there is a shift towards genuine workforce planning, stronger support for apprentices and policies that match training with actual jobs, Australia will keep falling further behind. 'Fee-free TAFE' is a slogan, not a solution. It hasn't delivered the skilled trades our nation needs. Under Labor, apprentice and trainee numbers have collapsed, shortages are worsening and projects are stalling. The coalition will continue to call for real investment in apprenticeships, real pathways to work and policies that will genuinely fix the skills gap facing Australia because, at the end of the day, this is about our young people, our economy and our nation's future.
Today marks the beginning of National Skills Week. I rise to recognise the critical role that vocational education and training continues to play in shaping the future of our workforce not just across the country but in my electorate of Spence. In the north, we are proudly home to two TAFE campuses in Elizabeth and Salisbury. Both are eligible to service the people of Spence and South Australia with fee-free TAFE courses, because skills training isn't just an economic strategy; it's a nation-building one. It's how we make sure that Australians, young and not so young, get the training they need to build a life they can be proud of. For too long, vocational education was treated as the poor cousin of our education system, but this government is changing that. We're putting TAFE back at the heart of our VET sector, where it always belonged.
Through the free TAFE program, more than 650,000 enrolments have already been made across the country. Over 170,000 free TAFE courses have been completed. That's 170,000 Australians with new qualifications, new skills and new confidence. In Spence, we're seeing this transformation happen every day. We know our region has some of the highest levels of need when it comes to education. In One Tree Hill, Munno Para, Smithfield and across our northern suburbs, we've seen far too many people locked out of education and training because of cost, geography or lack of opportunity. But free TAFE is opening doors and even training the people to fix those doors. Local campuses are buzzing with activity. People are training in aged care, nursing, construction, hospitality and early childhood education—fields where we desperately need more skilled workers. I might invite the member for Grey to come and pay a visit to my electorate. I'll show you some of the fine young people working to get ahead in my community.
Let me say this. It is working. When you complete a TAFE qualification, you can graduate with the skills and confidence to walk into workplaces ready to go, ready to contribute and ready to fill the critical workforce shortages that have held Spence and other regions back for too long. The Free TAFE Bill 2024, passed by this government, wasn't just a piece of legislation. It was a commitment to every person in Spence who has ever thought, 'How can I afford to study?' or, 'I would love to change my career path, but I can't afford it.' It was a commitment to fairness, to opportunity and to rebuilding our training system from the ground up, because we know where the future jobs are. They're in housing construction as we work to deliver 1.2 million new homes, including right here in the north. They're in nursing and aged care to meet the needs of our ageing population. They're in sectors like renewables, disability support and digital tech, where demand is only growing.
While free TAFE is a national program, it's impact is felt most powerfully at the local level. In Spence, this means people can study close to home. Parents can study while raising kids and don't have to worry about a 30-minute drive, on a good day, into Adelaide. Older workers can retrain without having to start from scratch, and school leavers can find pathways that don't require a university degree but still lead to a great job. This is how we build an economy that works for everyone. We train Australians in Australia for jobs in Australia. We do it by respecting skills training as being every bit as vital as a university education, because, whether you're laying bricks in Blakeview, working in aged care in Andrews Farm or studying to become a nurse in Elizabeth Vale at Lyell McEwin Hospital, your work matters, and your training should, too.
The days of cutting funding to TAFE, of neglecting our public training system and of treating skills as optional are over. This government is rebuilding TAFE with purpose and pride. We're investing in TAFE infrastructure, teaching quality and student support so that people in Spence aren't left behind, because, when we invest in skills, we invest in an Australia fit for the next generation to inherit. We know that Spence has done it tough, but we also know that talent is everywhere; it just needs a chance. Free TAFE is that chance. So, during this National Skills Week, let's acknowledge the incredible work of our local TAFE teachers, staff, students, apprentices and graduates. Let's celebrate the sparkies, the carers, the coders and the chefs building their lives and building our region. Let's keep investing in people, in training and in the future of Spence. I'm proud to be part of a government that backs skills, backs workers and backs Spence.
I rise to speak proudly in relation to this motion. This week is National Skills Week, but every week should be National Skills Week. Before coming to this place, I was a barrister. Before being a barrister, I was a carpenter, which meant I had to go to trade school. So I'm TAFE educated, and I am a big supporter of technical and further education. It is a vital link to our prosperity not just as a nation but as individuals—the ability to get out, learn a trade and then go anywhere in the world and be respected for it.
But there are some very significant problems in this country. I want to take you on a bit of a history lesson, because this goes all the way back to the Rudd-Gillard-Rudd government. There was an onset in those years of a philosophy that said, 'If you want to be someone, you need to go to university. Everybody should go to university.' So we saw a massive drop-off in kids doing trades, and what we're experiencing today is a knock-on effect of that philosophy—parents sitting around the kitchen table talking to their kids, asking, 'What are you thinking of doing when you leave school, dear?' 'I wouldn't mind becoming a carpenter.' 'No, you don't want to become a carpenter; you want to become a lawyer.' It's that rationale, it's that philosophy, that has seeped into this country and is causing us untold grief, because we have a massive skills shortage in this country now—absolutely massive.
I would pose this question: if the government's policy on fee-free TAFE is working so well, why have apprenticeship numbers dropped by 103,000 apprentices? When we left government, there were 415,240 apprentices; there are just 311,760 today. It's a drop of 103,000. Something is not working. We talk about a skills crisis. We talk about a housing crisis. The two go hand in hand. I can tell you beyond a shadow of a doubt, as a carpenter and as a licensed builder—still a licensed builder—the skills shortage in Australia is dire.
Just because you offer someone a fee-free place at TAFE does not mean that they will go on and take an apprenticeship. It does not mean that the courses in many different areas that fee-free TAFE is offering are closely aligned to the skills shortage that industry needs to fill today. There are many courses that young people and old people alike can do at TAFE, but many of them are not what Australian employers are looking for. If we don't marry the two, if we don't work with employers and ask them about the types of skills that they are needing and the shortages that they're experiencing—the member for Grey just gave a great analogy about investing in buying a bigger pump; all you're doing is pumping water out that cracked pipe. It's a very apt analogy.
But the skills shortage works in conjunction with the housing crisis that's driven by this government. They talk about building 1.2 million new homes; they have not got a snowball's chance in hell of building 1.2 million homes. Everybody knows it. One of the main reasons they can't do it is the skills shortage that the building industry is experiencing. I'll tell you why else: young girls, in particular, do not want to get a trade in the building industry because they see the appalling behaviour by the CFMEU on building sites every day, and they say, 'Well, why would I want to expose myself to that misogyny?' The Labor Party pride themselves on looking after women, and they— (Time expired)
There being no further speakers, the debate is adjourned and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next day of sitting.
The Speaker has received messages from the Senate informing the House that (a) Senator McKim has been appointed a member of the Parliamentary Joint Standing Committee on Parliamentary Standards and (b) senators have been appointed participating members of the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters and the Joint Standing Committee on Implementation of the National Redress Scheme. The list of the appointments is a lengthy one, and I do not propose to read the list to the House. Details will be recorded in the Votes and Proceedings.
I have to report to the House that on 7 August 2025 the Speaker received advice from the Chief Government Whip nominating Ms Coker to be a member of the Standing Committee on Appropriations and Administration in place of Ms Chesters. In accordance with standing order 229(b), as the House was not expected to sit for several weeks, the appointment became effective on that date.
by leave—I move:
That Ms Chesters be discharged from the Standing Committee on Appropriations and Administration and that, in her place, Ms Coker be appointed a member of the committee.
Question agreed to.
I have to report to the House that on 8 August 2025 the Speaker received advice from Ms Boele and Dr Scamps withdrawing their membership of certain committees. In accordance with standing order 229(b), as the House was not expected to sit for several weeks, the discharge became effective on that date.
by leave—I move:
That:
(1) Ms Boele be discharged from the Standing Committee on Climate Change, Energy, Environment and Water; and
(2) Dr Scamps be discharged from the Standing Committee on Health, Aged Care and Disability.
Question agreed to.
The Speaker has received advice from the Chief Opposition Whip nominating members to be members of certain committees.
by leave—I move:
That Members be discharged and appointed as members of certain committees in accordance with the following list:
Standing Committee on Petitions—Mr Wallace be discharged and that, in his place, Mr Caldwell be appointed a member of the committee;
Committee of Privileges and Members' Interests—Mr Wallace be discharged and that, in his place, Mr Pike be appointed a member of the committee;
Publications Committee—Mr Small be discharged and that, in his place, Mr Pike be appointed a member of the committee;
Selection Committee—Ms Chaney be appointed a member of the committee;
Parliamentary Joint Committee on the National Anti-Corruption Commission—Mr Pike be appointed a member of the committee;
Parliamentary Joint Committee on Parliamentary Standards—Mr McCormack, Mr Pike and Mr Wilkie be appointed members of the committee;
Joint Standing Committee on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Affairs—Mr Gee be appointed a member of the committee; and
Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters—Mr Caldwell be discharged and that, in his place, Dr M Ryan be appointed a member of the committee.
Question agreed to.
by leave—I move:
That, in accordance with the provisions of the Parliamentary Contributory Superannuation Act 1948, Mr Violi be appointed a trustee to serve on the Parliamentary Retiring Allowances Trust.
Question agreed to.
I present the explanatory memorandum for this bill and move:
That this bill be now read a second time.
Today, I introduce the Health Legislation Amendment (Improved Medicare Integrity and Other Measures) Bill 2025.
Australia has a world-class health system that offers affordable, high-quality, accessible health care to all Australians. This is due in large part to the various health benefit schemes—including Medicare and its programs—that help Australians pay for the health care they need.
The government is committed to protecting and strengthening Medicare—and part of this is improving the compliance framework that ensures the integrity of these rebates.
The Independent Review of Medicare Integrity and Compliance undertaken by Dr Pradeep Philip, known as the Philip review, was commissioned by the government to respond to concerns about the operation of the Medicare system.
In 2023, the Health Insurance Amendment (Professional Services Review Scheme) Act 2023 and the Health Insurance Amendment (Professional Services Review Scheme No. 2) Act 2023 made priority amendments in response to this review.
This bill implements further improvements responding to Philip review recommendations.
The bill implements a measure announced in the 2024-25 budget: reducing the timeframe during which Medicare claims for bulk-billed services can be made from two years to one year. Claims relating to bulk-billed services can currently be made up to two years after a health service has been provided.
This change will improve payment integrity and reduce the number of incorrect and fraudulently submitted claims. This will have minimal impact on patients and practitioners, as most claims are already made within 12 months.
There will be discretion to accept claims after that time, to ensure patients are not disadvantaged.
Currently, a range of legislative provisions across health portfolio legislation are creating barriers to effective compliance activities, particularly when it comes to deterring and responding to serious noncompliance and fraud.
The bill responds to these barriers by allowing investigative powers to be used consistently and effectively across Medicare and the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme. Changes will also enable powers to be used in the investigation of Criminal Code offences and remove the need for AFP assistance with executing warrants for suspected Criminal Code offences.
These amendments will improve investigative powers in health portfolio legislation and ensure they can be put into practice consistently, effectively and proportionately to respond to behaviour that jeopardises the integrity of health benefits schemes.
Under the National Health Act 1953, a pharmacist can request that the Minister for Health and Aged Care exercise a discretion to approve the supply of pharmaceutical benefits at particular premises. This is currently a two-stage process, which can take up to six months. This is frustrating and time-consuming for the applicant and may also delay the community's access to pharmaceutical benefits.
In this bill, the two-stage process is proposed to be streamlined and condensed into a single-stage process of up to four months. This will help to reduce a significant administrative burden. And it will provide the community with more timely access to pharmaceutical benefits.
The amendments improve existing powers to obtain information about potential fraud and noncompliance and enable the recovery of amounts if they should not have been paid.
The Philip review recommended the 'expansion of powers to ensure all types of serious non-compliance can be effectively dealt with' and 'a reduction in regulation and legislation that hinders compliance activities'.
The Philip review concluded there are limitations and restrictions around current compliance processes. For example, if incorrect payments are identified, current provisions don't always enable amounts to be appropriately recovered. This is because some recovery mechanisms rely on outdated claiming processes and requests for hard copy documents. These matters are restricting the ability of the Department of Health, Disability and Ageing to protect the integrity of Medicare programs and payments.
These changes will enable appropriate inquiries to be made about Medicare payments if available information suggests potential noncompliance or fraud. If payments are found to be incorrect, amounts could be recovered.
Changes will also improve the ability of regulators to protect patient safety by removing some restrictions on the admission of information obtained under the Professional Services Review's 'notice to produce' powers as evidence in relevant proceedings, including proceedings for the purposes of the national law for the health practitioner registration and accreditation scheme.
This will remove some restrictions on the admission of information obtained under the Professional Services Review Agency's 'notice to produce' powers as evidence in proceedings, including proceedings under the Health Practitioner Regulation National Law.
The existing restrictions will no longer apply in respect of prosecutions related to a failure to produce documents, proceedings to recover debts relating to the Professional Services Review Scheme and some other proceedings related to non-compliance.
The restrictions will also not apply in respect of documents produced to PSR under notice and passed onto Australian Health Practitioner Regulation Agency (Ahpra) or a national board under certain provisions in the Health Insurance Act, or information obtained or generated by Ahpra or a national board from its own investigation, triggered by documents produced to PSR under notice.
This will enable Ahpra and associated health practitioner boards to use PSR related material to trigger their own investigations into allegations involving risks to patient safety. This will also allow Ahpra and health practitioner boards to admit evidence in national law proceedings if it was referred to them under the legislation for the reasons of a significant threat to life or health or noncompliance with professional standards. These changes are required to ensure all appropriate steps are taken to protect patient safety and that the existing requirement to refer the information to Ahpra and health practitioner boards is not frustrated.
These changes will enhance the Department of Health, Disability and Ageing's capacity to address identified risks to patient safety and manage and address the consequences of noncompliance and potential fraud.
The bill makes several sensible amendments to the Therapeutic Goods Act 1989(the Therapeutic Goods Act).
The bill enhances the capacity of the government to manage and alleviate the consequences of therapeutic goods shortages in Australia. It allows the secretary of the department to approve the importation or supply of substitutable unapproved products from overseas if the secretary is satisfied that the approved medicine, biological or medical device, in the reasonably foreseeable future, may become unavailable or be in short supply.
The bill supports compliance and enforcement activities in relation to both unlawful therapeutic goods and unlawful vaping goods.
Specifically, the bill broadens the circumstances in which section 52AAA applies to ensure that forfeiture arrangements can extend to the range of circumstances in which goods may be seized under the Therapeutic Goods Act, rather than, as currently, only the circumstance where goods are seized under a warrant issued under section 50. This amendment will help deter the trafficking of such goods by sending a strong message to bad actors operating in this space that the Therapeutic Goods Association (the TGA) will take unlawful goods permanently.
This bill lowers the threshold that must be satisfied before the secretary may give an enforceable direction to a person under section 42YT of the Therapeutic Goods Act. The current requirement is that a direction is necessary to protect the health and safety of humans. The amendment will result in a more balanced approach that a direction must be considered and issued in the interests of public health and safety. This approach ensures the more appropriate availability of such directions to protect Australians from new and emerging public health threats.
The bill enhances the ability of state and territory officers to monitor, investigate and enforce compliance with the Therapeutic Goods Act and regulations by allowing for the provision, inspection, copying and retention of documents or information.
The bill also clarifies that section 61, which authorises the release of information in relation to therapeutic goods and vaping goods in certain circumstances, is not a secrecy provision.
The bill includes other minor amendments to the Therapeutic Goods Act, to keep the act up to date and to assist with the TGA's important functions.
The bill also amends the Therapeutic Goods Act to make minor consequential amendments to support the government's ground-breaking vaping reforms.
Finally, the bill amends the Public Health (Tobacco and Other Products) Act 2023 (the tobacco act) which commenced on 1 April 2024. These amendments clarify the intended operation of the provisions and are amendments that have been identified as necessary in the implementation phase of the legislation.
The measures in this bill will further the government's efforts to strengthen Medicare and will assist in the implementation of our world-leading tobacco and vaping reforms.
I commend the bill.
I rise today to speak on the Health Legislation Amendment (Improved Medicare Integrity and Other Measures) Bill 2025. The opposition will support this bill because the bill seeks to implement a suite of measures designed to protect the integrity of Medicare, strengthen the regulation of goods under the Therapeutic Goods Act and introduce minor but necessary amendments to the tobacco act. These changes form part of the government's response to the Independent Review of Medicare Integrity and Compliance undertaken by Dr Pradeep Philip. Dr Philip's review revealed serious issues in the administration of our health benefits scheme, particularly in the ability to protect, investigate and respond to fraud, misconduct and noncompliance within Medicare and associated schemes. The bill takes some practical steps to improve that situation. It seeks to provide the department with the tools necessary to carry out timely, efficient and active compliance activities, measures that are essential to maintaining the public's trust and confidence in the Medicare system and ensuring taxpayers' funds are spent and used appropriately and wisely.
I also note that the Senate inquiry into this bill, which reported during the recent caretaker period, has recommended the passage of this bill. For these reasons, the coalition will be supporting those recommendations, because we have long championed the need for strong and fair compliance within Medicare and other critical programs, like the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme and the child dental benefits scheme. We believe that preserving the integrity of these systems is fundamental in delivering a sustainable and equitable healthcare system for all Australians.
However, while we support this bill and the improvements it seeks to deliver, we must also confront the broader and deeply concerning reality of Medicare under the Albanese Labor government. Labor promised at the election in 2022 that they would strengthen Medicare, but since they've come to power we have seen the complete opposite. Bulk-billing rates have collapsed. When we left government and Labor was elected in 2022, over 88 per cent of appointments were bulk-billed. In just three years, that number has dropped by 11 per cent, to 77 per cent, in the first term of the Albanese Labor government. An 11 per cent decline is quite a staggering thing. It meant that we saw 40 million fewer bulk-billed GP visits in the last year alone. Worse still, Australians are now paying 45 per cent more in out-of-pocket costs than they were just a few years ago. Last year, 1.5 million Australians said they did not see their doctor because they couldn't afford to do so. That is 1.5 million Australians who potentially will become sicker because they have not had the early intervention that they needed. And guess where they'll end up? They'll end up in the emergency departments of our hospitals and which are already overburdened, with ramping at some of the worst levels ever seen on record and continuing to get worse in just about every state and territory in this country.
These aren't just abstract figures being put out here by the opposition. These facts and figures are contained in reports of the government itself, in their national health accounts. More importantly, these facts, figures and statistics relate to real people, real Australians, who are having to make the difficult decision between putting food on the table and going to see their doctor. This is a crisis in our primary care system that has occurred under the watch of the Albanese Labor government in the last three years. But what did we see the Prime Minister do when he turned up to the election in 2025? We saw him waving his Medicare card around and using it as a political prop, a disingenuous stunt to try and distract Australians from his track record whilst in government for the last three years. This is absolutely not leadership. It is dishonesty and spin to try and con Australians into believing the situation isn't as dire as it really is. It has become completely and utterly catastrophic under the reign of this Labor government. It is a betrayal of the promise that Labor made to Australians and keeps on making despite the facts telling a completely different story.
The coalition, on the other hand, is absolutely, totally and utterly committed to making sure that Australians get affordable and timely access to health care. That should be fundamentally the thing that underpins our healthcare system in Australia, and that principle is what guided us the whole time we were in government. It guided us when we were continuing to list new medicines on the PBS, with 2,900 new or amended listings while we were in government. The last time the Labor Party were in government, between 2007 and 2013, they stopped listing medicines because they ran out of money. In the last term of the last Labor government, they decided to put a cap on the number of medicines listed under the PBS, a sneaky way to stop listing medicines on the PBS.
The coalition is absolutely committed to Australians getting access to timely and affordable quality health care. We support the passage of this bill because it is taking important steps towards maintaining the strength, compliance and integrity of our Medicare system. It is so important that we maintain the strength and integrity of our public health system because that is what underpins the strong health system that we deserve in this country. But let's be clear: this bill alone does not fix the mess that this government has created in Medicare.
As I have highlighted, whilst this bill does very little to address the broader issues that we are facing in our healthcare system in this country as we stand here, we will support this bill because it does go some way to improving issues around the integrity and strength of our Medicare system. We will continue to scrutinise every piece of legislation that comes to this place. We will make sure we hold the government to account for the promises that it has made to the Australian public—promises that, sadly, we don't believe it will be able to deliver on, even though we would love to see a situation where Australians are actually getting affordable and timely access to health care. We will hold them to account and we will continue to speak up for the millions and millions of Australians who have been let down by this government, who are paying the highest out-of-pocket costs that they've ever paid, who are having trouble even getting in to see a GP and who are ramped at the moment or having to attend our emergency departments because they simply can't afford to see their doctor. We will continue to fight on their behalf because we believe that they deserve affordable and timely access to health care.
This bill, the Health Legislation Amendment (Improved Medicare Integrity and Other Measures) Bill 2025, is a very important one. I'm grateful to the minister for her work on this legislation and for bringing it to our parliament, as this is a vital step in the strengthening our nation's most treasured social program, Medicare.
Medicare was the backbone of my professional life for almost 40 years before I entered this parliament. It's something that Labor holds as one of its treasures delivered to the Australian people. We recognise the importance of providing health care to our constituents much more so than does the coalition. This bill is important. It was delivered to the House of Representatives during the last parliament but was delayed in the Senate and unfortunately lapsed before it could be passed.
At its core, this bill advances the importance of Medicare as a social program and provides guarantees about its continuity as a social program for all Australians. The work that was done by the Albanese government in the last term has been very important in repairing the damage caused by the coalition's 10 years in power. They didn't present one strengthening-Medicare bill in the entire 10 years they were in government. Tragically, we saw increasing pressures not just on our public health hospitals but also on our Medicare system in the 10 years of coalition government. Bulk-billing rates were beginning to deteriorate, even as the coalition were in their last years of power in this country. Unfortunately, the coalition does not understand the importance of a program such as Medicare and the importance that health care plays in having a vital functioning economy.
At its core, this bill advances three principle aims. Firstly, it safeguards the integrity of Medicare by tightening rules and strengthening the payment systems and compliance powers. This is very important in terms of not just how our medical practices function but how our pharmacies function, how our allied health programs work and how we can make sure that compliance is part of the whole system. Secondly, it modernises the regulatory framework around medicines and pharmacies, including with better tools to anticipate and manage shortages.
We know that, even before the pandemic, there were medicine shortages, but during the pandemic this was exacerbated by supply chain issues, and they are continuing to this day. A number of medications, including medications that we require quite frequently, such as some antibiotics, some cholesterol medication and some drugs that are used for high blood pressure et cetera, are in short supply. There are moderate to severe shortages in some of these areas, and it's very important that this regulatory framework allows tools to anticipate and manage those shortages by looking at different supply systems and compliance with those supply systems. It also refines and redevelops public health legislation, including those around tobacco and vaping. Whilst it's by no means perfect, there were some major advances in control of illegal tobacco and vaping made in the last parliament. It's worth noting also the work undertaken to get to this moment, as these amendments respond directly to the recommendations of the Philip review, which highlighted some weaknesses in compliance and oversight.
Having said that, overwhelmingly our medical practitioners, pharmacists, allied health and nursing staff are very diligent in compliance and very diligent in making sure that there are no deviations from appropriate and proper compliance in delivering health services and medications. In its report, the Philip review found that, whilst the majority of health professionals act with integrity, the system is not immune to abuse. We have certainly seen that some people are already being charged because of some of the compliance problems and outright fraud that have occurred in the system across some health practitioners, including pharmacists, medical practitioners and nursing staff. I must stress that the Philip review, however, found that health professionals overwhelmingly act with integrity and the system itself has been very stable in the last 20 years.
A number of reports have been made about the money lost to incorrect or inappropriate claims, but this is tiny compared with the overall scheme. There have certainly been instances of fraud; however, much more has been lost due to the complexity of the system, which can result in multiple services done across a whole range of different practitioners, most of whom are well meaning but have made mistakes in compliance.
The amendments are necessary to protect the integrity and support the ongoing sustainability of our health benefits scheme, the Medicare Benefits Schedule, the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme and the Child Dental Benefits Schedule. All of these are very close to my heart, and, whilst it's clear that more could be done in delivering some services, such as dental, to our constituents, the system itself has become overly complex and overly unnecessarily tied up in lack of information and in red tape. Some key areas of reform in the current legislation include reducing the periods in which bulk-billing claims can be submitted from two years to one year. I think that is very important. If you can't get your claims in within a year, it certainly seems to me that there is something wrong with your practice. In my own practice, with Medicare claims, I made sure the claims were submitted within four weeks of people presenting to me and the claims being registered. We submitted our claims very quickly, and the vast majority of practices will be able to submit their claims within that 12-month period. We're reducing it from it the two-year period because, the longer we give people to claim, the more likely there is to be noncompliance and difficulty with records. This will tighten loopholes and improve accountability whilst providing the minister with the discretion to allow claims to be submitted after one year if a case can be made.
Further, we're streamlining the pharmacy approval process to make it easier for new pharmacies to open, thereby improving patient access to the advice and the medications that they need. This is very important in an electorate like mine, Macarthur, where we have new suburbs springing up all the time. Often they don't have infrastructure, including health infrastructure. Often it's very difficult for people to open new pharmacies in those areas, and this is because of the old-fashioned rules that will be present until this legislation passes. I also note it's really important in the member for Hume's electorate, where there are new suburbs, like in my electorate, springing up all the time. I constantly get calls about the lack of healthcare resources in both his electorate and in mine.
By amending the National Health Act, we're improving the process by which the minister can exercise discretion to approve pharmacists opening pharmacies in different areas. As I said, this has been a real problem in some of the rapidly developing areas, and I applaud it. It's achieved by combining the two stages of the current process into one stage, restricting repeat applications, allowing the minister to delegate the approval of a request form and increasing the term of appointment for Australian Community Pharmacy Authority members to three years. This will streamline the process, making it much more efficient, and it will certainly take a lot of pressure off federal MPs, who are often approached by pharmacies wanting approval for a new pharmacy in their electorate. It will certainly reduce the administrative burden and support more timely access to pharmaceutical services in new electorates. This is particularly important for booming areas such as my own electorate of Macarthur as well as more rural and regional areas.
We are bringing together previously fragmented legislation and investigative tools under a more efficient system to help investigate fraudulent claims in Medicare and pharmaceutical benefits. For too long, there have been unnecessary restrictions and challenging inconsistencies that have prohibited investigators from carrying out their work efficiently and effectively. I've spoken to many of the previous Medicare compliance heads, who I've known personally, including my old friend Tony Webber, who was a GP practising in my area for many years. They have all mentioned the difficulty in dealing with the previously very fragmented legislation and its compliance measures. Importantly, this new legislation expands the reach of powers to include offences under the Criminal Code Act to ensure fraud or other criminal acts can be appropriately punished. This was previously very difficult in the old legislation. Overall, the current powers are so narrow that they impede the proper exercise of functions to detect, investigate and refer fraud or non-compliance matters to higher authorities.
We're also amending legislation regarding vaping and tobacco products and how they are advertised. Again, this is very important in an electorate like mine where there are vaping and tobacco shops appearing every five minutes and our young people are exposed to the harms of nicotine addiction and tobacco smoking. Vaping is a major scourge in our society. However, after talking to several of the high schools in the Macarthur electorate at least, I am pleased to report that they are noticing fewer problems with vaping in the last 12 months. That's a tribute to the health minister's diligence in pursuing compliance around tobacco and vaping laws.
The reforms are all important steps that our government is taking to reinforce the integrity and viability of Medicare, one of our finest institutions and part of every Labor member's DNA. Ever since it was established, successive Labor governments have worked to improve and reinforce the Medicare system, and this bill is another part of its proud history. We did a lot in the previous parliament. We couldn't repair all the damage done to the health system by the coalition's 10 years in power, but, every day, it's part of our DNA to make sure that all Australians get access to Medicare benefits and to support our health system. Ever since it was established, Labor governments have worked to improve and reinforce the Medicare system, and this bill is just another part of this very proud history. By investing in and adjusting our healthcare system to ensure it's fit for purpose, we're reducing costs and improving outcomes for all Australians. This bill is another example of our government ensuring that Medicare belongs to the Australian people, and we will protect and reinforce it.
These changes brought by the minister are crucial to ensure that every dollar allocated to Medicare is used for its intended purpose, which is to provide quality, affordable health care for every Australian. I am proud to be part of our public healthcare system. I still work in the healthcare system, although not as much as I did previously. I'm proud of the legacy of the Whitlam government with the first national public health insurance scheme, and I will fight to protect it as every Labor member will. I'm proud of this history. I know there is more to be done, and I know we need to do more with Medicare and getting people access to dental care. I know there is more to be done around the health issues with the NDIS. I know there is more to be done with a whole range of issues. I know that with the PBS there is a tsunami of new treatments and new medications being presented every day to the Australian system. We have the best system in the world. Of that there is no doubt.
It is part of my belief that if we protect our healthcare system we will have a healthier economy and a healthier social system that protects all Australians. I'm proud of this legislation, I'm proud to be part of this government, and I commend this bill to the House.
I rise to speak on the Health Legislation Amendment (Improved Medicare Integrity and Other Measures) Bill 2025. Can I start with the member for Macarthur and his good, fine words and thank him for all the work he has done in the healthcare system over the years. People like him who come into this place make a real difference. Thank you.
This bill does two very important things. It strengthens enforcement of Medicare integrity measures and it makes sensible practical changes that have come out of our vaping and tobacco reforms. At its core, this bill is about trust: trust in our health system; trust that when you walk into the doctor's office the system is working for you, not against you; trust that the billions of taxpayer dollars that Australians work hard to put in are being spent on health care and not being siphoned away by rorts or loopholes; and trust that we as a parliament are doing everything we can to protect the next generation from avoidable harm.
Let me start with Medicare. As a proud Labor member, I cannot overstate this. Medicare is at the very heart of who we are and what we stand for, because when you walk into a GP's office or a hospital the only thing that should matter is your health, not your bank balance. Whether you are a minimum-wage worker pulling a nightshift, a pensioner living on a fixed income or a millionaire CEO, you deserve the same access to high-quality care. That is what Medicare is about, that is why we, the Labor Party, created it, and that is why we will always fight to protect it.
Now, strengthening Medicare is not just about doctors and nurses; it's about community. In the Hunter, we see how much people really rely on it. In places like Cessnock, Kurri Kurri, Singleton and Toronto, bulk-billing is not just a nice thing to have; it's a lifeline. Families who are already stretched with the cost of living do not have hundreds of dollars to spare when a child gets sick or when somebody needs regular care for a chronic condition. Medicare is there for them, and this bill helps to make sure that it stays that way.
I also want to acknowledge the work of our healthcare workers. The overwhelming majority of doctors, nurses and health professionals are doing the right thing. They are honest and hardworking, and they care deeply about their patients. Medicare integrity is not about punishing them. It's about backing them in. It's about making sure they have a system that works properly so that they can focus on treating patients, not chasing paperwork or competing with those who are, unfortunately, doing the wrong thing.
But, if we are serious about strengthening Medicare, we also have to be serious about protecting the taxpayer dollars that fund it. Every cent wasted on fraud or on mistakes is a cent that does not go to somebody in real need. And let me tell you: the people of the Hunter expect their taxpayer dollars to be spent very wisely. They expect that, when they put in, they can count on Medicare to be there when they need it. That is why integrity measures matter.
In 2022, Minister Butler commissioned a respected health economist Dr Philip to do an independent review of Medicare integrity and compliance. This was about taking a good hard look into the system. The Philip review was clear. It found that, while the system is strong, there are areas where it can be gamed. It found that claims were sometimes being made wrongly, sometimes by accident and sometimes deliberately. It found that we need stronger checks to make sure the system is robust and it reminded us that patient safety must always come first. Out of that review came the Medicare Integrity Taskforce. We set it up with serious funding, and we backed it again in the following budget, because this government is not about a bandaid fix; we are about long-term reform that keeps Medicare strong for the future. This bill takes up those recommendations and makes five important changes. Let me expand on each of them.
First, it tightens the timeframe for lodging bulk-billing claims from two years down to one. At the moment, claims can sit there for years before being checked. It makes it harder to catch mistakes, and it makes it easier for dodgy claims to slip through. By tightening the timeframe, we are making the system sharper, cleaner and more reliable. Patients will get more timely outcomes, and taxpayers will know the money is being spent properly.
Second, it updates and broadens investigative powers so they are effective and consistent across all our health benefit schemes. Right now there are gaps and inconsistencies, which means regulators cannot always act when they should. This bill fixes that. It gives regulators the right tools, no matter what part of the health system they are dealing with. That means that if somebody is gaming the system, whether in the MBS, the PBS or the child dental benefit scheme, regulators can crack down on them.
Third, it improves pharmacy approval processes. Everyone in the House knows how important timely access to medicine is. If you are waiting for a script for your child or for life-saving cancer treatment, delays are not just inconvenient; they can also be devastating. Right now, approval processes can be clunky and extremely slow. This bill cuts through the red tape, speeds things up and makes sure that medicines get to where they are needed. That is good for patients, and it's also good for pharmacists, who spend far too much time buried in paperwork instead of serving the community, which they all do so well.
Fourth, it strengthens the powers to investigate fraud, recover money that should never have been paid and keep the system honest. I'll put it simply: if you rip off Medicare, you are ripping off every single Australian taxpayer, and shame on you. You are ripping off the pensioner in Singleton, the young family in Lake Macquarie and the apprentice in Cessnock. Every dollar wrongly claimed is a dollar that should be spent on them, not be in your pocket. This bill makes sure the government can get that money back and put it where it belongs.
Fifth, it boosts the ability for regulators to protect patient safety by allowing key information to be used in professional misconduct proceedings. Patient safety is not negotiable. If somebody is putting patients at risk, regulators need to act fast and they need to know the full picture straightaway. This bill helps them do exactly that.
This bill also strengthens the Therapeutic Goods Act. That matters because it is making sure that people get the medicines they need when they need them. We've all seen what happens when there are medicine shortages. Whether it's antibiotics for kids, pain relief for older Australians or life-saving treatments for cancer patients, empty shelves cause stress, anxiety and real harm. These amendments give the department more flexibility to respond to shortages, to move medicines to where they are needed and to act quickly in the interest of public health and safety. They also sharpen compliance powers, modernise search and seizure powers and ensure state and territory officers can play their role effectively. This is practical reform that makes sure that regulators have the tools they need to keep Australians safe.
Then there is vaping. I will be blunt on this: vaping is a national health emergency. We all know the story with cigarettes. Decades ago, young people were hooked on nicotine through smoking. For many, that addiction lasted a lifetime. For too many, it unfortunately ended with them being in an early grave. Now the same thing is happening with vapes. I see it in schools across the Hunter. I hear about it from parents who are worried about their kids. I see young tradies in pubs with a vape in their hand. The marketing is slick, the flavours are appealing and the addiction is just as powerful as smoking ever was. The scary thing is that we don't even know what the full-term and long-term consequences are yet. Vapes have not been around long enough for us to fully understand what they do to us, but we know enough to know that they are dangerous—extremely dangerous. If we do nothing, we risk creating another generation of nicotine addicts.
That's why the Albanese Labor government has acted. We have already made big reforms in tackling vaping. This bill strengthens them further. It makes sure our laws keep up. It gives regulators the power to shut down dodgy suppliers, crack down on illegal advertising and stop vapes being pushed into the hands of young people around this country. It also makes practical fixes to the Public Health (Tobacco and Other Products) Act. It tightens advertising rules, clarifies who can enforce the law and ensures that tobacco companies and vape sellers cannot exploit loopholes.
Let's be clear. Smoking kills. We all know that in this country and we have known that for a very long time. But vaping also kills. If this legislation helps even one person kick the habit then that's one more child who gets to spend precious years with their grandparents, and that's a win in my books.
We know this approach works. Australia's world-leading tobacco reforms under the Gillard government saved lives. Smoking rates fell, and thousands of families were spared the grief of losing a loved one too soon. Now we face a new challenge, and it's our responsibility to act just as decisively to protect the next generation from nicotine addiction. This bill strengthens Medicare. It protects taxpayer dollars. It protects patients. It helps families and continues our fight against tobacco and vaping. When Medicare is strong, Australia is strong as well. That is why I am proud to commend this bill to the House.
Debate adjourned.
I move:
That this bill be now read a second time.
This is the re-introduction of a bill that I was privileged to introduce towards the end of the last parliament, and I'm proud to present it here to the House today on behalf of the re-elected Albanese Labor government.
It's an important bill.
It is a reminder of the work that the government did in the last term to help keep students and staff safe on campus.
Last term, we established the National Student Ombudsman—a national first.
With powers similar to a royal commission, its job is to investigate complaints made against a university.
Advocates called for this over many years to address a situation where one in 20 university students reported being sexually assaulted on campus, one in six reported being sexually harassed and one in two reported that they felt they weren't being heard when they made a complaint.
The National Student Ombudsman is just the first step. This bill and its companion bill are the next steps.
They provide for the establishment and enforcement of a National Higher Education Code to Prevent and Respond to Gender-based Violence.
The code will be made by the minister as a legislative instrument and it will set out best-practice standards and requirements that all higher education providers will be required to meet.
It will hold all higher education providers to consistently high standards to proactively prevent and respond to gender based violence.
These standards will be backed by monitoring and enforcement to ensure that we build a culture of compliance in this critical area.
Under the code, all higher education providers will be required to take evidence based steps to prevent gender based violence on their campuses.
This includes requiring that vice-chancellors and CEOs make a whole-of-organisation plan, and report to their governing bodies every six months on the actions that they're taking to implement it.
They'll be required to provide evidence-based prevention education and training to staff and students and consider any history of gender based violence in the recruitment and promotion of staff.
They'll be required to consult with students, staff and people with lived experience, and their approach must be informed by evidence of what works.
The code will also ensure that when the worst happens, students and staff have access to the best response possible, a response that is trauma informed and puts people first—a response that ensures people are heard, have agency in what happens next, have access to the support they need and are supported by their institution to achieve their educational outcomes.
Providers will be required to train staff and student leaders on how best to respond to disclosures.
And non-disclosure agreements will be prohibited, unless requested by a victim-survivor.
Providers will also be required to report de-identified data and measure the changes that their policies are securing, informing compliance, ensuring accountability and contributing to the national evidence base to help us build an understanding of what works best.
The code will also include an enforceable requirement that providers implement the relevant recommendations of the National Student Ombudsman.
This gives the findings and recommendations of the ombudsman real teeth and will make sure that they are put in place to improve our universities and other providers.
University is not just a place where people learn. For many students, it's where they live.
That's why the code will also have specific requirements to help ensure that student accommodation is safe for students.
The code will require that following a disclosure or formal report, measures are immediately put in place to prioritise residents' safety and arrange urgent support services.
And for accommodation which is affiliated with a university but not controlled by it, the university will be required to seek that accommodation provider's agreement to meet the requirements of the code or lose the benefits of their affiliation with the university.
And universities will have an obligation to investigate formal reports of gender based violence even where they occur at student accommodation which is operated by a third party.
If you want to know why that's important, you just have to look at the accounts of sexual assault and mistreatment at university colleges and other on-campus accommodation.
Universities will not have the option of saying a disclosure of gender based violence is a matter for a private college. Where the discloser or respondent is a student or a staff member of the university, the code will require that the university take action, including to provide trauma informed support and to investigate where necessary.
The code was the subject of broad consultation between May 2024 and January 2025, including with victim-survivor advocates, students, the higher education sector, gender-based-violence experts, states and territories and relevant Australian government agencies.
Detailed consultation has taken place through an expert reference group comprising 19 leaders from higher education, gender-based-violence services and the student accommodation sectors and victim-survivor advocates.
The code contains critically important standards and requirements which all higher education providers must follow.
That's why these bills also establish a new regulatory framework with robust compliance monitoring backed by strong enforcement powers.
To monitor and enforce the code, a new specialist gender-based-violence branch is being established within the Department of Education.
The branch will provide guidance, education and advice to support universities and other providers in understanding their legal obligations under the code.
The branch will also be able to exercise a significant range of powers to monitor, investigate and respond to noncompliance with the code and the measures in this bill.
These powers will include issuing requests for information, compliance notices, infringement notices, and powers to require enforceable undertakings and to seek civil penalties and injunctions through a court.
As I mentioned earlier, vice-chancellors and CEOs will be directly accountable for the compliance of their university with the code, including requirements that they report every six months to their governing body.
The bills provide for significant civil penalties where a provider fails to comply with the national code or a compliance notice from the secretary, or fails to keep records or meet their reporting obligations.
Compliance with the national code will also become a quality and accountability requirement for providers under the Higher Education Support Act 2003.
Transparency is important here too.
That's why the bill provides for annual reporting on the gender-based violence branch's operations and performance, which will be tabled in both houses of parliament.
The introduction of the code is part of the Action Plan Addressing Gender-based Violence in Higher Education agreed to by all education ministers in February last year.
That action plan was recommended by a working group of Commonwealth, state and territory governments which my department convened as part of our response to the Australian Universities Accord interim report.
The universities accord underlined the importance of moving immediately to address sexual assault and sexual harassment in our universities, and that's what I have done.
The National Student Ombudsman is now up and running, and these bills are the next steps.
They are concrete examples of this government's commitment to taking on this difficult issue, to listening to the experts and the advocates, and to our students, and to designing, introducing and implementing reform which will make a real difference to the lives of people on our university campuses.
When I introduced this bill for the first time in the last parliament, I thanked the people who were involved in bringing it to the parliament.
It's important to acknowledge them again here today: the universities accord panel; the working group; the expert reference group and education ministers across the country; my colleagues and our respective departments and officers, who worked well together to prepare this reform for the parliament; and most importantly then, and again now, the advocates and the victims-survivors who have fought for this for so long—people and organisations who worked so hard, who devoted their time and their passion to making a change for their fellow students, to make their lives safer.
This work is not finished, but this is another big step forward.
I commend this bill to the House.
Debate adjourned.
I move:
That this bill be now read a second time.
This bill is part of a package of two bills which together will implement the National Higher Education Code to Prevent and Respond to Gender-based Violence in universities. This bill makes consequential amendments necessary to implement the measures in the main bill, which I just introduced. Full details of the measures are contained in the explanatory memorandum, and I commend this bill to the House.
Debate adjourned.
I rise to lend my strong support to this landmark piece of legislation introduced by the minister just now on behalf of the Albanese Labor government, one that addresses a critical issue facing our universities and indeed all of Australia, and that is gender based violence. The Albanese Labor government has demonstrated a clear commitment to making Australia's higher education system a safe and more inclusive environment for everyone. The introduction of a national higher education code to prevent and respond to gender based violence is an historic step towards achieving this goal. Many students and staff have said that they don't know where to seek support or how to make a formal complaint to their higher education provider, and those that do are often dissatisfied with the process. For too long students have been let down by their universities and inaction by previous governments, and the introduction of this bill is a sign that perpetrators and higher education institutions are now on notice.
Gender based violence in all its forms has no place in our communities, yet for far too long we have seen it persist in various spheres of society, including in our universities. Gender based violence is an epidemic that impacts students, staff and the broader campus community. It affects individuals' mental health and academic performance and their sense of safety and belonging. We have heard heartbreaking stories of students, many of whom are young women, who have experienced violence, harassment and discrimination while pursuing education. The statistics are alarming, and the effects are far-reaching. One in 20 people have reported being sexually assaulted, with one in six reporting they have been sexually harassed. Even more stories emerged of inadequate responses from our higher education institutions, with students experiencing a lack of any complaints process, a lack of materials on how to begin a complaints process, a lack of feedback when a complaint has been made and a lack of education on consent. As a society we cannot accept this. We must act to ensure that all students can study in an environment that is free from harassment, violence or discrimination.
The Universities Accord (National Higher Education Code to Prevent and Respond to Gender-based Violence) Bill 2025 offers a solution, a comprehensive framework to tackle this issue head-on. This bill seeks to establish a national code of conduct for Australian universities, setting clear standards for how universities must prevent and respond to gender based violence. It will require universities to adopt best practice in supporting those who have experienced sexual assault or harassment, investigating allegations and creating a campus culture that prioritises respect, safety and inclusion. Under the bill the national code will require policies, procedures and processes for responding to gender based violence in a trauma informed away and ensuring key functions are undertaken by people who have the appropriate skills and expertise. This will help to improve experiences and outcomes for people who disclose their experiences of gender based violence, strengthening the discloser's autonomy to ensure they are heard and appropriately supported. A key feature of the code is its national reach. For the first time universities from across Australia will be bound by a uniform set of expectations and protocols ensuring consistency in how they address gender based violence. This approach will eliminate the patchwork system that currently exists, where responses to gender based violence can vary from one institution to another.
The Universities Accord bill is comprehensive, addressing the prevention of gender based violence as well as support for those who experience it. The bill mandates that universities provide ongoing education and awareness campaigns aimed at preventing gender based violence. This includes programs that promote respectful relationships, consent education and bystander intervention. These initiatives are essential in changing the culture that allows gender based violence in the first place. This bill establishes clear, accessible reporting mechanisms for students and staff who experience or witness gender based violence. This bill ensures that these reports will be taken seriously and investigated in a timely and transparent manner. Victims will no longer have to navigate a maze of complicated systems to seek justice. The bill mandates that universities provide comprehensive support to survivors of gender based violence. This includes access to counselling services, legal support and accommodation options, ensuring that students are not forced to remain in environments that compromise their safety and wellbeing. Importantly, the bill ensures that universities are held accountable for their actions. Institutions will be required to publicly report on their progress in implementing the code and to demonstrate how they are improving safety and support systems on their campuses. An independent body will oversee the implementation of these measures, ensuring that universities not only are compliant but are genuinely making strides in creating safer environments for everyone.
This bill is not just about preventing violence; it is about creating a culture of respect and inclusion in our universities. By establishing clear guidelines and expectations for behaviour, we are sending a strong message that violence, harassment and discrimination are unacceptable—period. For too long we have tolerated a culture where these issues are minimised or, worse, ignored. This bill shifts that narrative. It empowers universities to be leaders in the fight against gender based violence and sets a national standard for how higher education institutions should behave in the 21st century.
Universities play an integral role in shaping the future of our society. They are places of learning, growth and opportunity where people from diverse backgrounds come together to develop skills and knowledge that will enable them to contribute in the workplace and their communities for generations to come. But for universities to fulfil that vital role they must be places where students feel safe, valued and respected. Students should be able to focus on their studies and pursue their dreams without the fear of harassment or violence. This bill is a step towards making that vision a reality. Implementing a code of conduct, establishing clear reporting and investigation mechanisms, and ensuring more training are important steps towards stopping gender based violence at our university campuses.
But universities must also work towards cultural change, which will be the only thing that brings about permanent change. We all know—in fact, from our own experience of this parliament—that drafting the codes of conduct were in fact the easy work. Making those legal changes are what we can do in parliament, but what really is the hard work is changing culture. That is the work that we need every university leadership team to really lean in on. We're going to provide, through this bill, the important frameworks to enable you to do that—but helping drive culture change will be a responsibility of every single person.
This bill is just one part of Labor's commitment to making our higher education system safer, fairer and more accessible. To date, we've established the National Student Ombudsman, another key measure of the action plan addressing gender based violence in higher education. The ombudsman commenced earlier this month and enables higher education students to escalate complaints about the actions of their higher education provider, including its management of gender based violence complaints. We've passed the legislation to cut a further 20 per cent off all student loan debts, wiping around $16 billion in student debt for around three million Australians. This will see around $5,700 deducted on average from the debts of more than 25,000 students in my electorate of Newcastle alone. This builds, of course, on the work we've already done to fix the student loan indexation formula, which has cut around $3 billion in student debt, with most receiving their credit or refund in December last year.
We've invested in students who've signed up to do the most important jobs in this country by introducing a prac payment for those wanting to undertake teaching, nursing, midwifery and social work degrees, because we know these students have to do mandatory placements, and it was unfair that they gave up paid jobs in order to go and do unpaid placements. We've massively expanded fee-free university courses, which act as a bridge between school and university, helping more Australians to succeed when they get there. The University of Newcastle is a national leader in this regard. We've made changes to the provision of student service and amenity fees, requiring higher education providers collecting them to allocate a minimum of 40 per cent of the funds raised to student led organisations. We've provided an additional 20,000 Commonwealth supported places to train more Australians at university, and this is providing extra subsidised places for people studying bachelor and sub-bachelor courses in areas in need of skills, meaning more teachers, nurses and engineers. And we've established university study hubs in suburban and regional areas, providing people with a place to undertake their education closer to home, which means that the next teachers, nurses, midwives or social workers can study and then go on to work in the areas where we need them to work.
The national code is a key measure of the Action Plan Addressing Gender-based Violence in Higher Education, agreed to by every education minister across Australia. Together with the National Student Ombudsman, these measures will ensure greater oversight and accountability of higher education providers and help drive the cultural change we need to see in the higher education sector to prevent and respond to gender based violence. The Albanese Labor government is committed to ensuring that all students, regardless of their gender, can access education in environments that are free from harm.
The Universities Accord bill is not just a piece of legislation; it is a call to action. It is a call to universities to take responsibility for creating safer campuses, and it is a call to all of us to stand together in the fight for justice and equality. I urge all members of this House to support the important bill before us and to continue working towards a future where gender based violence is eradicated from our universities and where all students can learn, grow and thrive in an environment of respect and safety. I commend the bill to the House.
I want to begin by thanking my friend the Member for Newcastle for facilitating my participation in this debate on what is a busy day in the House. I rise to speak on the Universities Accord (National Higher Education Code to Prevent and Respond to Gender-based Violence) Bill 2025 and the cognate Universities Accord (National Higher Education Code to Prevent and Respond to Gender-based Violence) (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2025, and I will be moving the amendment circulated in my name. The coalition supports these bills and, of course, their purpose, which is to establish a national code to prevent and respond to gender based violence in higher education. They affirm that everyone on a university campus, be they students or staff, and residents as well, has the absolute right to be safe.
I want to spend a few moments talking about the National Student Safety Survey conducted by Universities Australia in 2021. The survey reported some very alarming figures. The survey found that one in six students had been sexually harassed since starting university and, shockingly, one in 20 had been sexually assaulted. Around half of all students who had experienced sexual assault and sexual harassment knew nothing or very little about where to seek help or formal reporting processes. I encourage everyone in this chamber to read the National Student Safety Survey's qualitative report. The report is heavy reading. It includes composite case studies—stories which bring home the shocking failures in student safety from gender based violence on our campuses. It's worth recapping now some of these anonymised case studies, which have been published as composite case studies precisely to avoid further traumatising victims. They make for shocking reading, and they highlight the seriousness of what we're talking about. I want to talk about some of them now because they emphasise the weight of the matters that we're considering as legislators.
There are stories like that of Zara, who was repeatedly harassed by a non-academic university staff member during her time on campus. The staff member sent her unwanted text messages, commenting on her appearance and stereotypes about women from her country of origin. Zara had the courage to raise these issues with the head of department but was told to block the phone number of the accused and asked to no longer attend school seminars or social events as no-one could guarantee her safety from this person. For the next two years, she didn't attend an academic seminar on campus.
There are stories like that of Yasmin, whose friends were sexually assaulted by a residential advisor after drinking. When Yasmin and her friends reported the incident, they were cautioned against impacting the perpetrator's future at the student residence. The perpetrator was required to attend some educational seminars but largely faced no disciplinary consequences. There are stories like that of Monita, who was sexually assaulted on an off-campus first-year camp by another first-year student. A year later, Monita was put in a position of protecting other students from unwanted sexual advances. The onus for protecting other students should never have gone to her.
There are stories like that of Sonya, who was sexually assaulted by her same-sex partner on campus, triggering post-traumatic stress disorder and depression, but for whom the frameworks in place didn't allow her to report her experience. There are stories like that of Sarah, who was assaulted during her second week on campus—her second week—but was told that the report process may take months to be resolved and whose personal information was disclosed to the perpetrator by university authorities. Sarah moved towns and universities and continues to deal with the mental health impacts. She says that she will never feel safe again.
These are composite stories that have been deliberately released to the public as part of the qualitative report that was part of the National Student Safety Survey. They are shocking. They are serious. They underscore the failures of leadership that we've seen time and again at our universities, and they also underscore the significance of the matter we're dealing with today.
This bill is necessary because the Tertiary Education Quality and Standards Agency, TEQSA, has failed to hold universities accountable for their actions. TEQSA does have existing powers to highlight university failures but didn't act, and the minister didn't strengthen TEQSA's powers or hold the regulator to account. This bill will establish a specialist unit within the Department of Education to act as the new regulator. The coalition does have some concerns about placing regulatory responsibility within the department rather than strengthening the independent regulator, TEQSA. The coalition notes that embedding this function within the department risks politicising regulation and undermining confidence and impartial enforcement. The minister is granted broad powers to set and enforce the code via legislative instrument. However, we are committed to supporting new initiatives in the higher education sector that aim to prevent and respond more effectively to the pervasive issue of gender based violence at university campuses. The coalition, again, acknowledges the work of advocates like Fair Agenda, End Rape on Campus and the STOP campaign to improve the safety of students and staff on campus.
The central test for this bill is not whether we can write a worthy code but whether we can deliver practical safety and justice on the ground—on the walk home from a late lecture, in a college residence after hours and in the small moments where a student weighs up whether it's worth reporting it at all. This is why the coalition supports a strong, enforceable framework. But strength isn't measured only by the breadth of ministerial powers; it's measured by independence, transparency, due process and results.
I want to talk about a few considerations that I hope are taken into account in developing the code. First, there's independence, an issue that I referred to earlier. If the government insists on housing compliance inside the department, then parliament must build the guiderails. There must be confidence that this regulator, which would now sit inside the department and which works for the government of the day, is able to be effective. The regulator can't become a quiet clearing house for problems; it must be a lighthouse for standards.
Second, there needs to be prevention as well as response. The code should not just be a narrow rule book for postincident procedures; it must also look at the policy interventions that work to prevent gender based violence in the first place. These policies should be evidence led and subject to evaluation so that good practice spreads quickly and poor practice is retired.
Third, there needs to be consistency across the whole ecosystem. Many students live in accommodation operated by colleges, affiliates or private providers. We cannot allow a system to develop where every residence that markets itself through university channels or derives income from university students is subjected to a different standard.
Fourth is procedural fairness. A safe system must also be a fair system. In developing the code, the government will need to have regard to clear timeframes, natural justice and fairness to all parties. There should be clear expectations about record keeping and communication—no long silences or lost files. When matters are criminal, the pathway to police must be clear.
Fifth, we need to be considering the data that drives change. The 2021 survey told us things we couldn't ignore. The next phase must tell us whether we're improving. The code envisaged by this bill should allow us to identify risks and track progress over time.
Sixth, there should be alignment with our broader national effort. The coalition has been clear that it supports the 10-year National Plan to End Violence against Women and Children 2022-2032. This code should dovetail with the national plan and with the state and territory laws.
Finally, there needs to be accountability, specifically to this parliament. The code will be made by legislative instrument. That means it is subject to parliamentary oversight. It is for all of us, on all sides, to ensure that the code is a living standard that keeps pace with evidence and with the realities of student life. Again, our success will be measured not by the quality of the code but by the safety on the ground of those who live, work and study on our university campuses.
I started these remarks by commenting on the absolute right that everyone on a university campus has, be they students, staff or residents. No student should have to choose between their safety and their education. No staff member should have to choose between their safety and their employment. I started by recognising the Universities Australia survey on student safety and gender based violence, and there were some clear and disturbing parallels with another national survey on student safety. This is the subject of the amendments that I have put before the House.
In August 2023, a national survey found that 64 per cent of Jewish university students experienced antisemitism. The impacts are immediate: 57 per cent hid their identity and 19 per cent avoided campus due to safety fears. This was before the sickening events of October 7. Since October 7, the increase in antisemitic incidents across Australia, but particularly on campus, has been immediate and catastrophic. University campuses, as I said, must be safe for everyone, and that includes Jewish Australians.
We've been clear that more action must be taken by this government not only to respond to the terrible proliferation of gender based violence on university campuses but to deal with antisemitism as well. We've seen clear attempts to silence and intimidate Jewish academics, staff and students, and that's completely unacceptable. We have also been clear that more action must be taken by this government to address the rise of antisemitism on university campuses. That's why we 've circulated the second reading amendment to this bill, which is similar to an amendment that was moved in the last parliament, in the other place, on this bill's predecessor. The coalition's amendment seeks to establish an additional national higher education code to prevent and respond to antisemitism, because, just like the concerns about gender based violence on campus which have led so many to be and feel unsafe, there is also a real and highly damaging wave of antisemitic sentiment on our campuses which is impacting Jewish students, staff, residents and others. The antisemitism code responds to the real and urgent circumstances of antisemitism that students are facing at universities.
I have been arguing consistently about this issue for nearly two years now, and I've been arguing against the studied indifference to Jew hatred on our campuses, because the emergence of antisemitism, particularly on our campuses, is one of the most serious threats to our pluralist multicultural democracy. The situation on campus for Jewish students and staff is diabolical. They feel abandoned by those charged with creating a safe place to study, research, teach and work. This is a tragedy for Australia, particularly because, unlike almost anywhere else, Australia has always been welcoming to the Jewish people. From the days of the First Fleet, when a dozen Jewish convicts stumbled ashore at Sydney Cove, Jewish people have had the opportunity to thrive free from discrimination and hatred. Jewish Australians have used that freedom and opportunity to contribute to our country. All Australians have the right to enjoy their education, free of harassment and intimidation. Our job is to ensure that the next generation of Jewish students are not discouraged from entering any field of Australian life.
As I said in this chamber more than a year ago, there is a particular tragedy about antisemitism on campus which seeks to exclude Jews from the intellectual life of the nation, because Jewish tradition values education as one of the highest virtues. Jews are taught to have arguments for the sake of Heaven and to arrive at truth through debate and discussion. This is the essence of a university. At their best, universities are life-changing places where people get an education and improve their opportunities in life. It's where the next generation of leaders are formed. That's why it is so important that antisemitism doesn't take hold. It's why students need to be taught about the evils of antisemitism. This is why it's always important to reject antisemitism however it manifests. It's not okay to be a bystander. If we're not teaching this to the next generation then we are setting our society on a course for a future based on conspiracy, not fact, on othering, not personal responsibility, and on social discord, not social harmony.
We know, from the special envoy's report, that young people under 35 don't recognise the seriousness of antisemitism and don't treat it properly, and that is, in part, because of what is happening at our universities. There's a sad but necessary requirement to recap some of the horrific and highly targeted abuse that Jewish students and staff have been dealing with on a daily basis since 7 October 2023. We've seen encampments where students chant 'intifada' and 'river to the sea', which the Prime Minister himself acknowledged is a violent and antisemitic phrase. They're deciding who should be allowed access to university buildings based on their religion. We heard the story of a student who, living in on-campus accommodation, held a Shabbat dinner, inviting both Jewish and non-Jewish students to her college. It had nothing to do with Israel-Hamas war; it was simply an opportunity to gather for a meal and share her traditions. But the following morning that student woke up to find Palestinian flags shoved under her door. We heard the story of a Jewish student who wore a kippah while walking through campus and was approached by pro-Palestinian protesters asking, 'Do you support the murdering of babies and the genocide in the Middle East?' We've heard the distressingly frequent stories of Jewish students being spat on and taunted with swastikas. In one incident we heard the story of a Jewish academic whose working area was urinated on with the word 'resign' scribbled on their desk.
The consistent message in all these incidents is that Jews are not welcome on Australian campuses. And it's not just students and outside activists propagating this; it's professors and PhDs. We've seen academics say, 'Jews don't deserve cultural safety.' We've seen academics deny the rapes of October 7—an approach no different to that of Holocaust denial. It makes a mockery of the institutions designed to celebrate the truth of human testimony and history.
I met with representatives of the Australasian Union of Jewish Students just this morning. As we speak, the National Union of Students is running a referendum on Palestine. As I've said consistently, Australians have the right to advocate for a change in our foreign policy, but some of the rhetoric and campaign materials have actively supported Hamas, an organisation which we in this country list as a terrorist organisation. Speakers have stated that it is their duty to make Jews uncomfortable. Jews are shouted at. Jews are told to go back to Europe. The consequence of the way this referendum has been conducted has been clear and unequivocal for Jewish staff and students. They've seen an increase in discrimination, harassment and vilification based on their membership of the Jewish community. Why on earth should our campuses be a place where Hamas propaganda is handed out and actively supported? This is spineless leadership from our university administrators.
The weakness of their ineffectual response doesn't stop there. As we speak there are universities across the country which have failed to adopt any kind of definition of antisemitism, be it the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance definition or the Universities Australia definition. This ongoing failure has allowed antisemitic action to flourish, often under the guise that the abuse being hurled at Jewish Australians on campuses is somehow legitimate political commentary on Israel and its policies. The reality on the ground is different. It's abuse, it's discrimination, it's vilification and it's allowed through to the keeper on the basis of a nod and a wink from the quisling administrators.
What we're seeing on university campuses today is the next evolution of a hatred that has endured through human history. It's time for universities to act to stop the abuse, stop the hate and stop the vilification. Just as we're acting on the very real and current safety risks around gender based violence, this is an opportunity to act on the very real and current safety risks around antisemitism. The second reading amendment that I've circulated gives the government an opportunity to join with the coalition in addressing this issue.
Of course the best way the government can address this issue is to adopt our proposal for a judicial inquiry into antisemitism on Australian university campuses—something I brought to this parliament more than a year ago. Only a judicial inquiry presided over by a sitting or retired judge, with silks cross-examining university administrators, will be able to get to the bottom of this. Only a judicial inquiry can seize documents, provide immunities and ensure that we get to the bottom of a cultural issue that has been a feature of university campuses for decades and which has been turbocharged, sadly, since the tragic events of October7.
This second reading amendment envisages the creation of a code which has three clear objectives. First, it would make clear to all higher education students, staff and providers that everyone on a higher education campus has the right to feel safe. Second, it would impose on universities a range of obligations considering student and staff safety, which is very important given the alarming increase in antisemitic incidents on university campuses since 7 October 2023.Third, it would also ensure that higher education providers must comply with the National Student Ombudsman's recommendations concerning the national higher education code to prevent and respond to antisemitism. This is similar to the amendments the coalition moved earlier this year and in the other place.
Of course, the government have had years to act, along with universities, but unfortunately to date they have failed to provide protection, recourse or cultural change. The Special Envoy to Combat Antisemitism in Australia, Jillian Segal—
Order! The time being 1.30, the debate is interrupted in accordance with standing order 43. The debate may be resumed at a later hour. The member will have leave to continue speaking when the debate is resumed.
Nexus is a fantastic program run by La Trobe University that encourages people with undergraduate degrees and experience in different professions to fast-track a master of teaching degree while working in a classroom environment. Recently I visited Cobram Secondary College and spent some time in the classroom with the inspiring Carly Marriott. Carly demonstrates the profound difference educators can make in students' lives, empowering them to pursue their passions and unlock their full potential.
After building up a diverse range of skills over her career, and juggling life on a family farm raising three young kids, Carly was looking for a meaningful career change that still allowed her to stay connected to her local community. Nexus offered the flexibility and support she needed while studying the master of teaching, and she is now teaching business management and consumer education at Cobram Secondary College. When I was with her in the classroom I was able to chip in and have some great discussions with the students about free trade agreements, how they are negotiated and how they impact our region. If anyone has ever thought about teaching, the Nexus program is a fast track to a rewarding career. For students, it brings in educators with diverse backgrounds, from a wide range of professions, who can give them a broader perspective.
The great Australian dream for many decades has been homeownership. Owning the home you live in ensures your kids have certainty of the school they attend; getting work is easier, and you can hang a picture on the wall without the threat of losing your bond. One of the biggest barriers to homeownership, aside from supply, is being able to save for a deposit. If you can't save a substantial amount, you're also slugged with lenders mortgage insurance. But, from 1 October this year, the Albanese government will ensure that all first home buyers will only need a five per cent deposit, with no mortgage insurance. The loan will be an owner-occupied loan with principal and interest payments from the participating lender for up to 30 years. Werriwa has already seen 170 homeowners access loans under the Home Guarantee Scheme. This new initiative will provide opportunities for so many more families to be able to purchase their home and join our communities in Werriwa.
This is not the only thing this government has done to assist people into housing. We have paused the National Construction Code and are fast-tracking 26,000 homes stuck in the approval process, and that's building more social and affordable housing and also build-to-rent. We've invested over $43 billion in the Homes for Australia plan. This government knows that Australians should be able to purchase their homes and is supporting first home owners to do it.
Residents in Mallacoota are angry, disappointed and frustrated, and it's all because of the bureaucratic incompetence within the state and federal transport departments. In May 2021, I secured $10 million to upgrade the Mallacoota-Genoa Road. It's the only access road to the community, which was severely impacted by the Black Summer bushfires. For more than four years, I've been urging the state and federal ministers and their departments to just get on with the job, but work still hasn't started on the ground on this project. All we've received so far is excuses and bureaucratic bulldust about studies, reviews and consultation. The community is sick of the endless talking and paperwork. They just want a better road, and the money is actually there to improve safety now for residents and visitors to the Mallacoota region.
The world can hold the Olympics every four years, and you can finish a university degree in four years, but the Labor governments in Victoria and here in Canberra can't fix the Mallacoota-Genoa Road in four years. Once again, I urge the federal minister to get involved in this project and start to prioritise human life over a few gum trees along the side of the road in East Gippsland. If the Treasurer wants to boost productivity through his roundtable, he could start by cutting the green tape and the red tape, which are used by transport departments as excuses for their own incompetence.
Too many Australians are working hard, saving carefully and doing everything right, but the Australian dream of homeownership has felt out of reach. That is why the Albanese Labor government has taken decisive action. From 1 October this year every first home buyer will need only a five per cent deposit. This change will cut years off the time it takes to save, helping Australians into their own homes sooner. Because the government will stand behind these loans, first home buyers will no longer be forced to pay tens of thousands of dollars in lenders mortgage insurance. That is real relief. It will make a real difference to first home buyers in my electorate of Bonner and right across our country.
When I was doorknocking in Wishart during the election campaign, I met a young tradie just finishing his apprenticeship. He told me with some despair that he could not see how he would be ever be able to afford a home, because saving for the deposit felt never-ending. He told me he had a regular savings plan that had only about half of what he needed saved. I told him about Labor's plan for a five per cent deposit and that he would need to wait until next year for it to come into effect. But today I'm so proud to say to him and to so many others in my community of Bonner that, from 1 October, that support will be in place, meaning he and many others will be in their first home sooner. This government made a promise to make the dream of homeownership more achievable. Today, we are delivering on that promise.
We have an early childhood education and care problem, but it's not the one that you might think. Bradfield is experiencing a childcare glut, and it's a nuanced problem. The primary driver of oversupply is the New South Wales government planning reforms that removed local councils' power to regulate where childcare centres could be built. This allowed developers to bypass local demand assessments and build centres wherever they were permitted. It was assumed that Bradfield, being one of the wealthier electorates, would have high demand for childcare places due to its high- and dual-income households, strong female workforce participation and high property values. The result of oversupply is that smaller centres are becoming unviable.
The recent news that a favourite local preschool will be closing has left many in my community reeling. For 44 years, the KU Chatswood Community Preschool has been providing affordable, high-quality early education. Its lease with Willoughby City Council is expiring in December and the council will not be renewing it, favouring a for-profit long day care centre instead. Community preschools are beloved by families and have huge waiting lists. They provide families with choice for early education and care for their children. Long day care centres are appropriate for some families at some stages of their children's lives but are generally more expensive per hour than community preschools. I call on the federal government to consider all options to support local councils in keeping community preschools open. (Time expired)
Owning a home is the great Australian dream, and that dream is getting closer for thousands of people. From 1 October, every Australian purchasing their first home will be able to enter the market with just a five per cent deposit and without the added cost of lenders mortgage insurance. This means more young people, families and hardworking Australians will have the chance to buy their first home sooner.
When it comes to housing, in Cunningham we have already seen the incredible impact of government support. From May 2022 to April 2025, 680 local people used the Home Guarantee Scheme to get into the housing market. Here's what that looks like in practice. A person in the Illawarra can purchase a $1 million home with a $50,000 deposit instead of a $200,000 deposit. In its first year alone, this initiative will save Australians around $1.5 billion in avoided mortgage insurance costs, money that will stay in family budgets, bringing homeownership within reach so much sooner.
This scheme is part of the Albanese government's $43 billion housing agenda, including a $10 billion commitment to deliver 100,000 homes exclusively for first home buyers. By delivering this reform, we are giving Australians a chance to step into their first home, build security for their families and invest in their futures.
Private hospitals are in crisis, and that's in no small part due to the health insurance industry. Now, the minister says insurers are increasing payments to private hospitals, but the hospitals say this claim is based on false data, dodgy analysis and accounting tricks, like double counting and padding the numbers out with things that don't even go to the hospitals—in other words, smoke and mirrors designed to make insurers look good. And, all the while, patients are being slugged with higher premiums for less care, and some hospitals are financially distressed and facing closure. But at the same time the health insurance companies—in particular, the for-profits—are doing very nicely indeed, thank you very much. A cynic might even say they're laughing all the way to the bank.
Yes, about six months ago, the Minister for Health and Aged Care promised to hold the industry to account and said there would be consequences if they didn't lift payments—but they haven't. Instead of cracking down, the government is covering up, and that's simply not good enough.
The situation won't change until the government puts in place serious guardrails, like requiring a minimum ratio of benefits to premiums and a coherent system of judging what each patient's treatment ought to cost so hospitals aren't able or forced to cherrypick their patients, as is happening currently.
This morning the Prime Minister and the Minister for Housing and Minister for Cities fast-tracked the support we committed to providing to first home buyers during the recent federal election. The great Australian dream of owning your own home is going to happen. The dream of first home buyers owning a home sooner will now commence in October 2025 instead of next year, 2026.
So, what does a five per cent deposit scheme mean? The Australian government will guarantee that first home buyers can purchase a home with a lower deposit and will not be required to pay lenders mortgage insurance. This means a first home buyer wanting to buy a home in Dunkley for $600,000 can do so with a deposit of $30,000, saving up to six years off the time it takes to save a deposit, saving money on mortgage insurance and reducing the amount of money young Australians pay in rent.
I understand firsthand how this policy will help young Australians in Dunkley to buy a house in our incredible community, the land by the sea. The aspiration to have a place to call home will be attainable because the Albanese Labor government is stepping up so young Australians have a roof over their heads sooner.
In June, the AEIOU centre in Arundel closed its doors—a specialist service for children with autism, gone overnight. Twelve families including children as young as two were given two weeks notice—two weeks to find new care, new therapy and new hope. Many have been forced back into mainstream settings that they know simply won't work for their kids.
This was more than just a centre; it was a lifeline. Non-verbal children were learning to speak. Others were becoming toilet trained for the first time. They were thriving because they were finally understood. On 19 June I wrote to Minister Butler and Senator McAllister, urging them to step in, but, unfortunately, to date I have received no reply.
Labor's changes to the NDIS are causing real anxiety for real families. We all agree that the scheme must be sustainable, but the way the government is handling reform is leaving families behind and anxious about the future. The parents at the AEIOU centre were not asking for luxury. They were asking for time, for answers and for the basic dignity of knowing their children wouldn't be forgotten.
The coalition will always support sensible, clinically guided reform. But no child who needs support should be left behind and left wanting.
Housing affordability is one of the most pressing challenges for my community and for my generation. It's a challenge that those opposite didn't want to face during their nine years in government. They spent nine years squandering opportunities to deliver meaningful opportunities for those struggling to afford housing. They took it so unseriously they didn't even appoint a housing minister for most of that time. Young people who grow up in Hughes do not like to leave it. Why would they want to? But the unaffordability of the housing market means that they have to move away from their support systems, their friends and their connections.
The Albanese Labor government were elected to take real action on housing, and that's what we're doing. Saving for a home is challenging for young people, especially early in their career. That's why I am so proud that we're delivering five per cent deposits for first home buyers. From 1 October 2025, every first home buyer will only need a five per cent deposit. That will cut years off the time it takes to save for a deposit, helping young people into their first home sooner. Our five per cent deposit scheme lowers barriers to getting into homeownership by reducing deposit timelines and cutting around $23,000 to $34,000 in mortgage insurance costs, allowing more people in my community to enter the housing market faster. Under this model, a first home buyer can buy a medium home priced at $844,000 with a deposit of just $42,000, shaving eight years off the time it takes to save for a deposit and cutting up to $34,000 in lenders mortgage insurance.
Younger householders and struggling families in higher-cost suburbs like Menai, Engadine, Moorebank and Wattle Grove will benefit from this faster— (Time expired)
I want a better hospital for my constituents. That's why this is my 14th speech on this subject. Labor has governed Western Australia since 2017—almost a decade—and in that time they have promised $152 million to upgrade our hospital. And what have we seen? We've seen nothing—no new beds, no new wards. The Peel Health Campus is stretched to breaking point.
And it's not just Peel. WA's health system is collapsing. Ambulance ramping is at record highs. When Labor took office in March 2017, ramping across WA was 641 hours for the month. Last month it blew out to over 7,000 hours, a record high. Behind those numbers are real people: children, families and seniors. Let me paint the picture. Paramedics are stuck outside our hospitals, instead of giving urgent care to those who need it. People sit for hours in emergency; some are even sent away. Doctors and nurses are exhausted. This is a full-blown crisis. Clinicians warn the system is in a death spiral. And Premier Roger Cook's answer? A $50 million maintenance fund, which is 0.13 per cent of WA's infrastructure budget.
My community and all Western Australians deserve better. They deserve hospitals that work and a government that delivers. It's time Labor stopped making excuses. It's time Labor started fixing our hospitals, and I'll keep speaking in this chamber until it happens.
There are far too many hardworking Australians who feel like their dream of homeownership in the communities in which they work, live and play has never been further out of reach. For too long, these first home buyers—including thousands of young people in my electorate of Bean, like those in so many electorates across the country—have been locked out of the housing market.
Well, last term we got to work and, already, more than 1,200 constituents in Bean are participating in the Home Guarantee Scheme. And that's why, from 1 October, the Albanese government will be making it easier for all new home buyers to buy their first home. With this new housing scheme, first home buyers will be able to buy their own home with a five per cent deposit. This will cut years off the time it takes to save for a deposit, turning a decade into a few years, and buyers won't have to pay a single dollar in mortgage insurance.
This means that the average time to save for an $800,000 home would go down to just a few years, compared to the decade it would take to save for 20 per cent deposit. Together with measures to increase housing supply, the Albanese government is making real progress on improving Australia's housing crisis—a housing crisis that was decades in the making, that will not be fixed overnight, but a housing crisis we are prepared to meet full on.
Eighty years ago the victory in the Pacific was a defining moment for our nation. On Saturday 16 August, I was honoured to join more than 300 Redland locals to commemorate the 80th anniversary of the victory at Birkdale State School. The reflections on VP Day paid tribute to local stories from Capalaba, Birkdale, Thorneside and Wellington Point—stories of courage, resilience and community spirit during a time of global conflict and challenge.
This special event acknowledged unique moments in our community's history while the war in the Pacific raged on, until lasting peace was finally declared. One of those moments took place in Birkdale, in an unassuming building built in 1943. Used as a US Army radio receiving station, it formed part of a vital network relaying messages between General MacArthur's headquarters in Brisbane and the Allied forces across the Pacific. It was in that very station, in my electorate of Bowman, that Australia first received the historic message that the Japanese government had accepted the Allied terms of surrender; the war was over.
The Victory in the Pacific event held to commemorate this milestone of the war ending not only acknowledged the Redlands community's vital role but also stopped to commemorate the sacrifice made by all Australians during this time of our nation's history. I want to thank the Capalaba and Wellington Point Rotary clubs, who hosted the event; the Birkdale State School; Redlands RSL; Birkdale Scouts; Redlands City Band; Redlands Coast Museum; Redland Genealogical Society; Col Sutcliffe; and Councillor Paul Bishop.
In the Hunter we know what it means to work hard—to put the hours in at the coalface, on the tools, in our small businesses, on our farms and in the best vineyards and wineries in the world—but still feel like buying a first home is unfortunately just out of reach. Too many young people have been stuck renting, paying somebody else's mortgage instead of building a future of their own. That's why Labor's five per cent first home deposit scheme is such a game changer. From October, first home buyers will only need a five per cent deposit, and—guess what—they won't pay a cent in mortgage insurance. That means you can get into a place of your own years earlier.
It's not just talk; it's already working. Since May 2022 almost 2,000 locals in the Hunter electorate have taken up the Home Guarantee Scheme. That's young couples in Cessnock finally getting their keys, parents in Kurri Kurri securing a safe place for their kids, and families in Singleton and Lake Macquarie putting down roots in their own communities. We're tackling the housing crunch from all angles, cutting deposit hurdles, training up more tradies through fee-free TAFE and delivering the biggest homebuilding program in our nation's history. Every family in the Hunter deserves the security of a place to call home, and, under this Albanese Labor government, we are certainly making that dream possible again.
I'd like to acknowledge and remember the incredible life of Sunny Bancroft. Sunny was a very much loved Indigenous leader from the Clarence Valley, who recently passed away at the age of 76. He attended Baryulgil and Copmanhurst schools as a child but left school at the age of 14 to work alongside his family at Collum Collum station, where he was mentored by his grandfather. Over the years Sunny worked a number of jobs, from cutting railway sleepers and breaking in racehorses to working in mills and managing stations. Wherever he went, he left a very strong impression.
In 1979 Sunny moved his family back to Baryulgil and worked on Yulgilbar station before taking up the position of manager of Collum Collum station. During this time he was featured in documentaries like the Stockman's Strategy and Sunny and the Dark Horse, sharing his life and love of the land with a wider audience. Sunny's life wasn't always easy, but it was full of grit, love and unforgettable stories. He was a bushman, a horseman, a mate, a father, a grandfather and a storyteller. His legacy will live on in the memories he shared and the land he loved. Sheryl summed up Sunny perfectly at his funeral when she said:
Whether you knew him for a day, or you knew him for a lifetime, once Sunny touched your life he was never forgotten.
Rest in peace, Sunny.
First home buyers around the country will be relieved to learn today that we are bringing forward our commitment to our five per cent deposit scheme. That's all that's required for a deposit for a new home. We're bringing it forward to 1 October so that all first home buyers in our country will now qualify for the scheme and only need a five per cent deposit for their first home opportunity. In my electorate that means that thousands of first home buyers will be able to take that next step to buy their first home. Despite having good incomes and good jobs, they've been priced out. Being able to achieve the 20 per cent, they tell me, could take decades, if not longer.
This is a sensible reform that we've brought forward, lowering the deposit and guaranteeing five per cent. It's much better than what those opposite proposed, which is allowing first home buyers to use their super, a policy that would have hurt people later on in life, hurt generations and not actually helped people into homeownership any sooner. Our proposal of lowering it to five per cent means that more first home buyers will get into homes sooner. It's great for builders in the regions because they can get on with building the houses that we need. It's great for workers moving to the regions because they'll be able to buy their homes, settle down and start to form roots. This is great policy being announced by our government.
Epping is the growth suburb of my electorate. You only need to look up in the sky and see the apartment buildings nearing completion or look at the vacant lots where apartment buildings are going to go up to know this. Yet, despite its growth, Epping has a major shortage of parking. When I went doorknocking in Epping last week I had the same experience locals face every single day. It took me ages to find a car park. This negatively impacts families and businesses every day. Local cafes and eateries like 2 Bunny's Cafe, Java House and Chicken on Oxford are missing out on business as people drive to other nearby neighbourhood centres that have more parking.
Epping's a suburb with great businesses and amenities, from stores like Coles to educational businesses like Summit Music School, Matrix Education, Talent 100 and Intuition Education. It's a hub for medical centres, offering dentists, orthodontists, optometrists, GPs and physios. For leisure, Epping has gyms and restaurants. It has sporting facilities at Boronia Park. It has the Epping library and the post office, offering vital services to the suburb's growing population. But the one thing it doesn't have is adequate parking to serve the local population and those people who need to visit Epping.
Parramatta council has plans to further invigorate the area and create a thriving commercial and community hub, but the message from local families is clear. They won't be able to enjoy these upgrades unless they're accompanied by significant increases in parking options. In my role as the member for Berowra and as the local representative for Epping, I will keep fighting for better parking for Epping. (Time expired)
Buying a home for the first time is hard. The first hurdle you've got to cross is the 20 per cent deposit because if you can't get to 20 per cent, you've got to pay for mortgage insurance. For the average home, that could be about $30,000 more. The government's First Home Guarantee scheme helps to clear this hurdle by allowing eligible first home buyers to purchase a home with as little as five per cent deposit. You don't need to pay for costly mortgage insurance because the government guarantees some of the property's value.
Already, 760 people in my electorate have purchased homes using this scheme, and, from 1 October, we're going to expand it further so that more people can buy a home. We're going to remove income caps, and we're lifting the property caps from $900,000 to $1½ million in Sydney. The scheme will cut the time it takes to save for a deposit and will save you thousands in mortgage insurance.
Our government wants to make it easier to rent, easier to buy and easier to build more homes. In Australia, we're obsessed with big, iconic infrastructure projects—the Sydney Harbour Bridge and the Snowy hydro scheme. I want making homes more affordable to be the next big major project that we can all be proud of.
I rise to rebuke this Albanese Labor government over its catastrophic mishandling of the algal bloom crisis in South Australia, which is a clear natural and national disaster. It's devastation—that's the only way I can describe it—for our precious South Australian marine ecosystems, for South Australian industries whose futures are on the line and for South Australian coastal communities. Labor have dithered and delayed; they've failed to act on this algal bloom.
While they have stepped back from South Australians, we have stepped forward, calling on Labor governments in Adelaide and Canberra to do more. And what have we seen from Labor in response? After months of distraction, all this prime minister could muster was a fly-in fly-out visit and just $6.25 million in new funding for South Australia. The Albanese government found $600 million for a rugby league team in Papua New Guinea but could only scrape together an additional $6 million in new funding. The Prime Minister couldn't even call the algal bloom a natural disaster. What a disgrace!
South Australian Labor members opposite should be held to account for failing their state and failing these communities. The coalition will not let this natural disaster be brushed aside. Prime Minister, you owe South Australians stronger action, more support and an apology in this parliament today.
The Leader of the Opposition might be interested to know that, thanks to this Prime Minister, 1,880 households in the electorate of Lalor bought a house with a five per cent deposit. That's what this prime minister has delivered to my community.
The Leader of the Opposition scoffs. Does the Leader of the Opposition not care about first home buyers? Is she scoffing at the young people in my electorate who, under this Labor government, are going to have a future where they own their own home? They're going to have a future where they can stop paying rent and start paying for their own home. That's what this prime minister and this Labor government care about. It's what we're already delivering around this country and what we intend to improve upon, by bringing forward the uncapped version of this for delivery from 1 October. That means that young people in my electorate can look forward to owning their own home, to being a part of the community they grew up in and to putting down a deposit of only five per cent with no mortgage insurance. This is a game changer for young people across this country, and I'm incredibly proud to be a part of a government that is delivering for young people around this country so they can stop paying rent and start paying for their own homes.
In accordance with standing order 43, the time for members' statements has concluded.
I inform the House that the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Defence will be absent from question time for the next three days. The Minister for Defence Industry will answer questions on his behalf in relation to defence. I will answer questions on his behalf in relation to foreign affairs.
I inform the House of the deaths of Graeme Campbell, a former member of this House, and John Odin Wentworth Watson AM, a former senator. Graeme Campbell died on 16 August 2025. He represented the division of Kalgoorlie from 1980 to 1998. John Watson died on 8 August 2025. He represented the state of Tasmania from 1977 to 2008. As a mark of respect to the memory of the deceased, I invite all present to rise in their places.
Honourable members having stood in their places—
I thank the House.
My question is to the Prime Minister. The biggest announcement out of last week's Canberra talkfest was Labor's partial adoption of a coalition policy to freeze the construction code which we developed to make it cheaper to build homes. And today Labor announced a revised Morrison government policy which we developed to help Australians get into their first home with a smaller deposit. Prime Minister, why did it take a three-day talkfest for you to realise that coalition policies work and Labor policies fail?
I thank the member for her question. She is very bold to say that coalition policies work when it comes to housing, because, for most of the time they were in office, they didn't even bother to have a housing minister. We on this side of the House have a $43 billion Homes for Australia plan, almost every element of which wasn't just opposed by those opposite and the Greens members for a period of time in what I dubbed the 'no-alition'; they continued to oppose it and they continue to oppose the announcements that we made over the weekend and again this morning. They continue to oppose them. Tonight, indeed, the Senate is debating a coalition motion to abolish the build-to-rent program. That is a program to support increased private rentals, with some 80,000 being built. It's been developed with the Property Council, but those opposite hate it so much they're moving a disallowance motion on it.
We know they opposed the Housing Australia Future Fund. Housing Australia Future Fund projects are being contracted and some are already underway. The fund was delayed, of course, by those opposite. In the electorate of Farrer, 54 homes have been built in Thurgoona; in Canning, 40 homes in Golden Bay; in Lindsay, 135 homes in Penrith; in Page, 32 homes in South Grafton and nine in Casino; in Moncrieff, 213 homes in Southport; in Goldstein, 37 homes in Hampton East; in Berowra, 48 homes in Thornleigh and 10 in Pennant Hills; and, in Herbert, 81 homes in Cranbrook. Right around the country people are benefiting from the Housing Australia Future Fund, which will build social and affordable homes. But they opposed it, like they opposed the Help to Buy program, which is about shared equity schemes. Of course, on the increase to homeownership with a five per cent deposit, this is what Andrew Bragg, the shadow minister for housing, has had to say: 'We will work to try to stop these crazy ideas coming into existence.' That is what he had to say, and then they asked a question, saying that it's their policy. If it's their policy, not only in the last term did we see them oppose everything that we put forward, but now they're opposing, according to themselves, their own policy as well.
My question is to the Prime Minister. How is the Albanese Labor government delivering on its commitment to help more young Australians and first home buyers realise the dream of homeownership, and what is standing in the way?
I thank the member for Macnamara for his question. He's a big supporter of affordable housing. He's doing great work as well as the Special Envoy for Social Housing and Homelessness. The area that he represents is where this front line of services often is, and I thank him for the work that he's doing, not just on behalf of the government but also on behalf of needy Australians.
This morning I was in Lawson, a suburb here, with the wonderful member Alicia Payne, and it's in her seat. Today, we were with a young couple, Lachie and Abby. They finished university a short time ago at the University of Wollongong and have moved back to Canberra. And, at age 23, they were able to get into homeownership as a direct result of the five per cent policy. They've been able to get a puppy—it doesn't come with the home; that's just an added bonus—and little Chilli was very cute, I've got to say. They're an example of a family who are really benefiting directly from government policy.
In April, at our campaign launch, in Perth, we committed to give every first home buyer the chance to buy their own home with just a five per cent deposit, and to cover the cost of lenders mortgage insurance. We said these changes would start on 1 January next year, but we want to get on with it, which is why we've brought it forward to 1 October. Together these changes wipe years off the time it takes to save for a loan. Instead of having to pay to assist someone else's mortgage—or what they did for a short period of time, which was to stay in Canberra with Abby's parents—what they've been able to do is get themselves into homeownership, putting those hard-earned dollars into an asset that will serve them for the future.
This announcement builds on action we announced just yesterday about boosting supply—fast-tracking 26,000 homes that are waiting for environmental approval, encouraging more prefab and different construction types to build more homes more quickly and pausing the National Construction Code for four years. My government is determined to help people in homeownership, to help people into rentals and to help social housing as well, which is precisely what it is doing in spite of the opposition of those opposite.
My question is to the Prime Minister. Labor's three-day Canberra talkfest delivered no real relief for Australians. There was nothing to cut power bills, lower grocery prices nor reverse the biggest fall in living standards in the developed world. Instead, Labor has left the door open to higher taxes on people's savings, their super, their businesses, their homes and even their spare rooms. Why is it always the case that when Labor run out of money they come after hardworking Australians?
Order! The Treasurer will cease interjecting. The member for Spence is warned.
I thank the member for her question, which goes to how the government is helping people with cost-of-living pressures. The question went to power prices and power bill relief. We're delivering power bill relief that was opposed by those opposite at every turn, like they opposed the cap on gas and coal prices that we instituted during our first term. We increased people's wages by 3.5 per cent on 1 July, something they have never done. The coalition have never made a submission to the Fair Work Commission saying that minimum wages should keep up with inflation—not once. We've done it not once, not twice but three times. Each and every year we have put that forward. On 1 July also paid parental leave went to 24 weeks, and super is now being paid on government paid parental leave, as an example of us looking after not just people today but people tomorrow as well—the retirement incomes of women in particular. We have a very successful program run by the minister for energy which is cutting 30 per cent off home batteries to permanently cut power bills. That's been taken up by tens of thousands of Australians, particularly in our outer suburbs and our regions. From 1 July as well there is paid prac for teaching, nursing, social work and midwifery students, something never supported by those opposite. We also of course have had legislation passed in this parliament cutting student debt by 20 per cent, something that those opposite said was regressive, something that those opposite said was waste as well.
I find it extraordinary that I get asked a question in this place about cost of living and what assistance my government is giving, because on the issue of tax, which was also raised, what we know is that when we introduced our stage 3 tax cuts and then backed them up in March—the stage 3 changes that we put in place to ensure 14 million Australians got tax cuts—those opposite, including the Leader of the Opposition, said that they should wind it back. On 25 March this treasurer introduced tax cuts not just once, for next year, but the year after. Those opposite not only voted against them; they said that they would introduce legislation into this parliament to increase taxes for 14 million Australians. Only one side of this house, although a bit more than one side now, is concerned about the cost of living, and that is this side. (Time expired)
My question is to the minister for housing, homelessness and cities: how is the Albanese Labor government helping Australians get into a home of their own, and are there any risks?
I thank the member for Griffith for her question. She's only been here for 3½ months, and she's already a hugely powerful advocate for helping more people in her community get into the dream of homeownership. Housing is a life-defining challenge for millions of people around our country. We hear about it from young people, many of whom feel they will never have the chance to own their own home. We hear it from parents who feel immense guilt that they cannot give their children the stability that they grew up with. We hear it from renters whose rents are going up too high and too often. Since we came to government we've already seen 180,000 Australians get into homeownership with our government's backing, but let's be absolutely clear: first home buyers in this country need and deserve more support, and that is exactly what they're going to get under the Albanese government.
Today the Prime Minister announced that we're expanding our five per cent deposit scheme to be available for the first time to every single first home buyer in our country. We promised we'd do this at the election, and we're delivering three months early. These changes will now roll out from 1 October this year. There'll be no income limits. There'll be no limit on the number places, and we'll have house price caps that actually reflect the cost of the homes where you live. So many Australians that I talk to are in housing distress because they just can't see that pathway to getting into the housing market. This five per cent program expansion will change the lives of tens of thousands of Australians every single year. It's actually not that often that the federal parliament can do something that meaningful that quickly. We saw the proof in the pudding this morning. The PM mentioned that we got the chance to meet, with the member for Canberra, two of her fantastic constituents, Lachie and Abbie.
This is an absolutely gorgeous young couple who have just bought their own home, and they've done it with the backing of our government with a five per cent deposit. Lachie and Abbie talked about this experience they've had of buying their own home. They said they never would have been able to do this without the five per cent deposit scheme. They just described this immense relief that they feel that they can spend their mid- and late 20s paying off their own mortgage, not someone else's. They're fully settled into this beautiful home in Canberra. They've got a gorgeous little dog, Chilli—not as cute as Toto but definitely up there.
Exactly, PM—right here for you. And they told us about how they're hosting these regular movie nights in their own home. It's just these simple pleasures that come with that stability that we've been able to support them with.
That's not all on homeownership. We'll expand this scheme on 1 October. Before the end of the year, Help to Buy will provide the opportunity, eventually, for thousands of people to get into homeownership. We're tackling the housing crisis from every angle, building more homes, making it better to rent and making it easier to buy. On 1 October, our government will open up a realistic pathway for tens of thousands of Aussies, this year, to get into their own home. (Time expired)
My question is to the Minister for Financial Services. Minister, the insurance industry is failing Australians. For instance, health insurance premiums are sky-high, but returns to policyholders are at rock bottom, while payments to private hospitals are, in fact, still so bad that many are in financial distress or closing. Meanwhile, for property insurance, premiums are going through the roof, and vast areas are being declared uninsurable. Minister, what exactly is the government doing about this?
I thank the member for his question, and I commend his long-term advocacy for the people of Clark and for his thoughtful contribution on a wide range of policy issues during my time in this chamber. I do acknowledge that a number of households across our community are feeling cost-of-living pressures in insurance, whether it be property insurance or health insurance.
I'll deal with property insurance first. Can I say that his is a longstanding and complex issue. I do want to acknowledge the member for Calare, and my predecessor, Stephen Jones, for having initiated and promoted an inquiry into flood insurance which I chaired in the previous term. That was an inquiry which dealt with a range of issues which were much more broader than flood insurance, though, and which went to systemic issues of risk across a number of communities.
Can I say that coming out of that inquiry were 86 recommendations, most of which were unanimous across members of the government, members of the opposition and the crossbench. There are already a range of things that are occurring as a result of those recommendations. For example, the general insurance code of conduct is now going to be approved by ASIC, a measure which the industry has accepted and which I say is at least in part a result of that inquiry. In addition, the general insurance code of conduct will be enforceable, going forward, once it is redesigned by the industry in consultation with other stakeholders. They are measures which will make a real difference to consumers.
In addition, work is underway to standardise certain terms, which the industry is undertaking and which I am engaging with industry and consumer groups in relation to. Again, that will make insurance policies easier for consumers to digest. There are a range of other processes underway to make sure that the actual clauses in the insurance code of conduct provide appropriate protections around cash settlements, temporary accommodation and other issues.
Can I also say that the work of my colleague the minister for emergency services continues. The Disaster Ready Fund and the Hazards Insurance Partnership are key measures through which government is spending far more on mitigation than it used to and is informing those projects through the Hazards Insurance Partnership. Those projects, as they roll out, will significantly reduce risk in high-risk areas, and those projects will see premiums come down in those communities that benefit. Those are practical things occurring, both in terms of consumer protections and dealing with the underlying risk.
The member also raises health insurance. While that's not directly in my portfolio, I can say that the Minister for Health and Ageing is working closely with the sector on this issue. He has established a CEO forum by which CEOs across health insurers and hospitals are working collaboratively on very complex issues. The government presented a package of reforms to the private health CEO forum to make maternity, mental health and Hospital in the Home services more available and affordable. So, across both those areas—general insurance on property as well as health—the government has a range of short-term and long-term measures for the benefit of consumers.
My question is to the Treasurer. What progress has been made at the Economic Reform Roundtable, especially to build more houses more quickly?
The member for Calwell brings so much to this place, and we're really looking forward to working with him on the cost of living, on housing and on the economy more broadly. Housing approvals in our economy are up by almost 30 per cent since this time last year. That's a good reminder of the work we are doing and the progress we're making, but we acknowledge that we've still got a very long way to go together. We know it still takes longer to approve a house than to build one and that there's more to do to hit our ambitious housing target. That's why the announcements we made yesterday and today are so important, especially when it comes to approvals. I pay tribute to the housing minister and the environment minister for yesterday's announcement in particular.
We are blitzing the approvals backlog and we are building more homes, and there was very strong support for this urgent action at the Economic Reform Roundtable. It's a very good example of the consensus and the momentum that we were able to build there in really important areas. Housing was a key consideration, but it wasn't the only focus. More broadly, we know that the best way to grow living standards over time is to make our economy more productive and more resilient and our budget more sustainable. We also know that the worst decade for productivity growth in this country was the 2010s, under those opposite. And we know that weak productivity growth has been part of our economy for the last couple of decades, not just the last couple of years, and it's a challenge shared around the world. It will take time to turn it around.
The Economic Reform Roundtable was a really cherished opportunity to sharpen our focus, to share our ideas, to build some consensus and to build some much-needed dimension in our economy. Ten reform areas were agreed as priorities: (1) housing, as I said; (2) a single market in the federation; (3) simpler trade and tariffs; (4) better regulation; (5) faster approvals; (6) AI as a national priority; (7) attraction of investment; (8) skills; (9) tax; and (10) modernisation of government.
From these directions, we are already working up urgent actions, like those announced yesterday by my colleagues, and there is more to come. We have been making progress in our economy. We've seen that in the inflation data. We've seen it in interest rates coming down and real wages growing. We have an agenda. We're focused on delivering the agenda that we took to the election. But we know that the best way to work out the next steps in our economy and in our country is to do that in our usual considered, consultative and collaborative way, because we know that the best progress we can make, whether in housing or in the economy more broadly, is to make that progress together.
My question is to the Prime Minister. The Albanese Labor government has presided over a historic rise in red tape in the housing sector, including over 1,500 new regulations in the Treasury and Infrastructure portfolios, as well as a massive expansion of the National Construction Code. However, yesterday the government suddenly decided to copy the coalition's policy of freezing the code. While the coalition welcomes the vote of confidence in our policies, will the Prime Minister now admit that Labor's housing policies are unfit to solve Australia's housing crisis?
Before I call the Prime Minister: the member for Gellibrand was interjecting continually during that question; he'll leave the chamber under 94(a).
The member for Gellibrand then left the chamber.
He might be laughing, but it's not funny. People are entitled to ask their question and to be heard in silence, just as every minister is. We're not having any of that. The Prime Minister has the call.
I thank the member for Grey for his question and I congratulate him on his election. I am sure that he would welcome the work that is government is doing in protecting jobs in Whyalla and in his area. It's a great electorate where we are working hard to make sure that we continue to protect that industry, to protect the jobs and to make sure those regional communities thrive—something that my government has focused on in the last few years.
I'm asked about housing. The member suggests that maybe his shadow housing minister was wrong or this was ambiguous, but it doesn't sound ambiguous to me as a result of our announcement. Andrew Bragg, the shadow minister, said, 'We will work to try to stop these crazy ideas coming into existence.' That was actually his response—not something that was supporting it, not trying to claim that they were in favour of it—just like the same shadow housing minister will be trying to disallow progress in the Senate later today in a vote that will be held. Maybe the member can have a word with Senator Bragg, ring him up this afternoon and say, 'Mate, I think you've got this wrong. I think you got this wrong. I think you should back in the government on its policies.'
While they're at it, they can back in our entire Homes for Australia Plan, because it is certainly being backed in by coalition state ministers. Sam O'Connor, the Queensland Minister for Housing and Public Works, has spoken about round 2 of the Queensland Housing Minister, saying:
Round 2 of the Housing Australia Future Fund (HAFF) will support us to build 1,005 new community homes at 17 sites across Queensland.
This new deal is what it looks like when governments work together and focus on outcomes. The Queensland LNP are a bit more supportive of us than they were of some people opposite over the weekend! They were out there trashing net zero to the tune of over 90 per cent, including the National Party leader voting against the Liberal Party leader, showing the chaos that is there opposite. That chaos has brought them to the position they're in today.
We on the side of House will continue to put forward positive policies that make a difference to people, whether that be improving homeownership, improving the number of rentals, improving social and affordable housing, or supporting greater rental assistance. We on this side of the House are focused on the cost of living and on housing. Those on that side just have Liberals fighting each other, the Nats fighting each other, and the Liberals fighting the Nats. We on this side are fighting for Australians; they're just fighting each other.
Opposition members interjecting—
Order! I do not need interjections of the word 'time'. As I've explained to the House before, it can work both ways. When shadow ministers and opposition members haven't asked their question within the 30 seconds, we can simply move on. Try to give everyone a fair go. We do not need to be reminding all the time of the block. Trust me; I've got it in hand.
My question is to the Minister for Education. How is the Albanese Labor government helping Australians with a student debt to be able to own their own home? What has been the response to these reforms?
I thank the member for Melbourne for her question. She gets this; she represents more young people with a student debt than anywhere else in the country. Young people don't always see something for them on the ballot paper come election, but they did this year, and they voted for it in their millions. They voted for cuts to student debt by 20 per cent and they voted for measures that we're taking to make it easier to buy a first home. One of those is what the Prime Minister and the Treasurer and the Minister for Housing just spoke about: being able to buy a home with as little as a five per cent deposit.
We have now passed laws to cut student debt by 20 per cent, and that will help three million Australians—a lot of them young Australians just out of TAFE, just out of university, just out of home, just getting started. But that legislation doesn't just cut their debt; it also cuts their repayments. That will make it easier to save for that five per cent deposit. For someone on an income of 70 grand, it will reduce the repayments that they have to make each year by about $1,300. That's a lot of money. It means more money in their pocket rather than in the government's. That is real help to save for that deposit. That was a recommendation from the universities accord.
There's something else that we're doing here too. One of the other things that the universities accord pointed out was problems with the way banks look at HECS when they're assessing whether to give you a home loan or not, and it recommended changes here too. I want to pay tribute to the Treasurer for the work that he has done here. He asked APRA and ASIC to look at this, and in February this year we announced that they would update their guidance to banks to make it easier for Australians with a student debt to get a mortgage. That has now happened. That happened in June. Under these changes, I am advised that a dual-income couple with student debts could borrow up to $150,000 more for their first home when combined with the tax cuts and interest rate cuts that have happened over the last 12 months or so. HECS shouldn't be a handbrake on homeownership. That's why we're doing this. We're doing what we promised. We're cutting student debt and we're making it easier to buy a first home, with a five per cent deposit. The changes that we are making to the HECS repayment system and in the advice to banks are an important part of that.
My question goes to the Treasurer. Will the Treasurer introduce quantifiable fiscal rules to contain his spending spree?
I was hoping he would ask me that because it gives me the opportunity to remind the House that the three fiscal rules that those opposite took to the election were (1) higher taxes, (2) bigger deficits and (3) more debt. Those were the fiscal rules that those opposite took to the most recent election and so the dishonesty and the hypocrisy at the core of that question is astonishing, even by their low standards. It shows that they have absolutely no idea and absolutely no shame. It wasn't even four months ago that they took a policy for higher taxes, bigger deficits and more debt to the most recent election.
What matters here when it comes to fiscal rules is the outcomes. In office, they failed every single test that they set for themselves. We have fiscal rules to guide us in the budget. Those rules are to improve the budget position, and we have. They are to get debt down as a share of the economy, and we have. They are to bank up with revisions to revenue, and we have. We have fiscal rules in our budget and we have been complying with our fiscal rules.
There are always a range of views about how to update those rules. Those views are welcome. We consider our fiscal rules before every budget. Those rules are important, but what matters more than that are the outcomes. Here's the difference between this side of the House and that side of the House and the reason I am so delighted that the member for Fairfax has asked me this question. On our watch, we have turned big Liberal deficits into substantial Labor surpluses, the first surpluses in almost two decades. We have engineered the biggest positive turnaround in a budget in nominal terms in the history of the Federation. We have banked most of the upward revisions to revenue. We found $100 billion in savings. We have limited real spending growth to 1.7 per cent. We've got debt down by $177 billion. That means $60 billion less debt interest that Australians have to pay. We have debt to GDP down from 45 under them to 37 under us.
Those opposite had fiscal rules which weren't worth the paper they were written on. They said there'd be surpluses. There were only deficits. They said they'd save upgrades. They spent most of them. They said they would reduce payments. Payments went up. They said they would reduce debt. Debt doubled even before COVID, never ever forget. They went to the election with higher taxes, bigger deficits and debt. They haven't changed. They haven't learned a thing. That's why nobody should take them seriously on the budget.
My question is to the Minister for Skills and Training. What is the Albanese Labor government doing to boost apprenticeships, including to build more homes for Australians? What obstacles are there?
I thank my friend the member for Hasluck for her question, and I recognise her deep commitment to the people she represents so well in this place, particularly in ensuring that they can get the skills they want to do the jobs that we need. In the Albanese Labor government, we are building Australia's future and boosting the workforce we need to deliver it so that we can deliver on our national priorities.
But, when we came to government just over three years ago, Australia was facing the worst skills crisis in more than half a century. This didn't come about by accident; it followed a decade of neglect from those opposite, underlined by their failure to land a national skills agreement in a decade and by billions of dollars in cuts. Apprenticeship numbers fell away. It's very clear that they still haven't learnt. It was in this House that the now leader of the opposition, in opposing the Free TAFE Bill, said:
… if you don't pay for something, you don't value it.
The more than 47,000 free-TAFE students in construction courses demonstrate that Australians disagree.
On this side of the House, we're backing the next generation of tradies. We've upped the living-away-from-home allowance for the first time in 20 years, and we've doubled the amount we provide to employers to take on an apprentice living with a disability. The most recent data shows us that construction industry apprenticeships are up 11 per cent compared to pre the pandemic, but we are leaving no stone unturned when it comes to boosting apprenticeships so we can build more homes for Australians. That's why we are supporting new housing construction apprentices and tradies through $10,000 incentives, and we're already seeing promising results after just a month.
We know these incentives, which are also really important cost-of-living relief, are encouraging more Australians to pick up the tools and to become tradies—to gain skills, make a contribution and build a career. I think about people like Blake and Calvin—pre-apprenticeship carpentry students at Victoria University's Sunshine campus. Calvin wants to one day start his own carpentry business, and it's free TAFE that's opening that pathway, together with our incentive program. This incentive program builds on the very successful new energy stream as well, which has already seen more than 11,000 Australians take up training and jobs in clean energy, electrical and automotive fields.
While I'm on my feet, I want to recognise that, in the gallery today, we're joined by Ausgrid electrical apprentices from New South Wales. It's great to see them here. It was so great to visit one of their sites earlier this year with my friend the member for Reid and meet 50 new apprentices starting that week. We are pulling every lever to help Australians get secure, well-paid jobs in nation-building industries. This government, unlike members opposite, will always back Australian apprentices to build Australia's future.
I'm pleased to inform the House that today we are joined by a parliamentary delegation from the Committee for National Defence, Security and Foreign Affairs of the National Assembly of Vietnam, led by His Excellency General Le Tan Toi. On behalf of all members, I wish you a warm welcome to Australia and, in particular, to the House of Representatives.
Honourable members: Hear, hear!
My question goes to the Prime Minister. I refer to the Treasurer's claim in his previous answer that he has a fiscal rule to control spending, which is to bank most of the upward revision in revenue. However, according to his own pre-election budget, the upward revision in revenue was $8 billion. He plans to blow the lot—plus another $26 billion. Will the Prime Minister insist that his treasurer introduce quantifiable fiscal rules to stop his spending spree?
Before I give way to the Treasurer, I will take the opportunity to say that I'll insist that this treasurer continue to do the great work that he has done over the last four years and not follow the rabbits opposite down that hole which they dug year after year after they were elected in 2013 with a policy of producing a budget surplus for the first year and every year thereafter. They came in and slashed education and slashed health, and they managed to produce zero budget surpluses. They then went to the recent election—and this is some achievement—saying: 'We are going to have higher taxes for 14 million Australians, and we're going to have higher deficits as well over two years.'
The Deputy Leader of the Opposition, on a point of order?
On relevance, I asked the Prime Minister a very clear question about whether or not he will insist his treasurer introduces fiscal rules, given the facts I provided that he in fact blew the revision.
The Prime Minister is assisting the Treasurer, but I'll draw him back to the question to make sure that he's being directly relevant in the answer.
I was very relevant in saying that the position that I support—what I will instruct the Treasurer to do is to keep doing the fantastic job that he's doing. That is what I will do. What I won't do is be put off by the sternness that we used to see when the member opposite stood up supporting his nuclear power plan that would blow a hole in the budget worth hundreds of billions of dollars. I'll ask the Treasurer to add to the answer.
I'll give you three numbers. Under this government, we've banked about 70 per cent of upward revision to revenue. Under those opposite it was about 40 per cent, and under Howard and Costello it was 30 per cent. What that tells the House and the shadow Treasurer is that we banked most of the upward revisions to revenue and they spent most of it. That's why their fiscal rules in office weren't worth the paper that they were written on. They failed every single test that they set for themselves. They said they'd deliver surpluses, and they went none for nine—complete doughnuts when it comes to surpluses. We delivered surpluses in our first two years in office.
What matters here is the fiscal rules and also outcomes. We've been able to make some good progress cleaning up the mess that was left to us by those opposite; they left us a trillion dollars of Liberal debt and huge deficits as far as the eye could see. We turned two of those Liberal deficits into two substantial Labor surpluses. We will stack up our record on responsible economic management against those opposite's any day, and I hope that these questions continue. When I was told that the member for Fairfax gave a speech about Charlie and the Chocolate Factory, I confess that the word 'Wonka' was almost the word that came to mind!
My question is to the Minister for Housing, Minister for Homelessness and Minister for Cities. How is the Albanese Labor government building more homes and addressing the housing crisis the government inherited?
I thank the member for Deakin for his question. I'm thinking back to the first speech he gave to this chamber just a few short weeks ago, when he spoke with such passion about his desire to see young people in his community have the opportunity to settle permanently in Melbourne's beautiful eastern suburbs. I know he's hugely proud of being part of a government that's tackling this housing crisis confronting our country from every single angle.
We're in the middle of a housing crisis that's been cooking in our nation for 40 years. For 40 years our country has not been building enough homes. Whether it's a generation of young people who feel locked out of the market or renters whose rent is going up too high too fast, the fundamental problem that we face in housing in this country is that we have a housing shortage. We delivered immensely on the housing agenda in the last term, and we're seeing real results for Australians right across the country. Just in the last term, 180,000 people around this country got into first home ownership with the backing of the Albanese government, and, in case you haven't heard, that program will be uncapped and available to every first home buyer in the country on 1 October.
It's not just homeownership. In that last term, a million households around the country got access to a 45 per cent increase to Commonwealth rent assistance, and, of course, Mr Speaker, you're well aware that we've got 28,000 social and community houses under construction at the moment. What we know about our housing shortage is that there's really only one way out of it, and that is building. We've got to build more homes, and that's the ultimate answer to our housing issues as a country. Since we came to office about half a million homes have been built in Australia. A lot of progress has been made on this front. Construction costs have stabilised.
We've got the opposition leader piping up here. I might remind her that, when she left office, construction costs in this country were rising 17 per cent a year. That's the highest in 50 years. That number has come down to 1.6 per cent, below inflation, where it belongs. We're seeing real progress on skills and apprenticeships.
The member for Fisher is going to cease interjecting.
Despite all the carping from those opposite, the proof is in the pudding, because year-on-year housing approvals in this country are now up 30 per cent since the same time last year. It hasn't happened by accident. You saw our government make some really important announcements yesterday on the supply side. We're building on our $43 billion housing agenda. We've announced a pause and streamline of the National Construction Code so we can let builders get on with building. We've also announced that we're going to fast-track environmental approvals for more than 26,000 homes. The Property Council said that these measures alone are going to unlock tens of thousands of new homes for Australians. We need to keep on building. That's the only answer here, and that's why that's exactly what our government is doing.
My question is for the minister for ageing, health, disability and the NDIS. The Medical Research Future Fund was set up to be a $20 billion fund which was to disburse $1 billion a year. It's now worth $24 billion, but you're spending only $650 million a year while our researchers are struggling with cost pressures and geopolitical uncertainties. Will you release this funding? Will you help our medical researchers achieve their potential and work for the benefit of all Australians?
Thanks to the member for Kooyong for that question. I want to acknowledge her esteemed career as a clinician researcher in paediatric neurology before coming to this place over many years—part of, frankly, the amazing Melbourne community of health and medical research that has helped over decades make Victoria one of the leading jurisdictions in medical research in the country. Consistently winning more than 40 per cent of NHMRC grants, Victoria really is the centre of our health and medical research ecosystem. It pains me to say it as a South Australian, but it absolutely is. The MRFF has really added to that capacity in a significant way. I pay credit to the former government for setting up the MRFF in their term.
I tried to give the Leader of the Opposition a compliment, but she couldn't quite stand it. It flowed from a review I commissioned 14 years ago that Simon McKeon, who was Australian of the Year at the time, conducted. Frankly, our budget for medical research was topping out then at about $650 million a year. The recommendations were to lift that significantly. It's now $1½ billion a year because of the MRFF as well as increases in the NHMRC budget. That's almost 2½ times at the budget that we had at the time the McKeon review was set up. It also established, as the member knows, a priority-driven part of research so that priorities around brain cancer, dementia, mental health and suchlike could be subject to research funding and not just investigator initiated research from the NHMRC.
The member for Kooyong on a point of order.
It's a pretty simple question: is the minister going to disburse more money from a fund which is overfunded to the tune of $4 billion already?
I can appreciate the member would like a direct answer. But I need to make sure the minister is being directly relevant under the standing orders, and so far he is. He has another minute and 12 seconds to address the other parts of the question, and I'll ask him to make sure his answer is directly relevant.
The member asked about the addition of capability for researchers, and I was trying to address the fact that not only is there 2½ times as much money; there's also a priority-driven stream of research funding now that I think is a real addition to what we've had for decades. The member is right: there has been a policy decision in government, going back to the former government, to cap allocations from the MRFF at $650 million a year—which, as I said, with the $850 million budget of the NHMRC, adds up to that $1½ billion. I know there is a debate within the research community about that. That debate will play out as part of the development of a national strategy for health and medical research. A draft of that strategy is due to be published very shortly, and I'm sure there'll be a discussion about the maximum allocation. Also, the Treasurer and finance minister have just conducted their 10-year statutory review of the MRFF, and that review will be published shortly as well.
My question is to the Minister for Employment and Workplace Relations. How is the Albanese Labor government supporting wages and job creation especially so that we can build more homes for Australians?
I'd like to thank the member for Solomon for his question but also for his commitment to those working Australians right across the country as well as in Darwin and Palmerston and for making sure that they can earn more and keep more of what they earn.
In our first term, we improved workplace laws, which are now delivering real wage increases and more secure jobs. The most recent data released by the ABS confirmed that real wages have now grown for seven consecutive quarters under the Albanese Labor government. The data also demonstrates the strongest annual real wages growth in five years. ABS data also confirms that the government is delivering more jobs for Australians. Since we were elected in May 2022, we've seen more than 1.1 million jobs created. This is an 8.6 per cent increase, which represents a higher rate of employment growth than all other major advanced economies over the same period.
Of course, we have ambition for more jobs. We are not going to be complacent. We are committed to creating more jobs for Australians, including in the construction industry. Our housing plan to build more homes more quickly not only ensures that people have a roof over their head but will create more job opportunities in the construction industry. As the housing minister has said, by streamlining housing approvals and cutting red tape—taking action on delays in approvals—we'll see more builders and tradies on construction sites rather than filling out forms.
Not only are we focused on creating more jobs now; we're also focused on creating and preparing young Australians for construction jobs of the future. That's why we are delivering free TAFE right across the country for students who are taking up the opportunity to take on a course and get a job in the construction industry. We've also established $10,000 incentive payments for apprentices who finish an apprenticeship to ensure Australia has the workforce it needs to build homes. We are committed to building more homes in Australia, creating more jobs in the construction industry and ensuring young Australians have the training they need for jobs in the industry. It is only this government that is absolutely committed to building Australia's future by getting wages moving, by creating more jobs and, of course, by building more houses. It is under our government that Aussie workers are earning more and keeping more of what they earn, and we'll keep doing that even in the face of those opposite.
I would just like to acknowledge year 6 from Burraneer Bay Public School in the electorate of Cook, who join us in the gallery.
Honourable members: Hear, hear!
My question is to the Treasurer. A single US private company owned by a US church was able to purchase almost $500 million of Australian prime agricultural land in around six months without the requirement of oversight from the Treasurer or the Foreign Investment Review Board. Will the Treasurer commit to review the thresholds put into effect 20 years ago to give farming families an opportunity to compete in buying Australian farms?
Thank you to the Leader of the Nationals for his question. I think, as he and the House know, Australia welcomes foreign investment, but it has to be in our national economic interest. There are strict rules and thresholds that apply to people purchasing agricultural or commercial land in Australia. These are enforced—again, as he knows—by the foreign investment decision of the Treasury. We allocated another almost $16 million in the 2024 budget to enhance this kind of monitoring and enforcement and also to strengthen and streamline the system.
The settings and thresholds in this case are applicable to private investors from the United States. They were established by our free trade agreement which was entered into by the coalition 20-odd years ago and that remains the case today. What we are doing is making sure that our foreign investment arrangements keep pace. Obviously we see these sorts of cases pop up from time to time. We spend time analysing those cases and working out whether a change is necessary. But, overall, the FIRB system is robust. We have made some recent changes. They've been about quickening the pace of approvals. There are some historical cases like this one which pique our interest but are not inconsistent with the arrangements set up by those opposite.
So my commitment to the House and more broadly is to continue to make sure that the arrangements are the right arrangements to protect our national interests. We do have a robust foreign investment screening regime. That's very important. That's the way that we build trust to attract the foreign investment that our economy needs. From time to time, when cases like this pop up, we make sure that we take them into consideration to make sure that the FIRB system remains as good as it can be.
My question is to the Treasurer. Can the Treasurer update the House on what progress the Albanese Labor government has made when it comes to housing and in our economy more broadly?
There's no member of this House more in touch with their local community than the member for McEwen. I thank him for his question. Since this House last met, we have had some important reminders of the progress that Australians are making together in our economy. We have spoken a lot about housing today and we did yesterday as well. A really important part of that recent progress has been made on interest rates. When we came to office, interest rates were already rising because inflation was much higher than it is now and it was rising fast. Now, inflation has fallen substantially and in a sustained and welcome way. We'll get more monthly inflation data on Wednesday. That monthly figure usually bounces around a bit, but anything in the twos will be a handy reminder of how far we have come since the days of inflation higher than six per cent and rising when we came to office.
That progress on inflation has given the Reserve Bank the confidence and the comfort that they needed to cut interest rates not just once, not just twice but three times, all in the space of six months. When interest rates were cut a couple of weeks ago, it kicked off probably the best three consecutive days of economic news we have had for some time. On the Tuesday, interest rates were cut. That provided welcome relief to millions of Australians with a mortgage under pressure. On the Wednesday of that week, annual real wages grew for the seventh consecutive quarter, the strongest real wages growth in five years. Remember that real wages were falling fast when we came to office. On the Thursday of that week, unemployment ticked down and we learned that around 25,000 new jobs were created in the month of July. Under this government, it remains the case that average unemployment is lower than for any other government in the last 50 years. Last week, we saw confidence lift substantially and the stock market crack 9,000 points for the first time ever.
We know that there is much more work to do. We know that people are still under pressure. We know that the global environment is uncertain and that growth in our economy is softer than we want it to be. There are persistent structural issues which we are paying attention to. We know that the economy is finely balanced between the progress that we have made as Australians and the more productive economy that we need to see in the future to sustain that progress in living standards.
Those opposite always want to talk our economy down. When they talk our economy down, they talk the Australian people down as well. Under this government, we have come a long way together. We are focused on delivery. We're considering the next steps in a collaborative way because we know that the best progress that we can make is the progress we make together. You can see that inflation, interest rates, real wages and low unemployment— (Time expired)
My question is for the Treasurer. In February 2023, the government commissioned a review of public sector board appointments. At that time the Minister for the Public Service stated, 'In line with the government's commitment to transparency, a report will be published after the review is finalised in mid-2023.' The final report was handed to government over 18 months ago, and yet last sitting week the government opposed a motion in the Senate for an order for the production of documents to make the report public. Treasurer, why has the government reneged on their self-declared commitment to transparency?
Thank you to the member for Mackellar for the opportunity to answer this question on Minister Gallagher's behalf. I'll begin by saying that the government has a broad and ambitious Public Service reform agenda. It is about transparency. It is about making sure that we make the best appointments that we can, as a government, as well.
The Briggs report is an important part of that work, but it's not the only part of that work. In our first term we improved and reformed the Public Service, to boost its capability, its integrity and its performance, after a wasted decade under the coalition defined by robodebt. We established the National Anti-Corruption Commission. We've strengthened protection for whistleblowers. We embedded stewardship, as a core value of the Public Service, into law. And we provided critically needed resources to underfunded areas of the Public Service, like processing the backlog of veterans claims. I pay tribute to the minister for that.
Now, all of this is part of our ambitious agenda, and we did, as the honourable member said, ask Lynelle Briggs to review the arrangements for appointments to Public Service boards as well. We asked Lynelle Briggs to provide us with advice on clarifying the role of public sector boards and the skills we need on those boards, how board members should be identified and recruited and how we improve the diversity of board membership, and here we have been making very substantial progress. We've improved public sector board diversity since coming to office. The most recent data showed us that much more than half of government board positions are now held by women—the highest level since reporting began in 2009. And I know that the member for Mackellar cares deeply about diversity when it comes to government appointments. I wanted to say it's a source of considerable pride to me as Treasurer, and to this government, that in the Treasury portfolio for the first time there's a woman as the head of the Reserve Bank; for the first time, as the head of the PC; for the first time, as the head of Treasury.
The member for Mackellar on a point of order?
It's on relevance, Mr Speaker. The point of the question was: will the report be made public and when?
Yes, I understand you'd like a date, but the Treasurer needs to be directly relevant and he is giving context regarding the board appointments that he has made, and that is being directly relevant, so he may continue.
To the honourable member again: the point that I am making there is that one of the main things that we asked Lynelle Briggs to focus on was diversity in appointments, and we've got a very good record, on this side of the House, when it comes to diversity in appointments in the Treasury portfolio. For the first time, Treasury, the PC and the Reserve Bank are all led by women, and I thank them for accepting those key appointments.
We've received the Briggs report, as the honourable member rightly points out. We are working through it, in our usual considered and methodical way. We will make the report public in due course, following that careful consideration.
My question is to the Leader of the House. How has the Albanese Labor government used parliament to deliver more homes for Australians? And is there anything before parliament that puts these homes at risk?
I thank the member for Brisbane for the question. It's good to know that we now have a member for Brisbane who will always support the building of more homes for Australians. When that importance of supply is talked about, there are claims across the chamber that we agree on supply. The Deputy Leader of the Opposition and shadow minister for industry, skills and training, in the previous term, actually, said that supply was the key. The Deputy Leader of the Opposition said only last week, 'Boosting housing supply is the closest thing we have to a silver bullet'—'a silver bullet'. So it's worth having a look at, when that silver bullet has been in front of the House, how people have dealt with it, as to whether they've actually tried to boost supply. When the Housing Australia Future Fund was introduced, there were 30,000 homes at stake. When it was introduced in February 2023, the coalition voted against it and the Greens ran out of the room. In May of that year, the coalition and the Greens teamed up in the Senate to delay it. In June, the coalition and the Greens again teamed up in the Senate to delay it. In September of that year, it finally passed, with the coalition still opposed to 30,000 homes.
But that wasn't the only measure to come before parliament. Help to Buy was another that came before parliament. For that, it wasn't 30,000 homes; 40,000 homes were at stake. Maybe then those opposite would be interested in the silver bullet. What did they do in November 2023? When it was introduced, the coalition and the Greens teamed up in the Senate to delay it by two months. In February the following year, the coalition and the Greens in this chamber voted against it, but it was passed. In September of that year, nearly a year after it was introduced, the coalition and the Greens again voted to delay 40,000 homes, and only in November of last year was it finally passed, with the coalition still voting no.
But then build to rent comes up—80,000 homes. Maybe they'll be interested in the silver bullet now. In July of last year, the coalition and the Greens voted in the Senate to split the bill and delay it. In November of last year, it finally passed, the coalition still voting against. But you think: 'Oh, maybe that was last term. Maybe now they're doing a reset.' There is in the Senate today a disallowance on build to rent, the very scheme to provide 80,000 homes. To this day, those opposite, when they see a chance for people to have a home, vote against.
My question is to the Prime Minister. This morning, the Prime Minister snapped at a journalist, saying he had given '5,324 answers' as to why he has failed to secure a meeting with the President of the United States. Can the Prime Minister table these 5,324 answers, and could the Prime Minister explain to the Australian public whether his decision to recognise the State of Palestine means he is more likely to get a meeting with President Trump or less likely to get a meeting with President Trump?
'I support the Palestinian bid for statehood in part because it will give heart to the ordinary people of the West Bank and Gaza. There is a flurry of diplomatic activity in the region designed to make sure the statehood bid stalls. I do not know whether those measures will succeed or fail, but I do know that, whatever the fate of the bid, we in the international community must stand in solidarity with those seeking the non-violent path to a secure Israel and an independent Palestine. After two generations of strife and war, are we going to admit to our children that their parents could not even find a path to peace or, worse still, that we did not even try?' They're not my words; they're the words of your leader.
The fact is that we take international policy seriously, and the fact that the Manager of Opposition Business asks such a flippant question about the relationship between Australia and the United States or about Middle East peace shows how unworthy those opposite are. We continue to engage with the United States constructively, and, indeed, the Deputy Prime Minister is in the United States as we speak, meeting with counterparts as we announced. We continue to engage constructively. I've had three constructive discussions with President Trump. We'll continue to engage in international politics in a way that protects our sovereignty, in a way that stands up for our national interest and in a way in which Australia plays a positive role in the world, as we have historically.
One of the other things that has defined Australia's international engagement is that, overwhelmingly, it has been bipartisan. If you compare the response and the childish nature of that question with how the Labor opposition responded to the announcement by Prime Minister Morrison to the AUKUS arrangements, I think that is all clear to see. We on this side of the House responded in a constructive, positive way. We always stood up for Australia's interests. I note and want to thank the member for Canning for his remarks where he said recently—just last week in an interview—that, when the Australian Prime Minister is up against any criticism which can be seen to be criticism of Australia, he'll stand up for Australia. That is something that we have done consistently, and we'll continue to stand up for the national interest, and they'll continue to show just how irrelevant they are.
My question is to the Minister for Climate Change and Energy. How is the Albanese Labor government getting on with the job of reducing emissions and acting on climate change? Are there any proposals the government is being asked to consider that would take Australia backwards?
I thank my honourable friend for the question. I can report to the House that Australia and Australians are making real progress when it comes to climate action. Today, we've seen the release of Australia's emission data, showing a reduction in Australia's emissions, in the year to March, of 6½ million tons in every sector apart from transport. That is Australia and Australians getting on with the job.
Australians are also getting on with the job of installing cheaper home batteries. I'm pleased to report to the House that, as of today, 36,592 Australian households have installed a cheaper home battery under the Albanese government's policy. I'm particularly pleased to tell the member for Gilmore that more of her constituents have introduced a cheaper home battery than any other electorate in New South Wales—a fact that we celebrated on my visit with the member for Gilmore to Dolphin Point last week when we visited Mike, who's just installed a cheaper home battery. I can tell the House that the second electorate in New South Wales for the record for installing cheaper home batteries is Richmond, so congratulations to the member and community of Richmond. The third is Page, so congratulations to the member for Page. What this shows is that, up and down the coast, all through regional Australia, Australians understand that what is good for the planet is good for their pocket. That's what regional Australians know. They know that they can get on with the job of reducing bills and emissions in their households just as we can elsewhere in the country.
The honourable member asked me if we're being asked to consider any alternative plans, and of course the House is. We know you can feel the tension in the air. The country is waiting with bated breath, on tenterhooks, to find out what the Canavan review might possibly recommend when it comes to net zero. He's been charged by the Leader of the Opposition and the National Party to tell them what they should do and what they should think about net zero, but not everyone is waiting for the results of the Canavan review. The Leader of the Nationals was out on the weekend, voting to scrap net zero at the LNP conference. We also saw the anti-net-zero bill introduced and formally moved this morning not by the member for New England, it turns out, but by the member for Wide Bay and seconded by the member for Groom. I will always yield to the member for New England!
The member for New England will have to state his point of order.
On relevance. Definitely on relevance. At the start he got the bill wrong, and now he's got the date it was introduced wrong. It was actually introduced quite a few weeks ago.
That's not a point of order. The member for New England has been here long enough to know that is an abuse of the standing orders, and he's now warned. The Minister for Climate Change and Energy will return to the question.
I was asked if the House and the government have been asked to consider any alternatives. We have been, by the coalition, because this bill was formally moved by a member of the National Party and seconded by a member of the Liberal Party. The member for New England has pointed out that his approach has the broad support of the coalition. Nothing unites them as much as opposing dealing with climate change. Nothing unites them as much as saying to regional Australia, 'We will do nothing about the challenge of climate change, which will see droughts and natural disasters increase their damage across regional Australia.' That's why regional Australia looks to this side of the House for leadership when it comes to climate.
This is to the Prime Minister. The CSIRO estimates that every $1 spent on disaster preparation saves up to $11 on disaster recovery costs, yet less than 13 per cent of the National Emergency Management Agency's budget is spent on preparation and resilience. Disasters are now costing Australians $38 billion per year. Will you take this opportunity to re-evaluate funding priorities and ensure greater investment in resilience?
I thank the member for her question, and I'll ask Minister McBain to add to my comments. But we are certainly very conscious of the cost of climate change. It is real. It is real, and in recent months I, of course, have been to regional South Australia, visiting drought areas; I have been to the Mid North Coast, where there have been floods; and I went to South Australia's Kangaroo Island just last week, seeing firsthand the impact of climate change. There is no question that, whilst you can't say every single weather event in Australia is because of climate change, what you can say is that the science told us that there would be more events and they would be more intense, and that is what we are seeing playing out.
There are a range of funds—including the announcement that I made last week about changes to the RIC program—being made available so that the issue of resilience and investment can be made to that program for issues which are unprecedented, of course. In South Australia at the moment what you have is a combination of events. You have the floodwater flowing down through the Murray-Darling Basin impacting, with sediments being washed into and nutrients out of the water there, but the thing that's really having an impact is that the water is about two degrees higher than it normally would be at this time of the year. That is having an impact on the environment, which is having an impact, therefore, on our economy.
So I think the member is quite right to point towards investing upfront. That's something my government is looking at in a range of areas, as well as providing for local infrastructure programs that the minister might want to talk about.
It's because of this prime minister that there is actually investment in disaster response and readiness. We've created the disaster response fund, a $1 billion fund over five years, with projects already being rolled out in rounds 1 and 2, and 3 just announced—big projects like levees, as well as small projects like lifting up the capability of culverts to two-lane concrete bridges. But not only is it important to invest in hard infrastructure; the soft infrastructure is incredibly important—investing in preparedness programs in local communities across the country, just like communities in Lismore that I visited last week, or in south-west Queensland, which I visited the week before, working with those local councils on priority projects in disaster readiness. (Time expired)
My question is to the Attorney-General. How is the Albanese Labor government progressing reform to the working-with-children checks system, and are there any recent updates to this important work?
I thank the member for her question, because the foremost priority of any government is to keep Australians safe, and that especially extends to the most vulnerable in our community: our young people. So I'm pleased to inform the House that, on 15 August, attorneys-general from across Australia agreed to deliver ambitious reforms to address systemic gaps in working-with-children check regimes.
Attorneys-general agreed to toughen the system to ensure that, if you're banned from holding a working-with-children check in one jurisdiction, you're banned in all of them—so banned in one, banned in all. Importantly, the Commonwealth, states and territories are united in our commitment to progress this reform and urgently work towards implementation by the end of this year. Secondly, attorneys-general also agreed to strengthen risk assessments and exclusion criteria for working-with-children checks, meaning improved safeguards for children and families. Thirdly, the Commonwealth has also committed to progressing a national continuous checking capability, with the aim to have continuous near-real-time monitoring of national changes to criminal history information of working-with-children check holders. This builds on a pilot, already underway, by the Australian Criminal Intelligence Commission. States and territories have also agreed to start working on the complex task of how to integrate with the national hub, as we work towards better information sharing between jurisdictions, and I thank them for working with the Commonwealth on this package of vital reforms.
We know there are some six million working-with-children check holders right around Australia, and the vast majority are good people who do the right thing. However, for those nefarious individuals who seek to exploit loopholes and forum shop where they have the opportunity, the message is clear: your time is up. Our reforms will strengthen the system. They will lift standards, and they will ensure a safer environment for our young people.
I note that these reforms also complement significant work underway to improve child safety outcomes in educational settings, and I especially acknowledge my most excellent colleague Minister Clare's work in this area. Together, our government is working to ensure our children grow up safe from harm, and we will not rest until that is a reality for every Australian family.
My question is to the minister representing the Minister for Industry and Innovation. Can the minister confirm that the smelters in Tomago, Whyalla, Mount Isa and Tasmania are all either under administration, in crisis talks or seeking government bailouts and that the cost of energy is the reason for this?
Order! The member for Riverina will not be here for the answer if he continues with that.
I thank the member for his question, which is about the future of manufacturing in this country—in particular, the future of smelters.
As we've said in this place many times, the sustainability of our domestic minerals and metals processing capability is vital to our national interest, and that's why we're backing jobs, backing manufacturing and backing heavy industry. The member also talked about energy. Obviously, energy is a critical part of the mix, and that's why we're investing record amounts in renewing our energy grid, backing renewable energy—which is the cheapest form of new energy—as well as improving reliability. I stood with the Prime Minister and other ministers when we backed Aussie industry with new investment in energy.
The truth is the coalition had a chance to fix these issues, but they left us with a graveyard of discarded energy policies; by my last count there were 23. We're getting on with fixing the job by taking a considered approach, and Minister Ayres, in the other place, is working very hard at this. We've put aside funding for smelters, we've put aside funding for the green iron fund and we've put aside $2 billion for aluminium, to help with their energy transition. There's more to do, but the truth is we're not going to cop attacks from the other side, who sat on their hands for nine long years and did nothing about it.
Member for Dawson, a point of order?
On relevance, it was a very tight question. Are the smelters under administration or in crisis talks, and is it because of the energy price?
It's not an opportunity to ask the question again. The minister is giving a directly relevant answer to the question about what the government is doing regarding the specific topic that you were asking about. He's being directly relevant and he'll continue.
We're working closely with the companies involved as well as their workers and the unions representing them. We're also working closely with the state governments because it's important that we come at a solution together rather than using this as a political football. The truth is we need to solve the energy crisis that we inherited from the other side of government as well as dealing with the long-term issues and the global trade. We're going to get on with the job. We'll back Aussie manufacturing. We're not the side of parliament that cheered when the car industry left; that was under your reign of power. We're going to back manufacturing and Aussie jobs, and we're going to fix the mess that you left us.
My question is to the Minister for Education. What is the Albanese Labor government doing to strengthen safety in early childhood education and care?
Can I thank my good friend the member for Bendigo for her question. When I last briefed the parliament on this we had just passed legislation to cut off funding to childcare centres that don't meet safety standards. I can advise the House that we have now used those powers. Thirty-seven centres have now been placed on notice. And there is more to come.
I can also advise the House that we have taken the next steps that we need to take. On Friday, education ministers met and agreed to establish a national educator register, national mandatory child safety training for all workers in our centres, a national trial of CCTV in up to 300 centres across the country, a ban on the use of personal mobile phones in centres, more information for parents on the conditions and the actions of regulators at the centres where their children go, and more inspections and more spot checks.
Predators prey on vulnerable children, and they prey on vulnerable systems—and there are vulnerabilities in the system. These predators use phones as part of committing their crimes. That's why we have got to get them out of centres. They distract and they groom other staff members, and that's why staff training is important, to know what to look out for and what to do. They often move from centre to centre to centre, and that's why the national educator register is important.
To make all of this happen, the Australian government is investing an extra $189 million in these reforms. And the states are stepping up as well. We've all got to step up: the Australian government, states and territories, the people that run these centres, too. This is a good example of Labor and Liberal governments working together. And can I thank the federal opposition as well for their support for these measures.
What we agreed to on Friday aren't the only things that we need to do, but they are what we have to do if we're going to build back confidence in a system that mums and dads across the country have got to have confidence in. The truth is that this work will never end. There will always be bad people looking for weaknesses in the system. But the actions that we took last week are an important next step in helping to keep our children safe.
I ask that further questions be placed on the Notice Paper.
I'd like to inform the House that earlier today I had the pleasure to officially launch the National Youth Parliament, which will involve 150 youth members, each representing one of Australia's federal electorates, travelling to Canberra next year for a five-day program to be held both here at Parliament House and at the Museum of Australian Democracy at Old Parliament House. I wish to thank the Prime Minister for his support in ensuring that this program has occurred, alongside the Minister for Education for his outstanding work in the civics engagement piece. I thank the members who attended the launch. I'm looking forward to bipartisan support for all members to get involved and I look forward to some friendly competition in the months ahead while applications are open.
I want to add to an answer that I gave in question time. Rounds 1 and 2 of the Disaster Ready Fund have been announced. Round 3 of the Disaster Ready Fund is about to be announced, in the coming weeks—just to correct the record on that.
I present the Auditor-General's performance audit report No. 1 of 2025-26 entitled Implementation of ethical frameworks by the Department of Employment and Workplace Relations: Department of Employment and Workplace Relations.
I also present a schedule showing the allocation to committees of annual reports of government departments and agencies.
The schedule read as follows—
48th Parliament
Speaker's Schedule
Allocation to Committees of Annual Reports of Government Departments and Agencies, 25 August 2025
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Affairs (Joint Standing Committee)
Aboriginal Hostels Limited
Anindilyakwa Land Council
Attorney-General's Department
Australian Fisheries Management Authority
Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies
Central Land Council
Coal Mining Industry (Long Service Leave Funding) Corporation
Cotton Research and Development Corporation
Dairy Australia Limited
Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry
Department of Climate Change, Energy, the Environment and Water
Department of Education
Department of Health, Disability and Ageing
Department of Social Services
Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet
Director of National Parks
Indigenous Business Australia
Indigenous Land and Sea Corporation
IP Australia
National Indigenous Australians Agency
Northern Land Council
Northern Territory Aboriginal Investment Corporation
Northern Territory Fisheries Joint Authority
Office of the Aboriginal Land Commissioner
Outback Stores Pty Ltd
Queensland Fisheries Joint Authority
Regional Investment Corporation
Tiwi Land Council
Torres Strait Protected Zone Joint Authority
Torres Strait Regional Authority
Treasury
Wreck Bay Aboriginal Community Council
Climate Change, Energy, Environment and Water (Standing Committee)
Asbestos Safety and Eradication Agency .Australian Energy Regulator .Australian Energy Infrastructure Commissioner .Australian Fisheries Management Authority .Australian Institute of Marine Science .Australian Nuclear Science and Technology Organisation .Australian Pesticides and Veterinary Medicines Authority .Australian Renewable Energy Agency .Bureau of Meteorology .Clean Energy Finance Corporation .Clean Energy Regulator .Climate Change Authority .Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation .Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry .Department of Climate Change, Energy, the Environment and Water .Department of Employment and Workplace Relations .Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet .Director of National Parks .Fisheries Research and Development Corporation .Forest and Wood Products Council .Gene Technology Regulator .Geoscience Australia .Great Artesian Basin Coordinating Committee .Great Barrier Reef Marine Park Authority .Innovation and Science Australia .Murray-Darling Basin Authority .National Emergency Management Agency .National Environment Protection Council .National Offshore Petroleum Safety and Environmental Management Authority .National Offshore Petroleum Safety and Environmental Management Authority Board .National Rural Advisory Council .Northern Territory Fisheries Joint Authority .Queensland Fisheries Joint Authority .Snowy Hydro Ltd .Sydney Harbour Federation Trust .Torres Strait Protected Zone Joint Authority .Tourism Australia .Western Australian Fisheries Joint Authority .Wet Tropics Management Authority .Wine Australia .
Communications, the Arts and Sport (Standing Committee)
Australian Broadcasting Corporation .Australian Communications and Media Authority .Australian Competition and Consumer Commission .Australian Film, Television and Radio School .Australian National Maritime Museum .Australian Postal Corporation .Australian Sports Commission .Australian Sports Foundation Limited .Bundanon Trust .Classification Board and the Classification Review Board .Commonwealth Ombudsman .Creative Australia (formerly Australian Council for the Arts) .Department of Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development, Communications, Sport and the Arts .Digital Transformation Agency .IP Australia .National Archives of Australia .National Film and Sound Archive of Australia .National Gallery of Australia .National Library of Australia .National Museum of Australia .National Portrait Gallery of Australia .NBN Co Limited .Office of the eSafety Commissioner (part of the ACMA Annual Report) .Old Parliament House (Museum of Australian Democracy) .Sport Integrity Australia .
Economics (Standing Committee)
Australian Bureau of Statistics .Australian Competition and Consumer Commission .Australian Energy Regulator .Australian Financial Complaints Authority .Australian National Audit Office .Australian Office of Financial Management .Australian Political Exchange Council .Australian Prudential Regulation Authority .Australian Public Service Commission .Australian Reinsurance Pool Corporation .Australian Securities and Investments Commission .Australian Statistics Advisory Council .Australian Taxation Office .Commonwealth Grants Commission .Commonwealth Ombudsman .Commonwealth Superannuation Corporation .Defence Force Retirement and Death Benefits Scheme .Department of Finance .Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade .Department of Health, Disability and Ageing .Department of Home Affairs .Department of Social Services .Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet .Department of the Treasury .Export Finance Australia .Foreign Investment Review Board .Independent Parliamentary Expenses Authority .Military Superannuation and Benefits Scheme .National Archives of Australia .National Australia Day Council Limited .National Competition Council .Payments System Board .Productivity Commission .Public Sector Superannuation Accumulation Plan .Public Sector Superannuation Scheme .Reserve Bank of Australia .Takeovers Panel .Tourism Australia
Education (Standing Committee)
Attorney-General's Department .Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority .Australian Film, Television and Radio School .Australian Institute for Teaching and School Leadership Limited .Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies .Australian Institute of Marine Science .Australian National University .Australian Research Council .Australian Skills Quality Authority .Department of Education .Department of Social Services .Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet .National Archives of Australia .Tertiary Education Quality and Standards Agency .
Electoral Matters (Joint Standing Committee)
Australian Electoral Commission .
Employment, Workplace Relations, Skills and Training (Standing Committee)
Attorney-General's Department .Australian Nuclear Science and Technology Organisation .Australian Public Service Commission .Coal Mining Industry (Long Service Leave Funding) Corporation .Comcare (incorporates Safety, Rehabilitation and Compensation Commission) .Commonwealth Ombudsman .Defence Force Remuneration Tribunal .Department of Employment and Workplace Relations .Department of Industry, Science and Resources .Department of Social Services .Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet .Fair Work Commission .Fair Work Ombudsman and Registered Organisations Commission Entity .Future Fund Management Agency .Indigenous Business Australia .Indigenous Land and Sea Corporation .Remuneration Tribunal .Safe Work Australia .Seafarers Safety, Rehabilitation and Compensation Authority .Services Australia .Workplace Gender Equality Agency .
Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade (Joint Standing Committee)
Army Amenities Fund Company (Trustee of Army Amenities Fund and Messes Trust Fund) .Army and Air Force Canteen Service .ASC Pty Ltd (Australian Submarine Corporation) .Attorney-General's Department .Australian Centre for International Agricultural Research .Australian Federal Police .Australian Human Rights Commission .Australian Military Forces Relief Trust Fund .Australian Safeguards and Non-Proliferation Office .Australian Secret Intelligence Service .Australian Strategic Policy Institute Limited .Australian Submarine Agency .Australian Trade and Investment Commission (Austrade) .Australian War Memorial .Commonwealth Ombudsman .Defence Force Remuneration Tribunal .Defence Force Retirement and Death Benefits Scheme .Defence Housing Australia .Defence Services Homes Insurance Scheme .Department of Defence .Department of Finance .Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade .Department of Home Affairs .Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet .Department of Veterans' Affairs .Director of Military Prosecutions .Export Finance and Insurance Corporation (Export Finance Australia) .Inspector-General ADF .National Emergency Management Agency .Military Superannuation and Benefits Scheme .Office of the Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security .Office of the Judge Advocate General and Deputy Judge Advocate Generals .Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) Welfare Recreational Company .Royal Australian Air Force (RAFF) Veterans Residences Trust Fund .Royal Australian Air Force Welfare Trust Fund .Royal Australian Navy Central Canteens Board (incorporates Royal Australian Navy Relief Trust Fund) .Tourism Australia .Veterans' Review Board .
Health, Aged Care and Disability (Standing Committee)
Aged Care Quality and Safety Commission .Australian Bureau of Statistics .Australian Commission on Safety and Quality in Health Care .Australian Digital Health Agency .Australian Institute of Family Studies .Australian Institute of Health and Welfare .Australian National University .Australian Nuclear Science and Technology Organisation .Australian Radiation Protection and Nuclear Safety Agency .Cancer Australia .Commonwealth Ombudsman .Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation .Department of Health, Disability and Ageing .Department of Social Services .Department of Veterans' Affairs .Food Standards Australia New Zealand .Gene Technology Regulator .Hearing Australia .Independent Hospital Pricing Authority .Indian Ocean Territories Health Service Community Advisory Committee .National Blood Authority .National Disability Insurance Agency .National Health and Medical Research Council .National Health Funding Body .National Mental Health Commission .NDIS Quality and Safeguards Commission .Organ and Tissue Authority .Professional Services Review .Safe Work Australia .Services Australia .
Industry, Innovation and Science (Standing Committee)
Australian Bureau of Statistics .Australian Centre for International Agricultural Research .Australian Institute of Marine Science .Australian National University .Australian Nuclear Science and Technology Organisation .Australian Renewable Energy Agency .Australian Research Council .Australian Skills Quality Authority .Bureau of Meteorology .Clean Energy Finance Corporation .Clean Energy Regulator .Climate Change Authority .Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO) .Cotton Research and Development Corporation .Department of Industry, Science and Resources .Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet .Digital Transformation Agency .Fisheries Research and Development Corporation .Food Standards Australia New Zealand .Gene Technology Regulator .Geoscience Australia .Grains Research and Development Corporation .Great Barrier Reef Marine Park Authority .Indigenous Business Australia .Innovation and Science Australia .IP Australia .Murray-Darling Basin Authority .National Health and Medical Research Council .National Offshore Petroleum Safety and Environmental Management Authority .National Offshore Petroleum Safety and Environmental Management Authority Board .National Reconstruction Fund Corporation .Productivity Commission .Regional Investment Corporation .Snowy Hydro Ltd .
Migration (Joint Standing Committee)
Australian Federal Police .Commonwealth Ombudsman .Department of Defence .Department of Education .Department of Employment and Workplace Relations .Department of Finance .Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade .Department of Health, Disability and Ageing .Department of Home Affairs .Department of Social Services .Department of the Treasury .National Accreditation Authority for Translators and Interpreters
National Capital and External Territories (Joint Standing Committee)
Bureau of Meteorology .Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry .Department of Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development, Communications, Sport and the Arts .Director of National Parks .Geoscience Australia .National Capital Authority .
Primary Industries (Standing Committee)
Australian Centre for International Agricultural Research .Australian Fisheries Management Authority .Australian Institute of Marine Science .Australian Livestock Export Corporation Ltd .Australian Pesticides and Veterinary Medicines Authority .Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation .Cotton Research and Development Corporation .Dairy Australia Limited .Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry .Department of Industry, Science and Resources .Fisheries Research and Development Corporation .Food Standards Australia New Zealand .Forest and Wood Products Council .Grains Research and Development Corporation .Innovation and Science Australia .National Rural Advisory Council .Northern Territory Fisheries Joint Authority .Queensland Fisheries Joint Authority .Regional Investment Corporation .Rural Industries Research and Development Corporation (trading as AgriFutures Australia) .SAFEMEAT .Torres Strait Protected Zone Joint Authority .Western Australian Fisheries Joint Authority .Wine Australia
Regional Development, Infrastructure and Transport (Standing Committee) .Airservices Australia .Australian Energy Regulator .Australian Maritime Safety Authority .Australian Rail Track Corporation Limited .Australian Transport Safety Bureau .Civil Aviation Safety Authority .Department of Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development, Communications, Sport and the Arts .Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet .Export Finance Australia .Future Fund Management Agency .High Speed Rail Authority .Infrastructure and Project Financing Agency .Infrastructure Australia .Innovation and Science Australia .National Capital Authority .National Emergency Management Agency .National Intermodal Corporation Limited .National Transport Commission .Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility .WSA Co Limited .
Social Policy and Legal Affairs (Standing Committee)
Administrative Review Tribunal (previously Administrative Appeals Tribunal) .Attorney-General's Department .Australian Criminal Intelligence Commission .Australian Federal Police .Australian Financial Security Authority .Australian Human Rights Commission .Australian Institute of Criminology .Australian Institute of Family Studies .Australian Institute of Health and Welfare .Australian Law Reform Commission .Australian Security Intelligence Organisation .Australian Transaction Reports and Analysis Centre (AUSTRAC) .Classification Board and the Classification Review Board .Commonwealth Ombudsman .Department of Social Services .Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet .Fair Work Commission .Family Law Council .Federal Court of Australia .Gene Technology Regulator .National Accreditation Authority for Translators and Interpreters .National Anti-Corruption Commission .National Archives of Australia .Office of National Intelligence .Office of Parliamentary Counsel .Office of the Australian Information Commissioner .Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions .Office of the Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security .Office of the Official Secretary to the Governor-General .Workplace Gender Equality Agency
Trade and Investment Growth (Joint Standing Committee) .Australian Bureau of Statistics .Australian Centre for International Agricultural Research .Australian Competition and Consumer Commission .Australian Naval Infrastructure Pty Ltd .Australian Office of Financial Management .Australian Prudential Regulation Authority .Australian Securities and Investments Commission .Australian Taxation Office .Australian Trade and Investment Commission (Austrade) .Coal Mining Industry (Long Service Leave Funding) Corporation .Commonwealth Grants Commission .Commonwealth Superannuation Corporation .Department of Finance .Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade .Department of the Treasury .Digital Transformation Agency .Export Finance and Insurance Corporation (Export Finance Australia) .Foreign Investment Review Board .Future Fund Management Agency .National Competition Council .Productivity Commission .Reserve Bank of Australia .Takeovers Panel .Tourism Australia.
Documents are tabled in accordance with the list circulated to honourable members earlier today. Full details of the documents will be recorded in the Votes and Proceedings.
Of course, the government has had years to act, along with universities, but, unfortunately, to date, it has failed to provide protection, recourse or cultural change. The Special Envoy to Combat Antisemitism in Australia, Jillian Segal AO, noted that antisemitism is ingrained and normalised in academia and in cultural spaces. The special envoy has proposed to work with government and grant authorities to withdraw or terminate public funding of universities where antisemitic conduct isn't adequately addressed. Ms Segal is the government's expert adviser on addressing the specific problem of antisemitism, and, after deep consultation, she's produced a clear and practical road map for ending a crisis of 21 months and counting. This is something that can wait no longer. The special envoy has recommended:
Should significant problems remain at universities by the start of the 2026 academic year, as assessed by the Envoy's report card, a dedicated judicial inquiry should be undertaken to address systemic issues, including the investigation of foreign sources of funding for antisemitic activities and academics at universities.
This report shows that antisemitism is not just a problem of security or law enforcement; it's a cultural and societal cancer that needs attention through our schools, our universities, our media and even the arts. The Segal report confirms what Jewish Australians have been telling us for months: antisemitism has surged to crisis levels while our Prime Minister has refused to act. A judicial inquiry remains the appropriate way forward for a serious government to identify and root out these issues. I commend to the House the second reading amendment I will shortly be moving.
I want to conclude by reiterating the coalition's support for this bill, because the matters I've spoken about today have a common thread. All of my remarks today are addressed at the single basic point that safety on campus is for everyone. This bill is the product of work from groups like Fair Agenda, End Rape on Campus, the Stop Campaign and many others who've been concrete and vocal on this issue for years. I applaud them, and I support them. Their message is simple: safety cannot be optional, and silence cannot be policy. I applaud and support their message.
To universities, whose leadership has failed time and again on so many issues about student safety on campus: while some—and, occasionally, most—of you are doing serious work, this bill should reward the serious and require the rest to lift. To the students and staff across Australia: your right to learn and your right to work in safety are not negotiable. I say that because, when we strip away the acronyms and the architecture, this bill is about dignity, safety and justice for every person who sets foot on a university campus. The coalition supports its purpose and will work to see it succeed, but success will not come from slogans or from centralising power. It will come from implementation. Our focus on this matter cannot be allowed to lapse after today. This isn't a one-and-done bill.
We should also be honest about what we do not yet know. Not every program works in every setting. We should be evidence led and open to refinement. We will judge this reform by outcomes: fewer incidents, higher confidence of students to report, faster and fairer resolutions and a better culture on campus. It behoves all of us in this place to revisit these issues as required in light of the results. Constructive bipartisanship matters here. There is no monopoly on compassion, and there should be no tolerance for complacency. That's the spirit in which the coalition's concerns are raised—concern for results on the ground that will improve the safety of our students and our staff in our centres of higher learning. It is this same spirit that I hope will support the second reading amendment. I commend the bill to the House and I move:
That all words after "That" be omitted with a view to substituting the following words:
"whilst not declining to give the bill a second reading, the House urges the Government to establish an additional National Higher Education Code to Prevent and Respond to Antisemitism, which:
(1) makes it clear to all higher education students, staff and providers that everyone on a higher education campus has a right to be safe;
(2) imposes on universities a range of obligations concerning student and staff safety which is very important given the alarming increase in antisemitic incidents on university campuses since 7 October 2023; and
(3) ensures that higher education providers must comply with recommendations of the National Student Ombudsman concerning the National Higher Education Code to Prevent and Respond to Antisemitism".
Is the amendment seconded?
I second the amendment and reserve my right to speak.
Gender based violence has no place in Australia. It certainly no place in our universities. Universities should be places of learning, opportunity and growth—places where students feel safe, supported and empowered. When I began my time as a university student I had left home to live on campus. I was young, living away from home for the first time, excited, open to what lay ahead and keen to learn and experience everything on offer. My time at university was amazing, but for some of my friends it was not always the case. It is for these students, for every student, that I rise today in strong support of the bills before us—bills that establish the national higher education code to prevent and respond to gender based violence. These bills are a decisive step. They will give students the confidence and pathway to make a complaint, to be heard and respected and to have their complaints—many shocking, serious, criminal and life-shattering—acted on to achieve justice.
These bills give the National Student Ombudsman the authority it needs. They establish enforceable standards to prevent harm, respond effectively when incidents occur and hold universities accountable. They are built on evidence, extensive consultation and the tireless advocacy of students, staff and survivor groups. I would like to acknowledge every young person who has shared their traumatic story so that tomorrow's students are better protected and supported. What we know is that, across the nation, many students report experiences with sexual assault or harassment or feel that their complaints have been ignored. One in 20 university students report being sexually assaulted on campus, one in six report sexual harassment and half of all students who have made a complaint feel their concerns were not taken seriously. These are not abstract numbers; these are real people navigating study, life and sometimes profound trauma.
The code strengthens the work in prevention and response to gender based violence already undertaken by universities, and it ensures consistent national standards across every higher education provider. The ombudsman is central to this framework. Independent, authoritative and empowered, the ombudsman ensures that student and staff voices will be heard and that recommendations are acted on. It transforms advocacy into action. It makes the complaints process more transparent, accountable and effective. It means prevention is no longer an option; it is a core responsibility—it is a leadership responsibility. Universities will be required to implement evidence based prevention, education and training for both staff and students. They must consult with students, staff and people with lived experience to ensure programs are practical and responsive, and recruitment and promotion practices must take into account any history of gender based violence. Leadership will also be informed by evidence and best practice. Non-disclosure agreement will only be permitted at the request of the survivor. When incidents occur, responses must be trauma informed, person centred and respectful of educational outcomes. Support must be immediate, safety measures must be enacted without delay and students and staff must have clear, accessible avenues for assistance. Universities will be required to report deidentified data. This monitoring will drive improvements. It will contribute to a national evidence base on what works.
Student accommodation is also included. Many students live on campus, and many incidents of harm occur in this environment. Following disclosure or a formal report, universities must immediately implement safety measures and provide urgent support services. Where accommodation is affiliated but independently operated, universities must secure agreement to meet code requirements or risk losing the benefits of that affiliation. Universities cannot pass responsibility to private colleges or other entities. Under these bills we are making it absolutely clear that safety cannot be outsourced. The stories we hear and the statistics we read provide the clearest basis possible for swift action now—and it's not only students who carry the burden. Staff, too, often carry the weight of these experiences. It is often counsellors, student support officers and academic staff who frequently manage disclosures and provide guidance while balancing heavy workloads and emotional strain. Many have spoken of the emotional toll of navigating complex situations while trying to uphold the safety and wellbeing of students. I want to take a moment to recognise all those officers and staff who have long advocated for this reform.
Universities are not only places of learning but also places of innovation, research and evidence based practice. This bill recognises and harnesses that capacity. It encourages universities to engage in continuous improvement and to research and implement the most effective strategies to prevent and response to gender based violence. It acknowledges the important role that staff, students and researchers play in developing innovative programs that strengthen campus safety and wellbeing. Universities have been testing peer led initiatives, trauma informed curricula and digital reporting platforms, all designed to create safer environments and empower students to speak up. The code supports these initiatives and ensures that successful innovations can be shared and scaled across the sector. And it is not punitive; it is collaborative. It builds on the partnerships that already exist between students, staff, leadership and specialist organisations. By embedding innovation and continuous improvement into the framework, the bill ensures that universities are proactive and not reactive. It encourages them to build on the work they are already doing to anticipate risks, evaluate programs and adapt strategies to changing circumstances. It also provides opportunities for staff and students to contribute ideas, research findings and lived experience to national policy discussions. In doing so, it helps ensure that universities continually evolve to better protect their communities.
This approach recognises that safety and wellbeing are dynamic goals. They require vigilance, creativity and shared responsibility. These reforms are not imposed lightly. They build on years of advocacy, research and lived experience. The universities accord report underlined the urgency of addressing sexual assault and harassment in universities. It demonstrated that prevention and response systems must be consistent, robust and nationally enforced. These bills respond directly to those findings. They embed accountability in the highest level of leadership. Vice-chancellors and CEOs will be personally accountable and compliance will be rigorously monitored. Importantly, civil penalties, infringement notices, compliance notices and injunctions will ensure that institutions act to better protect students, but, at the same time, these bills acknowledge the hard work universities already do. Across the country, universities like Deakin University in my electorate strive to provide safe, inclusive and supportive environments. Staff provide counselling, they run education programs and they respond to disclosures with professionalism and generally with care. Student leaders work tirelessly to create peer support networks and advocate for their fellow students. These reforms do not diminish that work. They strengthen it. They provide clarity and ensure that good practices are consistent everywhere.
Prevention is a central pillar of this legislation. Evidence shows that proactive education and training reduce incidents of gender based violence and build a culture of respect, accountability and safety. Staff and students trained in bystander intervention, respectful workplace practices and trauma informed response are empowered to act early, preventing harm before it occurs. These programs are not optional; they are an expectation and they are a leadership responsibility. Vice-chancellors and CEOs must demonstrate that these initiatives are prioritised. They must ensure programs are implemented effectively and continuously evaluated for impact. Leadership at every level matters. Where leadership is visible, accountable and committed to cultural change, students and staff feel safer, they feel supported and they feel confident to speak up.
I want to acknowledge the advocates who have fought tirelessly for these reforms over many years. Organisations like End Rape on Campus campaigned for years to make universities safer. They worked tirelessly, often unpaid, amplifying student voices and highlighting gaps in protections. End Rape on Campus has now closed not because the work is finished but because Australians have a government that is acting. The advocacy of groups like End Rape on Campus laid the foundation for these bills. Their work is now embedded in the Ombudsman and the enforceable code.
The evidence is clear. Significant numbers of students experience sexual assault or harassment and many feel that their complaints have not been taken seriously. This must change, because these numbers represent real people, students navigating fear while trying to learn, grow and succeed, students whose horrendous experiences are likely to affect them for the rest of their lives. Our response must be robust—as robust as the challenges are real. Universities should be places of opportunity, learning and growth, not fear, not harassment and not silence.
These bills put students first. They put accountability first. They put safety first. They transform advocacy into action, policy into enforceable practice and good intentions into tangible protections. These reforms provide clarity and consistency. They ensure that every student, every staff member and every campus meets nationally enforceable standards. They strengthen the foundations of trust between students, staff and leadership. They recognise the dedication of staff and the courage of students. They empower leadership to act decisively. They embed prevention, accountability and support into the culture of higher education.
I want to thank everyone who contributed to making these reforms possible—the universities accord panel, the expert reference group, education ministers, departmental officers and, most importantly, the advocates and survivor voices who have fought for these reforms for so long. Their work has transformed advocacy into law and practice.
In closing, these bills will help ensure that our universities are safe, supportive and accountable institutions for all and they will provide staff with the tools, authority and support to act when it matters most. They are a national benchmark. They'll create a culture where prevention, support and accountability are inseparable, where students and staff can trust that their safety is the highest priority. Having two daughters that have been through university, I know that, for them, these bills will help. We need to ensure that students who go to university feel safe and supported and can be their absolute best. This is the decisive action our universities, our staff and our students need and deserve.
I rise to speak in support of the Universities Accord (National Higher Education Code to Prevent and Respond to Gender-based Violence) Bill 2025 and I do so with a sense of pride, having pushed for this action against sexual violence at universities, but also with a strong sense of urgency because, while this bill is a welcome step forward in keeping students safe on campus, the scale of harm facing students demands serious and sustained action. This bill is personal for me as I have been seeking action against campus gender based violence since last term. That was inspired by a group of young, courageous women that I met in 2023, including representatives from Fair Agenda, End Rape on Campus and the Stop Campaign, who came to parliament and shared stories of sexual assault and harassment on campus, stories not just of trauma but also of bravery.
I'll be honest that, before that date, I really didn't understand what a problem this was across our campuses, and I was shocked by the extent as well as by the experience of young women seeking to address this on campus. I was shocked by the lack of action. Immediately after that meeting, I, along with other members of the crossbench, raised these concerns directly with the Minister for Education, Jason Clare. I credit the minister for swiftly meeting this group and others on this action and for the action he has subsequently taken, including the introduction of this bill. I would like to acknowledge Senator Pocock and other crossbench colleagues who championed these issues alongside the student activists who continue to speak out, often at great personal cost.
The evidence is stark. Over 14,000 sexual assaults occur on Australian university campuses every year—around 275 each week. These are not just statistics. These are young people, overwhelmingly young women, whose confidence, academic achievement, mental health and futures are being shaped by trauma. Fewer than six per cent of students who experience sexual assault on campus report it. Of those who do, only around half feel that their complaint is taken seriously. This is an institutional failure, and it's why I support this second step on reform, the creation of a higher education code to prevent and respond to gender based violence.
What does this bill do? This bill aims to embed national standards for how universities prevent and respond to gender based violence. It introduces a new legislative instrument requiring higher education providers to adopt evidence based strategies and practices to ensure student safety. It includes meaningful accountability. Vice-Chancellors and CEOs will be required to implement a whole-of-organisation response plan to be reviewed every six months by their governing bodies. Staff and students must be given education and training on prevention. Universities must consider a staff member's history of gender based violence in recruitment and promotion processes. Most importantly, universities must engage students, staff and those with lived experience in designing and reviewing their responses to complaints. Often, it is particularly in the responses to complaints that the greatest challenges lie. A trauma informed, student centred complaints process will be a core obligation. I welcome the government's close collaboration with its expert reference group, comprised of university leaders, gender based violence experts and victim-survivor advocates, because policy works best when it is shaped by the people it is designed to protect, and trauma informed approaches are essential to both healing and prevention.
While I commend this bill, and I commend it strongly, I would like to acknowledge the work that still is to be done. I want to recognise that gender based violence is not the only form of harm that students experience on campus. I'd like to talk to you about one form of harm that is of particular concern to my community and particularly in recent times, and that is specifically about hatred and harm directed at Jewish students on our university campuses. Over the last two years, I've heard from dozens of young people about the rising tide of antisemitism on Australian campuses.
Following the tragic events of October 7, I conducted a national survey with Jewish students to understand what, if anything, had changed on campus. The stories I heard were distressing—Nazi symbols graffitied on buildings and slipped into student backpacks, food thrown at students wearing a kippah, Jewish students afraid to grieve publicly or speak out for fear of social or academic repercussions. In meetings with students from my local area, I heard about Nazi posters pasted next to university rooms and about stickers across campus that read 'Zionism is terrorism', yet those same students are working to build an understanding. One young man set up a campus store titled 'Judaism and Zionism—come and ask us anything', trying to engage constructively despite a lot of hostility.
These are difficult times, but these students are trying to do the right thing, and, in some cases, they are being met with intimidation and abuse, and this is unacceptable. A Senate inquiry last year confirmed that Jewish students are withdrawing from university life. Parents are questioning whether Australian universities remain safe and welcoming for their children. That is a tragedy for all of us. Each quarter I meet with students from across my community in primary school and high school. Last year I remember very vividly that, when I was asking the year 11 students what's on their mind, every single time antisemitism came up, and this student said, 'I'm just not sure if I'm going to be welcome on Australian university campuses.' As a child of an immigrant, as someone who values multicultural and multifaith Australia, I recognise that any group feeling excluded from our institutions and not feeling welcome is a tragedy for all of us. Let's be clear: there will always be issues where different parts of our community feel different, where different individuals feel different and where people want to express their views strongly with protest and other actions. That is an extremely important part of our vigorous and democratic society.
But that sort of desire to speak up on what is most important to you does not and should never condone abuse of any Australian on the basis of their religion, their culture or any other characteristic. We need to draw that distinction extremely sharply in our universities and across institutions in our country, because universities need to be places where every student—regardless of background, faith or belief—feels safe and supported. The Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights inquiry into antisemitism at Australian universities delivered several recommendations to combat antisemitism on campus, including:
… that government monitor the implementation of these recommendations and further recommends that the National Student Ombudsman review university practices to reduce antisemitism on campuses within twelve months of the tabling of this report.
I thoroughly support those recommendations and I look forward to this review by the ombudsman and hope that this code will aid in enforcing the findings of the review.
That experience of Jewish students in my community is why I do support the amendment put forward by the member for Berowra today calling for the development of a higher education code to prevent and respond to antisemitism. Universities should have obligations imposed on them concerning student and staff safety which ensure that education providers comply with recommendations of the National Student Ombudsman concerning antisemitism. Tomorrow I will again meet with AUJS, the Australasian Union of Jewish Student, and I want to commend the work they do in advocating for students and building community. Time and time again I have heard the same thing from Jewish students—that their complaints about antisemitism are being dismissed and ignored, that they feel afraid to make complaints in case it affects their grades or academic opportunities. I say this is not acceptable in any Australian institution and it must change.
This is more than about just safety. It's about what kind of university experience we want for the next generation. University is often the place where young Australians take their first step to adulthood. It's where they begin to find their voice as thinkers, citizens and future leaders. It's where we learn not just what to think but how to think and how to disagree well, to stretch ourselves, to be curious, to have our beliefs challenged in an environment that values respect. Our universities have a long tradition of being places of discovery and dialogue, but that can only happen if students feel safe to speak, question and grow.
I have particular insight into the experience of Jewish students because of the community I represent, but I know all too well that they are not the only group that face harassment and harm on campus. I have heard from Chinese Australian students who faced some of those challenges, particularly at times where the relationship between China and Australia was poor. I know that this has been an issue for Aboriginal students. I know that Muslim students can and do face some hostility and prejudice at different parts of university at different times and have been targeted and marginalised. Vice-chancellors have shared with me some of the feedback they've had from international students who, after the big debate on international student numbers, were approached on campus—'You're stealing our houses. You're stopping me being able to get on in my life'—in a really aggressive and unacceptable way. The tensions that sometimes boil over in this parliament feed into what goes on in our universities, and that sort of behaviour against any group is unacceptable. It is why the ombudsman and this new code matter. They provide a mechanism to hold universities accountable for creating a safe, inclusive and enriching environment. We must be prepared to use these tools, and strengthen them where needed, to ensure that all forms of harm are taken seriously, because our students deserve no less.
Our universities are meant to be places of discovery and growth, not of fear. The universities accord bill is a strong step forward. It rightly shifts the burden from students to institutions. But we must go further. We must confront antisemitism with the same seriousness and structure we are applying to gender based violence. We need to build those systems supporting all students to thrive, regardless of background or belief. And we must keep on holding our institutions and ourselves to account, because our young people deserve better.
I rise proudly today to speak on the Universities Accord (National Higher Education Code to Prevent and Respond to Gender-based Violence) Bill 2025. This is a bill that should have been introduced long ago, because, for too many years, female students have endured violence, harassment and abuse on our campuses, while many governments and institutions looked away. For too long, survivors have been left unsupported, unheard and disbelieved. So I stand here not only in support of this bill but in recognition of the generations of students, advocates and survivors who've fought relentlessly to make this moment possible.
I also stand here as a woman who has experienced sexual harassment. The truth of the matter is that most women you know will have experienced sexual harassment, attempted assault or assault at some point, because, unfortunately, rape culture is deeply embedded in many parts of our society. I remember the first time, as a younger woman, I experienced sexual harassment. I felt deeply threatened and shocked. It makes me nervous even to stand here and talk about it now, because there's still a great deal of stigma associated with having been sexually assaulted. A man ran his hand up my skirt as I served him his meal in a restaurant that I was working in as a waitress. I was told, when I reported it, that working in hospitality, as I did, just goes hand in hand with this type of thing.
As I got older and started going out and started going to university, for me, too, the harassment began to feel, well, just normal—'That's life. Just put up with it.' And this isn't a good thing. Women should feel shocked when facing harassment. It should feel strange, like something we've never heard of before. Instead, I remember, as a young woman, always being prepared, and moving in packs with the sisterhood. And this is how most young women live. We'd always have a friend accompany us to the bathroom. We'd have code words or looks to get a friend to intervene, or we'd hold hands over each other's drinks, or we'd have sleepovers, because no-one was allowed to go home alone. We were always ready to get into a fight for one another and we were always ready to be a social buffer to a man making unwanted advances, because, as a woman, you couldn't just say no; that would hurt a man's ego. And you never know how a man with a hurt ego will react. Will he become aggressive? Will he become abusive? Will he simply walk away and take no as an answer?
As girls, we knew we had to defend each other, because we didn't know what our institutions would do. Would they believe us? It certainly felt like they wouldn't, if your perpetrator was someone you'd previously had an intimate relationship with. And we all knew, of course, we'd be asked, 'What were you wearing?' or, 'How much did you drink?' or we'd be accused of leading a man on and getting ourselves into these situations. And of course too many women are met with, 'Well, what are you going to do? You don't want to ruin his career, do you?' or, worse, lose your own job for speaking up, because victim-survivors are left to live with lifelong consequences and a trauma that could shape their career, their relationships and their mental health forever. I know many women really struggle to connect with their own body in the aftermath, too, saying that it doesn't feel like their own anymore. Many struggle with feelings of shame and isolation that never really truly leave.
Every time my three daughters would go out, I would fear for them. I would find myself being one of those people looking at what they were wearing—are their skirts too short; are their necklines too plunging—and telling them to stick together, to not go on the streets alone, to not leave a place alone, to call me if they couldn't get a taxi. I was teaching my girls the way to behave and to act in society, out of my fear for them.
I especially feared when they were at university. I fear for every young woman, really, because the numbers are stark. Right now, one in six students experiences sexual harassment at university; one in 20 are sexually assaulted. Almost half don't know how to report it, and only one in two students felt like they were heard when they did make a complaint. We now know that our Indigenous students are at a significantly higher risk of experiencing sexual assault at university too—so too are lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and non-binary students. Students with disability and our international students and students from migrant and refugee backgrounds are all at greater risk.
Most of us in this building will know someone who falls into one of these statistics. For me, it's Matilda, a young woman from my electorate. After a university ball one year, she returned to student accommodation with her friends, where, in front of others, a young man repeatedly groped her. Each time she said 'stop'. Each time no-one intervened. No-one came to her help. When she resisted, he pinned her against the wall, put his hand up her dress, and, when she fought back, he chased her, kicking at her door and screaming abuse. What happened next? Nothing. None of the other boys responded. Not even the other girls came to her aid. No-one knew what to do. There was no action from the university, and there were no social consequences for him. Instead, she was left isolated and treated as the problem.
This is the culture that we are fighting to end. This is the culture that we must end—a culture where violence is normalised and survivors are penalised. And they're penalised whether or not they choose to speak up, because, frankly, women who have been abused are treated as pariahs, and we have a culture where women who react, 'ruin the fun' or insult perpetrators are treated very negatively.
So we have this bill, the Universities Accord (National Higher Education Code to Prevent and Respond to Gender-based Violence) Bill 2025, and this bill is about trying to change this culture. It's a huge task, but this is a great moment, because this establishes a new, standalone regulatory framework to prevent and respond to gender based violence in higher education. It gives the Minister for Education the power to set a binding national code. A code will require universities to make campuses, workplaces and accommodation safe and respectful; to actively prevent gender based violence, not just respond to it; to support survivors with trauma informed care; and to hold leaders—vice-chancellors and senior executives—personally accountable for compliance. For the first time, there will be real oversight, real transparency and real consequences.
This isn't something that's just happened overnight either. It has come from the incredible work of survivors, advocates and student unions who have pushed for this reform for years, often at great personal cost. There would be many in positions of power who wouldn't have wanted these changes—who would have been fearful that they'd be held accountable themselves. So I want to acknowledge the powerful advocacy of all those who fought for this change, including all the victims-survivors from the STOP Campaign, from End Rape on Campus and from Fair Agenda. I know that last term, when they met with Minister Clare, they described their experiences on university campuses as deeply traumatic.
University is supposed to be time of learning new skills, making new friends and setting yourself up for life, and often this is not what ends up happening. The victims-survivors described a terribly inconsistent complaint process, a lack of materials on how to even make a complaint, a lack of education on consent and the lack of feedback when a complaint was made. One student described it this way: 'I'm sick of my friends being assaulted. I'm sick of begging to feel safe. I'm sick of feeling ignored.' To everyone who shared their own stories and experiences: thank you. I know how traumatic reliving your pain can be, but none of it is in vain.
I also want to acknowledge the incredible of work of the Minister for Education, Jason Clare, and his leadership. It's so important that we have good male leadership and representation in our fight against gender based violence.
This bill builds on his work establishing the National Student Ombudsman earlier this year, ensuring students finally have somewhere independent to turn to when universities fail them. The ombudsman has also ensured a national perspective and experience of what's going on across our universities and gives students a consistent complaints process. So, whether you're in Melbourne, Perth, Wodonga, Cairns—it doesn't matter where you are; you'll get the same quality of response and care. The ombudsman is making important contributions towards the wider fight to end gender based violence, and in my own patch of social services, too.
These bills are part of a much bigger story, because the Albanese Labor government is leading a whole-of-government effort to end gender based violence. It really will take all of us. Tanya Plibersek, the Minister for Social Services, and I are building on the incredible work done by the former social services minister, Minister Rishworth, including a record $4 billion investment into family, domestic and sexual violence prevention and response services. This includes prevention services that work with our men and boys to help them navigate their own trauma and unlearn sexist attitudes.
This is important when it comes to our young men because we know sexist attitudes, what it means to be a man and sexist views about women are honestly going backwards right now. The research shows us it's getting worse. We must keep up with the times and respond to some of the terrible misinformation and hate that is being perpetrated online. We must catch harmful sexist attitudes even before our young men go to university.
I know the Attorney-General, Minister Rowland, off the back of the incredible work of the previous minister, Mark Dreyfus, is strengthening our legal system so it's safer for victims-survivors and easier to navigate, because we know right now that 92 per cent of female victims-survivors of sexual assault committed by a male did not report their most recent incident to police. Ninety-two per cent did not report. This is not good enough.
And we mustn't forget the social drivers of gender inequality, because while women are economically disadvantaged they are less likely to be able to flee abuse. That's why we're making record investments in education, housing, health and social services and we're increasing wages in female-dominant industries. Ending gender based violence will take every level of government, every institution and every community. Tackling economic inequality is vital to repairing the gender inequality that exists in our society.
Right now, it is not good enough for victims-survivors to carry the voices of trauma for the rest of their lives alone, constantly telling them that their body and agency were taken from them, constantly interfering with their mental health, career and relationships. Every student deserves to feel safe. Every parent deserves to know their child is protected. Every victim-survivor deserves justice, dignity and support.
This bill is about ensuring that no student's future is stolen from them by sexual violence. I'm deeply proud to support it. I commend the bill to the House.
I want to start by thanking all the very courageous young people who came forward with their stories of abuse, harassment and assault to ensure this issue got prominence and got acted upon. We know it is all too often incredibly hard to come forward and share those experiences.
I know, as a parent, I want my young adults to be part of an educational environment where they feel secure and supported. Universities must be places where students can focus on their studies and aspirations without concerns about their safety. Whether they're on campus, online or in student accommodation, every student, regardless of gender, background or circumstance, deserves to pursue their education without fear of violence, harassment, discrimination or assault.
The concerns around sexual assault on campus are unfortunately longstanding. In 2017, the Australian Human Rights Commission released Change the course: national report on sexual assault and sexual harassment at Australian universities, which shockingly revealed that one in five students experience sexual harassment in university settings. In 2021, the national safety survey reported this dropped to one in six—not much improvement. Alarmingly, one in 20 university students reported being sexually assaulted on campus. To make matters worse, this was most likely to occur with younger students. The most impacted groups were non-binary students and transgender students.
I should say that I recently attended an event. It was a fantastic event by Consent Labs that was hosted by Sydney university. Their information and offerings are incredibly powerful in relation to assisting with this difficult problem.
Painfully, while 16 per cent of students who had been sexually harassed sought support, only three per cent of them then made a formal complaint. We know that, in this area, change has been far too slow for far too long. Student protests highlighted the ongoing inaction and inadequacies of the universities and government in addressing gender based violence on campuses. It was as a result of that mobilisation of students that we finally got some action. This bill shows a suite of other legislation arising from issues raised by the universities accord interim report and follows other safety and gender based violence initiatives, which include the creation of the National Student Ombudsman; the Action Plan Addressing Gender-based Violence in Higher Education; and the National Plan to End Violence against Women and Children 2022-2032. Lots can be said about that action plan and its lack of actual KPIs and underpinning policy to actually achieve it.
In relation to this bill, I agree that it presents an opportunity to build a safer, more supportive future for students and staff in higher education. It's a commitment to ensure that our universities are environments where every individual feels secure, respected and empowered. Australia's universities are places of knowledge, growth and opportunity. They should be places of safety, too. Yet, gender based violence remains a reality for too many students and staff, so the importance of a safe and supportive higher education sector cannot be overstated. Institutions must not only provide high-quality education but also cultivate an environment where students and staff feel protected, respected and empowered.
I want to acknowledge the incredible importance of this, and I thank the government and the minister for acting upon this and bringing it to the forefront. It's acknowledging those survivors who have brought these issues to the fore. They've bravely shared their stories. There are advocates who have fought for justice and researchers who have provided us with the crucial insights into the prevalence and impact of gender based violence in universities. Without their ambition, resilience and determination to hold universities accountable, there would be no push towards meaningful change.
This bill sets out the basic regulatory infrastructure for compliance with the National Higher Education Code to Prevent and Respond to Gender-based Violence. It binds higher education providers to comply with the code and sets out the compliance and enforcement powers, including public disclosure of information. It also ensures that responsibility for creating a safe environment for young people on campus will not rest solely on survivors or support organisations, because addressing gender based violence in universities is a collective responsibility that involves everyone—educators, administrators, policymakers and students alike.
The draft code has been released. Higher education providers will be required to take evidence based steps to prevent gender based violence on their campuses. It includes requiring vice-chancellors and CEOs to make a whole-of-organisation plan and report to their governing bodies every six months on their implementation actions. It will enforce transparency and accountability, making sure that institutions follow through on their commitments to safety for their students. It has a requirement to provide evidence based prevention education and training to staff and students and consider gender based violence in recruitment and promotion decisions. In that respect, I applaud the code's whole-of-organisation approach, which ensures that institutions create safer accommodation for students, implement trauma informed support systems and use data driven methods to continually improve their response.
While this bill is a welcome step to stamping out gender based violence on campuses, policy alone is not enough. Institutions need training, guidance and long-term investment to create lasting change. Since 2014, universities have faced continual financial decline. By 2020, 40 per cent of universities were operating in deficit, rising to 70 per cent in 2023, marking a significant financial downturn compared to the pre-COVID-19 and pre-job-ready-graduate years. Our university sector is struggling, and in places like ANU and now UTS we've seen students bear the brunt of the crisis. I've spoken recently in this place about the impact of the job-ready scheme on the funding model of the university sector, but the decline runs deeper, and the consequences are clear.
If we're serious about ending gender based violence and ensuring safe campuses and learning environments, then the government must go further by ensuring our universities are equipped with the necessary resources, staff and stability to carry out these functions effectively. Students and staff must feel and trust that, when they report incidents of violence or harassment, their concerns will be taken seriously and actions will follow.
So I welcome this bill, and I'm optimistic that this bill will set the groundwork to help build a safe, accountable environment for our young adults on university campuses. However, guidance and long-term investment to ensure universities are well equipped to meet these obligations remain necessary.
I rise in support of the Universities Accord (National Higher Education Code to Prevent and Respond to Gender-based Violence) Bill 2025. Many in this chamber have studied at or been to a higher education institution. Any one of us could probably name six university students among their wider circle of friends, family and neighbours. Statistics show that one of them will be sexually harassed. Even worse, one in 20 university students is sexually assaulted. This is unacceptable, to put it politely.
For me, it is personal. I have twin boys, and nieces and nephews, and like many in this chamber I know children of friends who are or have been university students. My electorate has one of the largest student populations in the country. It is home to two of Queensland's largest and most prodigious universities: the Queensland University of Technology, my alma mater; and the University of Queensland Herston campus. Students and staff in higher education deserve to be and feel safe. We have to do better, and that's why I'm proud to speak to this bill today.
As the minister said, the bill seeks to establish a new standalone regulatory framework to reduce the incidence of gender based violence. It will ensure that higher education providers prioritise safety, strengthen prevention efforts and improve the response to gender based violence. Importantly, it will also hold them accountable for their performance, including on incidents in student accommodation.
The bill does this by enabling the Minister for Education to make a national higher education code to prevent and respond to gender based violence. This will set best practice standards and requirements that higher education providers will need to meet to effectively prevent and respond to gender based violence. This legislation is based on sound, research based statistics and policy development going back a number of years—and we've heard about some of these today—because, sadly, gender based harassment and violence is a longstanding issue in our higher education institutions.
National Union of Students surveys dating back to 2011 have repeatedly identified concerning levels of assault and harassment on campuses and in student halls. A landmark Australian Human Rights Centre 2017 report, On safe ground, identified three significant factors: (1) in line with the findings by the NUS, there are concerning levels of sexual assault and harassment within Australian universities; (2) women students, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students, culturally and linguistically diverse students, international students, students with disability and LGBTIQ+ students are more likely to experience incidents of sexual assault and harassment; and (3) the response of many universities to addressing complaints of sexual assault and harassment is often inappropriate or inadequate, with students being not believed or feeling blamed.
We've heard the stories and seen the media reports about the unsavoury practices of hazing and encouraging new and vulnerable students to participate in such practices. It used to be laughed off as part of university life or, in the military, as part of military life for the newbies and the freshers, but now we recognise it for what it is, and so we should: preying on the vulnerable—more often than not young people who just want to feel accepted. Now we call it out for what it is: harassment, assault and personal violence. We know the human cost to the victims is huge. But there's also the economic cost and the health costs of dealing with the potential impact on victims' mental health, and, to take an economic rationalist view, there is also the economic cost from adverse impacts on academic performance and completion rates. Uncompleted studies waste educational resources and cost us potential contributors to an economy at a time when Australia is seeking to build its international competitiveness.
A lot's happened so far. States and territories came together as part of the national Education Ministers Meeting to tackle the issue, leading to the development of the Action Plan Addressing Gender-Based Violence in Higher Education. It was released in February last year. Also, importantly, in the 2024 budget the government allocated almost $19 million over four years to introduce a national higher education code to prevent and respond to gender based violence, which started from 1 January this year. So there are runs on the board already.
The National Student Ombudsman—which we've heard about from a few today—is a key measure of that action plan and they started their operations on 1 February this year. It enables higher education students to escalate complaints about the actions of their higher education providers, including gender based violence complaints. Sadly, research shows that many students and staff don't know where to seek support or where to go to make a formal complaint to the higher education provider, and those that do are often dissatisfied with the process. In fact, the 2021 National Student Safety Survey by Universities Australia found that, where formal complaints were made about sexual assault, fewer than half of the complainants were satisfied with the process overall. The ombudsman will have powers similar to the royal commission and will investigate complaints made against the university—something advocates have sought for years. Together, these measures will ensure greater oversight and accountability of the higher education providers and help drive the social change we need to see in the higher education sector to prevent and respond to gender based violence. The ombudsman was an important first step towards keeping students safe and ensuring they are heard when they make a complaint. This bill is a crucial step in that regard.
The national code will also ensure the factors that drive and contribute to gender based violence are being addressed in higher education communities and that the prevention efforts are at the forefront to help create the cultural change that is needed. Accountability for compliance with the national code will sit at the highest levels of the provider organisation, meaning vice-chancellors and CEOs will be directly responsible. Compliance will involve regular reporting to a provider's governing body of incident data and efforts to prevent and respond to gender based violence. Change will also be driven by requirements for providers to develop a gender equality action plan and gender impact assessments, and they will need to provide evidence based education and training on the factors that drive and contribute to gender based violence.
The national code will require policies, procedures and processes for responding to gender based violence in a trauma informed way and ensuring key functions are undertaken by people who have the appropriate skills and expertise. This should help to improve the experiences and outcomes for people who disclose their experience of gender based violence, strengthening their disclosure autonomy to ensure they are heard and appropriately supported. To monitor and enforce the national code, a new, specialist gender based violence unit is being established within the Department of Education. The unit will provide guidance, education and advice to support higher education providers to understand and meet the requirements of the national code.
The bill creates a range of powers to enable the unit to monitor and respond to noncompliance with the bill or the national code, including monitoring and investigation powers, as well as powers to issue compliance notices, seek civil penalties and injunctions, issue infringement notices and enter into enforceable undertakings. To strengthen and provide transparency and accountability, the bill enables the secretary to disclose information to the public about a higher education provider's compliance with the bill and the national code. Annual reporting on the unit's operations and performance of functions will be publicly available and tabled in both houses of parliament. The secretary will be able to share information with relevant regulatory and other bodies through their functions and powers and for certain purposes. The bill is part of a package with the Universities Accord (National Higher Education Code to Prevent and Respond to Gender-based Violence) Bill 2025. This consequential bill amends the Higher Education Support Act 2003 to include compliance with the national code as a quality and accountability requirement for higher education providers approved under the act.
All violence, regardless of who uses it and who experiences it, is unacceptable. Unfortunately, it's not confined to university campuses. We see it in our homes, in our workplaces and on our streets. It is tough and complex to fix, but it's deeply rooted in all corners of our society and also plays out on our higher education campuses. For too long, as we have again heard today, students have been let down by universities and by inaction by previous governments. Over almost a decade of coalition government, this issue was placed in the too-hard basket. Universities and higher education providers have a responsibility to ensure their study, work, social and living environments are safe for students and staff. This government is taking strong action to ensure universities take this responsibility seriously and prevent and respond to gender based violence in higher education.
This is about university students we all know—people in your family, students that I have met in my campaign and ex-students, like a woman I spoke to recently about her experience at university. For privacy reasons, I will refer to her as Sarah. Sarah was kind and brave to let me share her story. Sarah said she was excited to go to university and had moved down from North Queensland to Brisbane to study law. This was her time to learn, to expand her thinking, to make new friends and lasting memories alongside other students. In Sarah's first year, she met a fourth-year student who quickly took a liking to her. She took Sarah under her wing and taught her what she needed to know about uni life.
On a night out, Sarah was drinking at a party and that fourth-year student took advantage of her, sexually assaulting her. Sarah said she felt confused and scared and that she didn't know who to turn to. She knew it was wrong and she didn't know what to do. She set up a meeting with the counsellor from the university a couple of days later. Sarah said it felt like the counsellor didn't have the skills or the knowledge to deal with these kinds of situations. She said they asked the wrong questions and left her feeling like she wouldn't get justice for what she had experienced. She said the counsellor didn't even advise her to report her to the police. Sarah felt alone. Sarah said many others had gone through similar experiences at the university. In fact, she said that the culture was indoctrinated and that young students are often vulnerable and impressionable. She said that the fourth-year students take the first-year students out for a night. They take them out drinking. They make you play games where you rack up points by completing the challenges that make you feel uncomfortable, but you yourself, as a student, just want to fit in. Sarah said, at the time during o-week, there was advice provided about excessive drinking but no education or advice about sexual assault and appropriate consent, nor what to do if it happened.
It was really brave of Sarah to share her story with me, along with those who've spent many years calling for reform and sharing their stories. To me, this bill is for them and for the people like Sarah so they don't feel unsafe or alone again when they are at university, when they're supposed to be in the prime of their life, enjoying, learning and becoming a stronger part of our community. We need to make sure that we stamp out this kind of behaviour not just in our universities but across the society. It's about keeping our young people and everyone else safe.
The Universities Accord (National Higher Education Code to Prevent and Respond to Gender-based Violence) Bill 2025 is an important piece of legislation—one that deals not just with governance and compliance but also with the lives and safety of young people across our higher education sector. As well as being places of learning, universities provide an opportunity to transition to independence and a time of joy, growth and discovery. Yet for too many students that promise is overshadowed by an unacceptable reality: sexual assault and harassment are present in our universities.
The statistics are alarming. One in 20 students are sexually assaulted during their studies, and one in six experience sexual harassment. Half of those who report these incidents feel they're not listened to, not believed or not treated fairly. Behind those statistics are human stories, of students who sought help but were met with disbelief or blame, of students who reported violence only to find themselves ostracised or even evicted from their accommodation while the perpetrator remained, of students who decided it was safer to stay silent than risk retraumatisation through challenging complaints processes. For too long, the default response for some universities has been to step away, to take the path of least resistance, to manage these issues quietly and internally rather than confront the problem openly and decisively. That's why this problem has persisted for so long.
This bill recognises that failure. It aims to set clear, consistent and enforceable standards for preventing and responding to gender based violence in universities. The bill enables the Minister for Education to establish a national higher education code to prevent and respond to gender based violence. This code sets national standards that every university and higher education provider must meet. Compliance with the code will become a condition of being an accredited higher education provider under the Higher Education Support Act.
The bill also establishes a regulatory framework to monitor and enforce compliance. A dedicated branch within the Department of Education will oversee the code, with powers to issue civil penalties, infringement notices, enforceable undertakings and injunctions when universities fall short. This is part of a broader suite of reforms alongside the new National Student Ombudsman, the government's Action Plan Addressing Gender-Based Violence in Higher Education and the National Plan to End Violence against Women and Children. In short, the bill sets the legal scaffolding for a system of accountability on an issue that deserves attention and consistency.
There's much in this bill that deserves support. First, it sends a clear message. Universities must do more, and they'll be held accountable if they do not. Second, it recognises that gender based violence is not just an individual failing; it's a systemic issue requiring systemic solutions. By mandating national standards it ends the patchwork of inconsistent approaches across institutions. Third, it promises enforcement. Too often, universities have made well-meaning commitments on paper but have failed to follow through. This bill says that if you don't comply, there will be consequences. Finally, the bill places prevention at the centre. It's not enough to react after the harm has occurred. The national code is expected to require evidence based prevention programs, consent education, bystander intervention training and awareness campaigns. It will require trauma informed support services and transparency, including annual reporting of incidences and responses.
These are all good steps, but the devil is in the detail. The bill delegates much of the substance to the national code, which is made by the minister through delegated legislation. That gives considerable latitude. The Senate's owns scrutiny of bills committee has already queried whether it's appropriate to address this in delegated legislation. There are reasons to shift the detail to delegated legislation. It's easier to amend so it can be more responsive to new issues or parts of the legislation that don't work as planned, but it also means there's less scrutiny on the new rules. Rather than focusing on whether delegating the development of the code to the minister is the right approach, today I'll pragmatically focus my comments on the practicalities, issues that will need to be addressed either in the code or in it's implementation for it to be effective.
My electorate of Curtin includes the University of Western Australia, and I've spoken to various stakeholders at UWA about their concerns in relation to the code. All stakeholders I've spoken to are in favour of the goals of the code. They're already implementing some systems—we're not starting from zero—and there is recognition that this is an important issue. But stakeholders who will need to bring the code to life have legitimate concerns that should be considered in the code's implementation.
The UWA student guild is generally supportive of the code. The main concern expressed by the guild president, Nikhita Talluri, is about data sharing under the code. Survivors often turn to independent services, such as those operated by the guild, rather than university officers precisely because they do not trust the university to act fairly, so any requirement for student services to share data must be de-identified and must respect survivors' choices. UWA, along with other universities, is calling for clarity—clarity on how the 45-day disciplinary timeline will work and clarity on the relationship between the department's gender based violence unit, TEQSA and the National Student Ombudsman. These governance questions may sound technical, but they matter. Confusion at the regulatory level leave students in limbo.
I've had the pleasure of visiting student accommodation providers in my electorate a number of times and I know that the leaders there are passionate about creating a safe and welcoming environment for all students. Many of these student accommodation providers are not-for-profit organisations. The code is designed to apply equally to universities, university owned and operated accommodation providers, independent not-for-profit accommodation providers and commercial providers. This creates some challenges, as they all have different relationships with universities and different levels of resourcing. Some of the accommodation providers in my electorate have suggested that, at this stage, the lack of practical resources or advice from the Department of Education about the application of the code is creating real challenges, particularly for smaller providers. There's a risk that, without appropriately tailored supports from the department, this additional regulation could undermine the very outcomes that the code seeks to achieve. Some of the key issues on which the accommodation providers need clarification include definitions, privacy and legal obligations, workforce expectations, whole-of-institution plans, implementation timeframes, and sector support and engagement—and I'll run through these in turn.
On definitions and terminology, inconsistent definitions across jurisdictions and within the national code are creating confusion. For example, the expectation for student accommodation staff to declare all past and present intimate relationships is not clearly defined and may raise legal, contractual and ethical issues, and the term 'disclosure' versus 'formal report' requires clarification in relation to obligations and expected response timeframes.
On privacy and legal obligations, student accommodation providers operate under diverse legal frameworks across states and territories and may also be subject to religious, institutional and privacy related constraints. Requirements for staff, including professional psychologists, to disclose information received in therapeutic settings may contravene client confidentiality and professional codes of conduct. The requirement to share information with universities within 48 hours of disclosure raises complex privacy and liability issues for accommodation providers that are not part of the university's legal structure.
On workforce expectations, the code requires that only those with prescribed knowledge and expertise undertake risk assessments and investigations. Student accommodation providers do not currently have access to professionals with these qualifications. Recruitment, training and resourcing of appropriately qualified staff will be a major cost and capability burden for small providers. Increases in costs could result in significant fee increases that will impact equity and access.
On the requirement for whole-of-institution plans, all student accommodation providers must be included in their university's whole-of-institution prevention and response plan or develop their own. For affiliated but independent student accommodation providers, this presents a practical challenge. How can a university include a student accommodation provider that it does not control in its institutional plan, and what obligations arise if no legal agreement exists between the parties?
On implementation timeframes and resources, with the national code due to take effect on 1 January next year, most student accommodation providers have no access to funding, templates or endorsed training programs. There's been limited communication from the department's gender based violence unit since its establishment, and frequent staff turnover has also hindered progress.
Lastly, on sector support and engagement, the department has committed to develop guidance materials and a template for the whole-of-institution plan, but this needs to occur urgently and in consultation with accommodation providers.
Student accommodation providers are deeply invested in getting this right and ensuring that their environments are safe, inclusive and compliant, but without tailored guidance and resource support, smaller accommodation providers may struggle to comply, risking reputational harm and service withdrawal, particularly in regional areas.
Where does that leave us? Well, this bill is, in principle, a good step. It acknowledges that sexual assault and sexual harassment in universities is not a marginal issue and more must be done. It provides for a national code to establish clear, enforceable standards. It creates mechanisms for accountability and enforcement, and it affirms that every student deserves to feel safe and supported in their place of learning. I'm heartened by the goodwill of the stakeholders. Universities, student accommodation providers, student guilds and students themselves all want universities to be safer places, but the concerns listed here show how much work is still to be done to ensure that universities and student accommodation providers are realistically able to comply with the code.
I urge the government to appropriately resource the department to support all stakeholders through this implementation process. Many of the issues raised by stakeholders are not simple queries and will take time to work through. We need our universities to be safe places for students, but, in doing that, we need to ensure that this code is focused on practical, meaningful action that university stakeholders can take, not more regulation and box ticking. We owe it to students to get this right.
I rise to speak in support of the Universities Accord (National Higher Education Code to Prevent and Respond to Gender-based Violence) Bill 2025 and, alongside it, the Universities Accord (National Higher Education Code to Prevent and Respond to Gender-based Violence) (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2025. We are debating legislation shaped by the stories of students and staff who have endured the unthinkable in places that should serve as safe harbours of learning and growth. Over the last several years, evidence has shown that gender based violence—specifically, sexual harassment and violence—continues to occur in higher education settings at unacceptable rates.
Unfortunately, many students and staff don't know where to seek support or make a formal complaint to their tertiary education provider, and those who do are too often dissatisfied with the process. This is all very concerning for parents and friends of students who are worried about what their loved ones may experience during their tertiary education years. This should not be the case. Students should be able to prepare eagerly for higher education and embrace everything campus life has to offer whilst knowing they are safe and supported. At the start of each semester, students are warned about drink spiking at O-week events and told how to stay safe at campus parties and what support services are available to them. They receive training from universities on consent and how to recognise dangerous situations and safely intervene. The onus has been placed on students time and time again to keep themselves safe.
I am pleased that this bill shifts some of the accountability and responsibility to ensure safe environments onto institutions and providers of services to students. Stamping out gender based violence is everyone's business and requires a zero-tolerance approach in every context. It is in that spirit that I rise to support this bill, as it recognises the problem that we collectively face and proposes concrete action to address it. This bill is not just another piece of legislation; it is a bold step in our national journey towards ending gender based violence, especially in higher education. This bill will ensure that higher education providers prioritise safety, proactively strengthen prevention efforts and improve the response to gender based violence. It will hold them to account for their performance in responding to these issues, including, importantly, in student accommodation.
The introduction of this legislation is a key measure of the Action Plan Addressing Gender-based Violence in Higher Education agreed to by all education ministers in February last year. This government has already been responding to this plan through the establishment of the National Student Ombudsman, which commenced earlier this year. With strong powers to investigate complaints made against a university, it is a national first that will actively ensure that students' concerns are heard and acted upon. The ombudsman is just the beginning, however. Over the last several years, evidence has shown that gender based violence—specifically, sexual violence and harassment—continues to occur in higher education communities at significant rates. For too long, universities have been blind spots in our fight against gender based violence. They are places where sexual assault and harassment go underreported, where survivors feel silenced and where institutional responses are inadequate. A 2024 report from the University of Sydney revealed 231 staff and students had reported sexual misconduct in a single year, with students making up 73 per cent of reports. Yet most victims chose not to proceed with investigations, citing fears of being retraumatised and a lack of trust in existing processes.
Legislative reform must accompany social reform, as we are witnessing within the community. Across the country, students have held vigils and rallies organised to respond to this important issue that has impacted too many young lives. Students should not be left to themselves to carry this responsibility to prompt action, and it's timely for parliament to respond. These are our students, our future educators, innovators, business owners, workers and leaders. Their education should not be derailed by harassment or violence, and their safety must be non-negotiable.
What this bill does is both deliberate and decisive. Firstly, it establishes a national higher education code, which will empower the minister to set national standards and requirements for preventing and responding to gender based violence. Secondly, it makes compliance mandatory for all higher education providers registered under the Higher Education Support Act 2003. Institutions must align with the national code to maintain their approved status. Additionally, providers must also develop a gender equality action plan and gender impact assessments and provide evidence based education and training on the factors that drive and contribute to gender based violence. Thirdly, it creates robust regulatory enforcement mechanisms. The secretary of the Department of Education, through a dedicated specialist gender based violence unit, will monitor compliance with powers including civil penalties, enforceable undertakings, infringement notices and injunctions. The secretary will also be able to disclose information to the public about a provider's compliance with the code.
Fourthly, the bill imposes national standards across seven key domains: leadership and governance, safe environments and systems, knowledge and capability, safety and support, safe processes, data and impact, and student accommodation. Fifthly, it introduces accountability at the highest level. Vice-Chancellors and CEOs will be directly responsible for compliance and required to report every six months to their governing body. The gender based violence unit will publish annual operational and performance reports to both houses of parliament. Sixthly, it builds on existing work through the National Student Ombudsman and the broader Action Plan Addressing Gender-based Violence in Higher Education, a multi-pronged strategy agreed to by education ministers, outlining seven actions to transform sector culture.
The new national code is at the heart of this legislation. With the goal to ensure study, work, social and living environments are safe, respectable and inclusive for staff and students, it will draw a line in the sand against university mismanagement and failures to respond. Every student and staff member deserves to learn and work without fear. Educational institutions must be sanctuaries for the development of knowledge. There must be proper complaint systems in place that provide safety and security for affected students. In their most vulnerable moments, these students must feel there are measures in place that will respond to their needs and deliver the response they rightly deserve. Survivors must be heard, supported and empowered.
This bill ensures survivors will not be left to drift in processes that do not deliver outcomes. It ensures victims-survivors receive timely and expert responses from their institutions. This legislation will provide a pathway to justice for survivors while pursuing the end of gender based violence. Institutional leaders will be expected to actively lead change. Vice-Chancellors and CEOs will be expected to confront these issues head on. This bill ensures that addressing the crisis of gender based violence in higher institutions becomes a priority for governing bodies.
Importantly, this bill is built upon consultations with students, victim-survivor advocates, gender based violence experts, the higher education sector, student accommodation providers and a range of other government agencies. This legislation also aligns with our national plans and international commitments, including the National Plan to End Violence against Women and Children 2022-2032. A new, specialist, gender based violence unit will be established within the Department of Education to monitor and enforce the new national code. This will collectively reduce systemic issues and proactively create safer environments within affected institutions.
This issue demands our continuing focus, and that is why the national code will require higher education institutions to provide annual data on gender based violence so that this parliament and future parliaments, along with the public, can remain informed on trends and performance. This ensures our continued attention to this matter. Further, it ensures increased data transparency and scrutiny which allow for adjustments and responses where necessary. This is not about red tape; it's about leadership. Universities already commit to excellence and will now also ensure the same commitment to safety. A whole-of-organisation approach will embed prevention at every level.
True change requires accountability, and this legislation's civil penalties and enforceable undertakings ensure that we move from symbolic gestures to actual transformation. To the supporters who fought for these changes to be implemented for so long: I thank you. I commend you for your time, your passion and your energy. I'm proud to be part of a government that listened and committed to delivering actual change for students. After extensive consultation and listening to those affected by the changes, the Albanese Labor government is pursuing these reforms to make a real difference for all students pursuing higher education. We must act now in the interest of the safety of our students. Students and staff are supportive of these changes alongside other associated stakeholders.
In the spirit of Labor values, safety, equality and fairness, I urge this House to support the Universities Accord (National Higher Education Code to Prevent and Respond to Gender-based Violence) Bill 2025. Let us ensure our universities become places where students and staff thrive always, free from fear, fully supported and pursuing their futures in a safe environment.
All women who have attended tertiary facilities in Australia know someone who's been raped on a university campus. It's well past time that our government intervened to create stronger measures to combat gender based violence on university campuses, and this legislation is a really important part of that work.
The Universities Accord (National Higher Education Code to Prevent and Respond to Gender-based Violence) Bill 2025 comes after investigations by groups like the National Union of Students and the Australian Human Rights Commission—numerous investigations which have consistently identified really concerning levels of sexual assault and harassment in Australian universities. After the landmark 2017 Change the course report, there were more reports from groups like End Rape on Campus Australia and from the Stop Campaign which described sexual violence, hazing, bullying, intimidation and inadequate support for victims-survivors of gendered violence at our universities across the country. The 2021 National Student Safety Survey found that one in six students had been sexually harassed and one in 20 sexually assaulted at our universities. Those rates were much higher in women and in gender-diverse students. It's likely that that data underrepresents the reality. Only 5.6 per cent of students who took part in the survey and who had reported being sexually assaulted had actually made a formal report to their institution. Fewer than one in three of those who were brave enough to come forward were satisfied with how their university handled their complaint. More recent research has shown that 40 per cent of female international students have experienced at least one form of sexual violence since arriving in this country. That is an absolute disgrace. At the same time, the National Tertiary Education Union found that almost one in three university staff has also been sexually harassed in the workplace.
The responses of many universities to these sorts of complaints of sexual assault and harassment have long been deemed inadequate or inappropriate. Students have told us that they have been disbelieved or blamed and that their confidentiality has been breached in the process of any investigations that might have been undertaken. Our institutions have come up with ineffectual and underpoliced measures to try and tick a box on their responsibilities—schemes like Consent Matters, which was called out by both students and experts as being unhelpful and ineffective. A recent Senate inquiry was also critical of the failure of the higher education regulator, the Tertiary Education Quality and Standards Agency, which confessed to systemic under-reporting and inaction on sexual violence on our campuses. In recent years a number of courageous individuals have come forth to bring attention to the extent and severity of gender based violence on our campuses. It's become clear that universities simply can't be trusted to act on this issue without oversight and enforcement by an external regulator. The government had to act to reduce the incidence of gender based violence in higher education and to establish national standards and requirements for higher education providers to prevent and respond to gender based violence.
In late 2024 this house passed legislation to establish the National Student Ombudsman as an avenue for individuals to escalate complaints against higher education providers on issues like gender based violence. This bill and the companion legislation before the House are the next steps in the establishment and enforcement of a national higher education code to prevent and respond to gender based violence. This code arose after consultation with victim-survivor advocates, students, the higher education sector, the student accommodation sector, gender based violence experts, states and territories and relevant Australian government agencies. It will create, for the first time, meaningful and detailed standards that universities have to meet in order to adequately address gender based violence. These standards will be enforced by a specialist unit in the Department of Education, which will provide guidance, education and advice to support universities and other providers in understanding their legal obligations under the code and will exercise a significant range of powers to monitor, investigate and respond to noncompliance with the code and with the measures in the bill. It will report annually to both houses of parliament. Where universities fail to meet the standards for student safety, the unit will have the power to enforce financial penalties.
This national code therefore complements the National Student Ombudsman by filling an important gap. We can't have a system that allows universities to tolerate harm until someone complains about their actions. This code will finally enforce meaningful standards that universities will have to meet to support victim-survivors and other students. The code requires that university leaders make whole-of-organisation plans for evidence based prevention of gender based violence plans and for education and training of staff and students. This will include consultation with individuals with lived experience of gender based violence. The code will also ensure that, when that violence does occur, both students and staff have access to the very best supports possible—supports which are trauma informed and ensure that students are still able to go on and complete their educational goals.
For far too long student victim-survivors have been left without the support they need for their safety on campus or in exam spaces, and we know that many have dropped out or failed their studies as a result. Some have faced harmful actions from their universities, which have compounded the harm of the primary assault. Victim-survivors will now be protected by a code which will set clear and meaningful standards that universities have to meet. They will have to provide safe environments. They will have to provide timely safety support. They will have to action and resolve reports in a timely manner. They will have to provide necessary academic support and adjustments to victim-survivors, and they will have to train their staff to respond appropriately to disclosures. Very importantly, non-disclosure agreements will be prohibited unless they are specifically are requested by victim-survivors.
These are all things that students should have been able to take for granted for years, but we know that they've been lacking from far too many institutions. It's important that the code specifically addresses safety in student accommodation, including forms of accommodation affiliated with universities but not controlled by them. Universities will be required to investigate formal reports of gender based violence even where they occur at colleges and other forms of on-campus accommodation. There are some complexities to this, but it's important that it's included. This legislation has been developed over some months by experts in the field, and they have assured us that they feel that if it is properly funded and enforced it will function as intended. It will deliver meaningful change for women on our university campuses and for all victims-survivors of gender based violence.
It's particularly important that, at this point, we acknowledge the brave victims-survivors and other advocates who fought for this change for decades and who have made it possible. In 2022, I had the great privilege of meeting in this house with representatives from End Rape on Campus. A key advocacy group founded in 2016 by Sharna Bremner, End Rape on Campus Australia has now shut down. It did the thing that it was aiming to do: it advocated itself out of business. The women of Australia thank it for its work. There are many others who've worked on this issue for many years and whose achievements and contributions should be recognised in this place as we pass this legislation, including Renee Carr and her Fair Agenda; the STOP Campaign, including Camille Schloeffel; Dr Alison Henry; and so many others.
For far too many students—for far too many women—this legislation comes too late. But those of us in this House now commend this government for acting now as it has to prevent further harm to those who come after. I commend this bill to the House.
I thank all members for their important contributions to this debate. These bills provide for the establishment and enforcement of a national higher education code to prevent and respond to gender based violence. They are an important next step in making students and staff safer on our campuses. As I said, I thank members for their contributions in this debate.
I note the second reading amendment from the member for Berowra. The government takes the issue of antisemitism at universities very seriously. Antisemitism, or any form of racism, harassment, discrimination or intimidation, must not be allowed to threaten the safety of students and staff on Australian university campuses or anywhere else. I have been clear that universities must enforce their codes of conduct and meet their legislative obligations, which include having policies around freedom of speech, fostering a safe environment and ensuring student and staff wellbeing.
Since 1 February this year, the independent National Student Ombudsman has been open and operating, and the ombudsman, as has been said in this debate, is a national first. It is available to handle complaints from students about experiences of antisemitism on university campuses, as well as complaints about all other matters, in particular the issues we are debating here today—sexual assault and sexual harassment on university campuses as well as in student accommodation. The ombudsman is required to report to government at the end of each financial year about the nature and number of complaints that it has received. The government has received the Special Envoy's Plan to Combat Antisemitism from Jillian Segal and will soon receive a report from the Special Envoy to Combat Islamophobia, Aftab Malik. We're also anticipating later this year the final report from the Race Discrimination Commissioner into racism at Australian universities. The government will consider these reports carefully.
Last week I announced that the government will strengthen the powers of the tertiary education regulator, TEQSA—the Tertiary Education Quality and Standards Agency—to respond to governance issues like this and others in our universities. At the moment, TEQSA has, effectively, a sledgehammer and a feather and not much in between. I think there's a good argument that it needs better tools to be able to step in and act, when it's justified in the public interest, and be able to respond to systemic risks, not just the compliance of individual providers. I will soon release a consultation paper to the sector on the nature of those reforms.
The government will not be supporting the second reading amendment as proposed at this time. We're taking this action now as it forms a key commitment under the Action Plan Addressing Gender-based Violence in Higher Education, following more than a decade of dedicated advocacy on behalf of victims-survivors of sexual assault and sexual harassment on campus. I commend the Universities Accord (National Higher Education Code to Prevent and Respond to Gender-based Violence) Bill 2025 and the Universities Accord (National Higher Education Code to Prevent and Respond to Gender-based Violence) (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2025 to the House.
The original question was that this bill now be read a second time. To this the honourable member for Berowra has moved as an amendment that all words after 'That' be omitted with a view to substituting other words. The immediate question then before the House is that the amendment be agreed to.
by leave—I move:
That this bill be now read a third time.
Question agreed to.
Bill read a third time.
I commend the Universities Accord (National Higher Education Code to Prevent and Respond to Gender-based Violence) (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2025 bill to the House.
Question agreed to.
Bill read a second time.
by leave—I move:
That this bill be now read a third time.
Question agreed to.
Bill read a third time.
It is a great honour to be returned to this place for a sixth term. Indeed, I will continue to work just as hard for the people of the Riverina, albeit a vastly different Riverina than the one I was first elected to represent in 2010. I have some interesting statistics from the most recent election. In the federal election held in 2022, the coalition went from 77 seats to 58 at a 35.7 per cent primary vote. In the same election, Labor went from 68 seats to 77 to form government on the back of a 32.58 per cent primary. When you look at the figures from this election just completed in May, the 2025 election, you see the coalition went from 58 seats to 43 with a 31.82 per cent primary, whereas Labor went from 77 seats to 94 with a 34.56 per cent primary. Compare Labor's primary vote this time, at 34½ per cent, with 94 seats gained, to the coalition losing government in 2022 on the back of a 35.7 primary vote. That's extraordinary. That's absolutely remarkable. They have about 1½ per cent less primary and yet they have 94 seats and are crowing about being in government again, compared to the coalition losing government in a rather resounding way at the 2022 poll.
You also look at the changes in boundaries. You look at the fact that New South Wales and Victoria each lost a federal seat, Western Australia picked up one and the House of Representatives has gone from 151 seats in the 47th Parliament to 150 in this term. I mentioned before the boundaries of the Riverina. The Riverina is the most altered seat in federal history. Indeed, my seat almost represents from Matong to the Illawarra. But Riverina, if you look on the Riverina Wikipedia page—not that Wikipedia is anything to gauge anything by; it's only as good as the editors who upload information to it—for the area designated on that particular web page for Riverina, I do not represent any of that area, geographic, weather or otherwise, in the federal parliament.
The Riverina is basically from Narrandera west. Riverina was long considered the gateway to the Riverina. Throw in Wagga Wagga to get the population necessary to form a federal seat, which at the time which was about 100,000 to 110,000 people. These days, that Riverina area belongs now in Farrer, represented by the Leader of the Opposition. The Riverina in the boundary changes of 2016 added Grenfell, Weddin Shire; Parkes; Forbes; Cowra; and part of Hilltops. I now the represent the entire Hilltops Council area. I have picked up Boorowa and all that eastern end of the Hilltops Council local government area and, of course, have added Upper Lachlan, Yass Valley and Snowy Valleys. I have represented Tumut and Tumbarumba shires before. I'm pleased to say the New South Wales minister Ron Hoenig visited the area just last week to talk about a demerger.
Irrespective of the boundaries and the local government areas, I am very happy to be back here and I thank the people of Riverina—albeit by name, not necessarily nature—for placing their faith in me to continue the representation that I have given.
Speaking of ministers and state governments, particularly New South Wales: in Sydney at the moment, the leaders of the two major parties are working themselves into a lather over how high to go when it comes to the housing crisis. High density housing is the only way to go, they say. We're looking at a situation—I appreciate that this is state politics, but it does have a lot to do with what we are discussing in this chamber and in this place. Sydney's Moore Park Golf Course was partially repurposed into parkland to provide open space for a high-density development.
They're looking at TG Millner Field in Marsfield, the home of Eastwood Rugby Club—and indeed at Rosehill Gardens racecourse, which first operated for thoroughbreds in 1885. And what do they want to do there? They want to build high-density housing. There are only so many green spaces in metropolitan cities. This is madness.
Just the other day, on Sunday 17 August, at two o'clock in the afternoon, a light plane was forced to crash-land at Mona Vale golf course. If we fill in all our green spaces with high-density housing, what happens to those planes which take off from the new Western Sydney International (Nancy-Bird Walton) Airport, or indeed from Kingsford Smith at Mascot, if they get into trouble? But, more than that, for the life of me I cannot fathom the shortsightedness of our city politicians when it comes to housing.
As an aside: on Saturday, I drove from Picken Oval in Croydon Park to Gladesville. It took me nearly an hour to travel the 15 kilometres. It was bumper-to-bumper traffic.
Yet we have the Premier of New South Wales, Chris Minns, and, dare I say, the Liberal opposition leader, Mark Speakman, who want to just go up and up and up. Why? And they're looking for ways and means to have epiphanies when it comes to policy. Well, here's a policy idea: What about the regions? What about west of the great divide, in those great expanses, where we've got cities large and towns small looking for people to come west—looking for employees and for families to establish themselves? But we've got two leaders of two major parties who seem oblivious to the fact that regionalism is the way to go. I just don't understand why this is so. And it's not just New South Wales; it's endemic right across all of our capital cities and all of our state parliaments, where you've got city based politicians who cannot see the wood for the trees, quite frankly, because they think that the only way to proceed, to address the housing crisis, is to build high-density housing in already choked, clogged-up central business districts and beyond.
We've got a real situation in Australia. We've got a housing crisis, but we've also got an immigration crisis. Now, I know there's been a bit of to-and-fro between the Australian Bureau of Statistics—an organisation I know well—and media outlets about migration numbers. But data published by the ABS in December shows that net overseas migration was 446,000 in 2023-24—albeit down from a year earlier. But that is 1,221 people per day arriving in this country—1,221 people who need housing; 1,221 people who, arguably, need jobs, though some of them will be children.
But we've got a situation where we've got open expanses in regional Australia. You go down any high street, any main street, in a rural setting and you will see signs in windows that say, 'Apply within. Jobs available.' And yet we've got city based politicians in state governments—and in this place; I don't let the city based politicians here off the hook—who think that the only way to address the housing crisis is to go up, to build more blocks on top of one another, and to clog up our cities and make sure there's more pollution and there are more traffic jams. And I for one don't get it. I just don't understand it.
I want to give a few thanks to the people who've been very close to me and very supportive of my re-election. Ken Grimson recently retired after having served my office so splendidly well since 2017, but before that he worked as a journalist at the Daily Advertiser at Wagga for 33 years. He and I worked together from 1985 until I left the paper in 2002. Ken has been such a loyal servant to me, and I owe him the greatest debt of gratitude. I wish him and his lovely wife, Robyn, all the very best for a healthy and happy future.
I want to thank Barney Hyams, who was my campaign director for the fourth time. Barney from Batlow, as always, did a good job.
I also want to pay tribute to Mikelli Garratt, without whom the booths would not have been as successfully supported as they were. She did a power of work—she and so many other young people who helped out with the campaign, Young Nationals such as Josef Winkler and many others besides. They are the future, and I do thank them for the work that they contributed.
You cannot do this job without a supportive family, and my beautiful wife, Catherine, I do thank so very much. This was the first ever election in which I kissed a baby, and I'm proud to say I did. It was my granddaughter Adeline Bell. She brought her parents, Georgina and Daniel, up from Melbourne, to support me in the campaign. She had a 'Vote 1 Michael McCormack' onesie on, a little yellow and green number. I took time out from a press conference to kiss Adeline on the cheek. She was just three weeks old. I do thank her and her parents very much—Georgina in particular, who has never missed one of my campaigns. I actually think she likes it a bit more than even I do.
It was a tough campaign. It was a challenging campaign. It was probably the nastiest campaign—not probably; it was the nastiest campaign—I've ever been involved in, but the Nationals came through because the Nationals deliver. I do thank all of those people who voted for me. I do, very earnestly. But I also thank those people who didn't, because I will represent them as fiercely, as proudly and as passionately as anybody in this parliament.
I rise today with gratitude as the re-elected member for Bennelong. Of course, I would like to start by saying thank you to all those who live in Bennelong for putting their trust in me, some for the first time and some for multiple times. I've had a few goes around in local government, I ran for state government once, and now I'm re-elected as the federal member. So a big thank you to the people who re-elected me. I don't take this win for granted. It's an absolute honour to be re-elected to represent my home in this place, and I'll keep working every day to make that trust count.
This election marks something historic: for the first time, a Labor member was re-elected in Bennelong. That's not just a personal milestone; I think it's a reflection of something bigger. It was a vote of confidence in the kind of politics that puts communities at the centre of the decision-making process. I want to thank my family: my kids—Harry, Madeline and Amelie—and, of course, my wonderful partner, Jo, and her kids, Will and Alfie. They put up with the odd hours, the time away and the fact that everyone in Bennelong owns a little bit of me. It's a job that truly belongs to the people of Bennelong. I'm incredibly lucky to have my family in this corner. To my parents: thank you for teaching me the values that brought me to this place—fairness, hard work and compassion.
To my campaign team and electorate staff—Michael, Maddy, Oliver, Daniel, James, Karma, Angela, Bailey, Katie, Callan, Enzo, Garth and Pauline—and to the local Labor branches of Gladesville, Lane Cove, Ryde, Eastwood, Hunters Hill, Willoughby-Castlecrag, Epping and Macquarie Park: a huge thank you. Some of those branches have a Labor member representing them for the first time in history. In fact, Hunters Hill, a foundation branch of the Labor Party, way back in the late 1890s, has a Labor MP for the first time. I'm particularly excited that I'm back in this place.
There were so many volunteers and champions that got us over the line. In particular, a huge thank you to Racheal, Linda, Lyndal, Cathy and Ethan. These people, in particular, helped us coordinate our volunteers to walk the streets, knock on the doors and listen to locals. They and plenty of others—too many to name—helped me run a campaign smoothly and professionally and get the results. Every one of us in this chamber knows that we don't do this alone.
I come to this place shaped by my community, my home and by the role I played in it. Before federal politics, I served as a councillor and the mayor of Ryde for a decade. That time taught me something simple but powerful: the best politics start close to home. It's not about shouting the loudest or promising the world; it's about solving day-to-day problems, listening, showing up and making people's lives a little bit easier, fairer and more secure. People don't always have to agree with you, but they want to know that you care and that you're accessible. That's the approach I've taken my entire career. As councillor, I turned up; as mayor, I delivered; and now, as the member for Bennelong, I'll continue to do both.
This is the type of representation that every community deserves. Granted, we all do it a bit differently. The minister there at the front desk runs marathons. It's not something I'm proposing to do, but it's about turning up and connecting with your community. I'm determined to continue to do that and deliver for Bennelong. It's not just a job but a relationship that we have with our community built on trust, visibility and real connection. Whether it's attending cultural festivals in Macquarie Park, eating out in Rowe Street, Eastwood, visiting schools in Lane Cove, or talking about housing and skills with students in Meadowbank, I make it my job to listen first and then act, because being present and listening is how you build trust. It's how you understand what's actually happening in people's lives. Representation doesn't just happen here in Canberra; it happens in these everyday conversations we have on doorsteps, in classrooms, on main streets, at the shopping centre—like when I get pulled up and asked a few questions in Coles—and at community centres as well. That's where you hear what's really going on, and that's where the work really starts.
That local-first mindset has only grown stronger in my time as a federal MP. I've now seen from an even closer perspective how national decisions land in real households. I've seen the cracks people fall through, and I've seen how good representation—compassionate, accountable and community focused—can make a real difference. That's the kind of representation I've worked really hard to deliver—visible, practical and grounded in community, whether it's here in the chamber or out on the streets chatting to people who just turn up to have their say. I've tried to make sure that people in Bennelong feel seen, heard and supported.
Over this past term—and now into this one—I've carried that approach into everything I've done. It's shaped how I advocate to the government and within it, and I'm proud that that's led to real outcomes and tangible improvements in people's lives. That work has obviously taken different forms. Sometimes it's been backing in national reforms in this chamber, and sometimes it's been pushing for local priorities back home, even if they're not all within my responsibility. A lot of people just want to talk to a politician to make sure they're heard and to make sure that their voice goes to the right place. Be it a state issue or a local issue, I've always tried to help people, and I've always tried to be their voice. My focus has always stayed the same: getting things done for the people I represent.
Over the term, the Albanese Labor government has made real progress, and I've worked hard to make sure Bennelong sees the benefit of that work. In health care, we delivered the single largest investment in Medicare's history to strengthen the system, which will mean more than 1.8 million extra bulk-billed visits in Sydney, including at clinics in Bennelong. It'll mean GP practices are better supported and more accessible, and it'll mean families will spend less to see a doctor. That's a good thing. We've made medicines cheaper, cutting the maximum PBS co-payment from $42.50, and it will go down all the way to $25 from 1 January, the same price it was in 2004. If we had done nothing, that price would be $50 now, but it will be $25 from 1 January, the lowest level in nearly two decades. That's already saved people in Bennelong more than $8.6 million in real savings to the household budget. We've introduced 60-day dispensing to halve the trips to pharmacies and doctors for people on long-term medications as well.
Our urgent care clinics have been rolling out. There's one in Top Ryde and one on its way in Chatswood. These clinics mean families can get urgent bulk-billed treatment after hours without having to wait hours at an emergency department. We've committed to delivering a Medicare mental health centre right in the heart of my electorate, in Ryde, because access to mental health care should be local, affordable and immediate, not something that people put off or go without. In cost-of-living relief, every household received an energy rebate, and 92,000 local taxpayers will get a tax cut under Labor's top-up tax cuts. We've made child care cheaper, delivered HECS relief and made free TAFE permanent so people can train and retrain, get a better job, earn more money and get ahead, not be left behind.
We have backed serious local investment in Bennelong, with more than $330 million delivered in the last term into our electorate for roads, schools, parks, sporting facilities, community groups and really-big-ticket infrastructure—big projects—and the quiet ones: the things people see everyday and the ones that keep our neighbourhood and our community groups running behind the scenes.
I'm so proud of what we've achieved together, but I'm even more focused on what comes next. In this term, I'll keep doing what I've always done—listening to the people of Bennelong, taking their concerns seriously and working hard here in this place, publicly and behind the scenes, to deliver for them.
I'll be working really hard to deliver our urgent care clinic in Chatswood and our mental health centre in Ryde and to get those up and running as soon as possible. Critical investments in people's wellbeing are vitally needed in our community, particularly in mental health. They'll help take pressure off our hospitals whilst making care easier to access close to home.
Housing, of course, is a huge priority for this government, and you heard a lot of that today in this place. Many people in Bennelong are feeling the squeeze. Rents are high, leases are insecure or not long enough, and affordable options are few and far between. I'll keep working with my colleagues in government to deliver on our housing agenda, to make it easier to buy and better to rent and to build more homes where they're needed the most. That means more social and affordable housing in our community, and it means national action to lower deposits and mortgages, strengthen renters' rights and unlock housing supply.
On climate, it'll be no surprise that I'll continue to be a strong voice for action, pushing our own government to do better, because cutting emissions isn't just good policy; it's good for household budgets too. I'll keep supporting practical measures that make it easier for people to electrify their homes, to access solar, to improve insulation and to switch to clean energy transport. There's so much to do in this space, particularly for renters and those who live in strata to get access to renewable energy technology. All of those issues are held at the state level, but there's a role for the federal government to play there to get standards across the system so that renters can access renewable energy as well. I'll keep on pushing for strong local voices to be heard on the national environmental reforms so that the work we do here translates into better outcomes in communities on the ground.
And I intend to work hard to deliver all of the commitments made to my community during the election and before it. That includes our upgrades to Christie Park—$1.9 million for five synthetic futsal courts—and the wonderful facility upgrades at Boronia Park, with a battery, solar panels, and upgraded electrics and lighting. There's arts and culture funding in Lane Cove and continued investment in the roads, schools, community groups, services and public spaces that make Bennelong such a wonderful place to live.
Politics needs to serve people, and I do this job because I genuinely like helping people—fixing a problem or making someone's life that little bit better, making things a little bit easier. It's what makes me tick and why I put up with all the rubbish that sometimes comes along with this role. I say this to everyone in Bennelong: you don't have to vote for me to get help from me. You don't have to agree with me for me to stand up for you. If you need my support, I'll always do my best to hear you and help where I can. My job is to represent everyone in Bennelong, and that's what I'll do every day. I'm proud of what we've achieved together, but I'm even more determined about what comes next—because I'll keep showing up, I'll keep listening and I'll keep pushing the government to deliver outcomes that matter. Bennelong deserves nothing less, and I'll keep doing everything I can to deliver on that promise.
It's an honour to stand here today after being re-endorsed by my community as their local voice in the Australian parliament. I'd like to begin by thanking the community of Casey for placing their trust in me to serve for a second term as their community representative. Each time I stand to speak as the federal member for Casey, I'm reminded of my community who gave me the responsibility and privilege of being a strong local voice in this place. To represent my home and community in the Australian parliament is a privilege and an honour that I will never take for granted.
The greatest part of this job is the ability to help people when they need it the most. Locals who call or visit my office are often feeling vulnerable and in need of assistance with navigating government departments and complex bureaucracies. Others reach out with ideas and suggestions on how things could be done better by the federal government. My commitment to my community is that I'll be a voice in this place for all, regardless of how you voted.
I'd like to acknowledge the seven other candidates who nominated for Casey at the election and commend them on the campaigns that they ran. Our democracy is something to treasure, and one of the key things that makes it so strong is the independence of the AEC. I thank the hardworking AEC staff for their work in the 2025 federal election, because to vote in this country with the added confidence that the outcome will be fair is a privilege we should never take for granted. I'll work hard everyday for all the residents of our community.
I'd like to thank people who have and who continue to support me. As you know, Deputy Speaker, none of us stands alone in this House. There are many who support us on the journey to this House and the journey to continue to serve our communities in this House. Firstly, to my family—my wife, Rachel, and my two children: I couldn't do what I do serving our community without you. Thank you for your unconditional love and support. To my executive committee, the campaign team and my EO staff: thank you for your support, your advice and your guidance. To our dedicated local Liberal members as well as community supporters who believed in me and our party's values: thank you for giving your time, your most precious asset, to our cause. Our campaign was a local grassroots campaign. We had hundreds of people who gave up so much, from putting up signs in their property and listening to our community and supporting me at listening posts to handing out on election day. Thank you for believing in me and also the Liberal Party and our cause.
At a local level, we made some really important commitments that an elected Liberal government would have delivered. I spent the past three years out in my community speaking to locals where they were, either doorknocking their homes or listening to them at the local shops. My plan was centred around providing solutions to some of the challenges we face in our community. I'm pleased that my positive plan resonated with the community. This included improving local health care, funding for sealing Yarra Ranges dirt roads to help end the days of dust, potholes and dangerous driving conditions, as well as boosting local telecommunications resilience with battery back up for telecommunication towers and generator upgrades.
I also worked closely with our local sporting clubs to deliver the infrastructure they need and deserve. In my first speech I spoke about the importance of community sport in shaping who I am today. Involvement in grassroots local sport gives you a sense of purpose and can change lives. My commitment to important upgrades at several local clubs was about improving and building on that strong community spirit that is fostered in our clubs as well as to support increased female participation. I am proud that today young girls, like my own daughter, have the same opportunity to participate in sport, make new friends and get involved in their community. They can learn the values of hard work, training, taking advice from their coaches—the pain of defeat but also doing the hard work to improve and the sweet taste of victory from that hard work. I am disappointed that the Labor government did not match my commitments for our community and at this point they won't be going ahead. But the need for these local projects is important, and it doesn't stop once the election is decided, because our community deserves improved access to health care. We deserve safer local roads, we deserve reliable telecommunications and we deserve upgraded local infrastructure and facilities. My commitment to you is that I'll continue to advocate and I'll continue being a strong local voice in this parliament for our community.
Last term I started a petition with my community calling for an urgent care clinic in the Yarra Ranges. Thousands of locals added their names, and I stood in this place and brought local voices to the federal parliament. I'm pleased that together we had a win for our community. The government has finally now committed to delivering an urgent care clinic in the Yarra Ranges, and recently I received confirmation that the clinic will be established in Lilydale. It's great that the government has finally listened to us. It's a real credit to our efforts—every person who signed the petition, who spoke up and who shared their story. I welcome this progress but it doesn't go far enough, because while a clinic in Lilydale is a step forward, it doesn't do much for the families in Healesville, the Upper Yarra or other rural parts of Casey. These community members face long travel times and limited access to health care.
What makes this even more frustrating for these communities is that Labor knows our communities need better access. During the election Labor's endorsed candidate said more than once that Healesville would be the location for an urgent care clinic. This was after the Prime Minister and the minister for health had said it would be in Lilydale. In an online candidates' forum their candidate clearly stated that an urgent care clinic would be located at the Healesville hospital. They told the local paper:
Healesville has an appropriate location with connected services and has a huge need, Healesville will be the location chosen.
They even posted it repeatedly on social media, so you can understand why people in Healesville are feeling misled. They were told one thing by Labor before the election, and now they are missing out on the quality health care that Labor promised them. During the campaign the Liberals and I committed to an urgent care clinic in Healesville because the need there is real, and I know this from listening to our community and my family's lived experience. Our community campaign is not over. Together we'll keep pushing for better health care, and I'll continue to be a strong local voice here in parliament working for every part of our region.
We as a community also achieved so much together in the last parliament. We saved $20 million in funding from the previous Liberal government for the Montrose intersection upgrade. I am pleased to see that the work has now been completed and that this important road safety project has been delivered for our community. We also saved $20 million in funding to upgrade the Maroondah Highway and Killara Road intersection at Coldstream. Despite the previous Liberal government committing funding for the project over six years ago, state and federal Labor governments have stifled the project and have continued to delay the project. It's time to get on with the job and upgrade the Maroondah Highway and Killara Road intersection. I will keep working with the Coldstream community to get this project done.
We also had wins to improve local connectivity. Working collaboratively with the Minister for Communications to make sure our community was not overlooked, I advocated for improved telecommunications in our community. It was fantastic that Lilydale benefited from improved coverage. However, it was disappointing that towns in dangerous black spots in the Dandenong Ranges and the Upper Yarra missed out. I will continue advocating for the telecommunications our community deserves right across the electorate, particularly as we come into this time of needing emergency services.
There are a lot of emergencies in Casey, whether they be fires, floods or storms. I want to take a moment to commend all the CFA units across Casey who were commended for their work in the June storms of 2021, volunteers that put their lives on the line in the Dandenong Ranges, the Upper Yarra, the Yarra Valley and our suburban areas to make sure our community was safe. I know and they know that reliable communications are important every day but are so crucial when things go wrong and, unfortunately, they so often do in our community.
I was also determined to deliver for the thousands of volunteers in my community. Through my local Stronger Communities Program and volunteer grants we delivered funding for 95 community organisations across Casey. Whether it was to purchase new equipment or provide training to upskill and grow the volunteer base, I was proud to support so many local volunteers who give so much of their time to make our region even stronger. They do it because they love our community and they want to give back. I'm excited that an additional 14 local groups will receive grants of between $2,500 and $20,000 help deliver projects that will benefit our wider community through round 9 of the Stronger Communities Program. Those organisations were: Blairgowrie House Playgroup in Mooroolbark; the Koha Community Cafe in Warburton; the Wandin Seniors; the Upwey Fire Brigade; Healesville Interchurch Community Care Incorporated, more commonly known as HICCI; Belgravia Foundation, who run the Healesville Pool; the Millgrove Residents Action Group; Anchor Community Care in Lilydale; Yarra Valley ECOSS in Wesburn; Mums of the Hills in the Dandenong Ranges; Yarra Valley FM in Healesville; Veterans For Fishing; Kilsyth junior football club; and Treasuring Our Trees. I can't wait to see these grassroots projects come to life and continue to support our local community groups. I've had the opportunity to visit all of these community groups and see firsthand the impact they have on our community. They do so much to ensure that the fabric of our community gets stronger. In peri-urban, regional and rural towns, these volunteer community groups really are the heart of the community and give so much back. I'm glad that we can support them in a little way to continue to do the work that they do for our community. I love my community, and I'm looking forward to continuing to serve as their local voice in this place. I work every day to make sure our region gets the investment it deserves and remains the best place to live, work and raise a family. Australia is the lucky country. It's a place where I was able to make a life for myself and my family, regardless of postcode, income or circumstance. But, for many Australians, it doesn't feel so lucky anymore. We have plenty of work to do in this place to ensure future generations have the same opportunities I did, and I will work hard every day to ensure my children and my children's children grow up in a beautiful, prosperous Australia. When we talk about our future generations, there is not one thing that is more important. There are many things we need to do to ensure that they have that future, but the consistent theme that comes through for our younger generation is access to housing. We need to make sure that, in Casey, across Victoria and across Australia, we have the opportunities to deliver housing for them at an affordable price so they can start their dreams with their families and own their little part of Australia.
I'll continue to hold this government to account to make sure that they are actually delivering, not just rebadging coalition policies, although, as they say, imitation is the greatest form of flattery. It was disappointing that the Prime Minister and the Treasurer felt that they needed to run a three-day roundtable as cover for announcing a coalition policy as their own, but, as long as we're getting prices down, we will take that. There is much to do. I'm looking forward to continuing to deliver today and into the future in this term parliament for my community.
I rise today with a deep sense of gratitude, pride and responsibility. To the people of Newcastle: thank you. Thank you for once again placing your trust in me to represent you in the Australian parliament. It's an extraordinary honour and one that I will never take for granted. The message Australians sent at this election was clear. They want a government that rolls up its sleeves, tackles the big challenges and delivers real, practical change. And that's exactly what this Labor government is doing and will continue to do. This election delivered Labor a strong mandate. It is a mandate for action—action to help with the cost of living, to rebuild our health and education systems, to deliver secure jobs and better wages, to tackle climate change and create a clean energy future, and to deliver a more inclusive, fairer, more resilient Australia for every Australian, no matter where they live, where they work or who they voted for.
We know that, right now, Australians are feeling the pinch, from power bills to groceries to mortgages. That's why, on 1 July, new cost-of-living measures kicked in—meaningful, targeted relief that is already making a difference. We've seen a 3.5 per cent increase to the minimum wage. This, of course, is the third consecutive increase to the minimum wage. We've seen the superannuation guarantee increase from 11.5 per cent to 12 per cent. We've got 30 per cent off home batteries, $10,000 for housing apprenticeships and $150 in energy bill relief for every household, building on the energy relief that was provided in the last term of government. We've got an extra two weeks of paid parental leave and superannuation being paid on paid parental leave for the first time ever. There's the $20,000 instant asset write-off, extended again for small businesses, and a $1.8 billion boost for our public schools. There are the historic investments in women's health, giving women more choice, lower costs and a higher quality of care.
These are not just promises; these are real, tangible outcomes from a Labor government that cares and delivers. We welcome the Reserve Bank's decision to cut interest rates for the third time in six months. This is welcome relief for millions of Australians and reflects the substantial and sustained progress we've made on inflation in a volatile and uncertain global environment. And we know there's more work to do, which is why we're building on this relief with long-term reforms to improve housing, skills, energy and income support to build a more secure future for all.
One of the most exciting opportunities ahead is Australia's clean energy future, and the Albanese Labor government is making sure Newcastle is at the centre. With a strong industrial base, a world-class port, a skilled and resilient workforce and critical infrastructure, our region is perfectly placed to lead this next chapter. We've already seen a massive $100 million commitment by the Albanese Labor government to establish a clean energy precinct at the port of Newcastle, a project that will revitalise our port and transform our regional economy.
Let's take a moment to appreciate what that means. Land that was once earmarked for the expansion of a coal terminal will now be home to the industries of the future: green hydrogen, green ammonia, renewable exports and energy innovation. This is a game changer. On top of that, we've just announced $425 million for our hydrogen hub at Orica, one of the big heavy industries on Kooragang Island, further cementing Newcastle at the forefront of our clean energy transformation.
But we know that infrastructure alone is not enough, and that's why Labor is also establishing a net zero manufacturing centre of excellence at the Tighes Hill TAFE, ensuring that local workers have the skills and training they need to thrive in these new energy industries. We've also delivered $21 million for a new future industries facility at the University of Newcastle, where researchers, industry and students will help shape the net zero economy together. From coal to clean energy, this is what transition looks like: thoughtful, strategic and grounded in the strengths of our region and our people. Novocastrians should be proud. We are not just adapting to the future; we are shaping it.
Medicare remains at the beating heart of our health system. And I want to be absolutely clear. Under Labor, it will never be privatised. It will never be dismantled. It will be protected, strengthened and modernised. We've made the biggest investment in bulk-billing by any government ever, saving families thousands in out-of-pocket expenses and ensuring access is based on need, not wealth. We're putting nurses and doctors back into local communities through our Medicare urgent care clinics. We've secured the future of GP access-after-hours services at the John Hunter and Mater hospitals—a fight I was proud to lead on behalf of my local community.
We're launching 1800MEDICARE, a free, nationwide, 24/7 health advice line and an after-hours GP telehealth service. We're strengthening access to mental health care through our new walk-in Medicare mental health clinic at Charlestown and our newly expanded headspace Plus in Newcastle. We're boosting funding for hospitals across Australia, we're delivering cheaper medicines, already saving Novocastrians more than $10 million, and we've made record investments in women's health, men's health and mental health for parents. From menopause treatments to subsidised contraceptives, targeted prostate cancer support and community based care, we're building a health system that actually serves the people it's meant to protect.
One of the biggest pressures facing Australians right now is housing. Whether you are trying to buy your first home, afford your rent, pay your mortgage or find a safe place to live, too many people are being left behind. Labor believes that housing is a fundamental human right. When Labor came to office, the cupboard was bare when it came to housing. Funding for social and affordable homes had declined to its lowest level since World War II. Under Labor, this has changed. We're delivering our $43 billion housing for Australians project, making it easier to buy and better to rent, and we'll be building more homes. This includes the $10 billion Housing Australia Future Fund, the single largest investment in social and affordable housing. We've worked with the states and territories to unlock more housing supply and provide better protections for renters. We've delivered back-to-back increases to Commonwealth Rent Assistance, benefiting more than 10,000 people in Newcastle alone. We've got a $1 billion fund to build more crisis and transitional housing. We've increased the incentive payment for housing construction apprentices from $5,000 to $10,000, and I'm proud glad to say that more than 500 apprentices in my local community are benefiting from that incentive payment right now.
While I celebrate the progress that this Labor government has made, I must be frank: I wish we were further along. This plan should have been in motion much earlier, but it was blocked. It was blocked in the Senate by the most unlikely alliance of the Greens and the Liberals. While families were struggling to pay the rent, while people were sleeping in cars, while frontline services were crying out for support, the Greens and the Liberals put themselves and their political games first and delayed critical housing investment.
Labor doesn't think that housing should be a political football; we think it should be a national priority. And the results of the last election showed that the Australian people agree. Despite the obstruction, we got there. We passed the Housing Australia Future Fund. We're delivering more emergency accommodation, more affordable rentals and more community housing every day. And we had important announcements as a result of the economic roundtable—announcements that were made in this House today, in fact. But let me be clear: there is much more to do, and we will keep going—building more homes, cutting red tape, unlocking land and giving more Australians a secure place to call home.
Education is the bedrock of opportunity, and Labor is making historic investments right across the board. Labor doesn't see education in silos; we understand it is a lifelong journey from early learning, through school, into vocational education and training or university, and beyond. We've already cut student debt, and we've made the HELP system fairer to ensure your debt doesn't keep rising unfairly. Now we've gone a step further, wiping a further 20 per cent off all student loans as our first order of business in this new 48th Parliament.
We've delivered more than 600,000 free TAFE places, including more than 5,100 Novocastrians who are now enjoying the benefits of free TAFE. We've made free TAFE a permanent feature of our vocational education system. We're fully funding public schools, and that is great news for more than 18,000 students across 43 public schools in my electorate of Newcastle. We've delivered cheaper child care to more than one million families, and now we're making early childhood education safer, simpler, more accessible and more affordable.
We've introduced paid prac, so that Australians studying nursing, teaching, midwifery or social work can get paid while they're on a placement. I can't stress what a game changer this is. These were people who previously had to give up paid jobs in order to undertake unpaid placements that are a mandatory part of their degree program. This is making sure we get people into all of those jobs that we all depend on and need done in our communities.
Here in Newcastle, Labor is also delivering a future that works—one with secure jobs, strong industry and modern infrastructure. We've got our $55 million investment into Newcastle Airport's international terminal. It's about to come into being, and, in October, the very first direct international flights from Newcastle to Bali will take off. This means tourism, jobs and global connections for our region, and I can't tell you how excited Novocastrians are about that. There was a sale of those tickets; it was sold out within hours of them going online.
It's the same story that we have with the highly anticipated final link of the Newcastle Inner City Bypass, the M1 extension to Raymond Terrace, and the notorious Hexham Straight—backed by this government to the tune of $2.1 billion, and getting closer to completion. Once operational, those road projects combined will significantly benefit the hundreds of thousands of motorists who travel in and around our region every day—improving road safety, reducing travel times and giving people more time with their families. No-one wants to sit in congested traffic when you could be at home with your kids.
We've got a $500 million investment in high-speed rail, which represents a new chapter in Newcastle and our region's economic story. Since coming to government, we've established the High Speed Rail Authority, with an office and community hub in Newcastle; we've completed all of the geotechnical drilling work that needed to be done; and Infrastructure Australia is now reviewing the business case. As the birthplace of high-speed rail in Australia, this project means generations of new opportunities for Novocastrians. We've got to understand that high-speed rail is not just fast transport. It means more jobs; sustainable, low-emissions transport into the future; and greater choice about where you get to live, work, study and play. There will be a tremendous economic uplift as a result of this project between the two major cities of New South Wales. But that, of course, is the first leg of a much larger project we envisage from Brisbane through to Melbourne.
This Albanese Labor government has also made massive investments in local sports facilities. There was $285,000 for a new in-ground irrigation system at Wallsend Park, $1.5 million for female change rooms at the Bernie Curran Oval at Callaghan, and $625,000 for a new grandstand and facility upgrades at the Darling Street Oval in Broadmeadow. And I am so pleased that I will soon be able to deliver a further $3 million for sorely needed drainage and irrigation at Upper Reserve in Wallsend.
Labor know that a great city is built on strong suburbs and towns, and that's why we're investing to make sure that people don't just live where they live; they love where they live. That's why we're investing $16.7 million for upgrades to the Cathedral Park and Newcastle's East End project. We've committed $5 million to stabilise Memorial Drive and provide safe pedestrian passage. This work has already been completed. It's a really iconic coastal stretch that suffered a landslip during a deluge of rain. It was simply too much for the local government to do on its own, and this is when partnerships between the federal and local governments work so brilliantly. We also had $6 million for upgrades to roads in Adamstown Heights, New Lambton and Elermore Vale; $661,000 for road and pedestrian upgrades to Woodford Street, Minmi; and $469,000 for safety upgrades to National Park Street in Hamilton South, along with another $450,000 for a shared path on Minmi Road in Fletcher.
Late last year I was so excited to visit the Hunter Wetlands Centre with some great news—that they had been successful in securing over $550,000 for the restoration of significant sites within this precious ecosystem. The reason this is so important is that it will help protect our internationally recognised Ramsar wetlands, making sure that our kids and future generations can continue to enjoy our unique plants, animals, habitats and places.
I am also so excited to deliver a further $10 million during this term to naturalise Ironbark Creek in Wallsend. For too long our community has lived with the shocking consequences of major flooding, and it's caused significant distress for residents while also constraining economic development in Wallsend. While this funding is about mitigating flooding in Wallsend, it also has positive impacts further upstream. This project will convert a degraded and graffiti covered urban drain into a living stream by providing new aquatic habitat to link restored upstream riparian corridors with the internationally significant Hunter wetlands that I mentioned before. These investments aren't just about fixing problems. They're about creating a healthier, more resilient environment that our community can be proud of for generations to come.
Newcastle has a massive cultural heart. This is something that the Albanese Labor government get, which is why we've also invested $100,000 in Catapult Dance Choreographic Hub, supporting residencies, First Nations and regional choreographers. There is $70,000 for King Street hotel to improve disability access and install lighting and a sound desk, $67,000 to keep live music fans singing and dancing at West Best Bloc Fest and almost $10,000 for Hamilton Station Hotel to upgrade their equipment so they can continue to host local, national and international artists.
While I don't have time to run through every bit of funding this Labor government has invested in my community, I would like to leave you with a figure—a figure of the total funding amount during the last term of government. It's $1.5 billion. That is just in the last three years alone. This term, Labor is just as, if not more, ambitious for our town.
Before I close, I'd like to take a moment to say thank you first and foremost to the people of Newcastle. Thank you again for putting your trust in me. Representing our incredible city is the honour of my life. I will never take it for granted and I will continue to fight for you every single day. To the tireless volunteers who gave their time, energy and heart to our campaign; to my campaign team; and to my parliament and electorate office teams: thank you for your dedication and care that you show to all of our constituents day in and day out. You're the backbone of my work, and your support ensures that every person who walks through our doors, rings or sends that email is heard and respected. To my Labor colleagues, to my family and friends and, finally, to the many community groups, unions, educators, community health workers, business owners, carers, students and everyday locals who engage with me: thank you. You always help shape the work I can do. I am here to represent you and, as I said, it is the greatest honour of my life.
It's a great pleasure to come to the microphone and to discuss the election in New England. We were very blessed. We went against the tide and got a swing to us in New England in both primary and two-party preferred, and it's a great team effort that did it. It's never one person. No one person ever wins their seat. It takes a team, and the team in New England went against the tide. Whether it was north, south, east or west, there was a swing against the coalition, but we were lucky enough to go the other way. I put that down to the great team members. I can't mention them all, because that would be the whole speech, but I'll mention some.
Obviously, there are the branch chairs, who did an incredible job. There are my staff, who are ever patient. Any staff who have to put up with a person standing for an election almost deserve a medal and should walk on Anzac Day, because you're a bit beside yourself! You're always trying to get perfection where, of course, you've just got to do the best job you can. To Heidi and Dave; to Daniel Gillette; to Lizzie and Anne Coxhead, who have been doing such an incredible job for such a long period of time; to the Burke family for all the work that that whole family has put in for so long in supporting the people of New England—and, if you go up to the north of the electorate, there are people such as Peter Petty or Toby Smith, and you can't go past Armidale without talking about Matt Lynch. I don't know a larger character that's ever handed out than Matt Lynch. He seems to know everybody and, as an ex-policeman, I suppose he knows them for all the wrong reasons! These are the sort of teams—Phil Hobson, down at Muswellbrook, who came into it. All these people—Adrian Spencer, Pam Cobell; you could go on all night. But just know that I thank you all for that incredible effort that you put in. The win in New England is your win, for which I am a small cog in a very big gearbox. We did a great job together and we have backed up the work we've done for so long. I remember the first poll when we all started in New England. The first poll had us at 36 per cent. We had to try and achieve the biggest win against an incumbent in Australian history, and we did it. From that point on, we've just built and built the strength to continue on with that.
I want to go through some other things. I am also now blessed with, I think, the strongest booths in Australia. I'm very lucky. Some booths were at 93 and 94 per cent. To the people of Yarrowitch and people of North Star: if we can just find those three people, that would be great! But it's not even that. It's also in other areas where big towns were voting for us. Manilla was over 70 per cent voting for us. That's an incredible thing. I'm always so humbled when you're handing out, even at working-class areas like South Tamworth—as people walk in, you really don't know how you're going to go, and then you see the result at the end of the night—by the idea that most of those people who walked past voted for you, so you never want to let them down. You want to make sure that, however you do it, you look after them. I'm very lucky. Our office do a survey, and for four terms in a row we've been the most responsive office in Australia. I think it's a Greens office that comes second. This sort of service is really important in making sure that people feel that, if they contact you, you will follow things up and you will follow things through.
There were some interesting issues that I believe need to be discussed. We took over some of the Hunter seat, which of course was a Labor seat, and we got a massive swing to us, 10 per cent in some of the booths. One of the most substantial swings to us was in the Muswellbrook area. I have to be honest: it was because we promised them a nuclear power plant. That was the big thing that won the votes there, and I put that to my colleagues on the other side. I don't think that nuclear power is so disliked. People who are power literate could see the jobs: fitters and turners, sparkies, boilermakers. They just know that, if their lives have been making black rocks boil water and you're going to go to a different coloured rock and boil water again, then they've got the jobs. As they explained, if you go to a power plant car park, it's chock-a-block full of people on good wages. The car park is packed. But if you go to an intermittent power precinct, the swindle factories, there is no car park, because no-one works there., We were straight with the people of Muswellbrook and said, 'If we win, we're going to build a nuclear power plant here,' and we got a massive swing to us.
I want to relay an interesting story. A lot of guys that come into work—predominantly guys—at change of shift in the mine, one would say, as a lot of people I know, probably grew up Labor. Everybody in their family always voted Labor. I just remember this guy walking down in his 'don't kill me' shirt, the big reflecto-shirt, and this lady—she was an independent—said, 'Vote against Barnaby and stop the nuclear power plant.' He'd picked up her how-to-vote card, and he stopped, pivoted and said, 'In that case, Madam, you can have this one back.' I think it's interesting to just repeat. It's funny: I think the fear of nuclear power was strongest where there was no prospect of ever building a nuclear power plant, but where we were actually going to build them, we actually got a swing to us. You could also see that in places like the seat of Flynn, where I know there was a swing to us. People who work in the power industry are not dopey; they are pretty well read. As we say, they're very power literate.
A big issue for us, something I'm still banging on about, is the pathological dislike of intermittent power for what it's doing to our communities, what it's doing to our landscape, what it's doing to the poor and how it's putting such pressure on their cost of living that it's driving them out of the house. They see the proponents, the people who are actually making money out of it, are not the farmers, by the way. That's what's created the division in the communities. The people making the money—they all know about it; they're not dopey and they look them all up—are overseas companies and domestic billionaires, and somehow they have a right to come into our lives and turn our lives upside down. A slightly egotistical statement, but I did make myself a champion of that issue, and it paid political dividends because that's what people are thinking. That's where they are. They want you to go and fight the battles that they can't fight. They expect you to stand up against the powerful on behalf of the powerless, and if you do that and stay humble, then you end up with one of the safest seats in Australia. But I don't take that for granted one little bit. I acknowledge that in a heartbeat the seat of New England could change in a different direction. It's done it before and it could do it again. You've got to stay humble, keep focused, make sure you push a shopping trolley around the Coles supermarket, talk to people, find out what's going on and always make sure your office has an open door.
At a macro level, what went wrong? It was a trainwreck for the coalition. Obviously the Liberal Party had an incredibly bad day in the office. At the previous election, we had 22 seats; the Nats went down to 19. It's not as bad, but it was all round not a good thing. I think it's really important we don't say, 'It's all their fault, none of our fault.' It was just not a good day in the office for the whole lot of us. But the Labor Party shouldn't be too cock-a-hoop, because their primary vote is only like 34 per cent, which means it's really febrile. The big winners in this were the third parties. Their vote is building up and building up and building up, which means that it's tenuous. It means you can have a massive swing in the right circumstances at the next election. Any person who holds a seat with a three in front of it is only just there, and that's the government. Of course, it would have been us as well, but that's the government or the opposition. So the elections are going to become a very febrile thing.
Why is that? It's because more and more people are not grazing through the broadsheets of newspapers or watching the news. They're on their tablets and they're in echo chambers. They're on Instagram. They're on TikTok. The ones who read a little bit more are probably on Facebook. They're reinforcing the messages they already know, and that's going to make politicking different. It creates a great avenue for third parties to get into those echo chambers, be heard and collect a vote, and I'm seeing that more and more. One side is seeing it. The Greens probably didn't have a very good day in the office either, but they hold a constituency. One Nation on the other side is building up their vote. And we see other Independents and other shapes and forms in other areas.
I think this place works well when you've got people understanding that someone has got to run the government and act responsibly to try and make sure that we look after all of Australia and there's a clear understanding that governments at times have to make very hard decisions and they have to make hard decisions for the betterment of all. If it's too febrile and becomes too populist, then no hard decision will ever be made, and our nation will suffer the consequences because of it. But that's up to us to try and make sure we get the trust of the people back, because we are losing it, and we are losing it on both sides of the chamber.
If we had the election again—and I remember having this discussion with Mr Dutton at the time—elections have got to be fought on binary issues where people have a clear understanding of them and they are defined to them, and then you are either all for it or all against it with the opposition or the government or against it or all for it, alternatively, and make sure that you pick that so there's a clear understanding of what differentiates you. You can't be an amelioration and a permutation and some sort of segmentation of what is already the policy, or people won't follow you.
What would have done it for us? We should have gone into the election against net zero. We should have said, 'We're against net zero; they're for Paris. We're for pensioners; they're for billionaires lining their pockets. We're for getting you the most affordable power we possibly can,' because people understood that. We should have stood there and fought on that. Nuclear power, even though it worked well for me—and it worked well for me because I was promising people jobs; that's why it worked well for me—wasn't perfect. Trying to explain to people nuclear physics is difficult. It's over now, but that is difficult. It's not that nuclear is wrong. We will end up there. It's just a matter of time; we'll get there. We're just being left behind by the rest of the world. We're going to get there. But it's a hard thing to define during a campaign.
The other thing I think we let the government off the hook on was unrealised capital gains. We should have been smashing that every day. That is just probate back. It's death duties back, only this time you don't have to die. The idea that you're going to tax somebody for something that they've never sold, by reason of a book value, and you make them pay for the valuer—there's no prospect of them finding the money to pay it off. Once you crack the egg and say you can do it on a certain group, within superannuation, you've cracked the egg. And that means everybody should be aware that it is now acceptable that you can do that. I think that if we'd prosecuted that argument better, then we would have done better. You only need three or four issues in an election and you're there.
Back to New England, there are a couple of things that we have to do, not just for the betterment of New England but for our nation. We have to get more baseload power into our nation. We don't have it. It's not going to work on wind and solar. They are intermittents; they are not even renewables. If you want genuine renewables, build dams. There's hydroelectricity or nuclear, but I think the smartest thing is to get more efficient and effective at coal-fired power. People in the Hunter Valley want coal and power plants. That's good for them, good for the Upper Hunter and New England and good for our nation.
Further up, Tamworth is growing flat out. Just one investment in the town, $600 million for poultry, for killing chooks, is going to grow that industry to something like three million chooks a year. It's massive, and there are the attendant facilities as well. They can't work without water. There's the abattoir. About 80 per cent of the protein at Woolies has been killed in Tamworth, which is a massive producer of protein for our nation. That industry is bigger than country music. Poultry, beef, mutton and high-protein grains are vastly more important, to be quite frank. Country music is incredibly important—don't get me wrong—but what Tamworth does to feed our nation is even more important. It is a factory producing protein, and it needs water. That's why we need Dungowan Dam. We can't do it on recycled water because recycled water, by its very nature, does not produce an outcome of 100 per cent; 60 per cent is recycled water and 40 per cent is highly saline brine. You can't put that back in the Peel River. It has to be put in brine ponds. It's just not environmentally possible, so we've got to have storage. High on the hills, where it's deep and cold, is where you have the most effective storage. That plumbs Tamworth. People are flowing into Tamworth now from Sydney, because the houses are more affordable and there are good employment opportunities, but the food industry in Tamworth uses vastly more water than the people do. That's going to continue to rise because the industry is growing, and that's where we make a buck. We're going to have to build water storages there. It's the same with Armidale. They said Malpas Dam would always be too big for the requirements of Armidale, but it's now too small.
To be quite frank, I don't know how you're going to find the water for the concrete for wind towers. It's just not possible. You can't take it out of the domestic supply, so I don't know where it will come from. No matter which way you cut or dice it, you're going to have to have more water infrastructure.
I want to acknowledge Mark Coulton; I've taken over some of his turf. Mark, we got a swing to us in North Star. The votes for us at that booth were over 90 per cent, which is great.
We've got to continue inland rail, which is so important to our nation. It goes through North Star and the north-west of my electorate. It is ridiculous having a railway line that goes from Melbourne to Parkes to Narromine then stops. There's another railway line that goes from Newcastle up to North Star. It's supposed to go from Melbourne to Brisbane. If you've been to the metropolis of North Star you'll probably realise that we've got a multibillion dollar investment that stops at a town of around 200 to 300 people. We've got to go all the way, and that requires the government to be less parochial and to have vision for the nation. If you have trains that are up to three kilometres long travelling at 110 kilometres an hour, that's a vastly more efficient way to move produce than by trucks. If you want to talk about carbon reduction, you're reducing an awful lot of carbon by putting produce on steel. Then the truck drivers do have a job but it's short haul. They go out and come back and are home at night for dinner. So let's get back into the Inland Rail. Let's really grasp that as a nation-building thing. Stop these excuses about what you've got. What you've got now is ridiculous—two railway lines that don't really go anywhere. They start at a big city, in Melbourne, and then stop at Narromine or start in Newcastle and stop at North Star. We need to see this thing through to completion.
So across the electorate on telecommunications and mobile phones, break the ice. Learn how to put a genset next to your mobile phone towers so when the power goes out, like in the recent snow issue we had, you have the capacity for the generator to kick in and keep communications going. We had up the road from me—this is a true story—an Aboriginal lady, Pam, die during the snowstorm. She died. People don't see this as serious. They go out and their car breaks down. They get out of the car and they can't get home and that's it. She actually did get home. She died in bed. We have a coronial inquiry into that at the moment. This is why I get so passionate about this stuff. It really works on me. These are my people. I grew up with them. I went to Woolbrook Public School. Some of these things are so simple to fix, but we have to get our minds over that horizon and get the small things right.
Anyway, thank you very much to the people of New England and Upper Hunter. I will do my very best to serve you for as long as I have that great honour.
It really is great to be back in this House again with old friends and a whole mob of new friends and colleagues. To the new members, listening to all the stories of your journeys here to this point in your life certainly fills one with hope and a lot of encouragement that this new parliament, with all of the new members on both sides, will continue to achieve really great things. I was reminded listening to a lot of those speeches how privileged we are to represent all Australians. Your stories have inspired me to keep fighting.
Representing Territorians, particularly in the seat of Lingiari, and fighting to deliver for them is what I love. I love the electorate of Lingiari, from Kaltukatjara, which is the Docker River, which is only 670 kilometres south-west of Alice Springs on the border of Western Australia, to Galiwinku, right up north in the Top End on Elcho Island—and let's not forget the magnificent Christmas and Cocos islands. To everyone in Lingiari, thank you for putting your trust in me again. It is a privilege to represent such a vibrant and diverse community.
Lingiari is a vast electorate, as I have pointed out previously, and a massive logistical challenge to travel around. In this last campaign, we spent countless hours in four-wheel drives, in planes and even on forklifts, and we did an incredible job. I want to acknowledge the incredible team that I had around me. We had in Lingiari, at the last federal election, 197 individual election booths scattered around my 1.35-plus-million square kilometres of electorate. We drove thousands of kilometres on dusty, sandy roads and flew in plenty of tiny little planes to reach all corners of the electorate to ensure every Territorian in Lingiari had the opportunity to voice their opinion and cast their vote—and they did. Lingiari voted resoundingly for a strong, stable government and decidedly against the divisive culture wars that were stirred up by the opposition at the time.
The Territory doesn't have a huge population, despite its size, so during elections we usually know most of the volunteers from both sides at the booths. So this time it was really interesting to see the Country Liberal Party add a whole lot of new people, donning orange shirts and swarming and manning the voting booths. I note there were reports that those shirts were sometimes swapped out for orange One Nation shirts, which is very interesting to me. These groups of CLP volunteers, mostly men, whom we'd never seen before were very aggressive, often trying to intimidate women and bully a lot of our volunteers. They played grubby politics. We heard them lying to voters about my background. I found it quite funny, in particular on the Tiwi Islands, when I went home. For the record, I want to say that I'm not from Cairns; I'm a born and raised Territorian. But it was quite funny to hear the Liberal volunteers trying to tell my people that I wasn't really a Tiwi person but that I was from Cairns.
The way these people behaved at the voting booths was appalling. They were bullying volunteers, forcing them to leave the booths, but there was intimidation of female voters, and it was the first time I'd seen that. In 2022, I think the campaign was good on both sides, but this time there was a different level of bullying, in particular when it came to the intimidation of women voters in an attempt to make them vote their way. It simply wasn't accepted by a lot of the voters in some of the areas. The grubby tactics that they used didn't make a difference. In fact, a lot of voters saw straight through them. The results in Alice Springs in particular surprised a lot of people, I think.
Territorians know me. They know where I'm from and they know what I stand for, and this is reflected in the numbers. As I said earlier, they voted resoundingly for a strong, stable Labor government and a member who will stand up for them. It is important to see the changes in Alice Springs, and there has been huge investment by this federal Labor government into Alice Springs. We have had our problems in Alice Springs, like a lot of the small towns across Australia, but the people of Alice Springs recognise the tremendous investment that the Albanese government has put into their town, and they voiced this with their vote. Our government had a good story to tell. People know we're in safe hands with the Prime Minister, Anthony Albanese. We still have challenges and a lot of work to do, but under our government I am confident that we can get it done.
I was honoured after the election to be appointed the Special Envoy for Remote Communities. The creation of this role is a testament to this government's commitment to remote communities right across Australia and to the Territory as a whole. I'm also very proud to have been selected on the Speaker's panel of the House. Being the first Aboriginal person ever to take the chair is a huge honour, and I thank Mr Speaker. In particular, I want to acknowledge the Deputy Speaker, the member for Newcastle, for all of the support that she gave me not only when I first came into this House but also as a mentor and a friend. I acknowledge and thank both the Speaker and the member for Newcastle, the Deputy Speaker. The night of the referendum was just so devastating to us. There have been many tears. Going around the communities and talking to many Aboriginal people right across the Northern Territory, the thought was that Australia had rejected our people. People felt that. But the election result showed the kindness in this country. What I got in particular from a lot of the communities in Lingiari was that they wanted me to express gratitude to all Australians for the last federal election and the vote. People felt that Australians had voted against division—that they no longer wanted division in this country but that they wanted everyone to come together and work to address a lot of the challenges that we've got. I know that we can take this country to a better place, and we're already well on our way.
I am looking forward to working with the Speaker of the parliament to continue his school civics program. Recently I spent a week on Christmas Island and went to the school there to talk to students about the civics program, and a lot of those young people had come to Canberra to have a look. Hopefully we can take the school civics program to Christmas Island, which I think would be a great place to go to. It is a particularly important program for all students in Lingiari, to show them the importance of democracy and voting and to show them what they can achieve. Whilst we saw a small improvement in the percentage of voters that voted in Lingiari in this election compared to the 2022 election, we still saw low voter numbers, particularly amongst our youth across Lingiari. My team and I have started focusing on how we need to target and work with young people to start getting them engaged in our democracy. We need to get them to see that voting is an important part of this place that we call Australia and that it's also important in the Northern Territory. So I will certainly work with the Speaker to look at the school civics program.
I was pleased to be appointed chair of the Joint Standing Committee on Northern Australia. I've lived my whole life in northern Australia, and it is a wonderful, unique, strong place. We need to encourage our young people living in remote communities to be role models and provide education and opportunity for them. This message is critically important. Whether it's through jobs, housing, economic empowerment or food prices, we want to build a stronger future. During the last term of government, and particularly during the last election campaign, we were able to deliver some hope and trust to Territorians by announcing the cheaper groceries program and programs to create 3,000 jobs, as well as building more than 2,700 more houses in the Territory. These programs will activate remote communities, provide education and job opportunities and empower our people.
Food security for remote communities is of critical importance. The Albanese Labor government has released a 10-year national strategy to improve food security in remote communities. This national strategy is aimed at improving access to affordable and nutritious food, regardless of where people live. Reducing the cost of 30 essential products—we're talking about 160 items in more than 76 remote stores—went a long way in helping to ease cost-of-living pressures and improve food security in remote communities. Building a nutrition workforce in these communities by upskilling up to 120 local First Nations staff in remote stores is crucial not only to improve nutrition but to create jobs for locals. That helps the local economies in these communities and, more importantly, allows locals to stay with families, to live and work in their own communities.
We took a commitment to the 2022 election to reform the abysmal CDP. This policy had abjectly failed remote Australia. When we told people out bush that we would be working to replace this program, there was visible relief. We are well under way on delivering this commitment, and while we have a lot of work to do, we have a strong commitment to this. The first stage of the Remote Jobs and Economic Development Project, or RJED, will create 3,000 new jobs in critical community-led sectors. I'm encouraged that 1,450 of these jobs have already been rolled out, and I'm very eager to work with the community on the remaining rollout. These jobs are absolutely transformative, and they will have a wide reaching impact. They will be driven by local businesses, local organisations and local people. These jobs will bring more money into families and develop skills, which will serve these workers throughout their life.
On housing, I'll be working with the Minister for Indigenous Australians and the broader ministry to make sure that this program and the $4 billion national partnership agreement will address critical housing shortages out bush. We aim to build 270 homes in remote communities per year over the next decade, as well as providing much-needed upgrades and repairs to current housing stock. I look forward to working with the minister and the Northern Territory government to ensure that these houses are delivered on time and in full. I'm delighted to be able to announce all these programs with my friend and co-star of the Mal and Mim show, Senator Malarndirri McCarthy, Minister for Indigenous Australians. I think a few of you may have seen our videos on social media. We had a great time together on the campaign driving tractors and forklifts, handling buffaloes and baby crocodiles but all the while delivering really important messages. Thank you, Senator McCarthy, for your support throughout during the campaign and over the years and for your ongoing friendship.
I also want to thank some of the volunteers on my campaign. To the Central Australian team of Lachie, Andrea. Matt, Scott, Kathy, Chansey, Mark, Sheralee, John, Mark Stoyles, Ali, Amy, Hayesy and, of course, my old friend Warren Snowdon: thank you all for travelling out to communities in remote central Australia and for holding the fort in Alice Springs. To Vince and to Haji Adams on Cocos Island: thank you. To Gordon, Zoey, Sukia and the whole team on Christmas Island: I thank you. It's a magnificent and important part of my electorate and of Australia.
In Katherine, I thank Reuben, Mike, Jessie, Nick, Jo, Tristan, Mick Uibo, and, of course, Selina Uibo—the fantastic Labor Leader of the Opposition in the Northern Territory. She and her team are doing an incredible job up against a very divisive and uneducated CLP government. Thanks go to Kay, Len, Sid and all the Tennant Creek and Barkly team. In Nhulunbuy, we had Denise, Rachel and Syd Stirling, Sharna Edwards and Ursula, and Gillian and Lynne and some of the families over on Galiwinku.
Helping out across the Arafura Sea, thanks go to Ebony, Maina, Manuel, Gawin, Edwina, Nathan, Karlene, Kesara, Wesley and other family members. Over in Wadeye and the Daly region we had Dheran, Birrigan and Anthony. Labor legend Kerry Gardiner and Sean were out in Elliot, Marlinja, Lingara and Yaralin. I will provide all of these names to the office.
To Team Senator McCarthy: they always provide great support, and during the campaigns it was no different. They all took leave and were all over Lingiari and Solomon for the member for Solomon and me and provided my office with tremendous assistance. In particular, I have to thank Sharna Edwards, who was an excellent support to my campaign manager, Anna. Thanks to Shlok Sharma and Ella Shaw, who provided overarching support to my campaign. Ella came up to the Territory for a couple of months. Thank you to Ella and to Shlok, who always gives his life to the party at every federal election, territory election, by-election, council election. He has an incredible amount of knowledge and love for the fight as much as I do.
To my union comrades at the United Workers Union, Erina Early, Joel Bowden and all of the NT unions: I thank you for your support. The United Workers Union was out in force in Gunbalanya, Ali Curung, Batchelor and all different parts of the electorate. To Mae Mae Morrison, Alan Sagiba and Peter Wellings: I thank you. To the CPSU and Mitch in Alice Springs: I thank you for providing your support. Lucas was very helpful in the Top End rural area, along with Rob, Dennis, Cecily, Kirsty and Amber.
Just before I'm ready to finish off, I do want to pick up something in the one minute I have left. I started talking about what I thought was different about this election. What was different was the 40 people from the Exclusive Brethren who were flown into parts of my electorate. I think it was quite frightening to see the way in which these people acted—the bullying and intimidation. I had not seen them before. There have been some complaints to the Electoral Commission in terms of some of the behaviour. It was interesting to see one jet in particular that was flying these 40 members to some particularly remote areas across Lingiari. It would be interesting to find out who was the owner of that jet that flew the Brethren particularly into parts of Lingiari because the CLP didn't have the manpower. Certainly, with a lot of these men—and they were exclusively men who were flown into some parts of the electorate—their intimidation and manhandling in some cases, in the way in which they pushed up against Aboriginal women, was quite disgraceful.
It is humbling to stand here again, returned by the people of Fowler for a second term as their Independent representative. In a sea of red, the people of Fowler stood firm. Despite the resources, the machinery and the odds, they sent me back to this place to continue doing what I have always done—to speak for them, fight for them and ensure they are not forgotten. That speaks volumes about my community.
For decades, Fowler was considered one of the safest seats in the country. It is a seat once held by former prime minister Gough Whitlam, a seat built by working families and shaped by wave after wave of migrants and refugees who, like me, came here in search of freedom and stayed to build a life. In 2022, everything changed. They chose an independent voice. This year, the people of Fowler showed that choice wasn't one-off or an accident. It was a lasting shift. They have seen how an independent voice can better represent their concerns, free from party politics. They have someone who listens, lives among them and puts community above party.
Since my election in 2022, my team has assisted over 8,000 families. We brought our mobile office into the streets of Fowler with our Bring Your Bill Day forum. We helped people navigate the NDIS, reconnect with loved ones overseas, secure emergency accommodation and access food hampers. We did all of this with empathy and urgency, because that is what representing Fowler means to me.
When I made my maiden speech in 2022, my mother sat in the public gallery alongside members of my community. She may not be here physically today, but I know her spirit is with me. I will never forget where I came from. I was a refugee, a boat person—someone who was given a chance to rebuild her life in this peaceful country I now call home. I believe every Australian, no matter where they come from, their postcode or their income, deserves that same chance.
In this second term, my mission remains unchanged. I will continue to push this government to deliver for Western Sydney and south-western Sydney and for families struggling with the cost-of-living crisis that is pushing them to the edge. I hear it everywhere—families asking what this government is doing to bring down petrol prices, to cut tolls, to make energy and housing affordable, to reduce the burden on small businesses drowning in red and green tape. Child care remains out of reach for many parents, despite claims of affordability. Parents work two or three jobs just to get by. Centres can't find enough staff and have been forced to raise prices because of heavy regulatory costs. Local businesses—many family-run and migrant owned—struggle to survive under rising expenses and policies crafted without them in mind.
Despite 500,000 free TAFE places being announced, critical courses such as baking and meat processing are not available locally to meet our workforce needs. Students and local workers in Fowler still face toll roads, congested roads, overcrowded trains, and watch as infrastructure dollars go elsewhere. Yet, through all these challenges, my community continues to show up. They work hard, keep businesses open, volunteer for Meals on Wheels, pack sleeping bags for Vinnies, coach local kids, care for elders and contribute in every way they can, against all odds. The people of Fowler aren't asking for handouts. They want fairness—investments that match the contributions they make every single day. In my first term, I called for the reinstatement of the low- and middle-income tax offset because families in Fowler were struggling, and they still are. This term, I will continue to urge the Labor government—a party with roots representing working Australians—to honour that legacy. Bring back this tax relief for low- and middle-income earners.
I will also call for the tax-free threshold—stuck at $18,200 since 2012—to be lifted to reflect rising inflation and living costs. This is genuine relief for workers and small businesses alike. I will stand firm for the right to use cash, because not everyone in Fowler has a smartphone or trusts digital banking. I will push for real student debt reform, not just indexation relief but a reversal of the punitive fee hikes from the Morrison era that saw the cost of arts degrees soar from $20,000 to $50,000, pricing many young people out of education. I will continue to advocate urgently for investment in public school infrastructure. For example, Bonnyrigg High School was built for 950 students. It now holds nearly double that, with nearly 40 demountable classrooms. The Commonwealth sets national priorities and funds agreements with states. So I ask: if every public school is meant to be fully and fairly funded, why are schools like Bonnyrigg High left behind?
Being in this place is a privilege I will never take for granted. As an Independent, my job is to bring the voices of my community into the House and hold the government to account. To the Prime Minister and his government: you asked for a mandate, now use it to deliver. Build the east-west metro. Don’t just build an airport—connect it so that people in Fowler and south-west Sydney can access the jobs you promise. Invest in roads, schools, hospitals, and local sporting grounds. Support the small businesses that kept this economy afloat during COVID. The virus may have passed, but the disruption has not. Have empathy for the early risers who clean, cook, build, drive and care. Have empathy for young people with big dreams but little support. Have empathy for multicultural communities that make this country strong. Too many in Canberra have spent too long inside a bubble, far removed from the communities you once fought for. I'm here to remind you: don't forget them now.
The people of Fowler sent me back to keep speaking up, and I will—not for corporations, CEOs or boardrooms, but for the everyday Australians who power this country. I may not belong to a major party, but I belong to a community—a beautiful, diverse, determined community—and I will spend every day of this term doing what I promised: being their voice, fighting for their future, and making sure they are never left behind.
Before I close I want to thank those who stood beside me and made this possible. To my office team—Justin Mulder, Margaret Cheng, Marsha Kozlova, Aileen Khouphongsy, Meryem Abdulrahman, Leonie Le, Valentine Prkic, Mario Compart, Bao Nguyen, Christopher Yates, Ina Holzapfel, Angela Chau, Johanna Roshka and Kimberley Pham: thank you for your dedication in serving our community.
To some of the campaign volunteers have been with me on this journey for years—Julius Emmanuel Ang, Ed Jones, Lith and Holly Khorn, Sue Lee Lim, Evin Yalda, Gary Pham, Jose Miranda Garcia, Trinh Mai Guico, Dennis Suro: thank you for your trust and faith in me. And there are many more volunteers that I have not been able to name.
To my councillor colleagues—Kevin Lam, Charbel Saliba, Marie Saliba, Samir Yousif, Milan Milasovic, Michael Mijatovic, Reni Barkho, and especially our mayor, Frank Carbone: thank you for standing with me. The mayor stood beside me and fought every day during the pre-poll. And thank you to all those who volunteer with me as well.
To my family—my son, Ethan Lambert, who has been handing out how to vote cards since he was seven years of age, and my husband, Markus, who backed my campaign from our family mortgage: thank you for your unwavering belief. To my sisters Vi, Jaycie, Thuy Vi and Mellany, and their families—Alan, Jade, Tara, Anderson: thank you for standing by me at every election.
To the local businesses and community groups who donated, mobilised and shared your belief: I couldn't have done this without you. In those final weeks, every night, as I meditated to YouTube's free meditation channels, I was bombarded by Labor attack ads claiming that a vote for me was a vote for Dutton. Yet I found calm amid the storm, drawing strength from quiet reflection and a deep belief in the work I do for this community I serve. I will keep going, because Fowler deserves nothing less.
I also want to add that I know that the previous speaker, the member for Lingiari, talked about the brethren. During the pre-poll, our experience of the brethren was different. They fed everybody—Labor, Independent and everybody. So there was food every day for us. And the young men and women who came to pre-poll were very friendly. Election time and pre-poll time can be very testing and can challenge our patience. It can draw people into a fighting mode. But we try to be as civilised and as courteous as possible. Our experience in Fowler was that we were overfed with pizza, donuts and meat pies every day.
I just want to take this opportunity to thank my community—those who voted for me and those who didn't vote for me. I will be there to serve them and will continue to be a strong voice, to ensure that we get the resources we need, especially for our local councils—Fairfield and Liverpool city—to ensure that we can deliver the infrastructure that we need for our community.
Once again, I want to thank my councillor colleagues, my team of volunteers and my staff for their continuing service to our community during that very challenging time. I will be in this place and I will continue to shout very loudly and strongly for my community, to ensure that services and resources get delivered eventually for my wonderful community.
I'm glad, grateful and humbled to be able to continue my work as the member for Fremantle in this place, and to continue my work as a member of the Albanese government; it is resolute in its focus on working with the broader Australian community to make Australia a fairer and more sustainable nation. I do that by bringing my Fremantle values to that work. Those are things that my community has been part of working towards for a long period of time. My community has a commitment to the things that we share. They are the most important things. They include fair working conditions and the social safety net. They include proper protection for our environment. They include public goods, like health and education and like community infrastructure—all of the things that we share and that we have a responsibility to protect, maintain and advance together.
The Albanese government has wasted no time in picking up that work again with the strong endorsement of the Australian people. From the very first sittings of this parliament, we acted quickly to reduce by 20 per cent the debt owed by people who have studied at university or at TAFE through HECS. We moved very quickly to legislate penalty rates so that working people are properly compensated when they're asked to work at times that we otherwise get to spend with our families or we get to spend in our community. We moved quickly to reduce the maximum price of medicines on the PBS. The PBS, the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme, is one of the great Labor reforms, one of the great foundational building blocks of our shared wellbeing. We have moved to bring the maximum price of medicines on the PBS back to $25, a level that was last experienced in 2004. We have done those things because of our enduring commitment to positive change, because of our enduring commitment to social equality and social inclusion, because of the work of antidiscrimination and the work of environmental protection.
Minister Murray Watt, the Minister for the Environment and Water, has started his work on ensuring that we deliver an effective national environmental protection framework. The independent reviewer made clear to the previous government years ago that the national environmental framework, the EPBC Act, was not fit for purpose, was not doing its job and was, unfortunately, really managing a steady trajectory of decline. We don't accept that. We are going to do what the previous government didn't have the resolve or the courage or the responsibility to do. We are going to implement those reforms. We're going to continue the work that we began the Albanese government focusing on with respect to climate change and energy. Of course, Australians know and support the fact that, when they elected the Albanese government in 2022, they closed the door on nine years of neglect. They closed the door on nine years of inaction and internal conflict that failed to produce a national energy policy, that saw a reduction of one gigawatt of energy generation in the system as a whole, that saw a completely abject failure when it came to emissions reduction.
We have already seen an increase of more than 40 per cent in Australia's renewable energy. We have crossed the 45 per cent mark in terms of renewable energy in our grid. We have increased Australia's commitment to reducing emissions by more than 60 per cent. We're on track to achieve that. We're on track to deliver 82 per cent of renewables by 2030. We are making a really significant investment in Australia's future manufacturing potential because, in addition to our opportunity to become a renewable energy superpower, we have the opportunity to be a clean industry powerhouse. If you ever are fortunate to be in any other part of the region, whether that's Japan, Korea, Indonesia or Singapore, they marvel at the incredible potential that Australia has to benefit from renewable energy and clean energy technology and then to parlay that into 21st-century industrial strength that is based around green metals, green hydrogen, low-carbon liquid fuels and so on. We are going to make sure that we help secure that for future Australian generations. Minister Bowen is leading that work through the safeguard mechanism, the Capacity Investment Scheme, Rewiring Australia, Australia's first National Electric Vehicle Strategy, Australia's first National Energy Performance Strategy and the programs that support that.
We know that there is an issue when it comes to housing. Housing is a human right. Housing is the basis of a safe and secure life from which people can pursue education, work and involvement in their community. For too long, affordable, safe and accessible housing has become harder and harder for young Australians and Australians facing disadvantage, and we're not going to tolerate that. We're making the biggest investment in affordable housing since the housing boom post World War II, with $42 billion worth of programs. Since the election, I've been fortunate to be able to make a couple of announcements in my electorate from the social housing accelerator, where we're partnering with states and territories to get new, affordable community housing into the system as soon as we can.
I was fortunate to be at the launch of a community battery in Coogee that I promised, with the Prime Minister, some time ago. We had a bit of a disagreement about the pronunciation of Coogee—
Is it near Cockburn?
It is near Cockburn, Member for Bruce. We delivered that battery. It's one of five new community batteries in WA, adding to the 13 that are already there. It's, obviously, one of 400 that we're delivering nationwide through the $200 million community batteries program. We've made such great strides when it comes to the delivery of renewable energy. As I said, we've already increased it by more than 45 per cent just in the three-and-a-bit years since this government was elected. But we need storage to match. We are leaving no stone unturned when it comes to increasing the ability of Australian households and Australian businesses—and our system as a whole—to soak up that abundant and, at certain times of the day, virtually free solar energy and then to reuse it at peak times to bring system costs down and reduce prices for households.
As I conclude this speech, I want to pay respect to the tens of thousands of Australians Australia-wide who got out on the weekend and showed support for the people who have been suffering in Gaza, showed support for peace and showed their commitment to nonviolence, as we witness the humanitarian catastrophe that has been occurring in the Middle East. I'm glad to be part of a government that, from the beginning, rejected the violence that began on October 7 with that barbaric attack but has also rejected the unnecessary conduct that has resulted in the death of more than 60,000 civilians in Gaza, most of whom are women and children, and the unnecessary, unconscionable, intolerable, unacceptable suffering that's occurred through the deprivation of humanitarian aid from earlier this year. In relation to that conflict, the Australian government will do what we've done in the past. It's true to our values. It's true to our national character. We've done the same thing in relation to the violence and dispossession experienced by the Rohingya in Myanmar and in relation to the illegal and immoral invasion of Ukraine, and that is to say that violence is a terrible form of human conduct. It should be resisted as much as we can possibly resist it.
We are a nation that is defined by our commitment to peace, our compassion for one another and our compassion for our sisters and brothers all over the world. I'm grateful that people in my community, as well as right around Australia, take their democratic opportunity to express their commitment to peace and nonviolence and their desire to see peace, justice and self-determination for the Palestinian people. That's something that we want to advance in a concerted fashion with like-minded countries like France, Canada and the UK by recognising a State of Palestine at the UN General Assembly in September. All of our work that the Prime Minister has led and the Minister for Foreign Affairs has undertaken is devoted to trying to see peace in the Middle East as soon as possible and an end to that terrible conflict.
Debate interrupted.
There needs to be a royal commission into child care. I listened very closely to the minister, and I have every respect for the member for Blaxland. I do. I listened closely to him in question time. I heard what he said, and I appreciate the approach he has taken, but it's not enough. If it's good enough to have a royal commission into aged care, then we should be, at all costs, protecting our children. What we've seen in recent weeks and months has been beyond the pale. Charge after charge has been laid against monsters in this system—workers who had a history, who, for whatever reason, were allowed to continue in the system, who should never have been re-employed in child care and who are now before the courts on multiple charges of heinous, unspeakable crimes against beautiful, helpless, innocent, vulnerable tots, because that is what they are.
When the former coalition government put in place a royal commission into aged care, we did it because we needed to protect those vulnerable members of the community who were in their twilight years. But in one sense, if you think about it, the difference between those in the aged-care system and those in the childcare system at the opposite end of the spectrum is that our bubs can't speak for themselves. They are babies, and they are in child care because their parents are working. Their parents need to work. There is a cost-of-living crisis. They also learn a lot. They develop a lot whilst they're in child care, before kindergarten and before primary school. Child care should be a loving place. It should be a supportive place. It should be a place where the workers treat those children as if they were their own. Yet, albeit in very minuscule numbers, this is not the case.
But it only takes one monster to cast a very poor light on what is actually happening, and I think what we now need to do is shine a much bigger light to see what is actually happening. If this leads to better processes and protocols in the system, then that is a good thing. As the minister said in question time today, there will always be bad people. Sadly, he is very right. But, if we can weed out some more of those bad eggs, then that has to be a good thing. If we can put proper processes in place and get the federal government, the states and even local councils, some of which run childcare centres, together on the one page, working cooperatively and collaboratively, then surely this must be a good thing.
At the end of the day, our children are worth more than what we're giving them at the moment. It must be such a bad thing for those Victorian parents whose children have been subjected to some of the things that are being alleged. Could you imagine the worry, the hurt, the anguish and the angst of those parents who sent their children in good faith and now have this future for them and their children and their families? Centres which have put profits before children's safety—those centres, those facilities, should be shut and shut permanently, and the monsters who have perpetrated these evil acts should never see the light of day. That is why we need a royal commission into child care.
The federal election was held on 3 May 2025, and up north we hit the ground running. We were actually working the cape when the seat was declared in June. As the Prime Minister says, 'Now is the time to deliver.' In just four months, the Albanese Labor government has been busy working, delivering for Australia and, I'm proud to say, delivering for Leichhardt. Over 17,000 people in my electorate are set to benefit from the 20 per cent cut to HECS debt that passed parliament during the first sitting week. This will be a great help and support to many people. When you add it to the other support we're delivering to Australians, it is gathering steam exponentially. This includes Labor's already-legislated income tax cuts for 14 million Australians, increased bulk-billing for GPs, changes to make PBS medicines more affordable and our cheaper-childcare reforms.
There's record funding for renewable energy, Indigenous rangers, Australian manufacturing, education and health, and, from October, first home buyers will be able to get into the market with a five per cent deposit, cutting the time it takes to save up for their first home by up to 10 years. Importantly for those of us who live along the Queensland coast, Labor has also stepped up and delivered billions in funding for reef and conservation protection, providing support for our greatest natural asset, the Great Barrier Reef, and ensuring the security of the 64,000 jobs that it creates. We on this side of the House want to help make sure that we are making lives better and helping Australians to get ahead.
Locally, a lot has been happening as well. In the last term, Labor set up the Cairns south urgent care clinic, which is now one of the busiest in the country. Federal funding was also involved in the new housing project in Woree, which is set to deliver 490 new dwellings upon completion. We've helped fund local water security projects, a new campus for the local branch of CQU, and a range of local projects with local sporting clubs. I was recently at Redlands state college, where I got to see the progress on nature play, which has been supported by funding by the Anthony Albanese Labor government.
There are so many really positive projects I could point to where we are delivering the funding. There's been road funding in the northern peninsula area, right up at the top of Cape York, to upgrade the Injinoo Back Road, to allow for more trunk infrastructure for greater housing. There's been over $300,000 in art grants, through Creative Australia, delivered locally. We've also delivered grants to local defence contractor J3Seven to assist with their cybersecurity work and help keep our nation safe. Under the Stronger Communities Program, there is funding delivered to groups like Meals on Wheels, our local PCYCs, Edge Hill United Football Club, Port Douglas Crocs and the Laura district rodeo. If you're ever up Laura way, I thoroughly recommend the rodeo.
Perhaps one of the funding announcements I know will have one of the biggest impacts for our region will be the support that the Albanese Labor government has delivered to set up an early childhood education service on Horn Island. On my frequent visits to the Torres Strait people would lament the lack of available child care and the impact that has on people trying to enter the workforce. We listened and we acted. All of these great projects have real-world implications to help make Far North Queensland a better place to live.
At the risk of sounding like Tim Shaw from Demtel, but, wait, there's more! During the election, I was able to commit to a range of really important projects. They include a new bridge over the Barron River, something that locals have been crying out for, for decades. We've also committed to major upgrades to Football Queensland's Endeavour Park, ensuring that the next Mary Fowler will have top-notch facilities to hone their craft. Many avid sports fans will also be happy to know that we have committed to partnering with the NQ Cowboys to create a brand-new community development and high-performance centre right in the heart of Cairns.
On health, there's work underway to deliver a new urgent care clinic in Far North Queensland, with a funding boost also planned for the Cairns south urgent care clinic. We're also going to invest $2 million in preventive health up on the cape, with a focus on FASD and cancer—because we know the best way to treat illness is to catch it early. Those in Kuranda are getting a new childcare centre so that local children have the right to get an early education, so they don't start school behind. Additional child care will also be provided in the community of Napranum.
We've committed $450,000 to local festivals—the Cairns African Festival, the Chinese lantern festival, the Cairns Indian Festival and the Diwali celebrations—for the next three years to support community cohesion. I'm pleased to say that I and 10,000 of my closest friends attended the Cairns Indian Festival over the weekend, which was quite a feat given that the Cairns cup was on at the same time and it's tough to go up against the races. Congratulations to Subash Chetry for delivering such a fantastic event. I'm also proud that we're providing funding to deliver more CCTV coverage to help make Cairns a safer place. I'm fighting for my electorate and my region, and I'm proud to do so for the Anthony Albanese Labor government.
The bluff and blunder of the productivity roundtable is finally over. We saw a three-day talkfest unravel with some potential policy outcomes, including copied parts of coalition housing policy and the expansion of schemes we put in place when we were in government. 'Was there more than this?' Australians might ask. 'What can we expect from this government?' There were ideas on spending more money and increasing government debt, and, of course, there was the threat of new taxes. The roundtable was just another way to demonstrate how Labor will never stop in their endeavour to continue taxing you in any way possible.
Perhaps after this parliamentary sitting fortnight, the Albanese Labor government ministers might focus back on the Australian people they represent, not just the corporates and the unions that they hosted here in Canberra. What about a tour of small and family businesses around the country to talk about productivity, burdensome taxes, industrial relations changes and red tape?
The Minister for Small Business held a roundtable hearing in Canberra last month. Following this, the minister went on the ABC, where was asked about small-business issues relating to industrial relations. The minister then admitted she was specific about which examples she wanted to talk about at the roundtable, and industrial relations wasn't one of them. This is extraordinary! The whole point of a roundtable is for ideas and information to be discussed to create action items to boost productivity. When I hold small-business and manufacturing roundtables in my electorate of Lindsay, I always listen to every issue the owners and employees are facing. That's my job as a member in this place, and I don't take it lightly.
Without the people who have a go and start up a small business, our country would be so much worse off. We have five million Australians who are employed in small businesses. In my electorate of Lindsay, we are surrounded by many amazing small and family businesses and manufacturers, from those in hospitality and market farming to those in earthmoving and defence manufacturing. These businesses are the heart and soul of Lindsay, of Western Sydney and indeed of our country. They provide good local jobs for Australians that support industry locally and globally.
But, instead of focusing on these small businesses and manufacturers and the need to boost productivity, the roundtable was an event to host new ideas about taxes—higher taxes, taxes on your superannuation, taxes on your home and taxes on family businesses. It's as if we've gone back in a time machine to 2019 and Labor's resurrecting their old policies which they lost an election on. Despite Labor's overreach, you can always rely on the coalition to back lower, simpler and fairer taxes, and we will always be the party of small business. You can't deny that.
Do you know what cripples small business? It's big government. This Albanese Labor government will not rein in its spending, which has blown out to 27 per cent of GDP. Government debt is spiralling to $1.2 trillion. Productivity is stalling and has gone backwards by more than five per cent under Labor. We have an unemployment rate that has increased by almost half a percentage point to 4.2 per cent. Living standards have slipped by more than six per cent under the Albanese Labor government. This is why it is astounding that they are again putting out ideas to tax individuals and small businesses more. What more can small businesses give?
I have small businesses and manufacturers in Lindsay that are on their knees and struggling to get by. This is the truth. I'm so concerned by the number of small businesses that are going insolvent. When I speak to them, they are genuinely distressed. They are desperate to keep their doors open. But high energy costs, incessant red tape and ongoing taxes are pushing them to the brink and closing them down. We need a government that listens to and respects small and family business and goes out there and actually speaks to them on the ground and sees them in their day-to-day operations, speaks to their employees and understands their stressors, not a government that's focused on PR fluff. They need to be focused on the people that keep Australia going.
MASCARENHAS () (): I think that it's useful to highlight that the Albanese Labor government has been doing a phenomenal job when it comes to the budget. I might remind the member for Lindsay that we have delivered two budget surpluses and we've been doing some really responsible work when it comes to looking at the way that we rein in spending. We have delivered quite a lot of dividends looking at where we can cut waste. I don't think that that happened in some of the last few budgets that the coalition delivered.
But that is not the reason why I'm standing here today. I'm here to talk about what it's like to grow up in the goldfields and that sometimes out in the goldfields people don't talk about the things that are most important to them. That's because sometimes words are cheap and sometimes there are some people that are people of very few words but of tremendous substance. So, rather than speak about what's important, these people show you what's important. Often one of the things that's most important in regional Australia is having access to a secure and stable job. When I tell people that I was born in Kalgoorlie and grew up in a nickel mining town called Kambalda, it opens doors that you can't imagine. I think it's because people are surprised that I grew up in a town where you don't just get red dirt under your fingernails; you get it all throughout your car, under the car body and on your mud flaps.
Western Australia is a resource-rich state, but mining looms large and the boom-and-bust cycles can be bad. When the highs are high, it's great, but, when the lows are lows, it's very challenging. For many of our skilled workers—tradies, electricians, engineers and geologists—Australia's economic cycles and whether global demand is up or down have been a fact of life. Hometowns like Kambalda struggle when global shocks rattle, like the nickel price did. You fly in one day and fly out the next. You drive in one day and drive out the next. That's FIFO and DIDO work. But guess what? Pre-COVID thinking is not coming back. Do you know what the pandemic did? It forced us to imagine, 'If we can't make it here, there might be times when we don't actually get to have it here.'
It's for these reasons that I'm backing a future made in Australia, because we need to diversify Australia's economy. We can do that by investing in manufacturing because this will help stabilise the regional boom-and-bust cycles, help local economies, create steady employment and foster linkages with other sectors—or, as my old man would say, 'Don't put all your eggs in one basket.' The golden goose may stop laying golden eggs one day or, as a mate would say, 'We need to diversify, baby!' To diversify, what we need is skilled labour and strong governance. The need for skilled labour is obvious, and I'm proud to be part of an Albanese Labor government that backs fee-free TAFE, which we have put in legislation. We have also taken 20 per cent off people's HECS debts.
The need for strong governance is another way of saying 'strong leadership'. This does not mean picking winners or the state doing everything, but it does mean setting a goal and mobilising policy. The point is that the government should be taking steps that are in the national interest and in the best interests of working people. We should value contributions on what's happening currently but also what can happen in the future. There are so many stories where we can do this.
I remember one of my girlfriends who I studied chemistry and chemical engineering with went through her third redundancy during the downturn. She got really exhausted from being made redundant during the boom-bust cycles, so she decided that she'd go work in aged care.
We have this challenge where we're not just trying to diversify our economy; we're also trying to diversify the workforce. What I would say is that things like fee-free TAFE and the Battery Breakthrough Initiative that we announced recently will diversify Australia's economy, making sure that we can endure the boom-bust cycles of global prices. This is what can happen when we have a government that not just backs our workers but also backs industry, because we want a future made in Australia.
Civics and citizenship might be in the national curriculum, but in many schools across the country these barely get a look-in. In the most recent National Assessment Program report from 2024 on civics and citizenship, only 43 per cent of year 6 students were found to be at or above the proficient standard and, more concerningly, only 28 per cent of year 10 students met the proficient standard. In short, most Australians—kids and adults alike—don't have a solid grasp of how our system of government actually works. Many don't realise, for example, that states run things like health and education for the most part, while the federal government looks after defence, foreign affairs, social services like pensions and veteran support, and controls the tax system, which allows the federal government to play a role in enabling funding in traditional state domains.
In Flinders we are lucky to have so many schools that do allow their students to hear from and question their local members of parliament about all things democracy and Australia's political system. I've been running what I like to call democracy classes in schools—primary and secondary, government and independent—around my electorate, inspired by a visit of the Speaker some time ago when he joined me at Crib Point primary. What I've found is striking. There's a real untapped passion for civics and a genuine curiosity about how the laws that shape our lives are made.
Recently, after speaking with a class, I received an email from one of the students. The student's words reminded me of why this work matters so much and why I'm determined to bring non-partisan, practical lessons on how government works to as many young people in Flinders as I can. Here's how that email went:
I would like to extend a very sincere thank you for visiting us to speak about the Australian government and for taking time to answer our questions.
I am sure you will receive an email from our College Council President, but I wanted to take the opportunity to personally send you a note of appreciation. I was particularly impressed by the way you engaged with our questions; your thoughtful and clear responses stood out to me, especially when compared to how politicians are often perceived and several other politicians that I have spoke to in our community.
Although I do not usually follow politics very closely, I found myself genuinely interested in the discussion. Your visit has encouraged me to pay closer attention to these issues and to think more deeply about the role government plays in daily life. Thank you for answering my question about sourcing reliable information in a very technology-heavy world. I was also excited to hear about your idea of beginning a youth forum to hear from students and other young people on the peninsula. I would love to express my interest in being involved with this initiative, as I believe it would be a valuable opportunity for students to engage with government and community matters more actively.
Although I am coming to the conclusion on my secondary schooling, I would like to continue being active in my community and school. I think it would valuable to run such a forum at Dromana College, annually or biannually to further the recognition of youth voice in government settings. I would love to hear your thoughts on this matter too.
Thank you again for making the effort to come and speak with us despite your busy schedule, it meant a lot to our school community and to me personally.
In a time when misinformation spreads much faster than the truth, civics education is our best defence. It helps young people test claims made by political actors against the knowledge they have about how government works and engage in debate with more evidence and more respect for each other, as well as for us as politicians.
For young Mornington Peninsula residents especially, these classes I've been running turn democracy from something distant and misunderstood into something real, relevant and easily applicable. The lesson from these classes is simple: you have a choice and a vote, and what you do with it matters. At the end of the day, democracy isn't a spectator sport. It requires citizens, including our youngest and newest voters, to engage with it, and that begins in the classroom.
To that may I add my personal congratulations to the Speaker for the initiative that he announced today, which is the National Youth Parliament 2026. I have been involved in earlier youth parliaments, both with the Speaker and with the Y. Now they are brought together to provide one powerhouse of civics education. One student will come here and stand in my shoes. I put up a video about it today, with all the different shoes I have in my office; you can pick a pair to wear. It will be deeply important for the right person to express interest and to know that you will come here, stand in our shoes and represent Flinders, as I do—but with the view of a 15- or 16-year-old—and tell us what we need to understand. The world in which you are growing up is completely different from the one in which we've grown up. Technology has an impact on how you see the world and, indeed, how you will prosper, advance and contribute to the world ahead of you. Coming to Canberra and standing in the shoes of your parliamentarian is an extraordinary opportunity to shape the way we think and to drive your country to greater prosperity.
To complement and contribute to the government's productivity summit, I had the privilege of hosting the Western Australian Economic Roundtable on 12 August, together with the WA Deputy Premier, Rita Saffioti, and Assistant Minister Andrew Leigh. We had representatives from defence, science, TAFE, transport, local government, industry, community, manufacturing, health, AI, renewable energy, economics, mining, construction, universities, unions and agri-tech. We had a wealth of knowledge in the room, and their ideas and experiences were all brought to bear.
I want to place my thanks on the record to all the WA participants, including Nicole Matthews from WALGA, Dr Tarun Weeramanthri from UWA, Shannon O'Rourke from Powering Australia, Kathleen Wallace from TAFE, Philip Cardaci from the CFC Group, Alyce Hofmann-Fritz from Hofmann Engineering, Harry Burrows from the AWU, Brett Peek from Austal, Dr Andrew Ross from the CSIRO, Scott Woodward from Perth Airport, Nicholas Gan from PRL Group, Anita Logiudice from the WA Chamber of Mines and Energy, Paula Rogers and Matt Judkins from the Committee for Perth, Dr Alex Jenkins from the WA Data Science Innovation Hub, Danika Adams from CEDA, Rob Grant from the Pollination Group, Ross Kelly from the Department of Training and Workforce Development, Mitchell O'Dwyer from Thales, Diedre Willmott and Astrid Seventry from Fortescue, and Mark Bridges from Multiplex.
While consensus was not the aim, the perspectives shared were broadly aligned. Participants agreed that Western Australia and the nation have the ability to seize opportunities through economic reform and, with a concerted effort to foster the industries of the future, lift living standards for all. Feedback on current government policies that reduce the barriers to economic participation—such as free TAFE, cheaper child care and the construction of cheaper homes—was highly positive.
Following the summit, Treasurer Chalmers outlined a number of areas where he believed there was a strong consensus for reform, and these aligned well with the submissions we made following the WA roundtable. The summit and the WA roundtable were too extensive to cover fully here, so I'm just going to highlight a few points. The Treasurer identified international trade and tariffs. The WA roundtable wanted the east, including Canberra, to capitalise on WA being the springboard to our major trading partners in Asia. After all, WA is in the same time zone as 60 per cent of the world's population. Participants spoke about leveraging our strategic advantage for fresh food trade, exporting our skills and training in the sectors we know best—resources and agriculture—and, in turn, actively seeking out companies that bring new technology and processing capabilities to base their operations here in WA.
The Treasurer identified the need to both attract and develop skills. The WA meeting supported labour mobility agreements to address gaps and the need to value skilled older workers, greater focus on regional skill development, more industry VET partnerships, better recognition of qualifications and an increased focus on learning languages within our region. Deputy Premier Saffioti has already spoken, following the roundtable in the WA parliament, about the importance of training and the great strides that both our Albanese Labor government and the Cook government have already taken together, particularly since our introduction of fee-free TAFE.
The Treasurer also identified the fact that we can attract better capital and investment, and our WA group noted the need to provide regional and local governments with more flexible infrastructure spending, to upgrade road and freight corridors, to adopt more whole-of-government approaches to industry precincts, and to encourage viewing net zero and CBAM as opportunities to position ourselves in the international green supply chain.
The Treasurer further identified better regulation and speedier approvals in housing and other areas of development. The WA roundtable looked at interfaces between portfolio areas, such as health, aged care and the NDIS, and saw the need to create cross-sector taskforces involving industry, universities and governments to plan workforce transitions.
I wish to place on the record my heartfelt thanks to all those who gave their time and valuable expertise at the WA economic reform roundtable ahead of the summit. We hope that our collective deliberations will contribute to more practical reform both in this and future terms of office, because the reality is that the feedback we heard, both from the participants at the national and at the state roundtable, was that this is a collective effort to lift our national productivity—small, medium and large enterprises alike. Everyone has a role to play to lift the living standards for all.
House adjourned at 20 : 00
Last week I had the privilege of visiting Scalabrini's Live Easy social hub, where I got to meet amazing seniors living in our wonderful and diverse community of Fowler. Scalabrini is a not-for-profit organisation, which initiated this seniors program that brings together older people from Filipino, Spanish and Italian backgrounds to connect and stay active, like 95-year-old Rosina Trabbia. It's a simple thing, but it reminded me just how important staying connected is for keeping people healthy and happy. They're looking to expand this initiative further to other cultural groups.
I also had the pleasure of joining our Timorese community to commemorate 50 years since the first Timorese refugees found safety here in Australia and in my community of Fowler. We began with a moving mass at Our Lady of Mt Carmel in Mt Pritchard and then gathered at the Timor Chinese Association of NSW for a lively celebration. It was a special moment, too, for me to reconnect with Agio Pereira, now minister of state for East Timor, whom I first met and interviewed decades ago during his country's fight for independence. The resilience and generosity of the Timorese people have enriched Fowler and south-west Sydney for half a century, and their contribution continues to inspire us.
This week I also had the privilege of welcoming nearly 800 new citizens at ceremonies across Fairfield, Liverpool and Cumberland councils. For many of us, including me, that citizenship certificate is more than just a document; it's a symbol of belonging, opportunity and a fresh start in the Australian story.
Whether it's helping seniors find connection, celebrating the milestones of our multicultural communities or welcoming new Australians, these moments remind us all of what makes Fowler and, of course, Australia so special, so inclusive and so multicultural. To every individual, family and community group working to lift one another up, I say thank you. Together we are stronger.
I was proud to join with tens of thousands of people to March for Humanity across the Sydney Harbour Bridge recently. This sent a very powerful message across the world that enough is enough: the war needs to stop, the starvation and killing of children need to stop, there must be a ceasefire and the hostages must be released.
The Prime Minister recently announced that Australia will recognise the state of Palestine at the 80th session of the United Nations General Assembly in September. The president of Omar Mosque in Gwynneville, in my electorate, Hussein Salem, has been an invaluable source of advice and counsel to me for many years—particularly over the last two years as the situation in Gaza has escalated. After the Prime Minister's announcement and the response from Israel's prime minister, Huss said:
We are proud of the strong and courageous stance of the Prime Minister—the only solution is a two state solution.
We need to end the hunger and the blockade of aid and health care.
We are shocked and disappointed at the stance of the Israeli Prime Minister.
Since 1947 Australia has supported Israel's existence and a two-state solution. A two-state solution is the only pathway to a secure and prosperous future that respects the aspirations of Israelis and Palestinians alike. There is much work to do in building a Palestinian state. Australia will work with partners on a credible peace plan that establishes governance and security arrangements for Palestine and ensures the security of Israel. The world is seizing the opportunity of major new commitments from the Palestinian Authority, including governance reform, termination of prisoner payments, schooling reform, demilitarisation, general elections and its recognition of Israel's right to exist.
We've been upfront about the challenges of recognising a Palestinian state, like the release of hostages and no role for Hamas. We also call on Israel to engage, because we know a two-state solution is essential for the region's long-term security. Our government has worked hard to collaborate with many other like-minded countries around the world, building historic global momentum to break the cycle of violence in the Middle East—difficult work that I believe has been underestimated and dismissed by some for their own political gain.
We have joined with a growing number of countries to call for a ceasefire, condemn the taking of hostages on 7 October, and criticise Israel's inhumane killing of civilians in Gaza and handling of aid distribution in the strip. We condemn the drip-feeding of aid and the killing of civilians, including children seeking to meet their most basic needs of water and food. We call on Israel to allow a full and immediate resumption of aid to Gaza in line with the binding orders of the International Court of Justice. I give my absolute assurance that I will continue to be a strong advocate for peace. Enough is enough.
Out of bed and off we go! It's time to see how sugarcane grows. It is absolute delight to inform the House today of an educational children's book, No Drama Cane Farmer. Written by a constituent of mine and Mackay local Nikki Townley, this book shines a spotlight of the vital industry of our country—sugarcane farming. Nikki, a passionate early childhood teacher and mother to four very busy kids, married cane farmer Charlie and lives in the middle of a cane paddock. In fact, it was during her maternity leave with her fourth child that Nikki somehow found the time and energy to put pen to paper and create this wonderful story, a story that is now being shared with children and families across our community and, soon, the nation.
What makes No Drama Cane Farmer so special is how it blends family farming life with professional expertise to help educate young children—both rural and city—about the process involved in cane farming. Through her storytelling Nikki takes readers on a journey from planting the sugarcane to harvesting, processing and transforming it into the sweet sugar that we eat. She highlights the hard work and commitment of our farmers and the sophisticated process that brings sugar from our paddocks to the rest of the world. It is a beautiful example of how a children's storybook can entertain and also inspire and inform. Nikki told me how, going from living on a cattle property to becoming a cane farmer, she believes it is important for children to understand where food comes from. I could not agree more.
Let's not forget about the stunning illustrations that bring this story to life. Focusing on Nikki's family, the pictures were created by talented artist Victoria Mikki of Ukraine, of all places. Each page's illustration captures the colours, movement and life of the cane paddocks, the machinery and the characters—all from photos Nikki supplied to Victoria. Nikki has taken her everyday experiences and turned them into something that will inform and delight children for years to come. Whether you're a kid growing up on the farm or one who has never even seen a cane harvester in action, this story is one for you to enjoy. Thanks Nikki for sharing your story and for showing us that there really is no drama when you have a heart as big as our farmers have and a strong connection to the land. No Drama Cane Farmer is a must read for everybody. Do yourself a favour: by a copy, read it now and get one for your kids and your grandkids.
Like many in my community I was thrilled when the Treasury announced the Economic Reform Roundtable. Tackling the big issues on resilience, productivity and budget sustainability is important to our country's future, and these decisions will impact communities right around the country, including in my own community in Deakin. That's why, ahead of the Economic Reform Roundtable last week, I brought together a group of business and union leaders, care-economy organisations, and education providers from around Deakin to talk about economic challenges and solutions for our community. Thanks to my friend the assistant Treasurer for coming along and chairing our discussion. We had people from construction, manufacturing, healthcare, childcare, aged-care, commercial property, and peak union and business bodies around the table. While you're never going to get agreement on everything, we found great common ground on the need to make sure our young people have a better understanding of all the options in front of them.
Of course, university remains a pathway to a number of interesting and rewarding careers, and our government's very first piece of legislation after the election was an act to help students with a 20 per cent reduction in their HECS debts. But university is not the only path available. By going through a TAFE you open the door to a number of rewarding careers as well. Free TAFE courses are supporting hundreds of thousands of Australians to get the skills and knowledge they need for a great career.
Everyone around our Deakin economic roundtable agreed that we need to make sure students are getting into the courses not only by default or as a backstop option but via an informed choice, with a full understanding of the opportunities in our economy, including in construction and manufacturing. All of us in this place have a role in articulating our support for Australian manufacturing and the amazing innovation and jobs in that sector and making sure career counsellors and parents are fully informed of the options available and overcome the prejudices that can sometimes exist around some industries, including manufacturing. We need to make sure we have a full appreciation of what modern careers look like in modern sectors.
Thank you again to the Assistant Treasurer for facilitating what was a great discussion. And thank you to the leaders from across Deakin who are working hard every day to create economic opportunity for people in Melbourne's east.
I recently had the honour of attending two vibrant cultural celebrations reflecting the rich diversity and community spirit of my electorate of La Trobe.
Namaskaram! On Saturday I joined the Berwick Malayalam community for their Onam 2025 celebrations. I extend my sincere thanks to: Jose P Mathew, the Berwick Ayalkoottam committee's president; Ancy Aby, vice-president; Lalson Mathews, secretary; Unnimaya Febin, joint secretary; Midhun Francis, treasurer; and committee members Sajith Varkey, Jotsna Jose, Deon Boby and Sarath Purushothaman, as well as the entire Berwick Ayalkoottam team for organising such a fantastic and colourful event.
Onam is one of the most cherished festivals of our Malayalam community. It celebrates Kerala's rich cultural heritage and brings families together to honour the legendary King Mahabali, who again showed up on this great occasion. I've had the privilege of attending many Onam celebrations over the years and have always been moved by the traditional performances and the spirit of unity, as well as their friendship.
Berwick Ayalkoottam, funded in 2008 by eight families, now represents more than 160 families and nearly 500 members from Berwick and the surrounding suburbs, and they put on a magnificent event. With more than 80,000 Malayalam speakers in Australia, the contributions of our Malayalam community continue to enrich our nation. Once again, I commend the members of Berwick Ayalkoottam for their initiatives, support and celebration of our amazing Australian Malayalam community, and I wish everyone a joyful Onam.
I also had the great privilege of attending the Cardinia Gujarati Association—and namaste to all of them. They held the Janmashtami and Ganesh Utsav celebrations in Pakenham. I thank Brijal, who's a great friend as well as the trustee, and all the committee members, for putting on such a magnificent event. Janmashtami marks the birth of Sri Krishna, who symbolises knowledge and wisdom. Ganesh Utsav celebrates the birth of Lord Ganesh, the embodiment of new beginnings, prosperity and good fortune. Both festivals hold great significance for our wonderful Australian Hindu community, and I extend my heartfelt wishes to all those celebrating.
What made this event truly special was the leadership of the CGAI Junior Committee—children aged between 10 and 16 years who took charge of organising this wonderful event. Again, I commend the Cardinia Gujarati Association—such a vibrant community in my electorate of La Trobe. Again, I wish everyone a happy Onam and a happy Janmashtami and Ganesh Utsav.
Cambodian Australians are a vital part of the Australian community, particularly in my electorate of Isaacs. Their resilience, strong family ties and commitment to fairness and dignity reflect the values that we share as a nation. Since my election in 2007 I've built strong relationships with members of the Cambodian Australian community. I hold this community in the highest regard and value the trust and friendship extended to me over many years.
In recent weeks, members of the Australian Cambodian community in my electorate have contacted me, greatly concerned about the recent outbreak of violence in the Cambodia-Thailand border area. I've since met with families and community leaders who are fearful for the safety of loved ones in the border area and anxious about the consequences of instability. These concerns are close, personal and deeply felt. Many in the community are seeking reassurance that their voices are being heard. I've raised these concerns with my colleagues. The Australian government recently welcomed the ceasefire agreement announced by Cambodia and Thailand. Foreign minister Penny Wong reaffirmed Australia's support for a peaceful resolution through regional dialogue and international cooperation. That position reflects our continued commitment to peace, the rule of law and protection of civilians in our region.
Moments like this remind us that the effects of conflict are rarely contained. Civilians bear the immediate cost, but the consequences often reach far beyond the borders where violence occurs. For communities in Australia with close connections to the region, these events cause real worry and demand a principled and engaged international response. Peace is not just the absence of war; it is the presence of justice, dignity and the belief that every person deserves to live free from fear. Achieving peace requires patience, effort and a willingness to choose dialogue over division. All too often, it's ordinary people who live with the consequences of conflict. The nations of the world differ in their histories, but the challenges to peace and stability remind us of the international community's shared responsibility to prevent conflict and protect civilians. Upholding justice, mutual respect and dialogue to resolve conflict is what gives meaning to our shared humanity. As federal member for Isaacs, I want to ensure that the voices of Cambodian Australians in my electorate are heard, their concerns respected and their calls for peace and safety acknowledged.
I want to congratulate all of the recipients of honours in this year's King's Birthday Honours List. Goldstein is blessed with incredible residents who make enormous contributions to our community and who stand up and take responsibility not just for themselves but for others, and they should be rightly honoured every year—not just in the Australia Day Honours but in the King's Birthday Honours as well.
I'd like to start by acknowledging and congratulating Anthony Barry AM, who was honoured for his significant service to civil engineering. I also congratulate Alan Oppenheim AM, who was honoured for his significant service to the skin healthcare industry. He's one of the great success stories of the Goldstein community in establishing the company Ego Pharmaceuticals with his wife, Jane. If you know Ego Pharmaceuticals—you would have tried out their hand sanitiser in different parts of the country—it is an incredible business and export success of which we can all be proud.
I congratulate Nicole Livingstone AO, who was honoured for her distinguished service to sports development administration, to the promotion of women in sport and to community health, as well. I congratulate Professor Jodie McVernon AO, who was honoured for distinguished service to medical research in the field of epidemiology and infection prevention, to tertiary education and to public health.
I congratulate Ms Jennifer Huppert OAM, who was honoured for service to multicultural affairs through a range of community organisations and, of course, to the Jewish community in particular. Of course, I acknowledge her legacy as a former Labor member of state parliament. I congratulate Mr Derek Jones OAM, who was honoured for service to the community of Beaumaris and, in particular, his work for things like graffiti removal and cleaning up our streets. I also give my love to his wife, Elizabeth. I congratulate Mr Simon Marks OAM, who was honoured for his service to youth. I congratulate Ms Anne Shipp OAM, who was honoured for service to nursing, and the late Ms Simone Stevenson OAM, who was honoured for service to industrial relations, particularly to asbestos eradication, which is, of course, an enormously important contribution to public life and to making sure that Australians live safe and healthy lives in the workplace—something that I am sure everybody on both sides of this chamber would support, and I'm glad to see members opposite nodding along. And, of course, I congratulate my good friend Timothy Wildash OAM, who was honoured for his service to the cash management industry, another great success story of a local resident who has established a business that has gone on to significant success by providing pathways. If you've ever been to a pub or to a service station and a bank has fallen short by not providing the services or ATM facilities they might once have, and you see a Next Payments ATM, that might be Timothy Wildash OAM's ATM right there. They also provide a number of other non-cash payment platforms which are available through different formats at things like festivals.
So congratulations to all of them. You do us enormously proud in the Goldstein community. Thank you for your service.
I said that, when I got elected, housing would be my No. 1 priority. Housing is the issue that is brought up to me consistently when I'm doorknocking, making phone calls or speaking to people at community events. When we talk about the cost of living, what people pay for rent or the mortgage is at the heart of it, because you pay your rent or your mortgage first. The house is the last thing to go when you're struggling to pay your bills.
That's why I think it's great to see that housing is at the front and centre of the Albanese Labor government's agenda, and it's fantastic to hear today that we're bringing forward our commitment to help first home buyers buy a house with just a five per cent deposit, starting this October and not next year as originally planned. Every Australian deserves the chance to own a home, and we know that it's been getting harder and harder for first home buyers. If you have a look at that age group between 25 and 35 years old, those figures show that, in the nineties, homeownership was somewhere around 60 per cent, and now it's heading down to 40 per cent.
But let's not focus on how we got here—just know that, over the last 30 years, there has been a failure to invest in public housing by federal LNP governments. It was part of the postwar miracle of Australia that state and federal Labor and Liberal governments across the country invested in public housing. It was not out of the goodness of our hearts but because we knew that, if we could keep the cost of living down and keep the cost of rent down, we could take the pressure off wages, and that would help business and keep living standards high. In fact, one of the reasons that we attracted a car industry to Australia was public housing. Look at where the car manufacturing plants were. They used to have public housing built around them. In fact, it was part of the charters of the housing trusts around the country to facilitate in the economic development of the state.
I've long believed that providing affordable housing is the biggest impact that a government can have on the economy, and now we're playing catch up. We're going to turn it around, and we're going to do it by working with states, councils and industries to get homes on the ground faster. We're going to do it through schemes like the Help to Buy program, where the government will share the equity of the house with the individuals. We're going to do it through the biggest housing program in over three decades, the Housing Australia Future Fund, and we're going to do it by building 1.2 million homes, of which a hundred thousand will be earmarked for first home buyers. We're going to do it by freezing the construction code, cutting red tape and getting builders back on site faster, and we're going to do it with things like the five per cent deposit for first home buyers, which will start in October.
We're making it so that all first home buyers can access it, with no income caps and no limits on places, and we're lifting the property price cap too so that people can actually find a place that suits their family and their future. This policy cuts through. It shaves years off the time it takes to save a deposit and saves people tens of thousands of dollars in mortgage insurance. Labor is acting to make housing more accessible and equitable.
I rise today to highlight this government's appalling record of delivering on its promises. The delays in transitioning to the new model of seniors home-care packages have been a disgrace, and this government should be ashamed to be kicking the can down the road for six months, causing considerable uncertainty and distress to some of the oldest, most isolated and most vulnerable constituents in my electorate. Sadly, I'm not exaggerating when I say people will die waiting for the assessment, approval and delivery of their life-changing, life-sustaining packages.
But this is a constituency statement, not a grievance debate, so I actually rise today to commend the hardworking team behind the staying-in-place model of care for seniors. Conceived in 2018, in the small O'Connor town of Pingelly, 150 kilometres south-east from Perth, the Staying in Place program has been driven by former WA Liberal cabinet minister the Hon. Helen Morton and Pingelly local Lee Steel of the Pingelly Community Resource Centre. Their dream was to support Pingelly seniors with services delivered by a locally sourced care workforce. As the Somerset Alliance, they secured federal funding under the previous coalition government for a pilot program to find ways of reducing loneliness and improving connectedness between geographically isolated older people in regional and remote communities.
The concept of a virtual village was hatched, wherein activities could be hosted remotely by a concierge in much the same way as a real aged-care village. To date, this virtual village has brought together over 270 participants separated by the tyranny of distance and lack of transport or inability to travel and has connected them through modern-day technology. Upon this they built an entire suite of home-care services delivered by a latent local workforce comprised of retirees, stay-at-home parents and other skilled persons not engaged in the workforce. The result, Staying in Place, is a community led initiative whereby locals with various skill sets deliver a full suite of care options, enabling older people to age and thrive in the communities they have lived in and contributed to all of their lives.
This sounds like a simple concept, but it's taken a lot of hard work by Helen, Lee and their team to get the machine working, and now they are on the move. The concept has spread like wildfire to 55 other regional and remote communities, not only in my electorate of O'Connor but throughout Australia.
I conclude by saying how proud I am to have been involved in this initiative, and I welcome Lee and Helen to Canberra, where they will be giving evidence to the inquiry of the Senate Community Affairs References Committee into aged-care service delivery. But I'm also not alone in my praise. The Department of Social Services, who funded Staying in Place as a pilot, praised its cost effectiveness and positive health outcomes. Helen herself agrees that people who leave their communities often don't thrive; Staying in Place gives them a chance to age with dignity in the place they know best.
I'd like to recognise the phenomenal work of Sally Wynd, who set up Doonside's Eagles RAPS. Nearly 30 years ago, spurred by tragedy, Sally and husband Marten determined to make a difference for young people in Doonside and beyond. They always believe in the ability of our young people, even if others won't. With no formal background in youth work, Sally started Eagles RAPS as a place young people could turn to for help, and a vision grew. Eagles RAPS began training young people to grow their skills and ambitions, developing great links with major firms such as Amazon Web Services. Eagles RAPS has supported so many young people—I love attending their graduation ceremonies and seeing the pride in the faces of the graduates' parents. It's said that Sally is retired, yet 'retiring' is never a word I'd associate with Sally. I'd like the House to know that Sally Wynd has been instrumental in changing lives and delivering hope to young people in Doonside.
This is going to be hard to talk about because this person meant a great deal to me personally and to our community—the late Uncle Greg Simms, community leader, activist, storyteller and cultural educator. Born in 1949, he fashioned deep, tight and enduring ties to Western Sydney through ancestral links to the Gundungurra of the Blue Mountains and the Gadigal of the Dharug nation. Quiet, humble, modest, often with a cheeky glint in his eyes but never to be mistaken, he was a force of nature. He always directed that force to help others—always busy, always working. At every event in every corner of our region, Uncle Greg would be there, and then he'd be there for others in their time of need, especially young people who'd given up hope that anyone would be there to help them. Never bitter and never angry, he was full of faith in his fellow person. He strove for reconciliation; a regular face at the Mount Druitt and District Reconciliation Walk, he often reminded us, 'Piano sounds best when the black and white keys play together'.
You didn't just know Uncle Greg; you loved him. You loved what he stood for, and you loved how much he gave of himself. His farewell service at St Andrew's Catholic church in Malabar witnessed an incredible turnout—literally standing room only. People were spilling out of the doors, leaning in to hear what they could. It seems fitting, when recalling Uncle Greg, to end with one of his signature phrases—one that always left an imprint on the minds of those who heard it. 'When you take your next step, remember the ones that took the steps before you.' Rest in peace you tremendous, warm soul, Uncle Greg Simms.
There being no further constituency statements by members, the next part of the business will be called on.
I move:
That this House:
(1) notes that:
(a) the Government's environment credentials are all washed up;
(b) after refusing to even meet with scientists regarding the spread of toxic algal bloom in South Australia for over 18 months, the Minister for the Environment and Water has made a last minute dash in a desperate attempt to avoid scrutiny over the Government's lack of leadership on the matter; and
(c) from recycling to Indigenous cultural heritage and environment protection and biodiversity conservation, the Government has failed to deliver on any of its major promises; and
(2) calls on the Minister representing the Minister for the Environment and Water to attend the chamber to explain the Government's failures on the environment.
Is there a seconder?
I second the motion and reserve my right to speak.
This government's record on the environment is similar to that of the West Coast Eagles this season—it's pretty damn poor. Just last week, the South Australian algal bloom was labelled one of the worst recorded harmful algal blooms in the world. Dr Donald Anderson, an international scientist and Director of the US National Office for Harmful Algal Blooms, expressed concern that this bloom has become so large that it may no longer be logistically possible to neutralise it. It's now one of the most harmful algal blooms in the world, covering 4,500 square kilometres of South Australian coastline. It's twice the size of the ACT, it can now be seen from space, and it's devastating. But it could have been avoided if the state and federal Labor governments had taken some action, just some action, when they were first warned—earlier than the 150 days it took their prime minister to go to South Australians when they needed him the most. It's both the Malinauskas and the Albanese governments' inaction and delay that has allowed this environmental disaster to spiral out of control, with all its impacts to the ecosystems of the Gulf St Vincent and Adelaide's beaches.
Australian scientists warned the government over 18 months ago of the impending disaster but were ignored, and funding to monitor this disaster was denied. Five months ago Australian scientists again raised their concerns with this government. Crickets. Tin ears. Since then, marine creatures started washing up dead on South Australia's beaches. To date that death toll has reached 14,000 and is climbing. Local fishing and tourism businesses have gone broke, hitting rock bottom. Only on the eve of parliament returning last month did the minister finally take some notice, scuttling down to South Australia at the last minute to see this catastrophic disaster. The Prime Minister and the environment minister have a lot to answer for—answers that were not given to the good people of South Australia on the scuttle down to the state last week. The Prime Minister secretly jetted over to Kangaroo Island before posting about his visit on X. No media were forewarned—nothing—and when he did finally address the media hours later he delivered absolutely nothing of substance. But that's classic Labor. They are all spin, no substance.
I have visited affected areas on three separate occasions, one of which was with the Leader of the Opposition a week prior to the Prime Minister showing his face in South Australia. Now let's be frank about this harmful algal bloom. It's a natural disaster and it's an absolute disgrace to see the lack of funding and the inaction by this government. The Albanese government can find $600 million for a Rugby League team in Papua New Guinea but it could barely scrape together, at the Prime Minister's press conference, an adequate funding package to immediately support South Australians. That is a slap in the face—to those opposite who are having a giggle—for communities living through an environmental crisis that is devastating ecosystems. If the Prime Minister genuinely cared about this issue, he wouldn't have taken so long to act: remember, 150 days. He would have made himself available to those severely impacted areas of Goolwa and those on the Yorke Peninsula. Labor continues to fail in delivering anything of substance when it comes to the environment. There's simply no accountability and it's simply not good enough. It is too little too late for those coastal communities, families, businesses and fishers, and thousands of dead marine creatures affected by this harmful algal bloom.
Don't forget, the scientists were asking 18 months ago. Those opposite will come in here and try and spruik their environmental credentials, but they have failed. They didn't turn up and when they did it was too little, it was too late, and their credentials are absolutely all washed up. Shame on you, Prime Minister. Shame on you, Murray Watt, the environment minister—Senator Watt—for not being there for South Australians when they absolutely needed you to turn up and show leadership on this disaster for their ecosystems, this disaster for their families and small businesses, this disaster for the tourism businesses on the Yorke Peninsula. And let's not forget that the Gulf of Spencer is just around the corner, Prime Minister, so look out for South Australians.
Is the motion seconded?
I second the motion and reserve my right to speak later.
Sometimes you see a motion from the opposition and you just scratch your head, and that's exactly what happened as I saw this on the Notice Paper a couple of weeks ago. It gives me the opportunity to talk about the government's environmental credentials at a time when the opposition don't even have an environmental policy. They're tearing themselves apart over environmental policy, and here today we've got this motion. This motion lays bare the arrogance and hypocrisy of those opposite who try to call out a government that's actually doing something about the environment when they did nothing to protect it in their nine years in government. As I said, this is all at a time when they're tearing themselves apart over net zero.
Let's be very clear. Australians rejected the Liberals' and Nationals' environmental vandalism at the ballot box not once but twice because they saw a decade of climate denial, division and delay. They axed climate laws. They sabotaged the Murray-Darling Basin Plan. They cut funding to the environment department by 40 per cent. They halved marine parks, ignored Indigenous water commitments and left the Great Barrier Reef on the brink of being listed in danger. That is the coalition's legacy, and it continues. It didn't end at the 2022 election, which you thought it would. It didn't end at the 2025 election, when they were thumped.
Just this weekend, the Queensland Liberals voted to dump net zero as their major environmental policy—gone. That follows on from the Liberals' and Nationals' state divisions across the country—in New South Wales, South Australia, Western Australia and the Northern Territory—all dumping net zero. They can't even agree on that. Sometimes I don't even think they can agree on what day of the week it is, but they can't agree on net zero. They're in here today feigning outrage and saying that we don't have environmental credentials, and we're actually doing something about it. Australians do not trust them on the environment, and that's why they've been rejected at the last two elections.
Since coming to office, our government has overturned nearly a decade of denial and delay and put Australia back on track when it comes to taking action on climate change. The results are clear. We've legislated stronger emissions reduction targets: a 43 per cent cut by 2030 and net zero by 2050. We put those targets into law so no future government can walk them back—
Did you meet that target?
and we're on track to achieve that target. I'll take on that interjection. We're on track to reach that target because we've unlocked billions in renewable investment. In the year to March 2025, emissions fell by 6.5 million tons, putting Australia 28 per cent below its 2005 levels. Preliminary data for the financial year ending June 2025 shows an even bigger reduction in emissions of 10.6 million tons—that's 29 per cent below 2005 levels—with more than 40 per cent of the electricity in our grid coming from renewable energy, further driving down emissions and helping our environment. That's not spin. That's not fake outrage. That's delivery. It's happening because of the safeguard mechanism, which we reformed, which forces our biggest polluters to cut emissions by nearly five per cent every year; it's happening because we've added over 18 gigawatts of new solar and wind since 2022; and it's happening because of popular policies like our cheaper home battery subsidy, with over 33,000 batteries installed in a matter of weeks adding more storage so that people can use the solar panels on their homes to reduce emissions as well. We've protected an extra 95 million hectares of bush and ocean, we've doubled funding to national parks like Kakadu and Uluru, and we've invested more than $600 million into protected threatened species. We've supported Indigenous rangers with a record $1.3 billion program, doubling their numbers to care for country. But we're not stopping there.
Australians are telling us and people in my electorate are telling me they want us to keep lifting our ambition. In fact, recent polling shows that 44 per cent of voters support stronger 2035 emissions reduction targets of between 65 and 75 per cent. I'll be one of those MPs pushing our government to go further on the environment and not take lessons and lectures from those opposite who did nothing in their near 10 years in power.
I'll remind members from both sides that members deserve to be heard in silence.
I rise today to support the shadow minister for the environment—the member for Moncrieff, Angie Bell—in her urgent call for the environment minister to attend this chamber and explain the Albanese government's catastrophic failure in environmental management. To speak of fake outrage, how about someone show up and actually come to the electorate of Grey, where the epicentre of the algal bloom is?
The simple truth is this: the government's environmental credentials are not just in question; they are, as Ms Bell rightly said, completely washed up. Let's begin with what's unfolding right now in South Australia. For over 18 months, eminent scientists were warning of the growing risk of the toxic algal bloom. They sought meetings; they sought engagement; they sought leadership. What they received from the government was silence: no meetings, no action, no leadership.
The consequences of that neglect are being felt across South Australia, but nowhere more severely than in my electorate of Grey. The epicentre of the bloom lies in Gulf St Vincent, and it is now spreading into the Spencer Gulf, home to Port Lincoln, the seafood capital of Australia and the base of the Southern Hemisphere's largest fishing fleet. More than 14,000 marine animals have died. International experts have described the outbreak as one of the world's worst algal blooms. Our fishing and tourism industries are on their knees, and families who have made their living from the sea for generations are now watching hopelessly as their catch disappears before their eyes.
And what was Minister Watt's response? A last-minute dash to South Australia on the eve of parliament sitting—a photo opportunity dressed up as leadership. Just days earlier, he dismissed the crisis as merely a state issue, sending only a departmental official to witness the devastation. Then, last week, we saw the same pattern repeated by our prime minister. He flew into Adelaide for barely an hour and scraped together $6.2 million for South Australians, while at the same time giving $600 million to a PNG rugby team. That is not leadership; that is evasion.
I want to be clear. This disaster is not just about algae; it's about accountability. It is about a government that ignored scientists, ignored fishers, ignored local communities and ignored its own responsibility to act. The human impact is heartbreaking. I have spoken to fishers who have not caught enough fish to make pay for three or four months. They tell me they feel physically sick, not just because of the financial strain but because every day they go out into the sea and are confronted by the sight of dead or dying marine animals—garfish, squid, dolphin, shark, ray. For some species, it is as though they have disappeared entirely from the Gulf. Small family businesses in the marine scale fishery are facing financial ruin. The social and emotional toll is profound. This crisis is not just about ecosystems. It's about people. It's about livelihoods. It's about communities up and down the South Australian coastline who rely on the ocean not just for food but for their future.
The government support to date has been too little, too late. Access to assistance programs have been riddled with restrictive criteria, leaving many fishers unable to qualify. The federal government has refused to declare this disaster a national emergency or natural disaster, which would unlock the scale of funding and resources truly required. This is not an isolated issue. From recycling reform to Indigenous cultural heritage protection, from the environmental protection laws to biodiversity conservation, this government has failed to deliver on every major environmental promise it has made to the Australian people. We've seen slogans, we've heard speeches, but when it comes to substance—nothing
This is why the coalition has fought for a Senate inquiry into the algal bloom. The inquiry has bipartisan support, and it will investigate not just environmental devastation but also the government's inadequate response. But accountability must also come here to this chamber. The environment minister must explain why the government ignored scientists for 18 months. He must explain why it took the death of thousands of marine animals and the collapse of local industries to force any action. He must explain why communities like mine in the electorate of Grey have been abandoned to fend for themselves. Australians deserve better than delay, denial and disaster. They deserve a government that values science, listens to communities and protects both our environment and the livelihoods that depend upon it. The Albanese government promised leadership on the environment. Instead, it has delivered crisis after crisis. Its record is one of broken promises. That is why I support this motion. I call on the Minister for the Environment and Water to come before this House and account for the government's failures. Our communities deserve answers. Our fishers deserve support. Our environment deserves better stewardship than this government has provided.
I rise to speak against this motion moved by the member for Moncrieff, which appears, really, to be a stew of vague topic references smothered in boilerplate hyperbole and canned indignation. It is quite incredible for this to come from the party that's just looked to ditch net zero and hasn't for 18 years had any kind of cohesive environmental policy which they've managed to coalesce around for more than two minutes.
The recent algal bloom in South Australia is a devastating environmental event; there's no denying that. It's having a massive impact on the South Australian marine environment, businesses and the local community, and the Albanese Labor government has announced $14 million in support for the South Australian government's efforts to combat the effects of this devastating algal bloom and to improve our preparedness for future events. The funding will invest in the scientific research, business assistance and community awareness and support that are needed now, as well as immediate clean-up efforts. We're also investing, in the longer term, in the tools to help improve the ability to forecast climatic events and monitor ocean conditions, including turning a successful trial of a marine heatwave forecast tool into an ongoing service to help governments, industry, decision-makers, researchers and the public better understand ocean temperatures and forecast them accurately.
Labor's environmental record is far from a failure. Since 2022, the Albanese Labor government has passed strong laws to force big polluters to cut emissions so Australia gets to net zero carbon pollution by 2050. This and other actions have reduced Australia's emissions by 29 per cent below 2005 levels. We've also protected—including planned additions—an extra 95 million hectares of ocean and bush, an area the size of Germany, Italy and Norway combined. We've invested $1.3 billion to support the successful Indigenous Rangers Program, including doubling the number of Indigenous rangers, who help manage the feral animals and weeds killing our native species. We've invested over $600 million to better protect our threatened plants and animals and tackle the feral animals and weeds devastating our native species. We've increased recycling capacity by more than 1.5 million tonnes a year, stopping tyres, glass, paper and soft and difficult-to-recycle plastics going to landfill. We've established the world's first nature repair market, making it easier to invest in nature protection. We've lifted our country's emissions targets by half, from 26 per cent to 43 per cent by 2030, and established the target of reaching net zero emissions by 2050, and we've enshrined those targets into the law of the land, sending a message to renewable energy investors around the world that Australia has changed and is open for renewable investment—a stark contrast to what we've seen from the coalition, which seems to engage in self-destruction every time the word 'environment' or 'science' comes up.
Right now, we have this kind of flimflam McFlurry of a motion, feigning concern about the environment at the same time the party has just announced it's ditching net zero. It really hasn't had anything resembling a sensible approach to climate or the environment. We could see the Liberal Party being hijacked by the National Party when it comes to the environment as well. At two elections in a row, the people have overwhelmingly rejected the coalition's approach to environmental policy. The coalition have spent weeks talking about ditching net zero while, at the same time, feigning outrage about the credentials of the Labor Party, which has not only talked about taking action but taken concrete steps over the last three years and which continues in its work towards improving our environment and the sustainability of our sectors. On the Leader of the Opposition's watch as environment minister, the Great Barrier Reef was almost listed as endangered. We've taken steps to protect that environment, among others. If we listened to the coalition and took their path, we wouldn't exactly call that science based.
In the motion, there's criticism about there having been no diary meeting for 18 months, without producing any kind of cause-and-effect argument as to how anything the Albanese government has done has contributed to the algal bloom. It is a horrible event. It is one we need to understand better. We need to make sure that we are doing all we can to protect our local environment. But this is just a very strange approach. When I first read the motion, I thought, 'Oh, the Greens have gone a bit crazy in how they're drafting motions.' But then I was shocked to realise that it's the coalition pretending to care about climate policy.
Well, I guess there's a first for everything, and I am actually comforted by the notion that someone in the LNP cares about the environment and environmental policy. If only that care and concern could be extended to the rest of the party and perhaps used to persuade fellow party members that it's time to act on climate change and improving our environmental policies! I can only hope, from the fact that they have raised their concerns about the environment, that we'll have steadfast supporters for the further actions being taken by the Albanese government over the next three years and we can perhaps be on a joint ticket in our efforts to make sure that we have the best environmental protection laws possible and that we're doing everything we can to address climate change. But right now it just reeks of hypocrisy to see that the party of ditching net zero is talking about the Albanese government's record on the environment. If there's failure on environmental policy, it would definitely be the coalition's, and it's one that has been around for 18 years— (Time expired)
The allotted time for this debate has expired. The debate is adjourned, and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting.
I move:
That this House:
(1) acknowledges the Government's commitment to driving economic equality for Australian women, from closing the gender pay gap and lifting wages for women, to investing in women's health and expanding paid parental leave;
(2) notes that on 1 July 2025 women in Australia benefited from key changes delivered by the Government, including:
(a) expanding paid parental leave to 24 weeks and paying superannuation on it;
(b) lifting the minimum wage by 3.5 per cent; and
(c) commencing the Commonwealth Prac Payment scheme for teaching, nursing, midwifery and social work students; and
(3) welcomes the Government continuing to deliver a better future for Australian women.
As a young girl growing up next door to my grandparents, I saw my matriarchal grandmother use her organisational, diplomatic and empathy skills to be the bedrock of our family and our community. My mum wanted to become a teacher but didn't get the opportunity. However, every day she organised meals for at least 10 people, made hundreds of stage-ready costumes, decorated wedding cakes and organised and joined various social justice causes. Then there were our friends the Hahnes, who lived up the road. Mum babysat a few of the grandkids because both parents wanted to pursue a career—one a paramedic and the other a nurse educator. In addition, Mum did countless hours of babysitting for my kids and other grandkids.
This is not an unfamiliar story. I'm telling you this story because women throughout the ages have been held back from fully participating in our economy in the way they want to. Child care and family care have always been two of the biggest hurdles facing women entering the workforce and, importantly, keeping them there. Child care was just too costly on the family budget, and wages weren't high enough, especially in women dominated sectors, for it to be worthwhile for both parents to work. It wasn't just wages and career losses for the mums, who were the ones who predominantly lost out; it's a loss of long-term financial stability and economic empowerment, not to mention economic growth. In fact, it's estimated that the Australian economy would be $128 billion better off by purposely removing the persistent and pervasive barriers to women's full and equal participation in the economy.
When Labor introduced paid paternity leave almost 15 years ago, the dinner conversations changed. It gave families an option for both parents to work. This was a significant step to bring more women into the workforce and nibble away at the gender pay gap, but the data showed slow progress. At the time of the 2022 federal election, the gender pay gap was still 14.1 percent—exactly where it had been four years earlier. For over a decade, I have participated in discussions across organisations like the OECD, the World Economic Forum and the B20 on what is needed to close the gap, and the discussions always highlighted a few consistent challenges: the burden of family care falling predominantly on women; the undervaluing of the career choices of many women, which is reflected in comparatively very low wages—and unpaid prac placements, of course; and discrimination in hiring. Now, 51 per cent of the workforce are women, and we can't afford to leave them behind.
This is why I'm so pleased to speak to this motion today, which recognises what the Labor government is doing to support women with fairer wages and long-term financial stability. Since 1 July, the Albanese Labor government has kicked off billions of dollars worth of responsible support. The national minimum wage and award wages have increased by 3½ per cent. Paid parental leave has increased to 24 weeks. Super is now paid on all government paid parental leave. Commonwealth prac placements have started with nursing, midwifery, teaching and social work students—professions where women dominate the work. This comes on top of 10 days paid family and domestic violence leave, stronger rules for company reporting on their gender gaps and stronger laws to combat sexual harassment in the workforce.
The second point I wanted to touch upon was the comparatively huge cost of health care that women face—contraceptives, menopausal hormone therapies and endometriosis, just to name three. When I was doorknocking during the campaign, I spoke to a few ladies who told me a very similar story. They were scared and embarrassed to go out because of the physical and emotional symptoms that they experience because of menopause. This is why I stand here today to support Labor's actions on implementing a promise to deliver $790 million towards women's health. From 1 March, some of the most commonly used contraceptive pills were listed on the PBS. Contraceptive devices became cheaper. From 1 July, a new Medicare rebate for menopause health assessments was introduced. After more than 20 years, three new menopausal hormone therapies were listed on the PBS. From 1 July, two new Medicare Benefits Schedule items were introduced for gynaecological consultations of 45 minutes or longer, helping those facing complex conditions such as endometriosis and pelvic pain, and there will be more endometriosis and pelvic pain clinics treating more conditions thanks to the Albanese Labor government. Women will also benefit from the cheaper PBS prescriptions, our bulk-billing, our urgent care clinics et cetera.
I'm really proud of the steps this government has taken to enable more women to work, but a lot more remains to be done to close that gender gap. I look forward to working with the government to continue to do this and make it fairer for women across our country.
Is there a seconder for the motion?
I'd like to second the motion and reserve my right to speak.
I welcome the opportunity to speak on this motion this morning. As the shadow minister for women, I am committed, as we all are in the coalition, to ensuring we are delivering economic equality for women. But, just as importantly, we must deliver essential services and tackle the issues that are hurting so many women and children—indeed, all Australian families.
Instead of driving economic growth and bettering our lives, the Albanese Labor government's out-of-control spending spree is actually failing Australians. With nearly 51 per cent of the population being women, you can consider their efforts an epic fail. We have and continue to experience the sharpest fall in living standards in the developed world. Living standards in Australia have declined by more than six per cent under Labor. Interest rates have gone up 12 times, with families still being punished with extra mortgage repayments of up to $1,800 a month. Let's face it, the cost of everything is up. Electricity bills are up 32 per cent, gas bills are up 30 per cent, rents are up 20 per cent, food is up 14 per cent, health costs are up 15 per cent—and don't get me started on only needing to use your Medicare card, not your credit card. When families are skipping meals to keep the lights and heating on, it is clear this government has got its priorities all wrong.
Australia's housing crisis is in freefall. Rents are skyrocketing right across the country, having risen 20 to 80 per cent in our capital cities since 2022, which means they are rising up to five times faster than wages. More and more Australians are accepting that owning their own home may never be a reality while prices remain so high and supply continues to dwindle. Homelessness is a reality for too many. Earlier this month was Homelessness Week, an important week dedicated to highlighting the homelessness crisis here in Australia. Homelessness Australia said that, of the people assisted by specialist services, six in 10 are women, one in three are single parents and nearly 10 per cent are women aged 55 or over. Nearly 40 per cent of clients have experienced family and domestic violence.
Family and domestic violence continues to be one of the biggest challenge in our communities. One in four women have experienced violence by an intimate partner. That's around 2.3 million women in this country—your sister, your relative, your friend, your neighbour. The same number have experienced emotional abuse, and one in five have experienced sexual violence. These issues matter. They are important, and we must do more to stop them now, not later.
When it comes to the gender pay gap, as the member for Brisbane highlighted, we are seeing an improvement. Last week, the Minister for Women, Senator Gallagher, said in a media release that Australia's gender pay gap is at the lowest ever level since records began, at 11.5 per cent. I appreciate that this allows a media release to be issued; however, according to the ABS, it reached 11.5 per cent last August, before rising again to 11.9 per cent in February. Despite this seemingly low number, the government's own Workplace Gender Equality Agency reports this data quite differently, because it includes overtime, superannuation and other payments that are received. Their reporting states the gender pay gap is still much higher, at 21.8 per cent. These two datasets far from align, though both show an improvement over the last decade.
When this data was first reported in 2015, the gap sat at 28.6 per cent. Year on year, this percentage has fallen by around one percentage point—that is, until the Albanese Labor government was elected. In 2022, the Workplace Gender Equality Agency reported the gap at 22.8 per cent. In the 3½ years since they came to office, this has shifted just 0.4 per cent. That's an average reduction of 0.1 per cent each year. As important as each of these issues are, what is more important is that we do not apply a technicolour lens to data and evidence to paint the situation as something more palatable. If it's broke, let's fix it, but we must not sugarcoat it.
When women thrive, Australia thrives, and that has always been Labor's vision. Under this Albanese Labor government we are making historic investments to deliver real economic equality for Australian women. For too long, women have been left behind in our economy, being underpaid, undervalued and unsupported, but change is happening. It's happening because this Albanese Labor government believes that every woman deserves safety, security, opportunity and a fair share in our nation's prosperity.
More than 8,000 community and personal service workers call Barton home. We know a larger share of these workers are women. They are nurses in our hospitals, caring for our elderly relatives in aged-care homes, supporting at-risk youth as social workers, and teaching our kids in early child care. We rely on them to keep our community safe, healthy and educated. There are more than 8,000 households relying on them to keep food on the table.
One of the first things I did as the member for Barton was visit some of these workers in training at Kogarah TAFE alongside Minister Giles. We visited three classes, the majority of which were filled with women and who were all taught by women. They had already begun their placements at St George Hospital and were eager to join local health services full time. One young student, Quinn, told me how excited they were to start work so they could give back to the community that had already given so much to them. These are the people benefiting from our work in this House—generous, kind, tough and diligent women in Barton. It is far overdue that we celebrate, protect and support their work.
We are absolutely rewriting the story of care in this country. We are expanding paid parental leave to six months by 2026, paying super on that leave from July this year and investing $1 billion to build more childcare centres. These changes mean families will be almost $12,000 better off than they were before Labor's reforms. We're also delivering on long-overdue pay rises in aged care and early childhood education, which are industries overwhelmingly dominated by women, and we extended the parenting payment until the child turns 14, supporting single mums to stay afloat.
During the last federal election campaign I doorknocked the entire electorate of Barton. I did that because I know that the conversations that dominate the media cycle here in Canberra and in the papers in Sydney are not necessarily the conversations that are happening around the dinner tables in Earlwood and Wolli Creek. Instead, parents wanted to talk about pay rises, the changes to early education and access to health care. Mums wanted to know how our government was supporting them and their family. Students wanted to know that their work would be rewarded once they finish their studies. The results speak for themselves: under Labor the gender pay gap is at record lows of just 11.9 per cent; women are earning $217 more per week than in May 2022; and women's workforce participation is at record highs of 63.4 per cent, with more than 600,000 new jobs for women created since Labor came to office. We've made gender equality an object of the Fair Work Act, we've required large employers to report their gender pay gaps and we're funding the Fair Work Commission to fix undervaluation in women-dominated industries.
We're not stopping there. We're investing in women's futures through fee-free TAFE, through practical placement payments for teaching, nursing and midwifery and social work students, and by cutting and reforming HECS and HELP debts, which disproportionately impacts women, who hold almost 60 per cent of student debt. Women's health is front and centre too. This government invested $792 million in women's health, open 22 dedicated endometriosis clinics, expanded care for menopause and tripled the bulk-billing incentives. Do you know why? Because women's health should never be treated as an afterthought.
To all those people I spoke to at their doorsteps, this is the work that is supporting you and helping you get ahead, and this is only the beginning. We are breaking barriers in leadership here in Australia. Now we have a gender-equal parliament for the first time in history, with Labor women driving their achievements. We also have a gender-equal cabinet, with 12 of 23 ministers being women. This is not symbolic; it is structural change. Let me be very clear: economic equality for women is not a side issue. It's not an afterthought. It is core nation-building work.
This Labor motion is about a better future for Australian women, but let me tell you about one woman, Wendy, from Donald in my electorate of Mallee. Her future is not looking better under this government. For more than three years now the Prime Minister has repeated the mantra 'nobody held back, nobody left behind'. But Wendy has been utterly left behind by the combination of state and federal Labor governments in regional Victoria.
Wendy is a 75-year-old pensioner who lives in Donald, 277 kilometres from Melbourne. Wendy contracted the superbug Stenotrophomonas maltophilia during spinal surgery at Royal Melbourne Hospital in March 2024. In Wendy's own words:
After attending rehab, where my surgery site split open, I was rushed back to the Royal Melbourne Hospital and subsequently had 3 washouts and drains inserted by the plastic surgery team. A number of other patients in my ward also suffered a similar fate although the spine is unique in that the metalware cannot be removed until fusion occurs.
This bug attaches to and hides on metal and other surgical items.
She goes on to say that it:
… is aerobic and anaerobic forming a covering and when opportunity arises, it may jump out, attach to the atrium valve of the heart and eat it until it turns to mush or may move to other organs causing death.
There is only ONE antibiotic medication that can suppress it, namely Bactrim/Resprim Forte.
Wendy believes that a person who has caught this bug has a 54 per cent chance of survival, diminishing with age and other comorbidities. She goes on:
My condition has been managed by an Infectious Disease consultant from Switzerland as well as the orthopaedic team, but this causes some grief as there is little opportunity to use public transport in Donald—
Now, if anyone doesn't know where Donald is, I invite you to look it up on a map—
no taxi and a better resourced ambulance is at least 45 minutes away.
Wendy goes on to explain that her medical consultant has encouraged her to move closer to Royal Melbourne Hospital in case the bug causes a life-threatening infection. So, with regret, she told me last week in a mobile office in Donald that she has sold her home and is moving to Melbourne. Remembering the Prime Minister's slogan, let's call that part of her story the 'nobody held back part'.
It gets worse. Wendy has also been left behind. Again in Wendy's own words:
Recently I suffered a heart condition which meant being taken by ambulance to Bendigo hospital. It took 45 minutes' wait time for the ambulance to arrive and a 2 hour bumpy journey to Bendigo hospital and a further wait to see a doctor—such are the issues with living remotely, suffering from a potential life-threatening condition. There was no GP doctor working that evening.
This is a story I have heard all too often as the member for Mallee and in my previous shadow ministry role in regional health. I remain passionate about giving a voice to the people of Mallee and ensuring that they receive better health care. So when this motion speaks about the Albanese Labor government 'investing in women's health', I ask: What about Wendy? What about everyone like her? What about the women in Donald? What about the women in Buloke Shire? What about all the women in Mallee, and all the women in regional Australia?
Mallee women certainly feel invisible to the Albanese Labor government. I am giving people like Wendy a voice today because all Australian women deserve better.
I am delighted to rise in support of this motion moved by my friend and colleague the member for Brisbane to reaffirm Labor's unwavering commitment to driving economic equality for Australian women.
The World Economic Forum 's Global gender gap report 2025 has seen Australia jump 11 places in the global rankings in the last 12 months, to 13th position out of 148 countries, for gender equality. This is Australia's highest ranking since the index began back in 2008. For Labor, gender equality is not an optional extra. It's fundamental to fairness, to prosperity and to building a stronger nation. From day one, this government has placed women's social and economic equality at the centre of everything it does.
Over the past decade of coalition government, women were left behind. Under the coalition, Australia's gender equality ranking collapsed to 50th place on that list of 148 countries. That was, I shouldn't have to say, the lowest Australia has ever been. Thanks to Labor, we are now up to 13th. As I said, that's the highest we have ever been. But don't, for one moment, think we're resting on our laurels. Why shouldn't we be No. 1? That's the ambition of all of us on this side of the House.
The Labor government spent its first term delivering major reform to improve the lives of Australian women. This includes expanding paid parental leave to 24 weeks and, for the first time, adding superannuation to that paid parental leave, strengthening retiring incomes and recognising the value of care work. Families accessing paid parental leave are now nearly $12,000 better off compared to how they were prior to us coming to office. It includes three consecutive increases to the minimum wage, lifting the pay rates of nearly three million Australians—and guess what? The majority of those on minimum wage are women in sectors like care, retail and early education. Backing in those wage increases is critical to lifting the economic security of women. It includes commencing the Commonwealth paid prac payment scheme for student teachers, nurses, midwives and social workers, who are overwhelmingly women. Easing that financial pressure during mandatory placements is critical. We're investing in the professions that all of our communities rely on. These reforms are already making a difference in communities like mine in Newcastle, where thousands of students and young families stand to benefit, but that's just part of Labor's agenda.
Since 2022, we have delivered record lows for the gender pay gap. Just last week the ABS released data that women in full-time work are earning more than $250 more each week than they were three years ago. That's a good thing. Encouragingly, that data shows that women's workforce participation has also hit a record high, growing to 63.5 per cent—the first time for Australia. We've delivered cheaper child care for over a million families, because affordability is key to women's workforce participation. We've delivered historic economic investments in women's health, including cheaper contraception. Let's put contraception that women should have been able to access on the PBS. For the first time in 30 years, there are two of those new listings on the PBS. That is a good thing. There are new Medicare items for menopause care and for expanded endometriosis and pelvic pain clinics. We've delivered more than $4 billion in women's safety, because true equality is impossible while violence against women persists, and an historic parliament and cabinet. It's the first time for a cabinet to have a majority of women, proving that representation matters. We've also delivered Australia's first national gender equality strategy, Working for Women, setting out a 10-year road map across safety, economic security, health, leadership and care.
We know that challenges remain for Australian women. There is not a single woman on this side of the House—and, I suspect, across the House, to be frank—that thinks that we can just say 'job done' and move on. We know that these challenges remain. Rates of gendered violence, for example, remain far too high. Too many women still do not feel the full benefit of these reforms in their daily lives, and that's why delivering for Australian women remains very much the focus of our second term. We're auditing the Commonwealth systems to prevent financial abuse, embedding a gender lens in housing and industry policy and continuing to strengthen women's leadership and representation. This government remains steadfast in its commitment to ensuring that all women, in every part of the nation, have the fundamental rights of safety, equality, dignity and opportunity. That's what this motion seeks to do. I'm proud to support it. (Time expired)
I thank the member for Brisbane for this motion which raises the importance of economic equality for Australian women. In recent decades we've seen greater workforce participation, higher levels of educational attainment for Australian women, a reduction in the gender pay gap and the narrowing of the retirement income gap. Achievements of the Albanese government that I advocated for and supported in the 47th parliament included expansion of paid parental leave, superannuation on PPL and increased wages in female dominated workforces. All of these were really significant moves towards gender equity in our workforce.
There are, however, persisting and significant gender inequities in the Commonwealth Prac Payment scheme. This initiative, which was announced earlier this year, was a welcome recognition of the financial hardship faced by students undertaking mandatory unpaid placements in teaching, nursing, midwifery and social work. These students will now receive $331 per week during those placements, and that support is long overdue. However, the scheme continues to exclude students in other care-sector disciplines—medicine, allied health and veterinary science—even though those students face the same, if not even greater, burdens of unpaid placements. Those students also have to complete hundreds—sometimes thousands—of hours of practical training, often in rural or remote locations and often at the expense of their paid work at home. They too have to pay the cost of insurance, registration, equipment, accommodation and transport to their prac placements, while still often having to pay rent in the city, pay the cost of their child care and sort out the care of their dependents.
This exclusion is not an oversight by the Albanese government. It was deliberate, and it perpetuates structural inequities in our workforce. The fact is that fields like physiotherapy, occupational therapy, speech therapy and veterinary science are female dominated. Women make up 74 per cent of students in health related degrees in Australia. These are the very students who are being asked to work for free—to train for free—for months on end, while they have to juggle their rent, their cost of living, and sometimes their care of children or other dependents. I've heard their stories time and time again. They are stories of anxiety and sadness, of worry and of frustration—stories which reflect the chilling effect of placement poverty.
Unpaid placements push women into debt. They can delay their graduation and they can limit their career choices. They worsen gender inequities before women even have the opportunity to enter the workforce. This fact has been recognised time and time again. In fact, the government's own Women's Economic Equality Taskforce found that women are more likely to study or train in areas that attract debt or that require unpaid placements to qualify and that this creates inequality from the start of their careers. That inequality can have lifelong implications. It can include an inability to escape or recover from violence, homelessness or housing insecurity. It can result in lower superannuation balances and less security in retirement. The WEET suggested that the government should support equitable access to education and skills building. It suggested that the government should remove those disincentives and inequities that perpetuate occupational gender segregation and sustained pay and wealth gaps. The current settings for paid prac placements do not do that.
This is not just a matter of fairness for women; it is a matter of national interest. Australia faces critical shortages in its healthcare and veterinary services. We need more graduate in these fields, not fewer, but we continue to ask students to pay for the privilege of being, effectively, exploited. While we do that, we will drive them away from their studies or slow their progression. We will lose talented individuals who can't afford to work for free and who have to defer their studies, go part time or fail to complete their studies. This is a short-sighted, tragic false economy. I call on the government to expand the Commonwealth Prac Payment scheme to include all care-sector students, regardless of their discipline. Let us recognise the value of students' work and the cost of their training, and let's build a system that supports every student who chooses to care for others.
I rise to support the member for Brisbane's motion. The Labor government is absolutely committed to driving economic equality for women. A few weeks ago I had the pleasure of welcoming the Prime Minister and the Minister for Social Services to the suburb of East Hills in my great electorate of Banks, where we announced not only that paid parental leave would be extended to 24 weeks as of 1 July this year but also that, from next year, paid parental leave would be extended further, to 26 weeks, to ensure that Australian families can access a full six months of paid parental leave. Additionally, it was announced that, from 1 July this year, the Albanese government would deliver superannuation on paid parental leave for the very first time, ensuring that working women are not penalised in their retirement savings for having a family. It was a great morning, and I'd like to take this opportunity to thank Julia, Stefan and their little boy, Artie, for welcoming the three of us as well as my partner, Bridget, and our little girl, Dorothy, to their home to make this very important announcement.
This government's agenda to deliver for Australian women is substantial, with lifting wages and closing pay gaps at its very core. Women's participation in the workforce has never been higher, and the gender pay gap in Australia has never been smaller, with women earning $217.40 a week more on average than in May 2022, when Labor came into government. Working women are earning more and keeping more of what they earn, with Labor's program of tax cuts for every taxpayer leaving 90 per cent of women taxpayers better off. The Labor government has integrated gender equality into the Fair Work Act, supported the Fair Work Commission's gender based undervaluation review and funded pay increases in industries with female dominated workforces.
The government's agenda is not just about economics; it is about government treating Australian women with respect. It's investing in keeping Australian women safe, with $4 billion to combat gender based violence through prevention initiatives, improving consent education, making justice more accessible for victims-survivors and putting $1 billion towards crisis and transitional accommodation for women and children fleeing domestic violence.
It's about valuing the work women do. This government funded pay increases for sectors that do some of the hardest yet most undervalued work in our economy, including in aged care and early childhood education, to ensure that recognition is not just in its rhetoric but actually in the pay packets of people and women across this country.
It's about taking women's health seriously, with a $792 million package of investments. That includes 22 endometriosis clinics opened, with a further 11 to come, and expanding their scope to provide menopause care; new PBS listings to provide more choice and cheaper medicines; and adjusting the Medicare Benefits Schedule to include extended consultation times and increased rebates for specialist care. That's in addition to the government's record investment in Medicare to restore bulk-billing in our communities and open more urgent care clinics.
And it's about ensuring Australian women are represented in seats across this House and across decision-making tables, with historic representation in this parliament of 49.5 per cent across both houses and a gender-equal cabinet, both driven by many fantastic Labor women.
The government is delivering on its commitment to relieve the cost-of-living pressures and their impact on Australian women. Since 1 July this year, award wages increased by 3.5 per cent, benefitting up to 2.9 million Australians on low wages, including many women and young people, who are more likely to be reliant on such wages. Legislation passed to cut student debt by 20 per cent, benefitting millions of Australians but particularly women, who hold the majority of student loans, and the Commonwealth paid prac payment commenced for students of nursing, midwifery, teaching and social work. This continues the long tradition of Labor delivering for women's economic equality, and I look forward to spending my time in this great House working with fantastic Labor women of the federal caucus to continue to deliver on economic reforms and demonstrate to Australian women that their government will treat them with respect and recognise that their issues matter.
Economic equality for Australian women is a matter close to my heart. In many ways, I've been extremely fortunate—I had a good education, I have a supportive husband and I was able to work part time for 16 years while my kids were young. I'm also lucky enough to have two parents who are still healthy. But even with a relatively fortunate parenting and career journey, I'm aware of the subtle differences in expectations and structures that drive significantly different economic outcomes for women. When I had my first child, it made sense for me to take time off because I earned slightly less than my husband, who was a few years further into his career than me. I took 18 months off after each of my three children, which put me 4½ years behind my husband in terms of superannuation contributions. We endeavoured to share the parenting joys and burdens, but like so many other mums I ended up carrying much of the mental load. I was the one who thought ahead to the school holidays, organised the costumes, the play dates and the extracurricular activities, and constantly cleaned up after them. There's also the discretionary caring—supporting other family members or friends when they need it. We just expect women to take on these tasks, and it has an impact. The reality is that despite decades of progress women in Australia continue to face systemic barriers that limit their economic security, independence and opportunity.
This government has taken some steps towards addressing economic inequality. Expanding paid parental leave to 24 weeks and paying superannuation on it is a step in the right direction—so is increasing wages in feminised professions. But there's more to be done. I want to talk about four things: the rising 'sandwich generation', the gender pay gap, superannuation and cultural norms.
I recently met with constituent Josephine Muir, who is part of the 1.5-million-strong 'sandwich generation', which is largely made up of mothers, daughters and professionals who are simultaneously raising children and caring for ageing parents. They are the backbones of our families, yet too often they are invisible in our policy conversations. Jo told me about the impracticality of the aged-care system. Her mother, who has vascular dementia, has just moved in with Jo and her family, and Jo says it's a privilege to care for her mother but points out that even with a level 4 package the hours of support will go nowhere near covering her work hours. Jo's start-up health business is exactly the sort of thing that the recent productivity roundtable wants to encourage.
Women make up 91 per cent of 'sandwich' carers, and nearly half of them also hold jobs, like Jo. They are stretched thin—financially, emotionally and physically. Many are forced to choose between their careers and caregiving, sacrificing superannuation, promotions and personal wellbeing. We must remove structural disincentives to women's workforce participation and ensure our caring structures are suitable for women playing multiple caring roles.
Then there's the gender pay gap. The WGEA shows that, when you look at total renumeration, women earn nearly 22 per cent less than men. Over the course of the year, that difference adds up to more than $28,000. This includes the annualised full-time equivalent salaries of casual and part-time workers, so it's not explained by women working fewer hours. It's largely driven by subconscious biases, including how we value different types of work. We must appropriately value feminised industries like child care, health care, education and social assistance. These sectors are critical to our society and economy, yet they remain underpaid and undervalued.
Third is superannuation. Women retire with significantly less super than men. At retirement age, nearly one in four women have no superannuation at all. This is the result of lower pay, interrupted careers, unpaid care work and undervalued professions—economic inequality that compounds over a woman's lifetime. Aware Super shows that women aged 45-59 have a median super balance that's $46,000 lower than men's. It's a gap that leaves older women vulnerable to poverty, housing insecurity and homelessness. In fact, older women are the fastest-growing group of people experiencing homelessness in Australia.
Lastly, we all have a role to play in how we think about gender. Gender norms are internalised from childhood and reinforced through media, education and workplace culture. We all bear responsibility for this, and it's often so ingrained that we don't even realise it. A few months ago, I was fairly criticised by Gruen on ABC for doing a social media post while washing the dishes. We can all do more to be aware of how we're reinforcing stereotypes and to promote role models who challenge those stereotypes. Economic equality for women is not a niche issue, and I urge the government to keep this in mind in all policy development.
There being no further speakers, the debate is adjourned, and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting.
I move:
That this House:
(1) notes that:
(a) during the 2025 federal election, the then Leader of the Opposition promised to approve Woodside's North West Shelf gas project in Western Australia within 30 days, and the Government approved it within 15 days of being sworn in;
(b) the North West Shelf gas project is estimated to produce annual emissions totalling more than all of Australia's existing coal-fired power plants combined; and
(c) the Government has accepted more than $1 million in donations from Woodside since 2014, making them the tenth largest donor over the last decade; and
(2) calls on the Government to:
(a) cancel the draft approval for Woodside's North West Shelf gas project;
(b) implement a moratorium on new coal and gas projects; and
(c) commit to addressing corporate influence over our political system.
Within 15 days of being sworn in, this Labor government committed a truly criminal betrayal of the Australian people and of future generations all over the world. Labor approved the extension of the North West Shelf gas project to 2070. This project will produce annual emissions greater than all of Australia's existing coal-fired power plants combined. During the 2025 election campaign, Peter Dutton committed to approving it within 30 days. Labor, eager to perhaps prove its loyalty to the gas corporations, did it in half that time. Disgraceful!
There's no doubt we're in a climate crisis. It's everywhere. Every month a new heatwave record is broken somewhere in the world. We've seen historic floods, one after the other, across the country. Record bushfires hit LA in January; now they're smashing Spain and Portugal. Dolphins and seals are washing up dead on the shores of South Australia. This is happening. It's happening now. It's an existential emergency. And what do Labor do? They give an enthusiastic tick of approval to the biggest new fossil fuel project in the Southern Hemisphere. It is beyond cynicism and beyond hypocrisy for the Labor Party to talk up their credentials on renewables and talk about emissions reduction targets only to turn around and approve this monstrosity. Much of this gas is going to be given away largely for free. Next to no tax will be paid on this. It'll create very few jobs. Most of the gas will be for export, and we have enough gas for domestic use already.
It's no coincidence that Woodside is a major donor to both parties. Over the last decade, it donated over $1 million to the Labor Party. Politicians should have to wear logos of the corporations they take donations from, just like rally drivers. Imagine Labor and the coalition politicians walking into parliament sporting the logos of Woodside, Chevron, Westpac and Tabcorp. The jerseys might be different colours, but the logos would be the same. It is truly flabbergasting that, over the last decade, Labor and the LNP have taken over $200 million in donations from corporations.
But let's not kid ourselves that it's just the donations; the rot goes much deeper than that. It's the network of lobbyists. It's the cash-for-access meetings, the revolving door between politics and big business. It is a system of corporate influence that corrodes our democracy and means that the interests of multinational corporations are just about always put ahead of those of everyday people. Why, other than millions in donations and sophisticated lobbying efforts, would Woodside have been approved to extend its completely destructive North West Shelf gas project to 2070, or Chevron be able to force taxpayers to pay $500 million for the clean-up of its oil wells on Barrow Island? This is despite Chevron not paying a cent in corporate taxes for years. This is incredible. It's time to end this corporate stranglehold over our democracy.
And there is perhaps no greater example of the corporate influence on politics than corporate tax avoidance. There's no sector more adept at tax avoidance than Australia's gas industry. On that note, Origin Energy, what's wrong with you? You're actually paying tax! In the last 10 years, $125 billion worth of gas has been shipped out of Gladstone, but nine of the 10 companies involved in exporting that gas paid no tax. These companies reported $330 billion in total revenue to the ATO. So what happened, Origin? Why are you the only company involved in gas exports that has paid a cent of company tax? Fire your accountants.
These multinational gas companies are making a killing exporting our gas, and everyday Australian consumers and businesses are paying for it with rising gas bills. Often they don't even have to buy the gas off us in the first place; they just dig it up, sell it overseas and then hide the profits in a tax haven. Meanwhile, the Minister for the Environment and Water's first act after the election was to fly to Western Australia and clear the way for Woodside's North West Shelf gas extension. That's another $215 billion worth of resources given away for free to a massive gas corporation.
These giant corporations are ripping us off. They're wrecking our climate. They're making our future less and less liveable, and they've got both of the major parties happily dancing to their tune.
Is the motion seconded?
I second the member for Ryan's motion and reserve my right to speak.
I rise to oppose the motion put forward by the member for Ryan. In my electorate of Moore, we are lucky to be home to some of Western Australia's most remarkable natural environments, from Yellagonga National Park to the coastal dunes protected by groups like the Friends of Sorrento Beach and Marmion Foreshore and the Friends of Trigg Bushland. Local volunteers like Mike Norman and Jann McFarlane know better than most that protecting the environment takes hard work, collaboration and delivery—not slogans and stunts.
The member for Ryan's party often talks about ambition, but ambition alone won't cut emissions or create jobs. Ambition without delivery leaves us with headlines, not outcomes. This government is focused on action because Australians expect it to get on with the job. Labor came to office with a mandate to act decisively on climate change, seize the economic opportunities of clean energy and lower power bills for households and businesses. That's exactly what we are doing, because Australians voted for progress, not paralysis.
We have legislated a 43 per cent emissions reduction target by 2030—the most ambitious target ever endorsed by the Australian parliament. We've also set a pathway to net zero by 2050, backed by science and grounded in evidence, because Australians cannot afford another lost decade of climate inaction. Through our safeguard-mechanism reforms, we've made sure Australia's biggest polluters actually reduce their emissions rather than shift the problem elsewhere. For the first time, we have a system that makes emissions reduction a condition of doing business in this country, and we're making the investments needed to make this transition work. We're rolling out billions in renewable energy, storage and transmission projects through initiatives like Rewiring the Nation.
This isn't just good environmental policy; it's sound economic management. Every dollar invested in clean energy today helps secure lower power prices for tomorrow. It builds resilience in our grid, creates thousands of secure, well-paying jobs and positions Australia as a leader in the industries of the future. We're not just responding to climate change; we're using the moment to reshape our economy for decades to come. We're also backing Australian manufacturing through the National Reconstruction Fund because we want solar panels, batteries and green steel made right here by Australian workers. The clean energy revolution should mean more jobs in our suburbs, stronger industries in our regions and a fairer, more sustainable economy for everyone.
I'll now turn to the Greens. They often describe themselves as the party of the environment, but, when the chance came to deliver real change, they failed at the one job they claim to hold above all others. In 2009, when Labor introduced the economy-wide carbon-pricing mechanism, the single most effective tool to drive down emissions, instead of working with us to lock in lasting reform, the Greens teamed up with the Liberals to block it. That decision cost Australia over a decade of meaningful climate action—a decade where emissions kept rising and power prices went up and we lost our competitive edge in clean technology. We're playing catch-up now because the Greens put purity over progress.
Even today, we still hear lectures from those opposite about ambition. But ambition is easy; delivery is harder. While the Greens talk, this government gets on with the business of reducing emissions, building renewable industries and creating jobs for Australians. Labor is, and always has been, the true party of the environment. It was a Labor government that created Landcare, established the Clean Energy Finance Corporation and put solar on rooftops across the country. It was a Labor government that protected the Great Barrier Reef, legislated to save the Murray-Darling Basin and drove the last major expansion of Australia's renewable energy sector.
When Australians look back at every major environmental achievement, they see a Labor government behind it. This government is continuing that legacy. We are driving a renewable energy boom, helping households electrify their homes and cutting emissions, while growing secure jobs in clean industries. We are leading the country through the most significant economic transformation since the Industrial Revolution, and we are doing it responsibly. We understand that Australians want more than political theatre. They want results. While others argue, we legislate. (Time expired)
Speaking of political theatre, I appreciate what the member for Moore has said, but Labor and the Greens still would have swapped preferences at the last election. The member for Moore and the member for Ryan both would have enjoyed and benefited from each other's preferences in their respective seats. This motion was brought in by the leader of the Greens in the House of Representatives, the member for Ryan—and she is the leader because she is the only one left. It's a bit like TheLast of the Mohicans. I do respect the member for Ryan. She is alone for a simple reason. It's because Australia has woken up to the woke Greens. Australia knows full well that, if we let the Greens take charge of the treasury benches and financial policy, then there won't be any money to keep the lights on. There won't be any money to fund schools and hospitals. This is the sort of motion that we have in this parliament. It's a time-waster brought in to stop Woodside—a good company; a responsible company; a company that is helping to pay royalties to keep the lights on, to keep hospitals funded, to keep people well and to keep children educated.
The federal government announced a proposed decision to grant environmental approval to extend the operating life of the North West Shelf project in May 2025. This followed six years of rigorous environmental assessment at both the state and Commonwealth level. Let me tell you—you don't get approval to mine anything, to dig anything up, to drill anything and to extract anything in this nation unless there are proper protocols and processes followed. Woodside has been made to do everything in its power, and others besides, to get this project up and running. A final decision to approve the proposal would enable the North West Shelf joint venture to continue its present operations beyond 2030, and that's important because we're talking about royalties here. It's not only that; it's also an economic lift for Western Australia and, indeed, jobs.
If the Greens had their way, we'd all be ecotourists. We'd be going out to the Murray-Darling and saying: 'Oh, this is where we used to grow fruit and vegetables. This is where we used to allow irrigators and farmers to do what they did best in the world.' And then we'd go to a mine site and say: 'This is where we used to dig up iron ore. This is where we used to produce items and minerals to be able to produce steel, to be able to have a construction industry—to be able to do all the things that made Australia's export and balance of payments great, but now we do not.' This is on Labor's watch. It's on the Greens. They are not an environmental party—make no mistake. They are about changing the social fabric of this nation. That's what the Greens are. Gone are the days of Bob Brown and environmental activism; now it's social activism. Now it's marching on the streets for every cause, with every protester and with every rent-seeker in this nation. Make no mistake—that's what the Greens are about. The Greens are about changing the way we live and making sure that we follow every little trendy thing on TikTok that is going to ruin our nation.
If we follow the Greens, that's where they will take us—and not too far behind will be the Labor Party because, unfortunately, the Labor Party relies on Green preferences, many of them to get elected. They're one and the same. But we in the coalition do believe in those people who put on hard hats, go underground, get themselves dirty and get dirt under their fingernails to make sure we have a mining industry, and we should not demonise the mining industry. We should be very proud of what the mining industry has done for our nation.
I heard the member for Moore talk about the Murray-Darling Basin in his address. The proposals and the changes to the draft plan for the Murray-Darling Basin put forward by me and other National Party members and regional Liberals have saved the very best food- and fibre-producing area in this nation. It wasn't the Greens, and it certainly wasn't Labor. This motion should be condemned for what it represents: nothing.
There being no further speakers, the debate is adjourned and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting.
by leave—On behalf of the member for Chisholm, I move:
That this House:
(1) acknowledges the Government's number one priority is helping Australians with the cost of living;
(2) notes that on 1 July 2025, the following measures started rolling out:
(a) more energy bill relief for every household with $150 off energy bills; and
(b) a 30 per cent discount to home batteries to permanently cut power bills; and
(3) welcomes the Government delivering the better future Australians voted for.
When it comes to cutting their power bills and helping the environment, the people in my electorate on the New South Wales South Coast are really switched on—people like Michael at Dolphin Point, who I visited on Friday with the Minister for Climate Change and Energy. A former banana farmer, Michael recently retired to the South Coast, bought a cute beach cottage and has just installed 40 solar panels and a solar battery. Michael said he was thrilled to have saved 30 per cent as part of the Albanese Labor government's new Cheaper Home Batteries Program, which kicked in on 1 July, and he is about to buy an electric vehicle which he will also charge using his home battery.
I am thrilled that, across Gilmore, there have been more than 33,000 rooftop solar panel installations, and I'm so proud to shout out that Gilmore is charging ahead and boasts the highest number of home solar battery installations in the state. How good is that? We are giving all Australians a leg-up, saving them 30 per cent, or around $4,000, off the cost of a typical home battery. By installing a battery under our Cheaper Home Batteries Program, households with existing rooftop solar will save an extra $1,100 off their power bill every year, and those installing a new system could save $2,300 a year, which is around 90 per cent of their family electricity bill. Switched-on Australians like the people in Gilmore are taking control of their own power bills while reducing their reliance on the grid. As more people install solar batteries, it's also helping to drive down power prices for everyone and slashing bills for good.
The Cheaper Home Batteries Program is part of our plan to create a fairer, cleaner and more reliable energy system. We're not forgetting social housing tenants, with 100,000 properties being upgraded with thermal shell improvements, efficient electric appliances, solar and batteries to reduce power costs. And we're making solar more accessible to apartments and renters through our solar bank scheme. In Gilmore and across New South Wales, eligible owners, corporations and strata managers can install shared rooftop solar systems thanks to our partnership with the Minns state Labor government. Whether people live in a house or an apartment, everyone should be able to take advantage of cleaner, cheaper solar to bust their bills.
I'm really proud of the way Gilmore residents and businesses have embraced solar. I know families and businesses are doing it tough. That's why from 1 July we've started rolling out another $150 in electricity bill relief. Building on that, we're switching on community batteries to drive down power bills and boost energy reliability for households in places like Maloneys Beach in my electorate. Community batteries absorb excess rooftop solar during the day and feed it back to local homes during peak times. They can also avoid costly upgrades to the electricity networks, poles and wires, benefiting all consumers through reduced network tariffs. The Maloneys Beach Residents Association wanted a community battery, and I'm so pleased to have delivered it. It will help reduce power bills and, importantly, store clean, renewable energy from the sun for when it's needed most.
This government continues to help businesses cut their power costs by becoming more energy efficient. Caterina in Kangaroo Valley, Cupitt's Estate in Ulladulla and Dangerous Ales brewery in the iconic Milton Hotel are among 15 local businesses across Gilmore that have slashed energy costs and reduced their carbon footprint thanks to Commonwealth energy efficiency grants for small and medium-sized enterprises. After being hit hard in the Black Summer bushfires, the grant has enabled Caterina catering to replace their old and second-hand kitchen equipment with new, energy efficient appliances. I was pleased to deliver a grant to Cupitt's Estate, a champion for regional tourism and producers and a large local employer, for a new hot water system and an energy efficient beer chiller for their craft brewery. The innovative boutique brewery Dangerous Ales has set up new digital tank-monitoring technology which will help reduce their energy costs by monitoring their glycol brewing system remotely using an app. I'm extremely proud to be part of a government whose No. 1 priority is helping families, businesses, community organisations and all Australians with the cost of living, and that's what we're delivering.
Is the motion seconded?
I second the motion and reserve my right to speak.
I have to be honest. When this motion came up, I was very happy to speak—the cost of living is a huge issue in my community—but, after I got the motion, I did get my team to double-check it. I thought that maybe the second part of the motion was missing—there are two notes pumping up their own tyres on the cost of living—but, no, the government are talking about how it's their No. 1 priority and they bring up two measures. That's it. That's all the government have to talk about when it comes to the cost of living for the Australian people.
In many ways, this motion sums up everything about this government. It's symbolic. It talks a big game, but, when it comes to delivery, they're not there for the Australian people. My community knows that. They know that every time they have a bill come in, they have to pay the power bill or they go to the supermarket. We have over $300 million of energy debt in this country—over $300 million that Australians owe to their energy retailers because they can't afford to pay their bills. What is the government's solution to that crisis? 'We'll give you $150; with $150 the job's done, we've sorted it out, there is no more energy crisis and no issue for the Australian people.' You're going to get $150 off your energy bill; that's it. It's the No. 1 measure that they've got, handing back taxpayer money without actually dealing with the source of the issue.
We then go to the second measure—the second of the two measures on the cost of living, which is supposedly the government's No. 1 priority. It's the battery scheme. The member for Gilmore just talked about how the battery scheme will save Australians $4,000 on average, because it gives them 30 per cent off. Those were the member for Gilmore's words. I'll do a very quick calculation—maths wasn't my strong point; I'll be honest—to see what that means for a household that wants to take up that battery. I'm a fan of batteries—I think they have a role to play in our energy grid—but to couch it as a cost-of-living measure in this motion and hear the Prime Minister stand up and talk about it as cost-of-living relief is asking the Australian people, based on the member for Gilmore's own numbers, to put up another $9,000. You at home are struggling to pay your bill, we've got $300 million of energy debt in this country and this government, this Prime Minister, is so out of touch that he's saying to you, 'We will give you cost-of-living relief.' But guess what? You've got to pay $9,000. I'm sure plenty of people in the Prime Minister's electorate, in inner Sydney, might have $9,000 in the bottom cupboard that they're happy to pay with. But to, with a straight face, move a motion asking the Australian people to put $9,000 on the table to get $4,000 back as a cost-of-living relief measure—how out of touch is this prime minister, this treasurer, and this government?
It's clear they have no agenda when it comes to the cost of living or to actually dealing with any of the economic challenges we face. We saw that at the productivity roundtable last week. We have seen the division that has developed between the Prime Minister and the Treasurer. It's clear they are not on the same page. One day it's a productivity roundtable; the next day it's economic reform, and then we're back to productivity. At the start, everything's on the table. The next day, the Prime Minister rules out any tax changes until the next term; they're going to take it to the election. The only problem with that is, the next day, the Treasurer comes out and starts talking about wanting to tax EVs—contradiction after contradiction. The Treasurer was out on the weekend saying, 'This will inform our tax policy and our tax changes for the next three budgets.' Hang on—didn't his leader, the Prime Minister, just say they weren't going to change taxes? This is all about the leadership ambitions of the Treasurer and about the Prime Minister defending his legacy and trying to serve as long as he can.
The sad part about this internal focus from this out-of-touch government is that it is the Australian people that are paying the price. It is about those in the community in Casey and all across the country who don't have $9,000 tucked away to pay for a battery but are contributing to this $300 million of energy debt. They get $150, because this government is more focused on itself, and it does not have any solutions to the challenges that the Australian people face.
I rise today to speak in strong support of the energy bill relief plan. This plan delivers relief today and drives reform for tomorrow. It tackles immediate cost-of-living pressures while laying the groundwork for a cheaper, cleaner and more secure energy future.
Over the past 18 months, global energy markets have faced unprecedented upheaval. Russia's invasion of Ukraine sent wholesale energy prices soaring, creating volatility and uncertainty around the world. Australian families and businesses have felt these impacts directly. Bills have risen, budgets are stretched, and small businesses are facing harder choices than ever before. This plan provides a targeted, practical response, delivering immediate energy bill relief while driving long-term reforms to secure affordable, reliable power for all Australians.
On 1 July 2025, every Australian household and around one million small businesses nationwide automatically received an additional $150 rebate. In my electorate of Moore, that means support for more than 58,000 households. Importantly, this relief is automatic—no forms, no applications, no delays. It goes straight onto the bills, where it is needed most. For small businesses, eligibility depended on whether they met the definition of an electricity small customer, meaning an annual electricity use of less than 50 megawatt hours. That includes businesses in embedded networks like shopping centres, provided they fell below that threshold. For families in Moore, this support means being able to keep the heater on in winter without worrying about the bill. For small businesses, it means keeping the doors open and staff employed without cutting corners elsewhere. This package is designed to help where it is needed most: households under the greatest cost-of-living pressures and small businesses most exposed to rising energy costs. While the rebate is temporary, it gives families and businesses breathing space now, while broader reforms and clean energy investments take effect.
Alongside immediate relief, we're also making the energy market fairer and more transparent. From 2026, new rules will stop the sneaky price hikes by preventing retailers from increasing prices more than once a year; ban unfair fees and ensure every customer has a fee-free payment option; and guarantee that hardship customers get the best deal available from their retailer. Australians deserve a fair go, and these reforms ensure no household or business pays more than it should.
We're also helping Australians take control of their power bills with the Cheaper Home Batteries Program. This program provides a 30 per cent discount, around $4,000, off the cost of a typical home battery, helping more households store their own energy and cut bills. For households with existing rooftop solar, that means saving up to $1,100 per year. For those installing new solar and battery systems, the saving can be as high as $2,300 annually, slashing bills by up to 90 per cent. In just the first eight weeks of the program, over 30,000 homes have already installed batteries to store their sunshine. By 2030, this support is expected to drive over one million battery installations nationwide. More batteries means cheaper bills, more reliable power and a faster transition to renewable energy.
In Western Australia, we know the importance of getting energy policy right. Our domestic gas reservation policy has protected us from some of the worst volatility that has been seen on the east coast. With targeted relief, fairer energy rules and investment in solar, wind, hydrogen and battery storage, we've been securing WA's energy future while driving new local jobs and industries. Under those opposite, household electricity prices rose by nearly 20 per cent. They talked about cutting bills but delivered hikes. They failed to plan for the clean energy future Australians are demanding. In contrast, this government is acting decisively, delivering relief today, driving reform tomorrow and building a real plan for cheaper, cleaner and more secure energy. For the people of Moore, this plan means lower energy bills now, fairer energy markets and a clear pathway to cheaper, cleaner power in the years ahead. It's about ensuring families and small businesses don't just get by today but thrive tomorrow. I commend the motion to the House.
What bliss it is to be lectured by those opposite and the mover from metropolitan Melbourne about the Albanese government's energy utopia! In the glow of the Allan Labor government's shining achievements, like the multibillion-dollar cost blowouts on the Suburban Rail Loop and eye-watering amounts of debt, regional Victorians are living in darkness and oppression. They are invisible to the member for Chisholm and her Labor colleagues. Worse still, regional Victorians are the targets of a radical ideology and energy experiment untried and unproven on the scale the Albanese Labor government are driving. Every Australian is paying for it on their power bills.
I notice the motion doesn't quote the line parroted by the Minister for Climate Change and Energy that renewables are the cheapest form of energy. No, now it's the bubblegum phrase 'the better future Australians voted for'. I can tell the member for Chisholm and those opposite that, in Mallee and across regional Australia, farmers and their communities are wearing the pain of the radical and reckless rollout of renewables. The proportion of regional Victorians who support a renewable energy transition has plummeted from 66 per cent to just 44 per cent now. Regional Victorians are out of sight and out of mind, and the Labor government has zero care factor.
Mallee residents are in the firing line for the Allan government's legislation which will fine farmers $12,000—or $48,000 if they're a corporation—for refusing Transmission Company Victoria access to build the new VNI West transmission line. I hate to break it to the member for Chisholm, but it's not a dreamy energy utopia Labor are building. It is a net zero dystopia. Already the Allan government's transmission plans will take up at least eight per cent of Victoria's landmass, in part because they are having trouble building offshore wind. Who knows how much prime agricultural land that eight per cent of landmass actually represents?
I continue to highlight that in 2022 the Victorian government proposed that up to 70 per cent of the state's prime agricultural land would be used for energy projects if offshore wind was not achieved—what a statement! They took that document down from their website and refuse to speak about it now, just like this motion is not speaking about renewables being the cheapest form of energy. But I kept the evidence, and I remind regional Victorians every chance I get that up to 70 per cent of prime agricultural land is in the Allan Labor government's sights for energy projects. And what about the remaining 30 per cent? With multiple mineral sands proposals in my electorate, you have to wonder how many farmers will remain unaffected.
Mallee is being turned into an industrial wasteland of transmission lines, turbines, panels and mines, and, most importantly, this is taking place without social licence. I've conducted a survey of Mallee voters, with more than 5,000 respondents so far, and the sentiment is very clear: energy projects do not have social licence. Mallee voters want farmers to be able to keep farming, oddly enough. And why would an energy company, many of which are made up of cowboys, bother with social licence when the behaviour of the Victorian government, which theoretically should act as a model corporate citizen, is to threaten farmers with $12,000 fines for refusing access?
Victorian Nationals Senator Bridget McKenzie and I met with locals at Marnoo in my electorate last Monday, the day after the Allan government released their Victorian Transmission Plan on Sunday, under the cover of the penultimate round of the AFL. Marnoo and other Northern Grampians residents weren't fooled and quickly mobilised farmers and their tractors for a symbolic event, burning the Transmission Plan and saying VNI West will not be going ahead through their farms, whether there are $12,000 fines or not. The message is clear. Labor's Victorian and national renewable energy generation targets, and net zero itself, are simply unachievable.
The start of the 2026 financial year, on 1 July 2025, heralded the continuation of the Albanese Labor government's determination to decarbonise the economy and make a sustainable transition to net zero, underpinned by a focus on renewable energy: wind, solar, small storage and large storage. It also heralded the continuation of the government's ambition to deliver cost-of-living relief to Australian households and businesses. Data tells us that inflation is continuing to trend downwards. We have evidence demonstrating the unemployment rate is at historical lows, and the proof is in the pudding with respect to interest rates, which are continuing to fall. The name of the game under this government is a stronger economy and cost-of-living relief for all Australians. Increases to minimum wages, new incentives for apprentice builders, cheaper medicines, and longer and fairer paid parental leave all form part of this cost-of-living regime as does energy bill relief.
Energy bill relief has been delivered to Australian households and businesses over three rounds. But, equally importantly, education is being delivered to Australians to ensure that they are equipped to check that they are on the cheapest energy plan available. Data recently produced by the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission suggested that 80 per cent of Australian households were paying too much for their energy. Education in relation to how and where to make the cheapest and most fit-for-purpose arrangements can be found on the government's energy.gov.au website, as well as the Australian Energy Regulator's Energy Made Easy website. Critical investments in renewable energy are also continuously being made, because the generation costs of solar and wind energy are next to nothing and because of the urgent need to decarbonise the economy and push forward with the sustainable transition to renewables.
We all need energy. That means we all need a fair energy marketplace, and the Albanese Labor government is doing the reform work to ensure energy retailers are being fair to the Australian people. In 2026, changes to benefit consumers will come into play, including banning unfair fees and card surcharges and ensuring that customers who are experiencing hardship are being offered the best and fairest deal by their chosen retailer. Further, and importantly, in 2026 the Australian Energy Market Commission will implement new rules that will prevent retailers from increasing prices more than once a year.
In addition, the Albanese Labor government's Cheaper Home Batteries Program is acting to help households, businesses and community facilities slash their energy bills for good, with a 30 per cent discount on the upfront cost of installing a typical battery. Households with existing rooftop solar are estimated to be in line to save up to $1,000 off their power bill every year, and those installing a new solar and battery system could save up to $2,300 a year. That is up to 90 per cent of a typical family electricity bill. Again, data told us that, although one in three Australian households has rooftop solar, only one in 40 have a battery. The government looked at that data and acted. Not only does a discount of 30 per cent off a typical home battery equate to a saving of around $4,000 once installed but also a household battery reduces reliance on the energy grid, which then helps to reduce prices for everyone.
And Australians are listening and acting—like Dr Corinne Ang, who lives in my electorate of Sturt and who I met with in June this year to talk about her and her family's ambition to take advantage of the Cheaper Home Batteries Program. A trained dentist as well as cofounder and chief executive officer of Asian Australians for Climate Solutions, Corinne also talked to me about her plans to electrify her household appliances, reducing reliance on gas and helping our planet. This will be done through the Asian Australians for Climate Solutions program Electrifying Everything for Everyone. Corinne is also passionate about educating her community on the importance of renewable energy and how to reduce energy costs as the same time as retaining traditional methods of preparing culturally important cuisine. Corinne and her family are one of 30,000 Australian households that have installed solar batteries since 1 July 2025. That's 30,000 Australian households in just eight weeks. Australians are listening and they are acting.
That 30,000 figure includes 574 in my great electorate of Sturt. With this rate of investment, by 2030 the data could tell us that one million Australian households have taken advantage of the Albanese Labor government's Cheaper Home Batteries Program. This will mean, when Australians continue to listen and continue to act, cheaper energy bills not just for homes with batteries but for the entire energy grid.
I rise to speak on this motion on the cost of living because it is of great interest to me, as it is to 27 million Australians who have never been doing it tougher than they are today. You see, when Labor were campaigning for the last election they promised Australians the world but have given them an atlas. They promised Australians that they would have a better quality of life and a better standard of living, but what they've delivered and continue to deliver is more and more and more hardship.
For the bulk of Australian families, there is more month at the end of the money. They can't make ends meet anymore. And why? There are a multitude of reasons, but one of the main reasons is this government's energy policies. In the 2022 election campaign they promised that Australians would see a $275 price reduction in their energy bills. Three years later, we've seen energy prices go up by 30 per cent—over $1,200 a year. So instead of getting $275 off, Australians are paying more than $1,000 than they were under the coalition government.
Australians just cannot fathom why this government continues down its all-renewables policy when it is impacting upon them and their businesses. So many Australian businesses—a record number of businesses—have gone broke under Labor's watch.
I want to send a shout-out to the member for Fairfax. The member for Fairfax endured a three-day love-in session here last week at the roundtable. I want to give the member for Fairfax a shout-out not just for his patience but for calling out the Treasurer on the fact that this government has overseen a significant increase in government expenditure. We've gone from spending 24 per cent of GDP on government expenditure to 27 per cent in just this last term of government. This government is addicted to spending. Now it poses these questions at this roundtable about how to somehow provide a better quality of life and a better standard of living for Australians. Well, I've got a tip for them: stop spending.
This government is due to hit $1 trillion of government debt by the end of this year. By the end of this term, it'll be around $1.2 trillion. That's the estimate: $1.2 trillion. And, as every Victorian would be able to point out, at some stage the music is going to stop. Governments can keep spending and spending, but at some stage it has to be paid back. At some stage the music will stop and Australians—particularly Victorians—will know that their Labor governments have driven them into the depths of despair and poverty.
The Victorian state is now a basket case, just as it was when I left it back in the early 1990s after the collapse of the State Bank of Victoria in the Joan Kirner and John Cain days. What we are seeing today under this Labor government is a repeat of that. It's a repeat of what the Labor government has done in the state of Victoria over the last dozen or so years. We do not want to see that replicated across the country, but that is part of the reason why Australians' standard of living is dropping so markedly, why Australians can't afford to pay their fuel or energy bills and why they can't afford to put food on the table anymore. Australians are being called upon to make a decision as to whether they want to heat their homes or whether they want to eat. That is a decision that Australians should not be having to make in 2025, but they are because of this economically lazy federal Labor government.
There's no doubt that the cost of living is one of the greatest challenges of any government, but especially for this government. We are focused on doing everything we can to ensure that the Australian working people have relief when it comes to cost of living. There are many things that we're doing. For example, the minimum wage has increased since we've been in government, after we saw it stagnate for many, many years. Interest rates have come down. Productivity is going upward. These are measures that will be in place to help with the cost of living.
Of course, energy is one of the big issues when it comes to costs for the average Australian. And, when you look at energy bills, it is tough. It is hard. You can see the increases. But, I've got to say, we spent the last 12 years stagnant, not doing a single thing about energy costs. I say that because, when you look at the issue of where we are today—not only the number of renewable projects taking place but also the amount of investment in them—you see that the more investment we have in renewables, the more energy can be produced, which means there's more competition out there, which brings prices down.
What we had for the last 12 years under the coalition was a government with no energy policy and no renewables policy. So, if you were an investor wanting to put money into renewable energy, why would you, when there was total uncertainty? I wouldn't have, if I were an investor. Investors in renewables needed certainty. They now have it, and we're seeing it. We're seeing more players in the market, we're seeing more renewables and we're seeing that investment taking place, which will bring down the cost of energy for average households. Certainly it won't happen overnight, or within 12 months, because we've wasted nearly 20 years on this topic.
From 1 July this year, we've been rolling out billions of dollars worth of responsible support in this area. This includes, as I said, the increase to the minimum wage, longer paid parental leave, the energy bill relief and new incentives for apprentices, builders et cetera. This government has taken strong action to provide energy bill relief to Australian households and businesses while those opposite have opposed those measures at every step.
The government's Cheaper Home Batteries Program will help bring down the cost of a typical battery, which will be discounted by around 30 per cent. The Cheaper Home Batteries Program is part of our plan to create a fairer, cleaner, more reliable energy system but also to ensure that Australian households have cheaper energy, with an additional $150 in direct bill relief for every household and business also commencing. This will save households with existing rooftop solar up to $1,100 off their power bills every year, and those installing a new solar and battery system could save up to $2,300 per year. That's up to 90 per cent of a typical family's electricity bill. One in three Australians have rooftop solar, but only one in 40 have a battery. As a proud South Australian and the member for Adelaide, I'm delighted to see that five of the top 10 electorates for the take-up of the Cheaper Home Batteries Program are in South Australia. Adelaide, my federal seat, is No. 7 in the nation with 495 installations as of 18 August, just a couple of days ago.
I was very pleased to welcome Minister Bowen to my electorate earlier this month to discuss the new program. We heard firsthand from residents what an enormous difference this scheme will make in their quest to electrify more of their household items and motor vehicles et cetera. In South Australia, we've got a wonderful group called Electrify Adelaide, who attended the forum and answered questions from attendees about how to navigate the journey to energy independence. I'd like to take the opportunity to thank Matt Martin, Jasper Lee and the team from Electrify Adelaide for their passion and enthusiasm.
This will save households with existing rooftop solar up to $1,100 off their power bills every year. (Time expired)
Just a very friendly warning to the member for Adelaide: I'd be very careful having the member for McMahon in my electorate. Your high vote will go down, in fact, if you have him visit too many times. He has wrought destruction on regional Australia. Whilst the Minister for Climate Change and Energy may well have a mandate to lower emissions, he does not have a mandate to destroy regional Australia, and I will stick up for regional Australia every day of the week. I heard the member for Adelaide talking about the importance of renewables and the fact that Labor is bringing down power prices. No, no, no, Labor is not bringing down energy prices. In fact, the opposite is the case. When you have a town in your electorate, as I do—Crookwell—which is surrounded by wind towers and provides somewhere in the order of 50 to 60 per cent of New South Wales's renewable energy projects but which has to have diesel generated backups for its power supply because of the number of times that it just goes off the grid and has blackouts for up to six or more hours, you know something is palpably wrong.
Labor can come in and talk it up all they like, but the fact is that Labor is not reducing the cost of living, and that's what this motion talks to. It also talks to the fact that this is their No.1 priority, the cost of living. Well, I call bunk. Labor's first priority was the Voice. How well did that go? Kowtowing the unions was high on the list, and that continues unabated. The implementation of an unrealised capital gains tax is something they never spoke about before the election but is something that is going to cruel our farmers, my farmers, who have their land connected to their superannuation. It doesn't take too much to have $3 million in your superannuation account when your land is connected to it. They are going to get a tax bill on farm land that they haven't even sold—call that fair? How is that going to reduce their cost of living?
Then we go to all the other things that Labor is obsessed about at the moment, like Palestinian statehood. How about Labor actually concentrates on real and meaningful cost-of-living policies? It won't, because Labor's always about the politics. It's never about the policies. Labor does the politics very well—I must admit that—but there are people out there who are hurting. There are people out there who are doing it really, really tough. Labor promised cheaper power. It hasn't happened. Labor promised 1.2 million more homes, but the only policy they've brought in that may well help is a pause on the construction code, which is something that we fought for prior to the election. It's a coalition policy.
Did you hear that coming out of the Labor ministers' mouths this week when they announced it? They had it as part of their productivity roundtable, a talkfest that did nothing for productivity—go figure! All it was was a talkfest for the unions. Housing targets are being missed. Our out-of-pocket costs are skyrocketing, and there are people living in their cars. There are older Australians who have worked so hard to build this nation to what it is today that cannot afford to turn the heater on in winter or the air conditioner on in summer because of the energy costs and the bills they are being forced to pay. That's on Labor's watch.
I heard the member for Adelaide talk about the interest rates. 'They're coming down,' he says. Yes, they're coming down off 12 increases. The great Australian dream of owning their own home is a pipedream for young Australians. Some of them will never own their own home because of Labor's policies. This is so cruel; it is so unfair. You've got parents out there working two and three jobs. You've got kids being looked after in childcare centres, and anybody who watched the 60 Minutes episode last night knows what a crock that system is at the moment. There should be a royal commission into child care, and I'll say that right here and right now. There should be, and that's not just on the back of that episode but on the back of what's happening in the childcare system. It is a system which is broken.
Free visits to the doctor and lower taxes, the Prime Minister going out there with his green Medicare card—again, it's a crock. It's not right; it's not true. Labor might say it is—and they can say it all they like—but they know deep down in their own hearts that the cost-of-living crisis is the result of their policies.
The time allotted for this debate has expired. The debate is adjourned, and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting.
I move:
That this House:
(1) acknowledges the passing of John Owen Stone AO on 17 July 2025;
(2) notes his extensive contribution to public life, including his service as Secretary to the Treasury, and as a Senator for Queensland;
(3) recognises his role in shaping policy and contributing to the national debate on issues from national economic policy and industrial relations to federalism; and
(4) extends its sincere condolences to his family and pays tribute to his lifelong dedication to the Australian people.
I acknowledge the contributions that will be made by the members for Wide Bay, Bean and Riverina. John Stone was an Australian original, the sort of person our country is fortunate to produce from time to time. Born in the Wheatbelt of Western Australia, John was educated at Perth Modern School alongside Bob Hawke and then at the University of Western Australia, where he beat Hawke to become the president of the SRC. John became the 1951 Rhodes scholar for Western Australia and represented his state in hockey. He took out a PPE at Oxford and married Nancy Hardwick, his fellow Western Australian student, the following day. They would be married for 70 years.
As an economist, John joined the Commonwealth Treasury in 1954 and rose through the ranks, serving periods in London and Washington, DC, before returning to Canberra. He became Secretary of the Treasury in 1979, a position he held until his resignation in 1984. John's tenure as Secretary of the Treasury also left a lasting mark. He was at the centre of debates about economic policy when, as now, Australia was grappling with inflation, productivity and the direction of financial markets. His voice helped shape the public conversation about economic reform for nearly 70 years. From there, John entered political life, serving as a National Party senator for Queensland between 1987 and 1990 and as the leader of the National Party in the Senate for the duration of his service. He was also shadow finance minister from 1987 to 1989.
After parliament, John became a much-sought-after company director. I'm too young to remember John's career in the Public Service or the parliament, but I remember first seeing him on television in the early nineties on a program called The Last Shout, hosted by Barrie Cassidy, where John would do battle with some noted leftists—usually Anne Summers, Ros Kelly or Malcolm McGregor. John put his point forcefully, logically and with all the facts at his fingertips. Here was an example of a true lion in debate. He was trenchant, clear, courageous and always entertaining. His crisp language and distinctive intonation made his contributions crisp, compelling and memorable. They were also highly amusing. This was also true of his written contributions in the Australian, the Financial Review and Quadrant.
I came to know John personally through his intellectual and organisational leadership of the great institutions of conservative thought in Australia. He was a thought leader at the Institute of Public Affairs in the 1980s and 1990s. With the late Sir Harry Gibbs, he co-founded the Samuel Griffith Society, devoted to defending the Australian Constitution, especially from a federalist perspective, and John was an early supporter of Australians for Constitutional Monarchy. John quoted de Tocqueville in describing these groups as launched to advance some truth and foster some feeling about the great questions of our time.
The annual meetings of the Samuel Griffith Society under John's leadership became a highlight of my year. They were gatherings of patriots, political leaders, lawyers, judges, academics and Australians from all walks of life interested in our Constitution, its history and ideas about public policy. Although the society was largely conservative, John always insisted on debate. He encouraged speakers from different perspectives because he relished arguments. As Nancy once said to me, 'Debate is the stuff of the Stone household,' and so it was with the Samuel Griffith Society. Some of the most important reflections on Australian public life in the last 50 years were delivered under his leadership: Sir Garfield Barwick on the rule of law, Sir Paul Hasluck on the role of the governor-general, and important critiques of the 1999 republic model and a bill of rights, among other issues. These were not just papers; they often shaped the public debate.
Some of my fondest memories of John Stone are of standing at the bar at Samuel Griffith conferences late into the night discussing issues over a few cold beers, just as John did in his Canberra days with public servants and members of the press gallery. Another highlight of any conference came when John himself would rise to the conference floor to make a point or critique and argument with which he disagreed. He attacked arguments with volcanic force, not to wound but to rebut with passion, because that's how John held his convictions. As one of his children said at his funeral, John didn't care if he hurt feelings; he cared about the integrity of the argument. Nancy held convictions strongly too, but she would temper some of John's rougher edges.
Some felt John could be harsh. I never found him so—quite the opposite. John and Nancy were extraordinarily generous to me. I was honoured when John asked me to succeed him as the conference convener of the Samuel Griffith Society, and before I entered parliament, when I wanted to understand the federal budget, it was John who sat me down over several weeks and explained to me the way the budget was put together, why debt was a problem and where to find the key information I was looking for. This was invaluable to someone without an economics background. Joanna and I were privileged to enjoy John and Nancy's hospitality, with sparkling lunches and superb conversation. The fact that he and Nancy raised five remarkable children is further testament to the lives they built together. As it so happens, earlier today the children gathered to scatter John and Nancy Stone's ashes at Wyalkatchem in the Wheatbelt of Western Australia, where both John and Nancy grew up. John Stone was a remarkable Australian. May his memory be a blessing.
Is the motion seconded?
I second the motion and reserve my right to speak.
I rise today to contribute to the messages of condolence on the late John Stone AO. John Stone served in the other place from 1987 to 1990, representing the great state of Queensland, and also served as the leader of the National Party in the other place. He was shadow finance minister at a time when questions on our economy and national finances were daily topics of robust debate. He was also a longstanding public official, joining Treasury in 1954 and spending considerable time with the IMF and the World Bank before famously serving as the Secretary of the Department of the Treasury from 1979 to 1984. He was no shrinking violet, often appearing in the media of the day, providing commentary on any economic issue. To a child of the seventies and eighties, the persona of the public service mandarin seemed to be somewhere between Sir Humphrey Appleby and John Stone.
It was in this role that John Stone sat at the very beginning of the great economic reforms of the Hawke and Keating partnership, even though it's fair to say that he was not a strong supporter of those changes or the governments which shepherded them through. The Hawke-Keating years were a heady time of political change marked by the accords. Economic liberalism was matched by generational investments in the social contract. It was my experience of Labor governments during those times that started me on the journey that ultimately ended here. It was a time marked by a contest of ideas, and the outcomes of this process shaped our nation.
John Stone was an active participant in that contest. He had firm, sincerely held views and put these views forward forcefully in the public discourse, and even more so after resigning as secretary of the Treasury six days out from the 1984 budget. He was an economic rationalist during the time of the emergence of the third wave of social democratic and progressive politics. He was a sceptic on aspects of immigration when modern Australian multiculturalism began to come into form. He was a foundational member of the HR Nicholls Society and then later the Samuel Griffith Society. Don Dunstan famously described his ascendency in Treasury in the mid-seventies as being 'the Stone Age'.
His contributions to debate in the other place were always robustly informed by his personal philosophy and his extensive education and experience in public policy. His debates with the late Peter Walsh as finance minister were frequent features of the business of the Senate during that period. John Stone was very much a product of his time and his extensive education. His contributions to important debates on public policy helped shape outcomes in important ways during an incredibly important time of national reform and change. He resigned from the Senate on 1 March 1990 to run for the seat of Fairfax but failed to win the seat at the elections later that month. His career as parliamentarian might have been over, but he continued to make a significant contribution to public life.
It's not an exaggeration to say that I did not share John Stone's world view or philosophy—quite the opposite!—but it says something deeply profound about the fundamental decency of our democracy and the need for debate that I can stand here and respectfully reflect on the life and contributions of someone with whom I had deep disagreements. This sort of contribution is impossible in many other places around the world, but it's a normal and expected part of public discourse in our national parliament. I believe this is a good sign of the health of our democracy, a democracy that John Stone actively contributed to, not just during his time in parliament but before and after parliament.
But, above all, John Stone was a dedicated servant of his country, and he leaves behind a family which can, with justification, feel pride at his service and achievements over many decades. To his family, I convey my deepest sympathies and condolences for their loss. Vale, John Stone.
It's an honour to rise and speak to this motion put forward by the member for Berowra, and I acknowledge the fine contributions before me. In July this year, Australia lost a great statesman with the passing of John Owen Stone OAM. Born in regional Western Australia in 1929, John was the oldest son of a farmer and a schoolteacher, and his early life on the farm during the Great Depression taught him the value of hard work and the importance of good education. John's early schooling was in a small, one-teacher school and then via correspondence, but his intelligence and drive to succeed did not go unnoticed. At the age of 12, his life changed when he earned one of 50 scholarships, which enabled him to attend any state Western Australian high school of his choice. This was just the first of John's many outstanding academic and career achievements.
John moved to Perth with his mother and brother and went to the Perth Modern School, where he was a member of the school's first XI cricket team, captained the hockey team and was a member of the state representative hockey team that won the 1948 and 1949 national championships. Although he loved history and languages, John chose to study science and mathematics, achieving high marks and seven distinctions—the maximum number possible—in his leaving certificate examination. After high school, John studied at the University of Western Australia, majoring in mathematical physics and serving as president of the students' association before graduating in 1950 with first-class honours.
John continued to excel, winning one of Western Australia's select exhibition prizes, the physics and mathematics exhibition, and became the 1951 Rhodes Scholar for Western Australia. He studied economics at Oxford, winning the James Webb Medley Scholarship in economics, and graduated with a Bachelor of Arts in politics, philosophy and economics. In 1954 John went to work at the Australian Treasury and married a biochemical researcher, Nancy Hardwick. John and Nancy had five children.
John held several pivotal Treasury roles before becoming Secretary of the Australian Treasury in 1979 under the Fraser government, a position he held until his departure in 1984. After Treasury, John held a number of positions, including as: professor in the Centre of Policy Studies at Monash University; senior fellowship at the Institute of Public Affairs; national paper columnist; public speaker; and founding member of the Council for the National Interest and of the HR Nicholls Society. In 1987 John was elected as a senator for Queensland and became Leader of the National Party in the Senate and shadow minister for finance before resigning from the Senate in 1990 to run for the House of Representatives.
John's campaign for the House of Representatives was unsuccessful; however, he continued to contribute to the nation, becoming a member of the committee to inquire into the efficiency and effectiveness of the Australian Defence Force in 1996 and 1997. He founded the Samuel Griffiths Society and contributed to newspapers and periodicals like the Quadrant and the National Observer. He held firm opinions about government, having too much power in society, about the public service becoming too politicised to give independent advice, and about trade unions having too much power over government. But he felt these concerns could be exposed and combatted by vigorous debate, which he saw as the lifeblood of democracy.
In 2022 John's contribution to the parliament and public administration were recognised when he was appointed an Officer of the Order of Australia, and he has been described as a man of total integrity and considerable wit and mastery of the language. He made an enormous contribution to our nation. John passed away in July at the age of 96. May he rest in peace.
The time allotted for this debate has expired. The debate is adjourned and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting.
I rise to speak on this motion about small business. Ironically, I stood here a year ago—almost to the day—and I made a few predictions of what was to come for small business. It gives me no pleasure, because I know people out there are hurting—business people, small-and-medium-business people, are hurting—to once again stand here with those very predictions which have now come to pass. If you'll indulge me, Deputy Speaker Wilkie, I'll quote myself:
… the Labor-Green-teal government, is now the worst government on record for Australian businesses, having surpassed the 10,757 businesses collapsing under the government of 2011-12.
Well, that record's been broken again. Annual insolvencies have been rising steadily across all sectors since 2022, as ASIC data has shown.
A lot of members here—and I'm not having a go at them—have never been in business. A lot of people come into this chamber and speak about businesses, particularly small and medium businesses. But until you've sat in the seat, until you've run a business, employed people, filled out a BAS at one minute to 12 the night before it's due and then paid the people who work for you and gone home to the wife and said, 'We're a bit light on this week; we'll have to just tighten the belt'—until you've done that, you don't understand how hard it is to run a small business. Whether or not that's a farm—in my case it was three law practices—you're dealing with the everyday issues of running a small business and your cash flow. But then government comes into your life uninvited, with policies created by people who have no understanding of how they affect those little people. Small and medium businesses make up 98 per cent of our economy, and the people in the regions—the rural people, the regional people—quite often do the hard, heavy lifting for those in the cities.
You see policies on power or energy being brought into this place, sometimes by bureaucrats with no understanding and sometimes by well-intentioned members of parliament—I'll give you the example of the Heritage Hotel Motel Dorrigo, which celebrated its 100 years only last week. I went up and I spoke to Peter Feros; the hotel has been in the Feros family since they built it 100 years ago. Peter's now 82. In the last 18 months, his electricity bill has gone up $40,000. For a tiny little town at the top of the Great Dividing Range, looking down over the sea, where do they find that money? Where does Peter Feros have to go, and what does he have to cut to find that money? I'll tell you what he has to cut; he has to cut a staff member.
This is replicated all around Australia, whether it's in hospitality or in retail. What we need is good government intervention—not bad government intervention but policy that works. We just saw a roundtable—I predicted that the booklet was printed before we had the roundtable—and nothing will come out of it. It will have been a talkfest. I say, to this government and those people who are making the policies that are hurting our businesses and forcing them to close down, get out of the way or listen to the people on the ground. Listen to what they want; listen to what they need. Otherwise, in 12 months time, August 2026, I'll be standing here saying the same thing.
I am really pleased to stand up today and talk about our amazing small-business community and the ways that our government is supporting them. Small business is the absolute backbone of our community. Nationally, they employ nearly 40 per cent of our workforce—that is simply huge. In regional areas like the Illawarra, small businesses are also working hard to give back, supporting those who are less fortunate and lending a helping hand where they can. They're putting their heart and soul into our community, giving back wherever they can. There are businesses like Alexander's Bakery Southside. Family owned by Carla and Kaveh, it sells delicious borek, pastry and coffee in Corrimal and in Wollongong. At the end of each day, their staff box up all of the unsold food from the day and donate it to St Vincent de Paul's Coniston Homeless hub. Perfectly good, delicious food that might otherwise be destined for landfill is instead given back to those who are less fortunate. That is just awesome. Another incredible local venture backed by small businesses wanting to give back.
I had such a fun night at the battle of the businesses last year, a great community event put together by local business owners Adrian and Karlie from Tiny Tins skip bins, Orlane from Wollongong Crane Trucks, and Aimee and James from Grechys Boxing and Fitness. This fun fight night raised money for the amazing Illawarra Community Foundation. These guys really do care about our community, and the effort that they have made in raising funds, growing business networks and supporting local people is truly commendable.
The Illawarra Community Foundation is, of course, the wonderful charity organisation at the heart of the i98FM Illawarra Convoy led by the awesome Marty Haynes. The convoy is a magnificent demonstration of the difference businesses can make, with so many participating every single year in the lead truck and motorbike auctions—to give just two examples. Since 2005, the convoy has raised more than $27.6 million thanks to the support of local businesses and our amazing community who back it.
Yet another example of small businesses giving back is the Yours And Owls Festival, a highly popular local music festival by the sea. They run a local bush regeneration program. Yours and Owls have been committed to environmental outcomes since they were established, and it was really great to see them receive recognition last year with one of Wollongong City Council's Rise and Shine awards. The annual bush regeneration initiative helps to clean up our environment while encouraging young people to get involved with the lure of free music tickets. An innovative and impressive way of giving back and teaching love and respect for our environment while also supporting artists and bringing tourism and joy to our coastline. Well done to Adam, Baluun and Ben for their incredible efforts.
These are only a few examples. I could go on and on about the amazing things that our local small businesses are doing in the Illawarra. The Albanese Labor government is doing what we can to back small businesses. Our national small business strategy is the first of its kind to bring governments across Australia together to support our small businesses. Its aim is to help make it easier for small businesses to operate, to innovate and to thrive. Local businesses tell me all the time that they want all levels of government to work together more effectively to provide a seamless and cohesive government environment. That's what our national small business strategy is all about.
Our Future Made in Australia policy—or, as I like to call it, 'a future made in the Illawarra'—is also one of the best ways that we can support local small businesses to grow and to thrive. We are helping small- and medium-sized businesses to compete for and win more government contracts. We are updating the Commonwealth Procurement Rules to significantly increase local businesses' participation, and we are improving AusTender, to help identify Australian businesses on government panels more easily. We've also got our instant asset write-off, our energy efficiency grants, improvements to payment time reports, the Small Business Debt Helpline, the National Productivity Fund—the list goes on.
The last one I want to touch on is really special to me: the Industry Growth Program. I have seen the difference that this $400 million fund can make, powering local start-ups and small businesses to grow, to diversify and to reach new markets. I proudly supported local company Gravitas with $1.5 million under this program to build new warehouses at their Coniston facility, marking the arrival of another high-tech industry in Wollongong and cementing us on the world stage.
I thank the member for Goldstein for raising this critically important topic. In my electorate of Dawson, small businesses have been doing it tough under the current Labor government. Businesses are not starting up; they are closing down. Travelling across my electorate and talking to my constituents, I have small business owners tell me that they're at a loss to understand why this Labor government has forgotten them. Many are struggling against the tide of rising costs. Many with big dreams can no longer see a way of making their living through their passion. They are overwhelmed by confusing regulation, complex industrial laws and a tax system that does nothing to encourage a new venture. Australians with entrepreneurial spirit are instead choosing the safety of being employed by others.
Dawson is buoyed by having a rich resource service industry. We have a lot of motivated innovators with smarts to start up, run and grow a new venture. There is a lot of success in North Queensland. But the current economic climate is a tough environment in which to start and sustain a business, especially a business that is not directly linked to our mining sector. The fact is that retailers, cafe and restaurant owners, and other small business operators who are trying to make a buck are struggling. They're finding it hard to pay the rent, cover the power bills and pay staff—all while navigating mountains of regulatory paperwork and the risk of unintentionally falling foul of complex workplace laws. If they're lucky, the long hours they work might translate into something left over at the end of the week. But if there's nothing to incentivise these efforts and there are only hurdles in the way, why would anyone want to run a business? And if no-one is running small businesses, there will be fewer jobs available, fewer options for consumers and ultimately slower economic growth.
Over the past few years we've seen a steep rise in business insolvencies. The last financial year was the worst on record. Just think about that for a moment. If the population is growing—and it is, at a rapid rate of knots—and there are fewer businesses offering goods and services, what does that look like for an Australian future, particularly for the future of regional communities like my electorate of Dawson? What does it mean for our national economic prosperity? So I ask: why has this Labor government turned its back on small business, and why doesn't this government place greater emphasis on stimulating small business opportunities? Could it be that the Labor government is only interested in big business that they can unionise—a nice little cash cow there!—or people that are working for the government?
The fact is, Labor simply doesn't care about small business. Their leaders have never worked in small business and don't understand small business. Both the Prime Minister and the Treasurer are career politicians. They have no idea what small-business owners go through just to keep the doors open. Last week they led a three-day economic talkfest—plenty of headlines, plenty of photo opps. But what was the result for small business? Nothing. Zero. Zilch. There was nothing in it for small business. When the Treasurer announced the outcomes of the forum, not once was small business even mentioned—not once. If this government can't even acknowledge what small business brings to the table, I'm deeply concerned at the path that the country is on. I absolutely stand with small-business owners right across Australia, from farmers and fishermen to the mum-and-dad freight companies transporting local goods, to small manufacturers striving to make Aussie-made products, to transport operators and many retailers in every corner of the country. I stand with you, and so do my colleagues on this side of the House, because we get it. Those of us on this side understand that without small business this country suffers. Small business needs lower power prices, lower taxes, less government interference and, above all, a government that understands them and backs them.
We need to create an environment that stimulates small-business growth. We need to make it easier and more attractive for Australians to open their own ventures. We must make changes so that business has every opportunity to succeed, so that Aussies are buying Australian goods and services, so that passion and hard work can be rewarded, not punished. Backing small business means backing the Australian economy. (Time expired)
I was delighted in the last sitting to listen to the speeches of our new members of federal parliament and even more delighted to see how much experience in small business there has been. It is an incredibly impressive new group, some young and some not so young but all equally passionate to see small business thrive in our nation.
Personally, I was absolutely delighted to work with the Council of Small Business Organisations Australia, or COSBOA, as I have over many years, promoting local businesses in their excellent campaigns and, in the last couple of weeks, organising a small-business roundtable in Darwin, where the Minister for Small Business, Anne Aly, and I met with owners and representatives of about 25 small businesses in my electorate. I want to use this opportunity to thank Catherine Donnan and Nicole Walsh from COSBOA for all of their work.
I'm a member of and a regular attendee of events organised by Territory Proud, which is an organisation that is championing Territory owned and operated small businesses. I also recently attended a fantastic event held by the Palmerston Regional Business Association, the PRBA, at the Darwin Trailer Boat Club, where I was able to set out to that grouping our fantastic policies when it comes to not only economic development in the country more generally but also mitigating some of the worst effects of some of the global winds that our nation, above all others, is weathering the best.
We ran the roundtable with local small businesses, and some of the key issues that came up—some of them won't be surprising, given that it was in Darwin—included the cost of freight and the associated logistics infrastructure, which then impact on costs to build; the concentration of industries and then the loss of domestic suppliers as a result of that concentration; and, of course, the rising cost of insurance, which is a real issue for all businesses across our nation, particularly for small businesses.
Our government understands that many small businesses are under the pump due to interest rates, which we've been able to put downward pressure on with interest rate cuts, due to the conditions in the economic environment. We have played some role with the Australian people and with Australian industry, but there have been those cost-of-living pressures for everyday Australians and, of course, that global economic uncertainty has continued and weighed heavily on our economy.
Australian small businesses are obviously, as all honourable members understand and have articulated, absolutely vital to our nation's prosperity, contributing about $590 billion with a 'b' to our economy and employing over 5.4 million Australians. There are 2.62 million small businesses contributing almost $600 billion to the Australian economy, and the 5.16 million people employed by small businesses equate to almost 40 per cent of the workforce.
Our government, of course, is a hundred per cent committed to improving the operating environment in which these small and medium-sized businesses can invest and innovate and generate even more new jobs that will benefit Australians and Australian communities. We are easing the pressure, particularly on small businesses in the Northern Territory, with energy rebates, energy efficiency grants and the extension of the government's $20,000 instant asset write-off. We are delivering tax cuts for 1.5 million sole traders and supporting our hospitality sector and alcohol producers by pausing indexation on the draught beer excise. I'm sure that's something that the honourable member opposite would appreciate is good for hospitality. One thing that I worked hard to achieve is the DAMA, the designated area migration agreement, for the Northern Territory. We established, with the NT government, the best one in the country, and I'm proud of it. (Time expired)
The time allotted for this debate has expired. The debate is adjourned and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting.
Sitting suspended from 13:34 to 16:00
Today I rise to celebrate a world champion from Indi. Tuppence Forge—or Tup, as she likes to be known—has bucked her way into the history books, winning the women's World Championship Ranch Bronc Riding title in Wyoming in the USA. Eight seconds must feel like an eternity when you're atop a bucking bronco, but Tup did this twice to secure her win. Some of you may have heard of 28-year-old Tup, who hails from the small town of Oxley in my electorate. Tup stormed onto the world stage with an impressive win at the Cheyenne Frontier Days Rodeo world championships in Wyoming in May. This historic win is even more impressive when you learn that Tup, as the first international competitor to win the women's title, only took up bronc riding 18 months ago. When she was declared the winner at the world finals, the announcer said, 'The lamb down under is going all the way to the top.' Those who know her well talk about Tup's infectious perseverance and talk about her passion, something she hopes will inspire the next generation of women to take up bronc riding. Just like Tup's parents, Anne Maree and Graham Forge, we're all so proud of you, Tup. Congratulations from Indi.
Australia Post has recently advised me that the Shortland post office will be closing its doors in November. This news has caused considerable distress for people in my community. For Shortland residents, the post office has long served as a vital community hub, especially for the elderly, people with disabilities and small businesses who rely on accessible, in-person postal services. Residents like Monica contacted my office and told me that the post office, which operates outside of regular business hours, has been a blessing to her over the years. Like many other Shortland residents, Ruth tells me that alternative outlets in Wallsend and Jesmond are not convenient due to their location within large, very busy shopping centres. Pip, a single mum of two kids, says she feels sick thinking about having to go to these alternative locations.
My community is already reeling from shock closures of post offices in Elermore Vale, Lambton and Glendale, not to mention the closure of Windale and Wangi Wangi post offices in my neighbouring electorates. The closure of yet another post office will only place additional strain on the already under-pressure outlets at Wallsend and Jesmond. That's why I have written to the minister, asking that she work with Australia Post to reconsider this closure and increase services in the western suburbs of my electorate. On every occasion, I have been a strong advocate for fair and equitable access to essential postal services, and you can be sure that I will continue to fight for our local post offices.
Today I pay tribute to Nanna's Touch Community Connections Lithgow, which is a whole-of-community network for anyone in the Lithgow area needing a helping hand or social connection. Since its foundation in 2013, it has become a compassionate support hub of kindness and hope. It aims to promote social inclusion, to improve mental health and wellbeing and to minimise loneliness, isolation and food insecurity. Together, the team at Nanna's Touch organise food hampers; run a community kitchen and garden; host weekly social connection meetings and disability support conversations; host a sewing and craft group, plus an art group; and also put together Christmas hampers. They arrange monthly walk-and-talks and are often the first point of call for people seeking guidance in accessing support services. They have an amazing team of volunteers carrying out their vision, supporting anyone within the community needing assistance in either one-on-one or group settings. I know I join all in this House in acknowledging the hardworking team and volunteers at Nanna's Touch Community Connections Lithgow, including president and founder Susan Murdoch, vice-president and volunteer Geoff Bretherton, secretary and volunteer Michele DeSilva, chef extraordinaire and volunteer Olga Rooney, volunteer Sue Pillans and also regular volunteers Fran, Monique, Jenny and Rose. Nanna's Touch Community Connections Lithgow brings people together. It does wonderful work for those in need, and we sincerely thank all its volunteers and team members for making our region and country a better place.
I rise today to recognise the outstanding work carried out in my electorate by volunteers at the Historical Aircraft Restoration Society, which is known by the acronym HARS. HARS is a not-for-profit organisation that operates an aviation museum as well as the Australian Aviation Hall of Fame at Shellharbour Airport. The society was established in 1979, and its mission is to recover and, where possible, restore to flying condition aircraft or types of aircraft that have played a significant part in Australian aviation history, in both civil and military arenas.
I visited the museum in May and found it enthralling. I discovered that over 50 aircraft are currently on display, with about 20 of them still airworthy. HARS' aviation museum has won a number of international awards, and its global reputation was epitomised when John Travolta, a pilot and aviation buff since he was a boy, donated his vintage Boeing 707 painted in Qantas livery to the museum. Remarkably, the museum is open every day of the year except Christmas Day, and I once again say this is done entirely by volunteers. I congratulate and applaud the hundreds of volunteer engineers, pilots and aviation enthusiasts at HARS' aviation museum, who conduct their work with great professionalism and pride. They do this not just to pursue their passion but to preserve and celebrate Australia's extraordinary aviation history for both current and future generations.
I attended the Vietnam Veterans' Day event at Canley Heights RSL and Sporting Club last week. Also known as Long Tan Day, this important occasion solemnly reminds us of the courage, sacrifice and resilience of Australian servicemen and women who served in the Vietnam War. It marks the Battle of Long Tan, where our soldiers showed extraordinary bravery in the face of immense adversity. But Long Tan Day is about more than just remembering a battle. It is a time to recognise the ongoing contributions of and challenges faced by Vietnam veterans and their families, who have given so much for our nation. As the member for Fowler, a community enriched by diverse stories of service and sacrifice, I express my deep respect and gratitude to the veterans who gathered at Canley Heights RSL and Sporting Club. Their commitment to our country's values and freedoms deserves our highest recognition. I want to sincerely thank Canley Heights RSL and Sporting Club president, Ennio Facchetti, and the board of directors, along with sub-branch president Richard Pritchard—he's known as Taffy—as well as Geoff Lewsam and Michael Thai for their tireless efforts in organising this meaningful annual event for our community.
The Hunter has done it again. I'm thrilled to announce to the House that the incredible Brokenwood Wines in the Hunter Valley has been named the 2026 Halliday winery of the year. The Halliday tasting team assessed an incredible 8,000 wines from 945 Australian wineries, and only one could be awarded this prestigious title. It's absolutely no shock that title has gone to one of our incredible Hunter wineries. They also placed third for the best overall winery experience after nearly 10,000 votes were cast nationwide. This is the third year in a row they have landed a spot in the top 10 winery experiences in Australia, and once again they are the only New South Wales winery to make that list. Brokenwood Wines has long been one of the Hunter's most iconic wine destinations, known for its famous graveyard shiraz, stunning cellar door and commitment to showcasing the very best of our region. These awards are further recognition that the Hunter is not just competing on the national stage; it is leading. If you need any more proof that the Hunter has the best wines in the country, there you go. Congratulations to Geoff, Stu and the incredible team at Brokenwood Wines. Keep up the great work. I can't wait to go and have a nice glass with you all again and probably a pizza at the lovely bar there. Cheers!
I rise to speak about the many fantastic country shows across my electorate of Grey, representing over 92 per cent of South Australia. Since the beginning of the show season, I've attended country shows in Crystal Brook, Port Lincoln, Kadina and Whyalla, and they've all had a remarkable turnout. The Crystal Brook and Copper Coast shows celebrated their 146th and 154th years respectively, an amazing achievement for each community. The Crystal Brook Show was filled with hundreds of dedicated volunteers, who make it all happen. The Port Lincoln Show, which has been running for over 110 years, had a huge turnout. The Copper Coast Show has grown in attendance from around 800 to 6,000 people over the past few years, which is an incredible accomplishment for that community—for my community. The 54th Whyalla show, South Australia's biggest show outside metropolitan Adelaide, hit a record number of attendees, with over 12,000 people on the Saturday. It's a true testament to the strength, community and popularity of our country shows. Amid the perfect weather and high community spirit, the Port Lincoln Show had an excellent talk about the harmful algal bloom. These events are the lifeblood of thriving communities and absolutely essential for holding us together during these tough times. I want to congratulate presidents on their efforts. Country shows simply could not happen without the hundreds of dedicated volunteers putting in the work to ensure their success.
This past weekend, I had the honour of celebrating an extraordinary milestone in our community: the 100th birthday of Sister Angela Mary Doyle AO. Sister Angela Mary has dedicated her life to caring for others after her arrival from Ireland in 1947. Under her leadership, Mater's Neonatal Critical Care Unit was established, and she oversaw the expansion of Mater Mothers hospital, where I was born, into the largest maternity service in the Southern Hemisphere.
In the 1980s, Sister Angela Mary stood up with courage, conviction and love for gay and bisexual men during the HIV/AIDS crisis. Shamefully, the then premier, Joh Bjelke-Petersen, directed a fear campaign on the virus, arguing, 'Nobody must help these men, because their illness is a direct punishment from God.' Sister Angela Mary recalls thinking, 'I don't know what God you know.' The Premier, unbelievably, refused about $100,000 in federal funding, money that Sister Angela Mary secretly accepted and funnelled through the Mater to the Queensland AIDS Council, now the Queensland Council for LGBTI Health. With fear of being discovered by the authorities, Sister Angela Mary met with people living with HIV/AIDS and organised delivery of care. The then federal Minister for Health, Dr Neal Blewett, later said the Sisters of Mercy were 'the most altruistic of money launderers'.
I say to Sister Angela Mary: on behalf of our community and the countless lives you touch, thank you. You are a true gift, and we celebrate not only 100 remarkable years but a legacy of compassion and care that will endure long into the future.
I'm not sure what the New South Wales Premier is playing at, but primary producers in my electorate are the ones paying the price. We learned just last Wednesday during budget estimates in the New South Wales Legislative Council that less than a quarter of primary producers have been approved for cat D primary producer disaster recovery payments—that is, out of 1,036 applications, 783 farmers are still waiting for assistance. I could stand here and lambaste the New South Wales government for its abject failure to do its job, but what does that achieve for the farmers who are hurting and have been let down by bureaucracy? The pain they feel is acute. They're angry, and rightly so. I asked governments to get this right and to be at their best, because the impact is acute, not benign.
In the same budget estimates, the Premier thought it was smart politics to pass the buck on why the system is failing farmers. He said that the remittance from the Commonwealth government is too slow and that we need better assistance and more integrated approvals from the Commonwealth. Is he saying that farmers are not getting the relief because the Albanese government isn't paying its bills? Is he suggesting that individual farmer assessments require the approval of the Commonwealth? Methinks the Premier was simply trying to deflect from the failure of his government to do what he promised to do for farmers on the Mid North Coast, some in person. I've written today to the Minister for Emergency Management, seeking clarification of the Premier's comments.
Housing is the biggest issue in Barton and across the country. Labor has a vision to ensure that we address this issue head on and deliver, especially for our young people finding it hard to get their foot in the door. There is a multilevered approach to address housing, and Labor's announcement to fast-track the five per cent deposit is huge. This was to be introduced in January next year, but it has been fast-tracked to October this year because first home buyers need help right now. There are young people all over Barton carefully saving for a deposit.
I remember that, when I first moved out of home, I rented a tiny unit in South Hurstville, and I was working full-time and also studying, carefully putting my savings aside each week. My partner, now my husband, was also doing the same, and we did not have the help of our parents. But, because I was a practising solicitor, our bank lowered the required deposit from 20 per cent to 10 per cent and waived the mortgage insurance. Without this, we simply would not have been able to purchase our first home and begin our lives together. So, whilst the coalition would like to act like this policy is a far-flung, fanciful idea to benefit the rich, as they were saying this morning, a very similar policy helped me and my husband enter the market. I was lucky at that time to have our deposit lowered because I was a solicitor and purchasing in a hard environment to save, and now it is harder. You should not— (Time expired)
Today I was thrilled to join my colleagues across the parliamentary spectrum to launch the National Youth Parliament for 2026. Anyone who follows my social media channels in my electorate knows that there is no more enthusiastic supporter of civics education than me. The program we launched today at midday will bring 150 high school students, one from every electorate, to Canberra for five days to step into our shoes, learning how bills are drafted, debated and passed into law. The need for such a program is clear. In the most recent National Assessment Program report on civics and citizenship, only 43 per cent of year 6 students were found to be at or above the proficient standard, and, more concerningly, only 28 per cent of year 10 students met the proficient standard.
I've been running what I like to call 'democracy class' in schools right across my electorate for years, and I've seen firsthand the untapped passion for civics in our classrooms. Questions from grade 5 and grade 6 students are fascinating, full of curiosity and compassion and ideas for our nation's future. Last week, I visited Dromana Secondary College and spoke to kids between years 7 and 12, and I was blown away by their interest and most especially their passion for public policy and political life. To these students and many others like them, I say expressions of interest are now open. If you're a young person who'll be 16 or 17 this time next year, this is your time.
The Magill Sunrise Rotary Club, located in the east of Sturt, might have as its orthodoxy relaxation, inclusivity and informality, but when I recently attended a breakfast meeting at the club I also saw the professionalism, supreme organisation and dedication of club members to not only their local community but the global community. The club exists to serve others and to make the world a better place. Its vision is to take real action for lasting change in the community, and its values are people, community, compassion, openness, respect, commitment and fun.
The Magill Sunrise Rotary Club supports a broad range of initiatives, including Operation Flinders, which is a program to support young South Australians to build optimism, belonging, hope, resilience and emotional wellbeing. It also supports the Eastern Adelaide Domestic Violence Service and the Hutt St Centre, which works to reduce and support people experiencing homelessness. At a global level, the club supports the Lirhanzo Children's Village in Zimbabwe, which houses and educates children whose parents are unable to provide for them.
Like so many clubs and community organisations, the Magill Sunrise Rotary Club relies on the generosity of volunteers like Pauline Hill and Lindsay Thomas, whose boundless energy and professionalism are always on display.
The Rotary Youth Driver Awareness program, RYDA, saves lives and changes lives. With Australia's road toll on the rise and 60 per cent of fatal accidents occurring on rural and regional roads, we need all drivers to drive safely. Schools are the ideal starting place to give young people road safety skills and knowledge to make responsible decisions behind the wheel. Through the RYDA program, rotary clubs partner with local schools and facilitators, including police and driver instructors, to deliver workshops that teach young people how to critically think about the decisions and actions they take when on the road.
Just before the start of Queensland Road Safety Week, I caught up with some of the road safety champions involved in RYDA, including Steve Webb, Linda Harris and Lloyd and Anne Maddern, and I thank the local rotary members, police, RYDA volunteers and the facilitators and sponsors for all the work that they do in helping young people to learn to drive safely. So far, there have been 10,000 students who have participated in the RYDA program, but the most significant number remains unknown. That's the number of young lives saved who wouldn't be alive today if they hadn't completed the RYDA course.
I want to take a moment to pay tribute to one of our great local manufacturers, Packer Leather. This is a company with a proud history spanning back to 1891. It manufactures in Narangba and is known around the world for producing some of the highest quality kangaroo leather on the market. Right now, they are under real pressure. They're rapidly losing contracts, not because the product isn't world class but because the Center for a Humane Economy's misinformation campaign, Kangaroos Are Not Shoes, is successfully convincing international brands to abandon kangaroo leather. The global sportswear giants have announced that they plan to phase out or immediately cease to use kangaroo leather in their footwear lines.
But here's the truth, kangaroo leather is one of the most sustainable types in the world. It comes from a wild population, not factory farming, and prevents the waste of animal products. It's an industry that supports over 3,000 jobs, many of those in the regions. Kangaroo leather is the world's strongest for its weight, and it is being replaced by synthetics, contributing to the growing problem of plastics in the environment. Kangaroo overpopulation is a real issue facing our biodiversity, and it's undeniably better to cull a population in a regulated way that minimises suffering for the animal.
Packer Leather deserves our support. I had the pleasure of visiting their facility and seeing up close the operations of a local family business that deserves to continue to excel on the global stage. Packer Leather has been part of our story for generations. Let's make sure it continues to be part of our future.
Small business is the lifeblood of the northern Gold Coast, from Coombabah to Coomera, from Pacific Pines to Pimpama. These are the suburbs where Australians are taking risks, building futures and driving our local economy with hard work and pride. But, under this Labor government, they've been forgotten. While the recent roundtable focused on big business, big unions and big government, our small-business owners are burdened with rising costs, worker shortages and red tape that makes it harder to grow, harder to hire and, quite frankly, harder to stay afloat. Power bills are up, insurance is out of control and Labor's industrial relations changes have made life even more difficult for those trying to employ locally. Every extra cost, every form and every delay chips away at confidence and adds to the pressure. Labor promised to back small business, but what have they delivered? No meaningful tax relief and no clear plan to address skill shortages—just more paperwork, more complexity and more spin.
Our small businesses want government to get out of the way and let them succeed. They don't want handouts; they just want a fair go. It's time for a government that understands small business isn't just part of the economy; it is the economy. The small-business owners in my electorate of Fadden at the northern end of the Gold Coast deserve better than neglect from this Labor government.
I rise to acknowledge the important work of Share the Dignity, a remarkable Australian charity addressing an issue too often overlooked—period poverty. Founded in 2015 by Rochelle Courtenay, a proud Queenslander, Share the Dignity has grown from a grassroots initiative to a powerful national movement supporting women, girls and those who menstruate across Australia. Rochelle's passion and determination are extraordinary. What began as a single collection drive has now evolved into widespread action, delivering essential period products to women fleeing domestic violence, living in homelessness or experiencing financial hardship. Their impact is tangible. Over the years, Share the Dignity has distributed millions of period products and installed hundreds of Dignity Vending Machines, not just in crisis shelters and community hubs but also in public schools, where too many students miss class or suffer in silence because they cannot afford basic sanitary items.
This month, August, is Dignity Drive month, one of the charity's key national campaigns. During this time, collection points open right across the country to gather donated period products, I'm proud that my office is—and I know many other MPs are as well—participating as a registered collection point. Thank you to Share the Dignity for all you do to help our community. May you continue for many, many years.
I wondered how long it would take those opposite to reach peak arrogance when it comes to the hypermajority that they enjoy. Of course, over the last term, I saw some actions that were rotten, mean and nasty, including the banning of live sheep exports, but, four months into this new term, I've found probably the worst example, proof positive, that hypermajorities like this are going to lead to very bad government.
What do I speak of? I speak of the decision to scrap funding that's been in place for 125 years for the Salvation Army's 'Sallyman' program. Are you for real? Those opposite took us to a voice referendum that cost half a billion dollars but can't find a million dollars to support our veterans. This program dates back to the Second Boer War. They are Salvation Army members who provide comfort, care, Christian chaplaincy, a cuppa or just a listening ear to our troops. Memo to those opposite: our troops deserve support, not cuts. Don't take my warning; take the warning of the RSL National President, Greg Melick, who said:
Service veterans have nothing but praise for the work of the 'Salvos' and the comfort and care they bring to our troops, often at great personal risk.
Many had risked their personal safety in the quest to support our troops in battle, and veterans will not forget this.
Those opposite, you've got till Remembrance Day. Don't drape yourself in khaki; fund this program.
It was 50 years ago today that Timorese refugees landed in ships at Stokes Hill Wharf in Darwin. Stokes Hill Wharf holds deep symbolic and historical significance for Darwin. It was bombed on 19 February 1942 in order to stop Allied forces from Darwin countering the Japanese invasion of the island of Timor. Thirty-three years later, it was the first point of arrival for many Timorese fleeing the conflicts in 1975 and then again in 1999 seeking refuge and safety. I am working with the Timor-Leste government to install a commemorative plaque at the wharf to mark this important 50-year anniversary. These events renewed the bond between our two peoples that was grounded in solidarity and our shared history. During World War II, the Timorese risked their lives working alongside Australian commandos, helping them to navigate, gathering intelligence, carrying the wounded and securing food supplies. The elders of some of our large Darwin Timorese families, such as the Casimiro family, assisted those Australian commandos. I made a documentary film for Channel 9 on the subject called A Debt of Honour. It's available on YouTube if you want to have a look. And now I'm working to facilitate more Australian connection with a Kokoda-like trail in the mountains of Timor so that more Australians know this debt of honour that we have to the Timorese.
I rise to acknowledge and praise the incredible resilience shown by local netballers and players across all footy codes—rugby, league and soccer—over this wet winter. Floods and consistent rain have meant many of the fields and courts have been closed. This has been hard on everyone from juniors to seniors. I want to congratulate the Maitland Rugby Club, who won the club championships this year for the first time since 1999. The club achieved the minor premierships in the first, second and third XV, with the firsts taking out the minor premiership for the third year in a row. The women's first and fourth XV finished a close second. It was a huge achievement for the mighty club. The club's ground at Marcellin Park in Lorn stands proudly in the Lyne electorate, and I was pleased to watch a couple of great games there this season.
With cricket season soon upon us, I also want to congratulate the Northern Suburbs Cricket Club on their success in being chosen to host a four-day cricket carnival for the under-19 national female championships in December. The club plays at Lorn Park Oval, but, like many sporting facilities across the Lyne electorate, it needs investment. I thank the Maitland City Council for its funding of $200,000 towards the cost of screens, but more is needed to complete the job. I implore the Albanese government to put aside politics and reinvest in programs like the Building Better Regions Fund and the Local Roads and Community Infrastructure Program so that community sporting facilities like Lorn Park can get on with the work they need to support their players and their communities.
In Australia there are approximately 1.3 million people living with diagnosed diabetes. This represents about five per cent of the population, according to the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare. I recently attended a cricket match organised by the Sabeel-e-Mustafa Foundation in support of raising awareness around diabetes, particularly for those in South Asian communities. It's also to encourage people who are newly diagnosed to continue taking part in all parts of their life, especially sport. The match was organised to raise funds to support a diabetic hospital that is currently under construction in Pakistan. The rain didn't dampen the enthusiasm of organisers to still go on with the event.
I was joined on the day by state colleagues Charishma Kaliyanda, the member for Liverpool, and Nathan Hagarty, the member for Leppington. I enjoyed very much watching the member for Leppington being bowled out first ball, but he took to the pitch with a lot of confidence. I want to acknowledge all the organisers involved in putting the event together, particularly Dr Nalia for the generous sponsorship.
My community is better off for having people in it who care enough to put themselves out to raise awareness, promote healthy lifestyles and support those affected by diabetes. Congratulations, and thank you to all volunteers for organising the day, which seemed to be a really wonderful success. And a special shout-out to the umpire, who stood all day in the rain.
Over the past three years my community has witnessed Brisbane Airport flight paths increasingly shifted over the Redlands and ongoing consultation on a range of proposals to continue this pattern. This is unacceptable and is something I've been working with my bayside community to oppose. Those who choose to live close to the city and the airport do so with an expectation of aircraft noise. By contrast, families move to the Redlands for its peaceful lifestyle, aware that this means they are further away from the amenity of the city. It's a fair trade-off.
Airservices Australia have been reviewing flight paths for the past three years and have now released phase 6 of package 3 as part of their noise action plan for Brisbane. Sadly, yet again, the new proposals have significant implications for Redland City residents. While earlier stages made some progress in response to my community advocacy, the latest proposals would see aircraft noise pushed onto new areas of our community. Because of strong local voices, we've won commitments to higher altitudes and more overwater routes, yet this newest part of the noise action plan seeks only to shift the problem to the Bay Islands in my electorate and over residents of Sheldon and Mount Cotton.
The solution I and hundreds of other locals are pushing for is an over-the-ocean flight path that will push southbound traffic east over North Stradbroke Island and will cross the mainland at a higher altitude in an area of fewer built-up areas. Airservices Australia is calling their latest changes 'fair'. They are not fair and cannot be justified, and I'll continue to fight against them.
Wi-fi, Gardasil and modern solar cells—these are all things that are critical and important innovations from Australia. But too often the benefit and the uplift from critical innovations like this, whether in terms of the economy or of jobs, are not fully realised. That's why I'm delighted to be able to stand today to speak to you about MOBIUS. MOBIUS is a great project in the heart of my electorate of Moreton on Brisbane's south side. It's a project that is being fostered at Griffith University. And Griffith isn't just a university; it is a leader when it comes to innovation.
This project advances Australia's biosensing sector. Traditionally focused on health care, it expands that into new domains, and it marks a landmark for Australia's science and innovation, bridging that critical gap between university research and industry application so that what we think about and what we come up with in our universities can truly benefit our communities with secure work.
This project brings together 21 industry partners—collaborations across different universities, from Griffith to La Trobe to RMIT—and brings in the critical work of the Australian Research Council to make sure that when we come up with things in universities they have a true impact in our community every day through critical jobs.
Recently I had the privilege of meeting 12-year-old Dexter Welsh, a remarkable young man from McPherson. When Dexter was just seven he was diagnosed with type 1 diabetes. He shared with me his story—the daily reality of managing his lifelong condition and the difference that an insulin pump has made to his life.
Every person who has type 1 diabetes lives with the relentless burden of monitoring blood glucose and administering insulin simply to stay alive. Yet in our community of McPherson only 24 per cent of people have access to insulin pump technology. Dexter told me of the freedom and dignity it provides, allowing him to live as normal a life as possible, but he also shared confronting statistics: 867 people in McPherson live with type 1 diabetes; each faces prospect of losing, on average, 22 healthy years of life; 346 will suffer a serious complication such as blindness or heart disease; and the total cost to our community is $19.2 million every year.
We must do better. Accessible insulin pumps are not a luxury—they are a lifeline. If we can give every Australian living with type 1 diabetes the chance to live healthier, fuller lives then we must act. I thank Dexter for his courage in sharing his story and I commend him for speaking not just for himself but for every person living with type 1 diabetes.
The Albanese Labor government has achieved something positive that you just won't read about in the economic textbooks. I've always believed that you need to run the economy like you run a business. Having run businesses, I've learnt that there are two ways to run a business: you can invest in your plant and your people or you can strip out the profits and run the business into the ground. The Labor way is the better way, and that is to invest in your plant and your people. Now, the figures speak for themselves. A couple of weeks ago, in the same week, interest rates came down, unemployment came down and real wages went up. When I was studying economics in a country high school in the 1990s we were told that's not supposed to happen, but it did happen, and for two reasons: because of the economic policies of the Albanese Labor government, led by the Treasurer, and, more importantly, because of the hard work of the Australian people.
We know there is still a lot of work left to be done, but in this government we are focused 100 per cent on the cost of living and the economy. By doing it the Labor way—investing in our infrastructure and investing in our people—all Australians will enjoy the benefits.
Last week I had the honour of attending a couple of Vietnam Veterans Day services in my electorate. We had six, and I got to tour them—one down at Burpengary in the morning and then Bribie Island in the afternoon. They're sombre events indeed, and I'm always touched by the stories they share. The one at Burpengary particularly struck me this time because they shared the story of a gentleman who had gone to war in Vietnam and, as we know, the Vietnam veterans were treated pretty poorly by the Australian people when they returned—very sad. This particular gentleman got married in the late 1970s and had adult children. He died in 2006, and the first time that his wife of over 25 years and his children knew he was a Vietnam veteran was at his funeral. That's how badly the Australian people treated these Vietnam veterans—he was actually ashamed to share that experience with his family.
As I looked at the Australian flag, and I thought about all the soldiers and servicemen and servicewomen who have given their lives in service to the country, I thought that's why if it comes up next week I'm going to be proud to support Bill Thompson's bill to make sure that it's a criminal offence to desecrate our flag, because it means a lot to these servicemen and servicewomen.
I rise to recognise the achievements of some of the wonderful groups in my electorate of Banks. A few weeks ago I was able to attend Lugarno Football Club's presentation day for their junior teams at the masonic club at Mortdale. While the rainfall forced the event indoors, it certainly didn't dampen the spirits of so many of the players and their families in attendance. Thank you to the Lugarno Football Club and it's leaders Sue, Hagop and Atef for all their efforts in putting together a fantastic community event.
Earlier this month I had the pleasure of attending the celebrations of Narwee Public School and Penshurst Public School. Narwee celebrated 75 years of its existence while Penshurst celebrated its centenary. Both schools had fantastic histories, and the vibrancy of the communities they serve were on full display. Congratulations to both schools for notching up these significant milestones in the electorate of Banks.
Finally, on 1 August I attended the gala dinner for Charlotte's Wish. Charlotte's Wish was founded by Kelly and Mat O'Brien in the wake of the tragic loss of their 12-year-old daughter, Charlotte, and works to tackle bullying and prevent youth suicide in our communities. The gala was a tremendous success, with Charlotte's Wish raising substantial funds for Kids Helpline. To Kelly and Mat, thank you for all the work you are doing to support Australia's young people, honouring the legacy of Charlotte.
I rise today to proudly recognise the outstanding achievement of locally raised star Kyle Lee on claiming a bronze medal while representing Australia at the World Aquatics Championships in July. Mr Lee, an exceptional endurance swimmer, competed in the men's 10 kilometre event in Singapore. Challenged with tough local conditions and a world-class field, including Olympians, Mr Lee displayed great resilience and surged through the final laps to edge out Olympic silver medallist Oliver Clemmett and claim his first-ever individual world championship medal.
Having narrowly missed out on the 2020 Olympics at just 18, Mr Lee qualified for Paris in 2024, finishing 13th in the men's 10 kilometre swim, and has continued to go from strength to strength. To represent Australia on the global stage and achieve these outstanding results reflects years of commitment and dedication and is something deserving of the highest praise. Indeed, here at home, Kyle has won the Busselton Jetty Swim some five consecutive times and holds the course record of 38 minutes and six seconds. Kyle, from all of us in the south-west, we extend our sincere congratulations for everything you've achieved on the national and international stages to date and can't wait to see you achieve ongoing success on those stages.
Calling all Brisbane students in years 10, 11 and 12: this could be you standing right here. Milton Dick, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, has launched the My First Speech competition for schools right across the country. This national competition challenges students to envisage themselves as newly elected members of the House of Representatives, as a few of us here are, and write a 90-second speech focusing on a topic they are passionate about. The winning entrants from each group will be flown to Canberra to deliver their speeches in Parliament House and participate in an engaging program about the legislative process. The deadline for submissions for the competition is Monday, 15 September, so, if you think this could be you, pick up your pen and get writing.
In another initiative for young people, today the National Youth Parliament was also launched. The National Youth Parliament will bring together 150 senior schools, each representing one of Australia's federal electorates, for a five-day experience in Canberra. This program will provide 16- to 17-year-olds with a unique opportunity to explore aspects of the role of a member of parliament. You will learn about the parliamentary process, including how bills are drafted, debated and passed into law. If you're interested, get in touch with my office or your own local electorate office. It's a fantastic opportunity, and I encourage any young person within those age cohorts to get involved.
I rise today to acknowledge the passing of a Goldfields legend whose name will be familiar in this place. Graeme Campbell, former member for Kalgoorlie, passed peacefully and surrounded by his loved ones on 16 August, aged 86. Graeme was a champion of the workers of the mining and pastoral region, and his loss will resonate across the greater Goldfields region.
Graeme's family emigrated from England, and he grew up in South Australia. He went on to establish Kybo Station, a remote pastoral property on the sparse Nullarbor Plain, with his brother Rod. There he met his French wife, Michele, and started a family, eventually moving to Kalgoorlie to work in the mining industry. Graeme joined the Labor Party in 1980 and was elected as the federal member for Kalgoorlie, then Australia's largest electorate. His pro-mining views saw him cross the floor in 1988, challenging then treasurer Paul Keating's plan to remove company tax exemptions for goldminers. He gained a reputation as a political maverick, winning a second term as an independent and serving his Goldfields community long beyond his tenure in parliament.
Graeme joined the Liberal Party in later life and was a regular visitor to my Kalgoorlie office, joining my staff for coffee so often that he actually had his own biscuit stash. Graeme was one of a kind, and I will forever treasure his friendship and his sage words of advice and encouragement. My heartfelt condolences go to Michele, Ainsley, Leyland and family. Vale, Graeme Campbell.
I rise to pay tribute to my friend the internationally renowned artist Merton Chambers, who passed away on 27 July 2025. Merton was born in Canada in 1929, and after graduating from art college he won a travelling scholarship to the UK and Europe, honing his artistic skills and developing his unique style. He returned to Canada and was a significant influence in the arts and crafts movement of the 1960s and 1970s and in the 20th century architectural arts movement. He moved to Australia in the 1980s and continued to cement his artistic reputation, particularly in Queensland. After retiring, he moved to the Brisbane Valley in Blair, where he met and married his best friend, my friend Beryce Nelson, who was instrumental in founding The Condensery art gallery in Toogoolawah. As Merton's eyesight failed, his later works became more vivid and striking. A few years ago I had the joy of opening what would become his final exhibition at The Condensery, focusing on issues important to him: industrialisation, capitalism, neoliberalism and their impact on food production and the environment. Before that, he did a wonderful series of stylised paintings capturing distinctive features of members of the Gillard government—including my big forehead, by the way. His friend the musician Mic Conway wrote a song that played at his memorial to pay tribute to Merton. Vale, Merton Chambers. Deepest condolences to Beryce, the family and his many friends.
In accordance with standing order 43, the time for members' statements has concluded.
I move:
That this House:
(1) acknowledges the Government's commitment to strengthening the paid parental leave system;
(2) notes that on 1 July 2025:
(a) the Government's paid parental leave increased by two weeks, from 22 weeks to 24 weeks; and
(b) superannuation was added to Government paid parental leave meaning taking paid parental leave will not mean missing out on superannuation; and
(3) welcomes the Government delivering the better future Australians voted for.
I'm very proud today to move this motion relating to paid parental leave because it's an issue that's really close to my heart, not just at the moment but all the time. It is about supporting families at such an important time in their life as they welcome a new baby, it's about gender equality, it's about maternal health, and it's about recognising the importance of supporting both men and women to take time out of the workforce to care for family. Paid parental leave was first introduced by the Labor government when Jenny Macklin, who I'm so proud to have had the opportunity to work for, was the minister for social services. In 2011 this was introduced, and we were one of the last OECD countries to introduce such an important scheme. So this is a really proud Labor achievement. But we haven't just left it there. We've continued to improve this really critical scheme, and that's what I rise to speak about today: two very important reforms that came into effect from 1 July this year relating to paid parental leave—reforms that deliver really meaningful and life-changing support to families, delivering fairness, dignity and security to working families across the country. These are reforms that reflect our values and the priorities of the Australians who elected this government.
Firstly, the duration of paid parental leave increased from 22 to 24 weeks, and this is part of our plan to reach 26 weeks by 2026. This is a meaningful change that gives parents more precious time at home with their newborns—time to bond, recover and adjust to life as a growing family. For babies, this time is critical. It supports healthy development, strengthens family relationships and lays the foundation for a strong start in life. For parents, particularly mothers, it's about their health and recovery after birth. It is about recognition, respect and economic justice.
Secondly, and very significantly, superannuation is now being paid with paid parental leave. This is a reform that generations of Labor women, unions and advocates have fought for, and I'm proud to be part of the government that has delivered it.
Both of these policy features were actually recommended in the initial Productivity Commission report on which the first scheme was very closely based, and these were things that were long an aspiration to be delivered: more leave, more time, and also superannuation. So it is really a very proud moment that our government has delivered these and that, from 1 July this year families have been benefiting from both of those. It means that taking time out of paid work to care for children will no longer have such an impact on women's retirement savings. It's helping to close that gap, and it's sending an important signal to employers about this as well. For too long women have been penalised for taking time out of the workforce to care for their children. The result is that women retire with around 25 per cent less superannuation than men. By paying this on the paid parental leave scheme, we are beginning to close that gap.
It is my belief that it is incredibly important we make it easier for both men and women to take this time out of the workforce—that we normalise it as part of life that people need to take time out of work to do things like care for children and other family members and that this is shared equally between men and women. I believe one of the most key factors in influencing gender equality going forward is that this is seen as something that is normal and respected—respected in ways like paying superannuation on paid parental leave, which is a really important way to show that this is a serious and important thing.
These changes will benefit around 180,000 families every year. It will give them more time, money and flexibility, and more people will be eligible. Labor created paid parental leave, and we will always defend it and continue to build on it. But it's not just paid parental leave that we're making better; these changes build on the Albanese government's broader agenda to support Australian families and modernise our workplace and care systems. Since we came to office, parents have been almost $12,000 better off. From cheaper early childhood education, with the goal of universal access, and paid placements for student nurses and teachers to getting wages moving again, we are backing working people and working families.
Is there a seconder?
I second the motion and reserve my right to speak.
Becoming a parent is one of the most profound experiences in life. There's joy, exhaustion and a love that changes everything. Those first weeks and months are moments you never get back, and they shape the health and wellbeing of a family for years to come. As a dad of two young boys, I know how precious that time is when your baby first grips your finger or when your partner needs space to rest and recover. It is time that deserves to be protected, not squeezed into a hurried week away from work. Paid parental leave is a Labor achievement; it did not exist in this country until a Labor government created it. Before then, too many parents had no choice but to rush back to work or survive without support.
Today, Labor is expanding the scheme again—the most significant improvement since its introduction. As of 1 July, parents have 24 weeks of paid leave, rising to 26 weeks next year. For the first time ever, superannuation is included—protecting retirement incomes, particularly for women, who retire with far less super than men. The weekly payment rate has risen to almost $950 per week. Parents can now take up to four weeks together instead of just two, and eligibility thresholds are indexed so more families can qualify. That means more time, more money, more flexibility and more security. On average, parents are $12,000 better off than when this government came to office. These reforms will benefit around 180,000 families every year, including thousands in my electorate of Moore. When families tell me they are juggling the cost of living with long hours and raising kids at the same time, I know parental leave is not a luxury; it's a necessity.
The evidence is clear. Longer leave improves infant and maternal health and reduces infant mortality. Breastfeeding rates increase, maternal stress decreases and recovery after childbirth is stronger. Research shows that mothers are far more likely to return to the same job within a year if they have access to paid leave, particularly those who are casual and lower income workers. That is job security and family security rolled into one. It also advances gender equality. When dads and partners take more leave, they share the load from the very beginning. That builds a culture of equal caregiving, which benefits children and strengthens relationships. In countries like Sweden and Norway, generous parental leave has driven higher female workforce participation and better outcomes for families. Australia is moving in that direction with these changes. Adding superannuation to paid parental leave means retirement security is lifted. Women retire with, on average, one-third less superannuation than man. This measure alone could add $5,000 to $7,000 to a woman's super balance per child by retirement. That is structural reform that recognises that care is work and that raising children should not penalise women later in life.
Yet those opposite have never believed in paid parental leave. When Labor introduced Australia's first universal scheme, the coalition ridiculed it. They called mothers who access both employer and government schemes double dippers, frauds and rorters. Their election costings revealed that they would cut $158 million from superannuation on paid parental leave. The current shadow industrial relations minister declared, 'Paid parental leave, to me, is a very bad scheme, and I make no ambiguity about it.' He even said, 'It is not my choice that women have children; it's genetic.' Another senior coalition figure describes paid parental leave as a welfare payment. That is the difference. Labor sees parental leave as an investment in families, in equality and in the nation's future. The coalition sees it as a cost to be cut. We believe parents deserve time to care for their children without sacrificing financial security. They believe it is a handout. Paid parental leave is not just mothers leave; it is parents leave. It recognises that raising a child is valuable work, and it should be supported by the nation. These changes are practical. They are fair and they are deeply Labor. We will always look at how to strengthen this scheme further, but, right now, our focus is on delivering what we promised.
Firstly, I thank the member for Canberra for moving this motion and for her strong advocacy on behalf of families. Paid parental leave changes lives. It gives parents precious time with their newborns, it gives children the best start in life and it gives families the support they need when it matters most. That's why Labor introduced paid parental leave, and it's why this government, the Albanese Labor government, is strengthening it. When families thrive, Australia thrives.
On 1 July this year, Australian families experienced the biggest improvements in paid parental leave for more than a decade. Parents now have an extra two weeks of leave, and next year they will gain another two weeks. By 2026, families will be entitled to a full six months of paid parental leave, an invaluable six months where parents can focus on their children without the stress of juggling work and family pressures. At the same time, payments will be higher. Since we came to government in 2022, families have been around $12,000 better off—about $200 more each week. In my electorate of Corangamite, almost $24 million of paid parental leave was claimed in the last financial year. That is a real relief at a time when every dollar counts. For the first time, superannuation is also being paid on paid parental leave. On average, it means $4,500 more in super, delivering greater financial security in later life. As part of our changes, there is now more flexibility. Parents can now take leave together to care for a newborn—it makes sense—and more families are eligible thanks to higher thresholds. These are game-changing reforms. In short, they mean more time, more money, more super, more flexibility, more support and, importantly, less stress for families.
In my electorate, I recently spoke to a young couple who told me how the extra weeks of leave meant that they could both be at home when their child arrived early. 'It's been an absolute godsend,' they said. At a recent market, another mum said the superannuation change would help to build her retirement savings. These are the real stories behind the policy—a policy that is designed to support families and give children the best start in life. Let us remember that none of this was guaranteed. The Liberals' costings at the last election showed cuts in paid parental leave, and, when we recall the member for Goldstein dismissing the scheme as—and I quote—'very bad' and declaring, 'It is not my choice that women have children,' those comments go to values. On this side of the chamber, we are clear: children are the greatest gift, families deserve respect and support, and governments should be there to back them in. Paid parental leave also benefits business. When parents can take time at home and then return to work with confidence, businesses keep skills and our economy keeps talent. Paying super also narrows the retirement gap. Expanding leave lifts retention. Flexibility helps mums and dads take time too.
This is not a handout; this is a helping hand. It levels the playing field, and it goes to the value of fairness, a value shared by all Australians. It's a value that underpins the Albanese government's broader plan to help Australians get ahead. We have made child care cheaper so returning to work is easier and more affordable. We've lifted wages and supported secure jobs because family budgets depend on a decent pay. We've invested in Medicare because health should never be a luxury.
In closing, Labor's agenda—and our Paid Parental Leave scheme in particular—means more time, more money, or super, more flexibility and more families supported. But, more than that, it's a statement about who we are: a nation that values families and cares for our youngest Australians, and a government that backs parents. The Albanese government promised to strengthen paid parental leave, and we're delivering it in full and on time, because we believe that, when you support families, children get the best start in life and our nation is stronger.
When there's something that makes this country the best place on earth to live, it's usually the Labor government who's responsible for implementing it, and paid parental leave is yet another example of this. We implemented it, and now we're strengthening it. As the dad of two amazing girls, Zoe and Asha, I know how valuable time with your newborn is. It's important for parents, and it's important for the baby as well. Bringing your newborn child home is one of the most amazing days of your life. But it's no secret that, from this point on, life gets harder. This is especially the case for those who have just gone through nine months of pregnancy, followed by labour. No-one in their right mind can expect a new mother not to take time off. But, when you take time off for a child, you still need money to keep coming in. Kids drain our bank accounts enough without our needing time off work.
This is where paid parental leave kicks in and really makes a difference. It means you don't need to choose between having a child and going to work. Paid parental leave is truly life changing for so many parents around the country. Twenty-two weeks away from work is invaluable time for new parents—and don't we all know they deserve it! But, as we all know, sometimes this just is not long enough. When the Paid Parental Leave scheme was first introduced by a Labor government back in 2011, it was a massive help to so many parents. But the needs of parents change over time, and the scheme needs to adapt to be able to effectively deliver for the needs of those who rely on it in 2025. This is why it's good that the government has increased paid parental leave by two weeks, bringing the amount of parental leave a new parent can take from 22 weeks to 24 weeks. It's fantastic that paid parental leave means that mothers can take the time they need to be with their child when they're needed most, without having to sacrifice their pay.
But the system wasn't perfect, because, while you continue to get paid, in the long run mothers were being left worse off. The money that you take home at the end of each week is only one of the financial benefits of being in the workforce. The other major plus of having a job is to be paid super, another Labor government policy. Super means that, when you retire, you're better off and less likely to rely on the government to survive. But, unfortunately, for too long it has been the case that, when a parent is off work on paid parental leave, their superannuation does not continue to accumulate, meaning that there is about half a year's worth of lost superannuation just because you decide to have a baby, even if it is only one baby. In the big picture, this might not sound like a lot, but, when you take into consideration the lost return on this money and the possibility of having more than one child, it quickly adds up. But it is no longer an issue, because superannuation has now been added to the government's paid parental leave, which means that taking paid parental leave will not mean missing out on super. This is a win for parents, and particularly for mothers, because the time that mothers are out of the workforce to bring children into this world should not leave them worse off when it comes to them retiring.
In May, Australians made their voice loud and clear: they want a government who builds on this country's future. They voted for a government who will put people first, and that's exactly what these changes to paid parental leave deliver. We've taken life-changing, nation-building policy and made it even better, to make sure that parents are better supported to take more time off with their newborn and don't have to sacrifice their super by bringing a child into this world. The reforms to the government Paid Parental Leave scheme have proven to be good for parents, good for kids, good for employers and good for our economy. This is a win for all. These are the kinds of life-changing policy that we will continue to deliver for Australians so that we are delivering the better future that Australians voted for.
I believe there are no further speakers, so the debate is adjourned and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting.
I move:
That this House:
(1) notes:
(a) that 1 July 2025 marks seven years since the official establishment of the Australian Space Agency;
(b) the former Government committed more than $2 billion towards the civil space sector after the Agency's establishment, as part of our goal to triple the domestic sector to $12 billion and to create an extra 20,000 jobs by 2030; and
(c) the current Government's significant cuts to Australia's space sector, including:
(i) $1.2 billion from the National Space Mission for Earth Observation;
(ii) $59.7 million from the Technology into Orbit program and the space flight tickets subprograms;
(iii) $18 million from the Moon to Mars global supply chain facilitation; and
(iv) $32.3 million slated for co-investment in space ports and launch sites; and
(2) calls on the Government to reprioritise Australia's space sector, including investing in our sovereign capability.
Since I stepped into the role of shadow minister for science, it's been great to reconnect with many in our civil space sector who I got to know well when I was the Minister for Defence Industry and Minister for Science and Technology. When we were in government, we understood that Australia's potential was at the forefront of the space revolution. Our geographic location, vast open spaces, clear skies and homegrown talent and innovation provide us with a massive advantage. But we knew these advantages weren't enough. Australia would not become a global leader in space simply by accident. So we set out to make this happen, with a goal to triple the domestic space sector to $12 billion and to create an extra 20,000 jobs by 2030.
We established the Australian Space Agency in July 2018 to coordinate civil space matters across government and to support the growth and transformation of Australia's space industry. We created the SmartSat CRC, Australia's largest space industry research collaboration, focusing on telecommunications, intelligent satellite systems and next-generation Earth observation. We also committed $225 million to Geoscience Australia to deliver centimetre-level positioning accuracy across mobile coverage areas; $150 million to support Australian businesses and researchers to participate in NASA's Artemis program, including $50 million for an Australian-made lunar rover; and a further $300 million towards astronomy research infrastructure associated with the Square Kilometre Array—which just happens to be located in the great electorate of Durack—for deep space observation. In total, the coalition committed more than $2 billion towards a civil space sector after we had established the Australian Space Agency. Notably, this does not take into account the significant investment in developing sovereign defence space capability.
Unfortunately, the change of government demonstrated a stark difference between the coalition's vision for space as being central to both national security and economic prosperity and Labor's vision for space as simply being a budget line to cut.
Nothing demonstrates this more than the National Space Mission for Earth Observation, which was abandoned by this government in June 2023. This $1.2 billion investment would have seen Australia design, build and operate four new satellites. It would have created 500 jobs, at least, and had an anticipated supply network of more than 100 Australian companies. This investment, as noted by the head of the Australian Space Agency, would take us from a consumer to a contributor of Earth observation data. The information we get from Earth observation is central to everyday life, from forecasting weather and responding to natural disasters through to managing the environment and supporting our farmers. So, consider this cut in terms of this government's so-called Future Made in Australia agenda; with decisions like this, those opposite have said no to this future.
A division having been called in the House of Representatives—
Sitting suspended from 17 : 10 to 17 : 24
The then CEO of the Space Industry Association of Australia lauded NSMEO as the most strategic and significant space public policy in 40 years. He also said Australia must be a country that makes things again and that the decision to cut NSMEO will leave Australia dependent upon foreign providers and discourage global partners from engaging with Australia. In successive budgets, Labor ripped millions out of key initiatives, including the Australian Spaceports program, the Australian Technology into Orbit program and the high-profile Moon to Mars program. But Labor weren't upfront about their plans. In fact, Labor criticised the coalition for not investing enough and said they were concerned by our dependence on foreign nations. Unfortunately, their decisions have solidified that dependence. As Malcolm Davies from the Australian Strategic Policy Institute said, if we're going to have sovereign space capabilities, then we need somewhere to launch from, which I think is a pretty commonsense approach. It is past time that spaceport sites get up and running, and it's not just about money.
With the time remaining, I want to acknowledge that I recently met with the founder of WA Spaceport. She has a proposal to establish an orbital launch facility in Albany. Unfortunately, there seems to be some hold-up with the WA Department of Planning, Lands and Heritage, threatening this project's success. I've written to the WA minister, but I think this is something that Minister Ayres should take some notice of and get involved in. (Time expired)
Is the motion seconded?
I second the motion and reserve my right to speak.
On 1 July 2025, we marked seven years since the official establishment of the Australian Space Agency. But Australia's rich history with space goes well beyond the last seven years. Nearly 60 years ago we played a crucial role in the mission to put the first man on the moon, with the Parkes Observatory coordinating with the NASA Apollo 11 mission. The famous footage we've all seen of Neil Armstrong walking on the moon was broadcast from the Parkes Observatory. More recently, in my own backyard of South Australia, we have played a critical role in the build and operation of several key missions utilising space. The Albanese Labor government values the contribution of the space sector to the Australian economy and to delivering a future made in Australia.
Today, the Australian space sector generates $4.6 billion each year. It employs 17,000 full-time workers across more than 620 organisations nationwide, and it is powering new opportunities for industry, science and sovereign capability. In just a few weeks, Australia will proudly host the 76th International Astronautical Congress, with more than 6,000 attendees expected to attend from over 90 countries. There, the world will see what Australia has built and where we're going. It's absolutely no surprise that space launch applications have increased fivefold since 2021. This is proof of a sector alive with innovation, ambition and investment.
The Australian Space Agency has been central to this momentum, delivering $171 million in grant funding to 91 projects benefiting more than 200 Australian organisations. These programs are enabling companies to develop world-class capability in advanced manufacturing and artificial intelligence. Our space agency is also leading on projects that inspire the nation. A $42 million program is supporting the development of the Roo-ver, Australia's lunar rover. The Roo-ver will join NASA on a lunar mission, supporting 50 direct and 100 indirect jobs across 20 Australian organisations. This is a clear sign of how our industry is shaping innovation and providing jobs in Australia.
The National Reconstruction Fund Corporation has also made a $25 million investment in Myriota, a South Australia based company leading the way in satellite telecommunications. Backing companies to succeed is what Future Made in Australia is all about.
Additionally, more than 25 Australian government agencies now rely on space capability every day. Earth observation satellites support over 170 digital programs, the Bureau of Meteorology uses over 30 satellite data streams, the Murray-Darling Basin Authority relies on near real-time satellite data to manage our rivers and Geoscience Australia provides over 35 years of free and open satellite imagery mapping changes to our land and coasts. That is why, in the 2024-25 budget, the Albanese government invested over $200 million to upgrade the Alice Springs ground station and expand advanced data processing and analytics, and this is why the CSIRO continues to connect Australia to the universe, assisting the operation of NASA's Canberra Deep Space Communication Complex, the European Space Agency's New Norcia station and our national radio astronomy facilities.
Our achievements in space are not just about satellites and capability; they're about inspiration. Since opening in 2021, the Australian Space Discovery Centre in Adelaide has welcomed over 165,000 visitors including 18,000 students. Through outreach programs, our space agency now reaches an average monthly audience of 20 million people through traditional, social and digital media. This is a whole new generation of Australians inspired by space, as much as we were in 1969.
The Southern Launch program is also putting South Australia's best foot forward, operating both the Koonibba Test Range and the Whalers Way Orbital Launch Complex. In 2025 they made history with multiple commercial re-entries at Koonibba. The landing of Varda's W-2 capsule in February was the first return to a commercial spaceport anywhere in the world, followed by the W-3 capsule in May. These missions are pioneering medicine manufacturing in microgravity, developing new pharmaceuticals. In May 2024 Germany's HyImpulse successfully launched its SR75 rocket as well.
On 1 July this year, we marked seven years since the coalition established the Australian Space Agency. It is a milestone worth reflecting on—not just to measure how far we've come but also to recognise how backwards this Labor government is dragging us. When the coalition launched the agency in 2018, we set out with ambition and direction. We committed more than $2 billion to the civil space sector with a clear outcome to triple the size of the industry to $12 billion and to create 20,000 jobs by 2030.
Our vision was never about prestige or symbolism. Space today is about more than satellites and rockets. It's about building sovereign capability, driving new manufacturing, advancing medical research, strengthening national security and, critically, creating jobs and opportunities in regional Australia. Sadly, Labor has abandoned that vision. This government has ripped $1.2 billion from the National Space Mission for Earth Observation. It has gutted $60 million from the technology-into-orbit program and the space flight subprograms, axed $18 million from the Moon to Mars Global Supply Chain Facilitation and stripped away $32 million that was set aside for co-investment in spaceports and launch sites.
This is not just trimming fat; it is cutting into the bone of our sovereign capability. At a time when advanced economies are racing ahead in space technology, Labor is pulling Australia out of the space race altogether. And here is a great irony—this is not just a story of high-tech labs in capital cities. In Australia, space is built, launched and re-entered in the regions. Space is a regional industry, and, in my electorate of Grey, we are doing it. At Whalers Way in Port Lincoln, the proposed launch site alone is projected to generate more than $500 million in GDP if allowed to realise its potential. It is already attracting rocket manufacturers from around the world, eager to take advantage of our unique geography for sun-synchronous and polar orbits. Whalers Way is not alone. Grey is also home to established launch pads in Koonibba and, of course, the world famous Woomera range—a key asset not just for Australia but for the free world.
It doesn't stop at launch. The re-entry and recovery of space capsules are fast becoming a multibillion dollar opportunity for this country. Just last year at Koonibba, the test range was used for an orbital manufacturing mission by Southern Launch and California's Varda Space Industries. This is cutting-edge work using microgravity and the vacuum of space to produce medicines that cannot be manufactured on earth. These capsules carried ritonavir, an anti-AIDS drug produced in orbit as the zero gravity allows for medicines to form purer, more homogenous crystals. This is not science fiction. This is real manufacturing—a real breakthrough—and it happened in my electorate.
The next step must be ensuring it is not just capsules landing in Australia but companies themselves setting up here. We should be attracting the next generation of pharmaceutical and high-tech manufacturers to establish operations in Australia. That is where the jobs, the value chain and the long-term sovereign capability lie. Space is not a hobby. It is not a photo opportunity; it is a national economic and security priority. It happens in the bush, on the Eyre Peninsula, in the outback and in regions across the country. Labor's cuts will not simply delay a launch or two; they will cost this nation billions of dollars in GDP, tens of thousands of jobs and the chance to lead in one of the most competitive and high-margin industries in the world.
The coalition has already shown what is possible when government provides vision and support. We provided it when we established the agency. We've proved it when we set bold targets and backed them with serious investment. Labor has shown the opposite. Their cuts are short-sighted, reckless and harmful to our national interest. Not investing in space seems contrary to Labor's own policy of regional growth and their flagship programs, seemingly making space a personal issue with Labor.
I call on the government to urgently reprioritise Australia's space sector—restore funding, back our regions and back our sovereign capability. Without that commitment, Australia risks not just losing ground but losing the future itself.
I'll just reiterate what many of the speakers have said here about this motion—this is a very exciting time for the space industry in Australia. It's no wonder that just on this private members' motion there are four South Australians speaking on it. We heard earlier from the member for Grey and the member for Spence. My colleague the member for Sturt is here, as well as myself. It is extremely important to South Australia. We've created a great space industry in South Australia, an innovative industry, and I'm very pleased to represent an area that's called Lot Fourteen, which has lots of these high-tech space industries doing research work and actually producing incredible technology. I visit them regularly, and they're creating the jobs of the future and ensuring that we're creating wealth for our state and the nation. As I said, it's no wonder there are four speakers from South Australia speaking on this particular topic.
It's a very exciting time for the space industry. Space is critical to Australia's future, for everything from national security right through to climate resilience, agriculture, connectivity and economic growth. I'm also proud to co-chair the Friends of Space Industry in this 48th Parliament together with Senator Dave Sharma, a New South Wales senator. In fact, if I could remind all members, tomorrow night we're having our very first event for the 48th Parliament at the Queen's Terrace at 6.30. We will have the entire space industry here. Please come along, speak to the industry and enjoy the festivities that will take place at 6.30 at the Queen's Terrace tomorrow night. This group is open to all parliamentarians and will assist us to remain informed of the role of the space industry in the Australian innovation, technology and scientific fields.
Space capability is essential to supporting the Australian industry and national critical infrastructure—everything from Earth observation capabilities for the climate, satellite communications and GPS to support for Australian national security and defence priority. As fascinated as we are with space, so much of what happens in space makes our lives much easier here on the ground, so a sovereign space industry is, of course, in our long-term national interest and will be a very powerful driver for productivity. All of us South Australians here today, including the member for Grey, the member for Sturt, the member for Spence and me, are aware of how many innovative companies are forging ahead in the space industry, especially at Lot Fourteen in the Adelaide CBD in my electorate, which is home to the Australian Space Discovery Centre as well, and across our vast state from Woomera and the far north to Whalers Way on the Eyre Peninsula, with companies such as Southern Launch, Inovor Technologies, Neumann Space, QuantX Labs, Myriota, Fleet Space Technologies and many, many more.
I was delighted last week to see Inovor Technologies awarded a $1.95 million Industry Growth Program grant to develop their Hyperion satellite that will enable and provide space situational awareness services for defence and commercial customers in Australia and overseas. The aim is to address the need for efficient traffic management to avoid congestion and ensure the sustainability of space activities. The Industry Growth Program support will enable the design, manufacture, test, launch and on-orbit proof-of-concept operation trial of this particular spacecraft. I congratulate Dr Matthew Tetlow, founder and CEO of Inovor, on his hard work in getting to this point. I've been following them very carefully from day one.
The Australian space sector is significant, with a $4.6 billion annual turnover and approximately 17,000 full-time employees and over 620 organisations. We also should be very proud that Australia is hosting the 76th International Astronautical Congress in September, with more than 6,000 attendees from over 90 countries expected to attend in Sydney next month. The Australian Space Agency has delivered $171 million in grant funding to 91 projects, benefiting over 200 Australian organisations. It is an exciting industry, and I commend this.
I rise to support the motion moved by the member for Durack and to restate a simple truth: space is no longer a curiosity at the edge of government—it's a vital sovereign capability which the coalition recognises. National defence, emergency management and agriculture are already dependent on space based services. Think of the Black Summer bushfires. Our emergency services and the Bureau of Meteorology depended on rapid satellite feeds to track fire fronts and smoke plumes in near-real time. Yet Australia owns no Earth-observation satellites.
For the sixth-largest nation by landmass with responsibility for airspace over a vast portion of the globe, that dependence on others is a vulnerability we can no longer accept. Space touches everything: GPS for farmers and freight, climate and water management for our regions, telecommunications for remote communities, precision timing for our financial system and domain awareness for defence. The global space economy is marching towards the trillion-dollar mark. The jobs it generates are high skill, high wage and exactly the kind we want Australian students training for today.
Against that backdrop, Labor's handling of the space industry has lacked both foresight and responsibility, weakening our capacity at the very moment we should be building it. In 2023, within one year of taking office, this Labor government cancelled the coalition's National Space Mission for Earth Observation program—worth over $1.2 billion—abandoning four Australian-built satellites which would have made a significant contribution towards our space capabilities. Further to this, they cut $59.7 million from the technology into orbit program, $18 million from the Moon to Mars global supply chain program and $32.3 million set aside for space ports and launch sites. And, on top of the cuts, the government removed space as an explicit priority from the National Reconstruction Fund. This represents a profound neglect of national priorities—short-termism over strategy. They weaken us by increasing our reliance on foreign satellites and denying the enormous opportunities that a sovereign space capability would bring—opportunities for high-skill jobs, national resilience in times of crisis and the ability for Australia to shape its own future in space rather than rent it from others.
Industry has been blunt. The Space Industry Association warned of defunding without explanation. Across the sector, from satellite manufacturers to launch providers, the message is ultimately the same: uncertainty kills investment. The government says it wants to, 'build things here'. Instead, its actions have taken the sector off the launch pad. By contrast, the coalition has a record of building and of enabling, not smothering, industry. We established the Australian Space Agency in 2018, and we released the Australian Civil Space Strategy to grow the sector to a $12 billion sector and create 20,000 jobs by 2030. We backed industry with substantial investment, including the Moon to Mars initiative and the Trailblazer rover, giving Australian firms pathways into NASA missions and global supply chains. We celebrated achievements that inspire the next generation, like Katherine Bennell-Pegg becoming the first person to complete astronaut training under the Australian flag. Katherine completed her training with the support and the funding of the Australian Space Agency.
Australia needs a sovereign space capability that is designed, built, launched and operated here at home and backed by sustained investment. This is a choice between retreat and resolve. The government, as they do very often, have chosen retreat—cuts, confusion and lost time. The coalition will always choose resolve, and we will work towards a confident and coherent plan to build an emerging and vital industry that serves our economy, our security and, very importantly, our regional communities.
From the outset, I want to point out that today I'm wearing a tie with an Aboriginal design on it based on the stars, and I want to acknowledge our First Nations people's study of the stars and knowledge over millennia. In more recent times, of course—from the launch of the AUSSAT A-Series satellites in the 1980s to that acquisition by Optus in 1992 to landmark investments in the 1990s and more than $3 billion of investment in the last 25 years—Australia's commercial space capability has significantly evolved. I'll never forget being out in Arnhem Land watching the first commercial space rocket launches that NASA had ever done outside of the continental United States, which were very successful.
We have a growing and dynamic space industry with heaps of emerging innovators, engineers and scientists that are shaping our national space capabilities. We know that Australia's space sector is entering a pivotal phase. Homegrown companies are making global contributions in satellite technology, Earth observation, space exploration and advanced communications. There are even companies, in my electorate of Darwin, who are right now doing horizontal jet engine testing for space related rockets—getting satellites into orbit. So, this is happening now.
Obviously part of the solution for further innovation is government funding. I met with a company called Atomionics during these past couple of weeks in Darwin. We've backed them with some serious federal government funding for their critical technologies. It is but one of many examples around the country where we are backing Australian homegrown innovation.
When it comes to the space sector we know that technologies that enable space missions are so critical to life on Earth, such as when it comes to weather forecasting. And of course in the Top End, where I live and where the member for Leichhardt lives, we're pretty keen on knowing what's going on with the weather, particularly during cyclone season. With climate monitoring, national security implications for space domain awareness, and connectivity across regional and remote communities, we know that space plays an incredibly important role. That's why we're partnering with industry and why we're partnering with innovators—Australian companies partnered with overseas companies—valuing the contribution, as we do, of the space sector to our Australian economy. And of course it's all part of delivering a Future Made in Australia.
Earlier contributors have mentioned the significant funding—$4.6 billion turnover, 17,000 full-time employees and 620 organisations—in the Australian space actor. One of the reasons we are hosting the 76th International Astronautical Congress in September, with more than 6,000 attendees from more than 90 countries, is that people around the world see our focus on space and see how, particularly in the north—in WA, in the NT and in Queensland—our proximity to the equator makes our location ideal for space. I will also mention, as some of our colleagues did earlier, the focus of South Australia on the space industry as well. It's really significant.
The recent Gilmour rocket launch was the first commercial space launch of an Australian made rocket from an Australian spaceport, and I say congratulations to them. As I mentioned before, the one in the Northern Territory previously was the first that NASA had done outside of CONUS, or continental United States. Any way that you look at it, we've had a fivefold increase in space launch applications since 2021. It's a business on the move. It's a serious business and one that our government absolutely supports. The space agency having delivered $171 million into 91 projects is just an example of that.
I'd like to thank the member for Durack for raising this vital topic. As member for Dawson and shadow assistant minister for manufacturing and sovereign capability, I have a special interest in Australia's space sector and our sovereign space industry. Recently, the eyes of the nation were on the skies above my hometown of Bowen, where on 30 July a historic event took place. Gilmour Space launched their first test flight rocket, Eris 1, the first Australian-designed, Australian-built and Australian-launched low-Earth-orbit rocket. This was a proud moment for the Australian space sector. It was a proud moment for the local communities of Dawson and, indeed, our country. For the first time, we saw a sovereign launch capability take place right here on our home soil. Families across North Queensland watched on any device they could. I watched it on my phone in the middle of a hall here at Parliament House. It was a major milestone in our national journey to the stars. While the rocket didn't reach low Earth orbit, it successfully lifted off—a major feat for its first launch. More importantly, it delivered critical data that will feed into future launches and support eventual commercial operations. This was far from a failure. It was a bold first step and a giant leap forward for our country's space endeavours.
The Gilmour brothers, James and Adam, who I'm proud to say are good friends of mine, are visionaries. Their work is already inspiring the next generation. Kids in Dawson are now talking about becoming space engineers, scientists and even astronauts. There is now a credible pathway into aerospace for Australian kids. It's not just to be dreamers; they can be doers. The Bowen Orbital Spaceport is strategically located at 20 degrees south and is set to become a national asset. Once Gilmour reaches orbit—and they will—they will send satellites and potentially even crewed missions into space. It could be so much more if only the current government shared the same vision.
The former coalition government laid the foundations for Australia's space future. The coalition established the Australian Space Agency in 2018, investing over $2 billion in the civil space sector, with 20,000 jobs on the horizon by 2030. The coalition backed research and development, including the establishment of SmartSat CRC to focus on telecommunications and next-gen technologies, to support Australian businesses and to participate in NASA's Artemis program. The coalition recognised space as a strategic domain, committing $7 billion to sovereign space capability and establishing Defence Space Command in 2022. The coalition launched the National Space Mission for Earth Observation, a $1.2 billion investment to design, build and operate satellites here in Australia. The coalition backed Gilmour Space directly, awarding a $52 million Modern Manufacturing Initiative grant to support Australian launch capability.
What have the Albanese Labor government done to the space sector since coming to power? They've cut it to pieces. They've slashed $77 million from key programs. Worse still, cuts to programs tied to the needs of our international partner the United States were kept secret. Satellites that would have delivered strategic data to the US have now been shelved without consultation. This undermines the security of other programs where Australia is a beneficiary, like AUKUS. No wonder the Prime Minister struggles to get a meeting with the US President. Labor talk about a future made in Australia, but when it comes to space, a sector brimming with opportunity, they have not shown any serious concern.
We are at a critical juncture. We have the chance to become not just a participant in space but a leader. We can leverage our geophysical advantage, homegrown talent and momentum from the pioneers like Gilmour Space to secure our place in the global space sector. But we must act now. If we invest in our sovereign space capabilities, we can create a thriving space industry—one that delivers jobs. Let's not just look up at the stars; let's boost our sovereign capabilities, advance our space industry and explore the stars. (Time expired)
I am proud to rise today to speak about the significant part my home state of South Australia is playing in the government's space sector investment and development of sovereign space capability. Like my colleague the member for Adelaide, who spoke before me, I too am proud of Lot Fourteen, which is a seven-hectare site in the heart of Adelaide's central business district. Lot Fourteen is a growing research and innovation district that aims to shoot for the stars, and the district is home to a dynamic community working on cutting-edge technology in defence and space.
The Australian Space Agency is an anchor organisation within the district, working to deliver programs that generate national space capability and infrastructure, unlock international space collaboration and build programs that inspire a future space workforce. Since inception, the Australian Space Agency has delivered $171 million in grant funding to 91 projects, which has benefited over 200 Australian organisations. Importantly, the Australian Space Agency programs have delivered a seven-to-one return on investment on average, making the agency a key part of the Australian space sector. This sector has an annual turnover of $4.6 billion, with 17,000 full-time employees, and comprises some 620 organisations. Lot Fourteen is also the headquarters of the Australian Space Discovery Centre, which, since inception in 2021, has seen 165,000 visitors walk through the door, including 118,000 school students.
South Australia is also the proud home base of Fleet Space Technologies, and I recently met with the general counsel of Fleet Space Technologies, Ms Alicia Genet, to gain an understanding of the critical capability Fleet uses to discover and then create 3D subsurface models of critical mineral deposits. These are essential for Australia's sovereign capability as part of a future made in Australia. They use a fast and environmentally sustainable combination of artificial intelligence, wireless seismic sensors and low-Earth-orbit nanosatellites. The use of traditional exploration methods such as drilling and explosives is reduced, as the nanosatellites produce real-time evidence based insights to ensure critical minerals exploration is more targeted and accurate.
My state again stands out in the space sector as being the headquarters of Myriota, a South Australia based satellite telecommunications company that provides secure and private direct-to-satellite Internet of Things connectivity. Its satellite connectivity is critical for industries like mining that operate in geographically remote locations where connectivity is essential but can be limited. In reflection of the utility of this existing capability, as well as the capability's future potential, the federal government's National Reconstruction Fund Corporation made a $25 million equity investment in Myriota, noting that enabling capabilities of the type produced by Myriota form one of the National Reconstruction Fund Corporation's seven priority areas. These enabling capabilities have the potential to diversify and transform Australian industry across many sectors and include:
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The role of space as a complementary defence capability was also recognised in the 2023 Defence strategic review. Now a domain of its own alongside land, sea, air and cyber, space moved further into conventional thinking as a key component of a more integrated force, taking its place as a key consideration with respect to defence planning. No longer considered as a supporting act to the Australian Defence Force, the shifting of the space domain into the Joint Capabilities Group allows that group to lead the way in terms of ensuring that space capabilities feature in project development, particularly with regard to national and alliance requirements. The Defence strategic review recognised the need to grow Australia's emerging sovereign space capability so that the Australian Defence Force can move beyond dependency on external providers.
There being no further speakers, the debate is adjourned and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next day of sitting.
I move:
That this House notes that:
(1) to meet growing need, the Government is putting mental health at the heart of Medicare and services at the centre of communities;
(2) the Government is rolling out a national network of 91 Medicare Mental Health Centres, which offer free walk-in mental health support and care from clinical and non-clinical staff, without the need for an appointment, referral, or mental health treatment plan; and
(3) the Government is delivering services, closer to home, across the whole of the lifespan by opening new Perinatal Mental Health Centres, Medicare Mental Health Kids Hubs, headspace centres, and Medicare Mental Health Centres.
As a proud former CEO of a national youth mental health charity, I know that when we talk about mental health we are talking about an issue that touches every family in Australia. None of us are immune. Whether it's our children, our parents, our friends or ourselves, we all know how it feels when the right care isn't there, and we all know how much it matters when it is. That's why this motion is so important, because the Albanese Labor government is putting mental health at the heart of Medicare and making sure services are close to home, easy to find and simple to access.
At the last election we made a $1.1 billion commitment to strengthen mental health care right across this country. This includes 31 new and upgraded Medicare mental health centres, taking the total number of them to 91; 58 new, upgraded or expanded headspace services; 20 youth specialist care centres for young people with complex needs; and eight new perinatal mental health centres. We will support more than 1,200 training places for mental health professionals and peer workers. Recognising that too many Australians have had too long to wait or have had to travel too far or pay too much to get help led to the promise of these bold reforms for a better future. Every single one of those services is more than just a building; it's an open door when someone needs it most.
In my own community, I recently heard from a local mum who told me about her son's journey with ADHD and its impacts on his mental health. She said that, with so many confusing and costly options out there, our local headspace at Woolloongabba was by far the best support that her family found. Her son was matched with a fantastic psychologist who, for the past four years, has walked alongside her son and their family through the challenges of early high school, helping him manage his outbursts, frustrations and self-doubt. At best, this mum had hoped her son would complete year 10, but, with the right care and the incredible support from his psychologist and the Woolloongabba headspace centre, her son now not only is confident to finish school but dreams of becoming a sports broadcaster. She told me her son no longer feels trapped by his mental health and he feels supported to thrive in life, all thanks to the incredible services and team at our local headspace. That's what these services mean; they mean young people can have hopes for the future and families feel supported, included and understood.
That story is not unique. Across the country, families have said they need better access to mental health support services that are affordable, reliable and empathetic. That's why we're delivering youth specialist care centres for the so-called missing middle—those young people who are too unwell for primary care but not sick enough for acute care. For too long they've been left without support. And the best part is that these services are free. That's the kind of practical real-world change that families tell me makes all the difference.
Since coming into government, we've already established 42 Medicare mental health centres that offer walk-in mental health care and free access to a psychiatrist and psychologist, either on site or on call; we've established 12 perinatal mental health centres to provide support to new patients; we've expanded the headspace network to more than 170 centres; we've restored the bulk-billing telehealth psychiatry Medicare rebate so Australians living outside metropolitan areas get equal access to clinical mental health support; and we've expanded the mental health workforce, with more than 4,000 psychology scholarships, internships and training places. These changes are about removing the financial burden on families, on parents and on young people which often stands in the way of treatment and recovery. It's about giving people back their dignity, their access to quality and timely care and, in many cases, their future. We are building a mental health system that puts people first, one that meets Australians where they are at every stage of life. That's what this motion is about, and that's why I have moved it in this chamber.
Is the motion seconded?
I second the motion and reserve my right to speak.
The coalition is deeply concerned about the Albanese Labor government's disingenuous rhetoric on Medicare and the state of bulk-billing in Australia today. Before the last election the Prime Minister promised Australians that all they would need to see a doctor was their Medicare card, not a credit card. His words were emphatic: 'One card covers it all—not your credit card but your Medicare card.' He repeated that promise at least 71 times. But the reality Australians now face is very different. Under Labor, bulk-billing has collapsed. GP bulk-billing has fallen from 88 per cent under the coalition to 77 per cent today. That means 40 million fewer bulk-billed GP visits in the past year alone. Those who can still find a GP are paying record amounts out of their pockets—75 per cent more in out-of-pocket costs than before Labor came to office. The government's own national accounts show that more Australians than ever are having to use their credit card alongside their Medicare card. They are being charged the highest out-of-pocket costs on record. The result is heartbreaking. More than 1.5 million Australians last year avoided going to the doctor because they simply could not afford it. That is the sad reality of our healthcare system under Labor, a reality that no photo opportunity or stunt with a Medicare card can hide.
It is worth reflecting on how we got here. For years general practice has been under pressure. Doctors tell me the traditional model, where shorter consultations helped subsidise longer, more complex ones, has broken down. At the same time rebates have fallen far behind the actual cost of providing care. In fact, GPs receive just $42 from Medicare for an extended consultation. Compare that to the $246 the government pays for an urgent care clinic visit, $200 for a nurse led clinic visit and $692 for a patient presenting to an emergency department without admission. The incentives are skewed away from general practice, the very front line of our healthcare system. This has devastating consequences in our regions.
Only recently, in my electorate, the Goyder's Line Medical clinic in Peterborough closed its doors. This is a community of 1,200 people. It is now gone. People in Peterborough, like those in so many regional towns, are left with diminishing access to primary care. The only option in many cases is to wait until a condition worsens and head to an already overstretched regional hospital. That is not strengthening Medicare. That is weakening it. Yet the Prime Minister continues to tell Australians that it is free to see a GP. His health minister now even admits that he never said there would be 100 per cent bulk-billing. That is simply not true. The Prime Minister's own words are on the record. This is not just a broken promise; it's a $2 billion lie. Because, in the past year alone, Australians have paid more than $2 billion in out-of-pocket costs to see their GP. That's $2 billion that the Prime Minister told them they would never have to pay. By contrast, the coalition has a strong record on Medicare. Every year we were in office we increased funding, from $18.6 billion under the former Labor government to more than $30 billion by 2021-22. When we left office, bulk-billing was at a record high of 88 per cent, and in our last year 167 million free GP services were delivered—61 million more than the previous Labor government.
Let's not forget about mental health. Labor has cut Medicare subsidised sessions in half, stripping vital support from 372,000 vulnerable Australians, ignoring the advice of experts and even their own review. The result is that access to Medicare mental health services has fallen to the lowest levels in more than a decade, precisely when demand is at record highs. In fact, the situation in my electorate is so dire that you would find better access to mental health support in Mongolia than you would in regional South Australia. That is the reality under this Labor government. Australians deserve better: they deserve honesty, they deserve a government that understands the struggles to afford basic health care, and they deserve access to a GP, whether they live in Sydney or in Peterborough. While Labor is misleading Australians, the coalition will continue to fight to make sure families, especially in the regions, have affordable, timely access to doctors, medicines and mental health support, because that is what Medicare should mean.
I would be happy to take the member for Grey to my electorate to see the difference an Albanese government is already making after a decade of neglect from those opposite. I'm pleased to be able to rise today to lend my support to this important piece of private member's business. I commend the member for Griffith for bringing this matter forward, and I'd also like to congratulate her on her election to this place and her powerful first speech in the first sitting period.
This motion goes to the heart of the agenda of the Albanese government in terms of access to and outcomes in health care. We recognise the essential importance of mental health in the overall context of public health. We also recognise that mental health services and supports can be inaccessible in terms of cost, availability and proximity. On this side of the House, we believe firmly that the only thing you should need to access important care is a small piece of green plastic—your Medicare card, a card those opposite have never been particularly committed to or interested in.
Recognising all this, our government is acting to put mental health at the heart of Medicare in ensuring that mental health services are located appropriately and accessible to all. At the recent election, we made a $1.1 billion commitment towards mental health. What this looks like on the ground is 91 Medicare mental health centres across Australia. These centres are staffed by clinical and non-clinical staff who offer mental health support and care without the need for an appointment, referral or treatment plan. Best of all, it's free. All you need is your Medicare card.
I know how good these centres are, as I have one such centre in my electorate of Bean. Last month I visited the new Tuggeranong Medicare Mental Health Centre with the Assistant Minister for Mental Health and Suicide Prevention, the member for Dobell, for its official opening. It was wonderful to meet the staff and partners who worked to make the centre possible. The centre is a welcoming and calm environment with a dedicated and able staff ready to offer assistance. The location of the centre could not be better, being close to the Tuggeranong bus interchange as well as parking and other public health facilities and shopfronts. The centre is located on Eileen Good Street in Greenway and is open from 9 am to 5.30 pm Monday to Friday. I am pleased that my constituents are now able to access critical mental health supports and services for free and that these services are close to other critical community amenities and transport links. I'm proud to deliver this centre for the people of Bean.
Our new Medicare mental health centre will be complemented very soon by a number of other critical services in Bean, including a perinatal wellbeing centre, also accessible to anyone with a Medicare card. This follows the establishment of an eating disorders clinic, also in the electorate of Bean, late last year. I'm looking forward to that perinatal wellbeing centre coming online soon, and I'm also looking forward to the establishment of a Medicare urgent care clinic in Woden, just down the road from Tuggeranong.
I remain firmly committed to working to ensure that the people of Bean continue to get access to real on-the-ground services which bring a meaningful and positive change to their lives and health care. I'm proud to be part of a government that is delivering meaningful health care, including meaningful mental health care, not just for residents of Bean but right across Australia. Labor governments have always made accessible and affordable health care a priority, from the beginnings of Medibank to Medicare, and now to an Albanese government.
I rise today to speak on this very important motion. Mental health is one of the defining challenges of our time. It reaches into every home, every workplace and every community, and it's something the government cannot afford to get wrong. It's the child who can't get the right support at school, the parent who's quietly carrying a heavy burden, the colleague who struggles in silence—we all know someone.
Just this year I stood at the funeral of a young man in his 20s who, tragically, took his own life after a long struggle with mental ill health. This heartbreaking story is not unique. It's echoed in towns, suburbs and communities across our nation. Suicide leaves a devastating impact, not only on those we lose but on the families, friends and wider community who must carry the grief. That is why timely, accessible and compassionate support is not optional; it's essential.
Australians want a system that is there when they need it. They want care that's local, that's affordable and that's delivered with dignity. Every government talks about this. Every government promises to strengthen services and bring them closer to home. But too often the reality is very different. People are left waiting, travelling further and struggling to find the help they deserve. That's why it's astonishing—almost insulting—that this Labor government holds up mental health as one of its centrepieces, when the same government that cut Medicare-subsidised psychology sessions in half is the one that's speaking. It is the same government that took away a program that was working for families. If the government could not protect something so basic, how could Australians possibly trust them to deliver something bigger?
In my electorate of McPherson, the need is undeniable. The census tells us that nearly eight per cent of locals report a long-term mental health condition, and more than one in five live with a mental or behavioural condition. These are not numbers on a page. They're families who are hurting, and they're right to ask: how can Labor talk about strengthening mental health while ripping away the very supports that people relied on? Healthcare access is one of the biggest concerns in McPherson. More than 40 per cent of residents identify it as a pressing issue. That means people are struggling—really struggling—to find consistent and affordable care.
In mental health, the gaps are even starker. People are experiencing distress but facing long waits, higher costs and, in some cases, no local services at all. I think of a single mother I spoke to recently from Currumbin Waters. Her daughter has been dealing with mental health challenges for some time. When Labor halved the psychology sessions it left her in an impossible situation. She simply cannot afford the extra cost, so her daughter now goes without. That is the reality.
While Labor congratulates itself on new announcements, families are left to pick up the pieces. Families do not measure success by how many clinics are promised or how many clinics are opened; they measure it by whether, in a moment of crisis, they can pick up the phone and get help. Right now, too many people are left waiting, and when care is delayed the cost is not just borne by the individual; it is felt by families, schools, workplaces and the whole community.
Even if clinics open tomorrow, who will staff them? Australia is already short of GPs and nurses. The mental health workforce is stretching to breaking point. Psychologists, psychiatrists and counsellors cannot keep up with the demand. Unless we train and support more professionals, all the press releases in the world won't deliver the care that Australians need. Our country deserves better. Australians deserve care that is faster, fairer and closer to home. But, under Labor, what they see is patchy access, longer waits and a workforce that is pushed to its limit. That is the truth. Behind all the government's self-praise, Australians are being let down. So the question is simple: what will be different this time? Sadly, if Labor's history is any guide, the answer is: nothing.
We all know that looking after your mental health is so incredibly important. I've spoken before in the House about my own struggles with post-traumatic stress disorder and anxiety after I lost my leg in 2011 and about how I struggled to get out of the house, didn't drive for nearly three years and struggled to get back to work. Mental health is a key component to our health, our wellbeing and our prosperity. I did get back to work as a result of constant psychological support, but that is not everyone's reality. Many people go without the support they need. Socioeconomic status, living conditions and employment status can often impact the likelihood of a person experiencing a mental disorder and whether they are able to get access to services and help. Our government, the Albanese Labor government, understands this.
Over seven years of doorknocking, I heard time and again that my community wanted more access to bulk-billed, immediate mental health services, which is why our government is putting bulk-billed mental health care into Medicare and walk-in services in the heart of our communities. At the election, we made a historic commitment to invest $1.1 billion to deliver new and expanded mental health services across the country. This includes the new Medicare mental health centre at Strathpine, which I was lucky enough to visit on Friday with the Assistant Minister for Mental Health and Suicide Prevention. It is walk-in and bulk-billed, with no appointment or cash needed, and, with access to psychologists and psychiatrists, the new Medicare mental health centre at Strathpine will help thousands of locals in Dickson. Strathpine is one of three newly launched Medicare mental health centres in the Moreton Bay region, along with Redcliffe and Caboolture, and I've got news for the member for McPherson: they are all fully staffed and ready to take patients.
There are currently 43 Medicare mental health centres open nationally, including 11 across Queensland, and we're also getting a brand new centre in Everton Hills in Dickson, which will be open later in the year. In this term, the Albanese government is establishing 31 new and upgraded Medicare mental health centres, taking the total number of Medicare mental health centres to 91. That's 91 investments in better mental health supports for Australians who need it. Whether you've experienced mental health challenges in the past or this is your first time reaching out for support, everyone is welcome. The centres provide a safe and welcoming place where everyone can access free and confidential services and support. They're open for extended hours, there is no appointment or referral needed and they are co-designed with a range of stakeholders, ensuring services meet the needs of local communities like mine in Dickson.
Our investment in the Medicare mental health system is just one part of the Albanese Labor government's commitment to strengthening Medicare. We're making medicines cheaper, bringing the cost of PBS scripts down to just $25 or $7.70 for concession card holders—the same price as 2004. We're opening more Medicare urgent care clinics, bringing the total to 90 across Australia. We are also enhancing the clinical capacity of services to better support Australians with complex mental health needs. This includes boosting the availability of free consultations with psychologists and psychiatrists. Anyone living in Australia can also call Medicare Mental Health to speak to a trained professional for advice, support and connection to services that best suit their needs.
On this side of the House, we know just how important Medicare is, and we will always work to strengthen it. The same can't be said for those opposite. Who could forget the proposed $7 co-payment for GP visits, pathology and imaging services the coalition tried to implement when they were in government? They also terminated payments to the states for preventive health. They reversed public hospital funding and reduced payments to doctors to discourage bulk-billing. The member for Grey conveniently left out of his speech that under the coalition they froze the Medicare rebates for GPs for over five years. They sat on their hands and watched as the cost of going to the GP went through the roof. The Albanese government will never stop strengthening Medicare, because Medicare is Labor's heart.
I thank the member for Griffith for raising this very important issue. Almost one in two Australians experience mental illness in their lifetimes. While young people are disproportionately affected by poor mental health, people from all ages can have it, and all of them deserve and should receive support and treatment. But Australia's mental health system is marked by fragmentation and inequity, and we have a government which last week neglected health entirely at its economic roundtable.
Mental Health Australia and the National Centre for Social and Economic Modelling have found that communities with the highest mental health needs in this country—those in regional and remote areas, low-income households and single-parent families—are often the most underserved by services. Public mental health services typically respond only to high-risk cases. There are only 58 acute adolescent mental health inpatient beds in Victoria; only four of those are in regional settings. Headspace is a trusted entry point for young Australians, but analyses of its model are unfortunately quite underwhelming, and it doesn't cover the missing middle—those young people who are too sick for headspace but not sick enough for hospital care. The Albanese government has halved the number of psychology sessions funded under the Better Access scheme. It has not yet replaced those services.
In 2023, an analysis of psychosocial supports outside the NDIS found that more than 490,000 Australians with moderate and severe mental health needs weren't getting the support that they needed. That's more than the population of the ACT. Last year, the National Mental Health Commission found that one in five Australians had delayed or avoided seeking mental health care because of its cost. Australians living with mental health challenges experience social disadvantage, unstable housing, isolation and poor physical health, which impacts their ability to function, to care for themselves and to participate in society. Those individuals deserve support, dignity and understanding, but the last NDIS report found that applicants with a psychosocial disability were accepted to the NDIS only 23 per cent of the time, compared to 79 per cent across all disability types.
The Productivity Commission has found that mental ill-health costs our economy $220 billion a year. This is a false economy. If we can support someone with mild or moderate mental illness early, we will prevent their progression to a psychosocial disability. If we support those with a disability adequately, we can keep them in the community, not in an emergency department or in a psychiatric facility. We need more than investment; we need integration. We need reform that connects our health, mental health and disability systems. We need to respond to that unmet need report. We need to deliver foundational supports and community mental health services, and we have to land meaningful, effective NDIS reform.
I speak in support of the many mental health advocates who are urging the federal government to coordinate a whole-of-government response to the mental health crisis. This has to include investment in early intervention, especially in schools and in primary care settings. It should guarantee timely and affordable access to mental health care by boosting funding and training for community based services, and it should include better integration across public and private sectors. We should establish targets, conduct robust evaluations and adapt our programs based on that evidence. We should ensure culturally safe care, particularly for Indigenous communities, and we have to bolster education and training of our mental health workforce. We have too few psychologists and psychiatrists, but we're not yet addressing those workforce shortages with clear and substantial policy commitments.
Since the creation of the NDIS, many state based mental health and early intervention services have disappeared. Too many people—far too many people—are falling through the cracks. We have an urgent need for a more equitable and integrated mental health care system which addresses both financial and geographic barriers to mental health care for Australians of all ages. Only through systemic reform and sustained investment can Australia build a mental health care system that truly meets the needs of its people.
Today I speak about an issue that is as personal as it is national, an issue that affects families, friends, neighbours and communities right across Australia. That issue is mental health. For too long, too many Australians have struggled in silence, navigating a system that is hard to access, hard to understand and often out of reach. This is not a challenge we can leave out of sight and out of mind. That is why the Albanese Labor government is putting mental health at the very heart of Medicare and services at the centre of communities. We are building a national network of 91 Medicare mental health centres across the country so that, no matter where you live, help is never far away.
In the northern suburbs of Adelaide, we have our own mental health centre in Elizabeth. It's open Monday to Sunday, including public holidays, because we know a crisis does not hit the pause button depending on what time of the year it is. All of these centres are free and open for walk-ins, ready to provide short- or medium-term care with a safe space to sit and talk, or even just sit quietly, when you need it the most. You do not need an appointment, you do not need a referral and you do not need a mental health treatment plan, because, when you are in crisis or when you are just starting to realise you need help, you should not have to navigate red tape before you can speak to someone. You should be able to walk through the door and find care from qualified clinical staff who can provide treatment and non-clinical staff who can listen, guide and connect you to the support you need.
This is about more than one-off interventions. That is why the government is opening new perinatal mental health centres to make sure new parents have the help they need during one of the most challenging transitions in life. We are delivering Medicare mental health kids hubs so that children and their families can get early support when signs first emerge, before problems become entrenched. We are expanding headspace centres for young people because adolescence and early adulthood can be some of the most turbulent years for mental health. We are embedding Medicare mental health centres for adults, ensuring that care is available for anyone at any age.
This approach matters for the north, because we know the barriers our community has faced. Too often services were concentrated in the city, meaning people had to travel for hours or wait for months, too often mental health was treated as an add-on, not a core part of the health system, and too often the stigma around mental health illness kept people from asking for help at all. These reforms change that. They put services closer to home, in the heart of communities like ours. They send a clear message that mental health care is health care and it belongs in Medicare. It also means that, when someone is in crisis, they are met with compassion, not complexity.
I want to acknowledge the many organisations, advocates and health workers in our community who have been calling for change for years and the nurses, the counsellors, the peer support workers and the GPs who have been doing their best to help people within a stretched and underresourced system. Their work has been nothing short of extraordinary, but they have been asking—no, demanding—that governments step up. The Albanese government has listened, and we are delivering. While this is national reform, it is also deeply local because every one of these 91 Medicare mental health centres will serve a community with its own needs, its own challenges and its own strengths.
This is also about prevention because, the earlier we can reach someone, the better their chances are of recovery and the less strain there is on families, on workplaces and on the health system as a whole. This is not just good policy; it is the right thing to do. I will keep working to ensure that the north and communities like ours across the country continue to be front and centre of this work because mental health care should never depend on your postcode, your income or your ability to navigate a complicated system; it should depend only on your need and our shared responsibility to meet it.
The Albanese Labor government is proud to be making this investment, proud to be standing up for better mental health services and proud to be delivering for the people of the northern suburbs of Adelaide.
This is an important motion to rise on, because young people in regions like mine are being left behind by mental health services and support. I'm pleased to see the reference to Headspace in this motion, because it has been a transformational initiative first brought to fruition by a coalition government. Headspace is, of course, the National Youth Mental Health Foundation, and it provides early intervention mental health services for 12- to 25-year-olds. The organisation supports young people with mental health, physical health, alcohol and other drug services, and work and study support. In 2024-25 alone, they supported more than 101,000 young people with over 612,000 occasions of service in headspace centres, and provided more than 24,000 young people and families with over 100,000 digital occasions of service.
This is very much needed. National data shows that young people in Australia experience the highest prevalence of mental health disorders, with nearly 40 per cent of 16- to 24-year-olds having experienced one in the past 12 months, including high rates of anxiety disorders. Young people in regional areas do not have the same access to mental health support services. I'm passionate about using my time in this place to close this gap.
As Australia's best-known demographer, Bernard Salt, wrote recently: 'Over the last 10 years, Warragul's population has increased by 41 per cent. It outpaces places like Busselton and the Gold Coast.' According to Bernard Salt, Warragul and Drouin, in my electorate, are the fastest-growing towns in Australia, but many of our services haven't kept pace with that growth. One of those areas—for young people in particular—is mental health.
I recently met with a number of dedicated staff from Latrobe Community Health Service in West Gippsland about this challenge. Despite its population growth, the Baw Baw shire area does not have a headspace of its own. You need to travel to the Bass Coast or the Latrobe Valley for the nearest service. These are significant distances to travel, particularly for those from smaller and more remote areas of the Baw Baw shire like Erica, Rawson, Neerim South, Noojee and other towns.
I want to thank Tenille Thornburn and Mona Wei from my local community, who wrote to me about why this is important. I met with them recently, and the need is clear. In the 2024-25 financial year, headspace Morwell supported 726 young people with their mental health. Of those, 147—or around 20 per cent—were from the Baw Baw shire, many of whom would have travelled for an hour or more to get there.
A 2024 survey of 370 year 8 students in Baw Baw shire paints a clear picture. Thirty-six per cent showed moderate to severe symptoms of depression. That's equivalent to almost three full-time clinicians' caseloads, yet there were no headspace funded positions in the Baw Baw shire area. Twenty-six per cent had moderate to severe anxiety, and twenty-six per cent experienced problematic levels of loneliness. Forty-six per cent said they'd experienced discrimination. Young people in our community deserve safe, inclusive mental health care that actually meets them where they're at, and their need is urgent.
We know that young people's mental health needs are evolving. They are more complex. Adolescence and early adulthood have always been challenging times for young people. I want to pay tribute to some of the excellent organisations in my electorate of Monash for their outstanding work in this space. As a former board member of Lifeline Gippsland, I've seen how hard many of these dedicated volunteers work.
In particular, Barry Rogers and the team at Gippsland Youth Spaces continue to put in extraordinary efforts to support young people at risk with very limited resources. I was so pleased to have been able to secure a coalition commitment of $850,000 during the recent election to support their work. I will continue to support their efforts, which include mentorship, safe spaces for young people after school if home is not safe, pathways to vocational and trades training, and much more.
When last in government, the coalition doubled the number of Medicare subsidised mental health sessions Australians could access from 10 to 20. Labor has cut Medicare subsidised mental health support in half—back to 10 sessions. This leaves 372,000 Australians, many of them young people, without the support they need.
We urgently need to address this. Doubling these sessions is urgent. Securing a new headspace for West Gippsland is a major priority for our community and I make that commitment to our electorate.
The time allotted for this debate has expired. The debate is adjourned and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting.
I move:
That this House:
(1) acknowledges the establishment and ongoing implementation of the Pacific Australia Labour Mobility (PALM) scheme, a significant bipartisan initiative designed to address chronic workforce shortages in regional and rural Australia;
(2) recognises the role of the former Government in consolidating the Seasonal Worker Programme and Pacific Labour Scheme into the unified PALM scheme in 2021, streamlining Pacific labour mobility and enhancing regional cooperation;
(3) notes that the PALM scheme provides a vital workforce for Australian farmers, growers, food processors, and regional businesses, particularly in horticulture, meat processing and essential services—sectors that face ongoing labour constraints;
(4) further recognises the mutual benefits of the PALM scheme, delivering reliable employment and remittance opportunities to workers from nine Pacific Island nations and Timor-Leste, while strengthening Australia's diplomatic, economic, and cultural ties with our Pacific family; and
(5) affirms Australia's responsibility as a regional partner, upholding its moral and regional leadership responsibility as a trusted partner in Pacific development.
I rise to speak today in support of the Pacific Australia Labour Mobility scheme, known to many as the PALM scheme, which has been a significant and positive force in supporting Australia's regional and rural employers and building stronger relationships with our Pacific island neighbours and Timor-Leste. The PALM scheme is a significant bipartisan initiative. It allows Australian employers, particularly those in rural and regional areas, to access a reliable pool of workers from nine Pacific island nations and Timor-Leste.
Introduced in April 2022 by the Morrison coalition government—and I acknowledge the former minister, the member for Riverina, for the great work he did in this space—the PALM scheme replaced earlier programs, the Seasonal Worker Program and the Pacific Labour Scheme, and in doing so it brought together the best of both worlds: economic opportunity for our Pacific neighbours and a reliable workforce for Australian employers. This scheme is truly a win-win for both Australia and our Pacific family.
Australian businesses benefit from the productivity and dependability of the PALM workers. Meanwhile, the Pacific and Timor-Leste nations gain valuable skills and, importantly, income, which they send back to their families through remittance. This money is critically important to these communities. It supports families, strengthens communities and lifts entire economies. According to data published last year, $212 million in remittances and superannuation flowed back to Pacific nations and Timor-Leste from long-term PALM workers, which is absolutely fantastic for their communities. Short-term workers remit on average $1,061 a month to their families, which has proven critical in supporting the livelihoods of those workers and, in particular, their families.
The economic benefits to Australia are substantial too. According to the Australia Institute brief published in September 2024, approximately 31,000 PALM workers in Australia contributed nearly $1 billion to our economy through living expenses and taxes. However, while we celebrate the success of the PALM scheme, we must also confront the challenges that have emerged under the Labor government which threaten its effectiveness.
In 2023 Labor imposed a minimum requirement that PALM workers must be guaranteed 30 paid hours every week. This decision totally disregards the seasonal and weather-dependent nature of farm work. Forcing a flat minimum of 30 hours per week every week was simply not workable. Industry bodies warned the government that this was inflexible and would cause employers to walk away. Unfortunately, this is exactly what happened. The number of PALM workers in agriculture fell by a whopping 20 per cent in just a little over a year, threatening the sustainability of the scheme. Thankfully, after pressure from the coalition and industry groups, the Labor government introduced a partial backflip. The July 2024 guidelines amended the minimum hours of work for short-term workers from 30 hours per week averaged over four weeks to 120 hours over that same time period. This was a necessary and welcome step forward, but it should never have happened in the first place.
But this is only a temporary fix. The current August 2025 guidelines extend this averaging provision only to 31 March 2026. After that, as things stand, the scheme will revert to the rigid 30 hours minimum every week. The government has offered no clear position or permanent solution beyond that date, leaving farmers and workers in a state of uncertainty. This is totally unacceptable for farmers and they need clarity. Workers need flexibility and our Pacific neighbours need continuity. We need a policy that understands the realities of seasonal, weather-dependent work, preferably extending the averaging period to eight or even twelve weeks, as industry bodies have suggested.
The PALM scheme is too important to Australia, and too important to the Pacific, to be compromised. I urge the government to listen to industry, to engage constructively with all those stakeholders and to commit to a permanent, flexible framework that ensures the scheme's ongoing success. Let us protect the PALM scheme for our farmers, our neighbours and, in particular, our future. When it comes to the PALM scheme, why is it so important to Australian farmers? Because, quite often, we find the average Australian doesn't want to do this work. This is where our Pacific Islander friends come to do the heavy lifting, to save farmers and make sure their farms are profitable and to make sure that food and veggies get on the table of Australians. This is something that's so important—and, as I said before, it is very much also of benefit for our Pacific neighbours, who obviously take the funds they make in Australia back home to support their families.
Is the motion seconded?
I second the motion and reserve my right to speak.
The Pacific Australia Labour Mobility scheme, or the PALM scheme, provides a key workforce in our Northern Territory, with almost 1,000 workers in over 30 locations, so far, in this year alone—with more expected, of course, as our mango season quickly approaches. Most of the PALM scheme workers have been from Timor-Leste, but they're also from Vanuatu. That's 30 NT employers, largely in agriculture but also in hospitality and the care sector.
Earlier in the year I attended an event at our university, Charles Darwin University, to welcome workers from Papua New Guinea. They're here in Alice Springs and Katherine to train and work in the early childhood sector, under what is a pilot with the PALM scheme. This is part of our commitment to expand and improve the PALM scheme to address more of Australia's workforce shortages, whilst also developing long-term expertise that will strengthen domestic labour markets in nations of our Pacific family. Fourteen Australian accredited educators from PNG have been employed by two approved employers—one, as I said, in Katherine and one in Alice Springs, where local educators have been a bit hard to find. This means there are more early childhood education spaces to support more Australian parents participating in the workforce.
Our government has made a substantial commitment to the PALM scheme, investing $440 million to expand and fundamentally improve its operation. This is a direct investment in the success of Australian businesses and regional economies. Since we came to office in 2022, the PALM scheme has seen remarkable growth. It has expanded from approximately 8,000 workers in March 2020 to over 31,000 workers as of June this year. That significant increase includes over 28,000 workers specifically placed in the agriculture and meat-processing sectors, demonstrating our commitment to addressing critical labour shortages in those industries.
The scheme is highly valued by Australian employers, by industry, by participating countries in the Pacific and Timor-Leste and by those who come to Australia to work. It supports the economic development of the Pacific island countries and Timor-Leste, which in October this year will become part of ASEAN. Allowing workers to take up jobs in Australia means they not only build skills but send income home to support their families and communities.
An ANU/World Bank survey of more than 2,000 Pacific workers found that 98 per cent would recommend the scheme to others—to friends, to family—and 92 per cent wanted to work under the scheme again. So, that's just eight per cent who had a go and thought it was awesome, but half of those said they would recommend it to others. But the overwhelming majority are very keen on it, indeed. On average, a PALM scheme worker can save or send home about $1,500 a month, which is often about nine to 10 times more than they would be able to earn in their home countries. That funding is vital for the families, covering the costs of food and other essentials as well as education and health. It's even used to start small businesses and build homes, directly contributing to economic growth and job creation.
We're also actively embedding skills development as a key feature of the scheme, empowering workers with new capabilities that they can take back to their own communities, fostering long-term development—and not just capacity development but capacity strengthening. The PALM scheme fundamentally strengthens Australia's diplomatic, economic and cultural ties with our Pacific family and Timor-Leste, reinforcing our shared future and responsibility in the region.
In the time remaining I want to reflect quickly on a visit I made last week to Timor-Leste, representing the Deputy Prime Minister, where I spoke with a number of members of the Timor-Leste government as well as the President of Timor-Leste. Everyone in that country has only good things to say about the PALM scheme, and they want to see it increased. They see all the benefits it brings to their country, and we're very proud to partner not only with Timor-Leste but with many of our Pacific island countries. We'll keep working on the PALM scheme to get it even better.
I have a bouquet and a brickbat. I want to thank the government for putting in place the Pacific Banking Guarantee Bill, because I think it will ensure that Australian financial institutions support our friends in the blue Pacific, make sure they have a presence in those Pacific island nations and, hopefully, make sure they do the right thing when it comes to the remittances for those Pacific Australia Labour Mobility scheme workers when they go back home, or indeed when they're working here in Australia and sending their money back home—the fact that most of that money, if not all of it, should be going back to their families and villages, which benefit so greatly from it. The fruits of the labour of those PALM workers should be being realised in those Pacific island nations, and I specifically refer to Fiji, Kiribati, Nauru, Papua New Guinea, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Tonga, Tuvalu, Vanuatu and of course Timor-Leste.
The PALM scheme is a good scheme. And here is the brickbat: you can't get it all your own way, Labor. I am aghast at the fact that, in its first term of government, Labor wanted to unionise the PALM scheme. I say that because Labor wanted to force a paid minimum of 30 hours a week, every week. Members from regional areas know that seasonally, and for a variety of other reasons, the work just isn't there to provide for a paid minimum of 30 hours each and every week. And we saw that the number of PALM workers in agriculture fell by more than 20 per cent, from 21,915 workers in July 2023 to 16,705 in September 2024, on the back of this unionisation by Labor—because they've got to make friends with the union movement; they've got to do what the union people tell them to do.
The government backflipped in May 2024 when I belled the cat on this, and they enabled 120 hours to be guaranteed but averaged over four weeks until 1 July 2025. That date is important, because that date has come and that date has gone, and we are now seeing farmers not having, as the shadow minister quite correctly pointed out, clarity on this very important issue. Where does the government stand when it comes to hourly work, weekly work or whatever the case might be? Farmers need clarity, and so do the workers. There is no certainty for farmers or industry going forward as to what the rules will be. That is incumbent upon this government. It's good enough to spend $600 million on a Pasifika Rugby League team in the National Rugby League competition, and I'm not against that policy idea, because I think what we have that our friends further to the north will never have are those Fs that are so important when it comes to our Pacific friends: faith, family and football. They are going to be so important going forward. They don't play rugby league in China, but we play it here and we play it very well, and PNG is the only country in the world which has rugby league as its national sport.
We should be doing everything we can to make sure that we maintain those bonds of friendship, those strong diplomatic ties. Call it soft diplomacy. Call it whatever you like. But nobody loves their rugby league more than those people in the Pacific islands. Unfortunately they all go for Queensland in the State of Origin, but, even that aside, we need to foster those relationships and we need to make sure that those Pacific island nations—those nine I mentioned and Timor-Leste—understand that Australia is their greatest friend. Let's not muddy the waters by having measures in place in the PALM scheme which are onerous or going to deter workers or Australian farmers from making sure that those strong bonds and economic ties continue long into the future.
I have to say I'm a little bit confused by what is before us, which we're debating, and what is being argued by the opposition. The motion that's before us is quite reasonable. It acknowledges and notes the importance of the PALM scheme and how it provides a vital workforce for Australian farmers, growers, food processors and regional businesses. It acknowledges the role and the importance of the PALM scheme for our Pacific neighbours and for guest workers who come to this country and the opportunity that they have to earn remittances here and send them home. It acknowledges the moral and regional leadership role that we can play. I would say our parliament is in agreement with all this. It is in that spirit that our government has sought to improve the PALM scheme from what we inherited from those opposite. It's disappointing that they stand up here and seek to water down all the strengths that we've put in place to protect the integrity of the scheme.
Let's remember what we inherited. We inherited a system which previously was made up of two programs, the Seasonal Worker Program and the Pacific Labour Scheme, which were rife with exploitation. Labour hire companies were exploiting workers. They were also exploiting farmers, growers and regional businesses. We knew that from the evidence from those farms, businesses and industries and we knew that from the workers. So what we did in government was acknowledge how important this scheme could be, not just for the workers and the countries they travelled to Australia from but also for our growers. We sought to bring together employers, industry, unions and government to tackle the exploitation problems that we had in these industries, to seek to enhance the system and to make sure that we were creating a sustainable worker program.
Since we've come to government, we have seen the scheme grow to over 31,000 workers as of June 2025. This is growth under our watch. We've also seen a growth in the number of new direct employers coming in. Under the scheme, which our government has improved, we have seen more direct employment, with more growers, more farmers and more meat-processing businesses, including big meat processors in my electorate, participating in the scheme. But this has come about not because of those opposite ranting and raving in this place but because of the direct advocacy of groups, businesses and organisations that want to see the scheme survive. I want to give a shout-out to AUSVEG and their chair, Bill Bulmer, for their advocacy and the practical way in which they suggested changes to our government to enhance the program. We're trying to improve it to make sure that workers don't get exploited; that, when people come here on this program, they get the hours they need to earn the money that's required to make their experience worthwhile; and that, when they're here, it is an experience in which they have good accommodation, they have support in terms of health care and they're able to send something home.
It is because of that relationship—of working with unions, employers, the sector and organisations like AUSVEG—that we've been able to change the system to adapt to what the industry needs and what the workers need. That is why it is growing. A direct employment relationship is always better. It is better for the worker, and it is better for the business. They have the integrity of knowing who their employees are and knowing that they are not being exploited by the unscrupulous labour hire companies that riddled the sector for decades—and still are a problem in some areas, and we are working with the industry to improve it.
We've already heard from speakers on this side about how important labour mobility schemes like PALM are to creating economic opportunity and strengthening connections with people in our region. We've also established the pathway for workers who want to stay in Australia and the pathway to permanent residency—something that has been raised by farmers and the industry. PALM, under us, is working. Through continued engagement with unions, employers and the sector, it will continue to grow and ensure that people who come here—whether short-term or long-term—are treated with respect.
I thank the member for La Trobe for bringing forward this important motion on the Pacific Australia Labour Mobility Scheme, or PALM. I fully support this motion and echo my colleagues' sentiments. The PALM scheme is not only a vital workforce solution for our agriculture and regional industries; it is also an important diplomatic initiative for relations with our international neighbours. The scheme holds particular significance for my electorate of Dawson, which boasts a large farming industry and whose largest winter crop includes tomatoes, beans, corn, capsicums—and let's not forget the famous Bowen mangoes. I'm pleased the PALM scheme enjoys bipartisan support. I commend the government for continuing to back this initiative, which was established under the previous coalition government. However, it is essential that we don't just maintain this program but invest further in its growth and refinement. The need is real, and the benefits are profound.
The PALM scheme was launched by the previous coalition government in 2021 to address the growing and persistent challenge to recruit seasonal labour in key industries. The scheme was introduced to streamline and consolidate previous schemes while creating better access to international workers for sectors like agriculture, meat processing, hospitality and aged care—industries that often struggle to attract enough local workers, particularly in rural and regional areas. As a third-generation tomato farmer myself I've experienced firsthand the difficulty of finding reliable seasonal labour. It was a constant challenge—one that many of my neighbours and fellow farmers across the country still face today. Crops don't wait; they must be planted and harvested within a narrow window. If there's no one to do the picking, the produce is left to rot in the fields and drop on the ground. That's a loss not only for the farmer but to our supply chains and ultimately to the household budget of every Australian.
The PALM scheme provides certainty. With a reliable and willing workforce, farmers can plan with confidence. They know they can plant a full crop and have the hands they need to harvest it. Without that certainty, many are forced to scale back, and when supply drops, prices go up. It's the simple law of supply and demand. Labour shortages for rural and regional Australian farms mean high grocery prices at the checkouts. Weather and market volatility already make farming unpredictable enough. Removing the stress of finding workers through the PALM scheme makes a real difference in the day-to-day operations of farms right across Australia. The scheme is also helping to address critical skills shortages in other sectors. From aged care to food services to hospitality, regional and remote businesses often struggle to find people, and they need to keep operating. The PALM scheme fills these gaps with workers who are ready, capable and eager to contribute. Many employers invest in on-the-job training—building skills that last a lifetime—whether the workers return home or stay on for longer placements.
But the benefit of this program extends far beyond our farms and the checkout. It is an important program for partnerships with our regional neighbours. The PALM scheme provides workers from participating countries with the opportunities to earn significantly higher incomes than they could at home. These workers then use their earnings to further support their families and invest in their own communities, and often return home with new skills and financial security. The scheme is also a massive boost in international diplomacy and affirms Australia as a key leader in the region. The PALM scheme is a true partnership program in a time when geopolitical influence in the region is increasingly contested. Programs like the PALM are not just economic policy; they're good foreign policy.
There are many success stories: workers who have gone home to start businesses, support relatives through school or build houses. Others have stayed on through extended placements and become integral parts of the Australian communities they serve. It's a model that uplifts individuals, communities and industries, both here and abroad. That is why I strongly support the continued advancement and expansion of the PALM scheme. So let's look after the PALM scheme. If it ain't broke, let's not try to fix it.
Tonight I rise to speak about one of the great success stories—the Pacific Australia Labour Mobility scheme or PALM. I want to take a moment to acknowledge the incredible contribution of Pacific Islander people to our nation. They are amongst the friendliest and most resilient individuals I've ever had the pleasure of meeting. Many leave their families behind for extended periods, making significant personal sacrifice in the hope of creating better opportunities for their children and loved ones back at home. These workers come to Australia, the best country in the world, not just to seek opportunity but to contribute meaningfully to our agricultural sector and other sectors like the care economy through seasonal work. They take on physically demanding jobs that are critical to our supply chains. They pay taxes and help strengthen Australia's revenue base, yet they often do this without the same entitlements and benefits many Australians take for granted. If it rains and there is no work, they don't get paid. There is no guaranteed income or safety net. Despite this uncertainty, they continue to show up with determination and good spirits. Their contribution deserves recognition and respect. This scheme is delivering for regional Australia, for our Pacific neighbours and for the communities I'm proud to represent in the Hunter region.
When we came into government we inherited a system that was under strain. Critical labour shortages were holding back our productivity in agriculture, meat processing and other essential services. Businesses in the Hunter were crying out for workers, and they were being let down. But under Labor we've acted. We've expanded the PALM scheme from around 8,000 workers in March 2020 to over 31,000 as of June this year, 2025. Of those, more than 28,000 are working in agriculture and meat processing, industries that are the lifeblood of our region. It's great to have the member for Hunter here tonight with us in the Federation Chamber, because just across our electoral boundaries he's got the terrific Kurri Kurri abattoir and I know that there are PALM workers in that abattoir—and let me tell you it has some of the best meat you will ever eat; I recommend it. This is no accident. It is the result of having a coordinated policy, listening to our communities and backing it up with $440 million in investment to grow and improve the scheme. This is the reason we've seen that big uptick from 8,000 workers in 2020 to 31,000 just five years later. Since July last year, more than 130 new employers have come on board as well, bringing the total to around 514 employers involved in the scheme. That means more local businesses can stay open, they can meet food supply demand and they can keep local Australians in jobs, because they've got the support that they need.
This scheme does more than just fill jobs. It builds communities. PALM workers are becoming part of the social fabric of our towns, particularly in regional and rural areas. They're scoring tries on the footy field, they're joining our churches, they're volunteering with the firies and, in the process, they're becoming our friends and our neighbours. We're creating bonds that will last a lifetime. Right across the Hunter I see the contribution of these workers not just in economic terms but in heart and spirit. Let's be clear. When PALM workers are safe, supported and valued, we all benefit. That's why we've brought the scheme's delivery into the Department of Employment and Workplace Relations, to ensure there are proper safeguards and protections in place and to prevent exploitation. This government doesn't just talk about fairness; we deliver it.
The benefits of this scheme extend well beyond our borders. On average, PALM workers send home $1,500 a month. That money helps pay for food, education and medicine and often helps start small businesses back in workers' home countries. It's not aid; it's development that works. We're extending skills development in the scheme so that workers return home with not just income but new capability and new absolute determination. It's soft diplomacy in action, and it's making our world a better place.
I rise tonight to speak on this motion and commend the member for La Trobe for bringing the Pacific Australia Labour Mobility scheme, or PALM scheme, into the spotlight. PALM has been an incredibly valuable scheme for horticulturalists in Mallee and, indeed, across regional Australia. I have to say two things from the start. Firstly, Labor has an historic bias against Pacific Islanders working in this country. Why do I say that? It goes right back to Federation and keeps manifesting in the undermining of farmers. Secondly, the Nationals remain committed to the agricultural visa. PALM is a step in that direction but not the fully fledged ag visa regional Australia is crying out for. On both points what those opposite are never able to comprehend is that fruit picking and other types of farm labour simply will not be done by Australians. We have low unemployment, so those who might otherwise do farm labour are able to find other work, if they want to work at all. Labor have pressed on with anti-migrant-farmworker ideology regardless of the employment market or outcomes of labour market testing. Labor puts up arguments that PALM sometimes operates against the workers' best interests, but the reality is Labor have inherited a scheme they don't believe in and are doing everything they can to undermine PALM so that it can be scrapped.
The evidence is clear when it comes to the Vietnam Labour Mobility Arrangement, or VLMA. I met recently with Nathan Falvo of Orchard Tech from my electorate. Nathan's business, Orchard Tech, was selected and approved to take around 50 of the 1,000 Vietnamese workers that were expected in Australia by the middle of this year. The problem is the workers aren't here yet, and the best estimate now is that maybe some will arrive, if we're lucky, by autumn 2026. You can imagine Nathan's frustration when Orchard Tech were told their workers would be here by now. Now they have to find workers to cover them for the period until, theoretically, Vietnamese workers arrive. Both the interim and eventual Vietnamese workers will need to be trained, doubling the effort required of farmers.
Yet again, we see the Labor government undermining regional Australia to appease their union masters. The unions don't believe in farm labour, and they are forcing farmers to mechanise or simply rip out labour intensive crops and grow something that can be machine harvested—or turn their farms into industrial energy sites. Regional populations decline as a result, and you all start to wonder if, to use a phrase the immigration minister is fond of, it's all by design.
Regrettably, speaking of the immigration minister, who made some pointed comments about the Israeli government recently, it appears the Albanese Labor government are more focused on Palestine than productivity. Last week's roundtable was spruiked as a productivity roundtable, and then it became an economic roundtable—then it became a nothingburger for the economy because it was a stitch-up from the get-go for the union movement. There was never going to be any effort made to improve labour costs in Australia to lift productivity, and that's why Labor shifted the narrative. The two biggest drains on Australian productivity are, firstly, energy prices in pursuit of a net zero delusion and, secondly, labour costs and red tape. Labor's solution will be more taxes while killing productivity and growing the size, scope and reach of government into every facet of not just business but our personal lives as well.
There being no further speakers, the debate is adjourned and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting.
Federation Chamber adjourned at 19:15