﻿
<hansard noNamespaceSchemaLocation="../../hansard.xsd" version="2.2">
  <session.header>
    <date>2026-03-23</date>
    <parliament.no>3</parliament.no>
    <session.no>1</session.no>
    <period.no>0</period.no>
    <chamber>Senate</chamber>
    <page.no>0</page.no>
    <proof>1</proof>
  </session.header>
  <chamber.xscript>
    <business.start>
      <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:WX="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
        <p class="HPS-SODJobDate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
          <span class="HPS-SODJobDate">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;" />
            <a href="Chamber" type="">Monday, 23 March 2026</a>
          </span>
        </p>
        <p class="HPS-Normal" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
          <span class="HPS-Normal">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">The PRESIDENT (Senator </span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">the Hon. </span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">Sue Lines</span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">)</span> took the chair at 10:00, made an acknowledgement of country and read prayers.</span>
        </p>
      </body>
    </business.start>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tabling</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Meeting</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Is there is no objection, the meetings are authorised.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>2</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration of Legislation</title>
          <page.no>2</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to move a motion relating to the consideration of legislation.</para>
<para>Leave not granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Pursuant to contingent notice, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That so much of the standing orders be suspended as would prevent me from moving a motion to provide for the consideration of a matter, namely a motion to allow a motion relating to the consideration of legislation to be moved and determined immediately.</para></quote>
<para>And I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the question be now put.</para></quote>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the question be now put on the motion to suspend standing orders.</para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [10:06]<br />(The President—Senator Lines)</p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>31</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                <name>Cox, D.</name>
                <name>Darmanin, L.</name>
                <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                <name>Lines, S.</name>
                <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                <name>Polley, H.</name>
                <name>Sheldon, A. V. (Teller)</name>
                <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                <name>Walker, C.</name>
                <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>26</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Antic, A.</name>
                <name>Askew, W.</name>
                <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                <name>Bell, S.</name>
                <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                <name>Collins, J. (Teller)</name>
                <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                <name>Payman, F.</name>
                <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                <name>Whitten, T.</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>8</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names>
                <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                <name>Brockman, W. E.</name>
                <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                <name>Hume, J.</name>
                <name>Wong, P.</name>
                <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
              </names>
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The question now is that the motion to suspend standing orders be agreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [10:10]<br />(The President—Senator Lines) </p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>31</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                <name>Cox, D.</name>
                <name>Darmanin, L.</name>
                <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                <name>Lines, S.</name>
                <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                <name>Polley, H.</name>
                <name>Sheldon, A. V. (Teller)</name>
                <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                <name>Walker, C.</name>
                <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>26</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Antic, A.</name>
                <name>Askew, W.</name>
                <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                <name>Bell, S.</name>
                <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                <name>Collins, J. (Teller)</name>
                <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                <name>Payman, F.</name>
                <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                <name>Whitten, T.</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>8</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names>
                <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                <name>Brockman, W. E.</name>
                <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                <name>Hume, J.</name>
                <name>Wong, P.</name>
                <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
              </names>
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to. </p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That a motion relating to the consideration of legislation may be moved immediately and determined without amendment or debate.</para></quote>
<para>And I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the question be now put.</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the question be now put on the procedural motion moved by the minister.</para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [10:13]<br />(The President—Senator Lines)</p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>31</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                <name>Cox, D.</name>
                <name>Darmanin, L.</name>
                <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                <name>Lines, S.</name>
                <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                <name>Polley, H.</name>
                <name>Sheldon, A. V. (Teller)</name>
                <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                <name>Walker, C.</name>
                <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>26</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Antic, A.</name>
                <name>Askew, W.</name>
                <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                <name>Bell, S.</name>
                <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                <name>Collins, J. (Teller)</name>
                <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                <name>Payman, F.</name>
                <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                <name>Whitten, T.</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>8</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names>
                <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                <name>Brockman, W. E.</name>
                <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                <name>Hume, J.</name>
                <name>Wong, P.</name>
                <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
              </names>
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to. </p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The question now is that the procedural motion moved by the minister be agreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [10:16]<br />(The President—Senator Lines) </p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>31</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                <name>Cox, D.</name>
                <name>Darmanin, L.</name>
                <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                <name>Lines, S.</name>
                <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                <name>Polley, H.</name>
                <name>Sheldon, A. V. (Teller)</name>
                <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                <name>Walker, C.</name>
                <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>26</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Antic, A.</name>
                <name>Askew, W.</name>
                <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                <name>Bell, S.</name>
                <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                <name>Collins, J. (Teller)</name>
                <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                <name>Payman, F.</name>
                <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                <name>Whitten, T.</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>0</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names />
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to. </p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the questions on all remaining stages of the Treasury Laws Amendment (Supporting Choice in Superannuation and Other Measures) Bill 2025 be put following 60 minutes of consideration; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) paragraph (a) operate as a limitation of debate under standing order 142.</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the motion as moved by the minister be agreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [10:19]<br />(The President—Senator Lines) </p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>31</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                <name>Cox, D.</name>
                <name>Darmanin, L.</name>
                <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                <name>Lines, S.</name>
                <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                <name>Polley, H.</name>
                <name>Sheldon, A. V. (Teller)</name>
                <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                <name>Walker, C.</name>
                <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>26</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Antic, A.</name>
                <name>Askew, W.</name>
                <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                <name>Bell, S.</name>
                <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                <name>Collins, J. (Teller)</name>
                <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                <name>Payman, F.</name>
                <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                <name>Whitten, T.</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>8</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names>
                <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                <name>Brockman, W. E.</name>
                <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                <name>Hume, J.</name>
                <name>Wong, P.</name>
                <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
              </names>
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to. </p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>6</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Treasury Laws Amendment (Supporting Choice in Superannuation and Other Measures) Bill 2025</title>
          <page.no>6</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r7412" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (Supporting Choice in Superannuation and Other Measures) Bill 2025</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>In Committee</title>
            <page.no>6</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The CHAIR</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The committee is considering amendments (3) and (4) on sheet 3682 moved by Senator Chandler. The question is that items 4 and 20 on schedule 5 stand as printed.</para>
<para> </para>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The committee divided. [10:27]<br />(The Chair—Senator Brockman) </p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>34</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L.</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>Lines, S.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                  <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                  <name>Payman, F.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>21</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Antic, A.</name>
                  <name>Askew, W.</name>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S.</name>
                  <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                  <name>Brockman, W. E.</name>
                  <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                  <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                  <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                  <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                  <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>8</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>Wong, P.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to. </p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHANDLER</name>
    <name.id>264449</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move amendment (2) on sheet 3682:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Schedules 1 and 2, page 3 (line 1) to page 6 (line 26), to be opposed.</para></quote>
<para>As foreshadowed in the second reading contributions on this bill, there are some elements of this bill that the coalition is supportive of, and there are others that we are not supportive of. In effect, this amendment on sheet 3682 would remove schedule 1 and schedule 2 from the bill. That is in relation to the superannuation changes proposed in the legislation.</para>
<para>As I said in my second reading contribution—other colleagues also vocalised concerns—we are concerned that the government is rushing elements of this bill too quickly, but we want to provide the opportunity for other sensible aspects of this bill to pass quickly. Industry have made their concerns clear. We fear that the end result of these superannuation changes will be worse outcomes for Australian workers, more duplicate accounts, more fees and worse outcomes for employers attempting to comply with these new requirements on top of their new payday superannuation obligations. As I've said, there are also some parts of this bill that we are in agreement with—those in relation to the tax exemptions associated with hosting the Men's Rugby World Cup, the implementation of the Australia-Portugal tax treaty and the increases to the wine equalisation tax producer rebate cap.</para>
<para>In effect, what this amendment would be seeking to achieve is to remove the sections of the bill that we are not in agreement with and keep the sections of the bill that we are in agreement with. For the ease of the chamber, that is what we are attempting to do here. That does, in effect, mean that, with this amendment, we would be remove schedules 1 and 2, which we find problematic, from this bill.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The government will be opposing the proposed amendment by Senator Chandler. Schedules 1 and 2 of this bill are important reforms to streamline and safeguard the process for when employees provide their superannuation details to their employer during onboarding.</para>
<para>Australians starting a new job deserve to make an informed choice about their superannuation fund without inappropriate advertising, and schedule 1 provides greater flexibility for employers or their agents to request employees' existing stapled fund details from the ATO earlier in the onboarding process. That way, if a stapled fund exists, the employer can provide those details to the employee during onboarding to help inform their choice of fund. The schedule supports the government's commitment to empower employees to make informed choices by making it easier to see, consider and select their existing super fund when they start a new job, if they choose to do so. Without schedule 1, employees remain in the dark about their existing super fund, increasing the risk of unintended duplicate accounts that can erode retirement savings.</para>
<para>Schedule 2 imposes a ban on advertising superannuation products to employees during onboarding, with certain exemptions. Onboarding is a key moment when employees engage with their superannuation, and they should be able to do so in an informed and safe way. Removing schedule 2 would leave the door open to more cases of inappropriate advertising as uncovered during the government's review of the Your Future, Your Super laws. The review found that some software providers are undermining stapling and directing employees towards advertised products, including those associated with the software provider. The government is committed to stop this inappropriate practice. Schedule 2 will protect employees from being unduly influenced to make uninformed decisions, open inappropriate products and unintentionally create duplicate accounts.</para>
<para>Taken together, these are sensible, important reforms that will streamline and safeguard an employee's superannuation choice during onboarding. Legislating these amendments now is critical to ensure employees are protected as soon as possible and to give employers more timely and accurate superannuation details to support their readiness for the government's payday super reforms. Hence we will be opposing this.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The CHAIR</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that schedules 1 and 2 stand as printed.</para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The committee divided. [10:39]<br />(The Chair—Senator Brockman) </p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>33</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L.</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>Lines, S.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                  <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                  <name>Payman, F.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>23</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Antic, A.</name>
                  <name>Askew, W.</name>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                  <name>Brockman, W. E.</name>
                  <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                  <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                  <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                  <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                  <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                  <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>8</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>Wong, P.</name>
                  <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to. </p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The CHAIR</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>That means that amendment (1) on sheet 3682 lapses.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARUQI</name>
    <name.id>250362</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move Greens amendments (1) and (2) on sheet 3646 together:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Clause 2, Page 2 (at the end of the table), add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Page 18 (after line 9), at the end of the Bill, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Schedule 8 — Loss of deductible gift recipient status for supporting illegal occupation</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Income Tax Assessment Act 1997</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1 At the end of subsection 30-125(1)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: However, the entity is not entitled to be endorsed if the entity has supported an illegal occupation (see section 30-150).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">2 At the end of subsection 30-125(2)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: However, the entity is not entitled to be endorsed if the entity has supported an illegal occupation (see section 30-150).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">3 After section 30-130</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">30-150 No entitlement to endorsement for entities supporting illegal occupation</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) An entity is not entitled to be endorsed as:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) a *deductible gift recipient (despite subsection 30-125(1)); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) a *deductible gift recipient for the operation of a fund, authority or institution (despite subsection 30-125(2));</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">if the entity has supported an *illegal occupation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The *Foreign Affairs Minister may, by legislative instrument, make a declaration specifying an occupation of the whole or part of a territory as an <inline font-style="italic">illegal occupation</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Application in relation to non-legal persons</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) An entity that is:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) a partnership; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) a trust; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) an unincorporated body or association;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">is taken to have supported an *illegal occupation if an accountable person for the entity has supported the illegal occupation in the person's capacity as an accountable person for the entity.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Definitions</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) For the purposes of this section, an <inline font-style="italic">accountable person</inline> for an entity is:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) in the case of a partnership—a person who is a partner in the partnership; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) in the case of a trust—a person who is a trustee of the trust; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) in the case of an unincorporated body or association—a person who is a member of the governing body or committee of management (however described) of the unincorporated body or association.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) For the purposes of this section, an entity has <inline font-style="italic">supported</inline> an *illegal occupation if the entity has in any way (whether directly or indirectly) advocated, prepared, planned, assisted in, financed, fostered, supported (within the ordinary meaning of that expression), participated in or contributed to the establishment, maintenance or expansion of the illegal occupation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">4 Subsection 995-1(1)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">illegal occupation</inline>: see subsection 30-150(2).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5 Application of amendments</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Section 30-150 of the <inline font-style="italic">Income Tax Assessment Act 1997</inline>, as inserted by this Schedule, applies in relation to entities that have supported (within the meaning of that section) an illegal occupation after the commencement of this item, whether:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) that support began before or after that commencement; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the entity is endorsed, or proposed to be endorsed, before or after that commencement.</para></quote>
<para>These amendments are crucial. They are a crucial and necessary change to DGR status that ensures that no organisations that support illegal occupations overseas receive tax subsidies here in this country. Recent investigations by Michael West Media revealed that a number of so-called charities operating in Australia are contributing to settlement projects and the illegal occupation of the West Bank by Israel. All these charities enjoy DGR status, allowing them to receive tax-deductible donations. The fact that people are sending money to support the war crimes of the Israeli military and to expand illegal violent settlements in the West Bank is bad enough—it is very bad—but that Australian taxpayers are subsidising these settlements and this violence is completely outrageous and unacceptable.</para>
<para>The West Bank is recognised by the Albanese government as illegally occupied. The State of Palestine, which includes the West Bank, is now formally recognised by the Albanese government, and yet Australian charities are subsidising the illegal occupation of Palestine, and the Labor government says, 'Well, you can also get a tax deduction for that illegal settlement.' These amendments would ban that once and for all. Supporting them should be not just a question of morality but of plain common sense. These amendments would strip an entity of DGR status if the entity has in any way, whether directly or indirectly, advocated, prepared, planned, assisted in, financed, fostered, supported, participated or contributed to the establishment, maintenance and expansion of an illegal occupation.</para>
<para>It's not just about land theft and occupation. Since October 2023, the IDF and Israeli settlers have murdered over 1,000 Palestinians in the West Bank. Tens of thousands of Palestinians have been displaced from their homes, and settlers have undertaken targeted destruction of olive groves and violence during the annual olive harvest to destroy any economic or agricultural opportunities for Palestinians in the West Bank. This is yet another example, and there are just too many now to count, of the complicity of this Labor government in Israel's genocide and apartheid and illegal settlement, even though it says it's against it. By maintaining DGR status for these organisations, the government is giving a very clear message that this violence is okay, and we are subsidising this violence. It's saying that these murders are okay, and we are subsidising these murders. It's saying that this ethnic cleansing is okay, and we are subsidising this ethnic cleansing. Supporting these heinous crimes deserves investigation, not tax deductions.</para>
<para>The International Court of Justice, in 2024, called on all party states such as Australia to prevent trade or investment relations that assist in the maintenance of the illegal situation created by Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. Despite recognising the illegality of Israel settlements in West Bank, in defiance of the international court, the Albanese government continues to allow, and even reward, charities who are providing for and profiting off these heinous crimes, these illegal settlements, under the DGR scheme.</para>
<para>The Albanese government has got its priorities all mixed up, all upside down. It says no to giving DGR status to life-saving animal welfare charities, but a big yes to subsidising charities supporting illegal occupations. Australian charities should not be supporting ethnic cleansing, apartheid, violence and occupation, and they certainly should not be receiving a tax benefit for it—and, honestly, that should not even have to be said. The Labor government clearly wants to keep its head in the sand, to keep being embroiled in complicity in genocide and apartheid, and looks the other way. This is just another example of governments complicity in the ethnic cleansing of Palestine. It is two-faced and it is shameful for the government to say it supports a Palestinian state while effectively subsidising its destruction. Today is an opportunity for you to show, at a very basic level, that you will not be subsidising these violent, illegal settlements. I commend the amendment to the Senate.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thanks, Senator Faruqi, for moving the amendment. My understanding is that—I understand it wasn't Senator Faruqi who spoke about this last time; I think it might have been Senator Allman-Payne who made a similar point that Senator Gallagher responded to—the government will oppose this amendment moved by Senator Faruqi.</para>
<para>There is no DGR category or purpose that allows charities to support illegal activities at home or abroad. Registered charities also must ensure that they meet their ongoing obligations to the ACNC, including by complying with the ACNC's governance standards. The ACNC's governance standards require a charity to remain charitable, operate lawfully and be run in an accountable and responsible way.</para>
<para>Charities that operate overseas, including giving of funds, must also comply with the ACNC external conduct standards. These standards require charities to take reasonable steps to ensure appropriate standards of behaviour, governance, oversight and record keeping when undertaking activities or providing resources overseas. The governance standards require charities to comply with all Australian law, including the Anti-Money-Laundering and Counter-Terrorism Financing Act 2006 or hate speech legislation that is passed.</para>
<para>The external conduct standards also require a charity to comply with Australian law as it relates to international sanctions, terrorism financing and slavery or slavery-like conditions and who have reasonable procedures to ensure compliance with those laws. The external conduct standards do not extend to conduct under international law. Governance and external conduct standards also require charities to ensure their resources are only used to further their purposes and they are operating in a way consistent with a non-for-profit entity.</para>
<para>Charity registration can be revoked by the ACNC where the governance and external conduct standards are not met. Where a charity's registration is revoked, the ATO may also remove their access to DGR status and other tax concessions.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>One Nation is generally supportive of the intent of this bill to protect adults from superannuation rorts and misrepresentations. However, we are not supportive of the dishonest provisions. In February Senate estimates hearings I asked the office of the Governor-General about Equality Australia, because Australia's governor-general is supposed to be neutral and to not take political positions.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKim</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I have a point of order on relevance. The question before the chair is Senator Faruqi's amendments in relation to DGR status and the prevention of DGR status for organisations that are engaged in facilitating illegal settlements in Palestine. It has nothing at all to do with Equality Australia.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The TEMPORARY CHAIR</name>
    <name.id>281603</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, Senator McKim. Senator Roberts, we are currently at amendments (1) and (2) on sheet 3646. Are those the amendments you're seeking to speak to?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No, they are not. It's in general questions to the minister. I'll wait until these amendments have been moved.</para>
<para>The TEMPORARY CHAIR: The question is that amendments (1) and (2) on sheet 3646 be agreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
</continue>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The committee divided. [10:55]<br />(The Temporary Chair—Senator Marielle Smith) </p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>12</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Payman, F.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>25</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L.</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V.</name>
                  <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names />
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived. </p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I have some questions, as I implied before. We're generally supportive, One Nation, of these superannuation modifications, except for what we see as dishonest provisions. In February's Senate estimates hearings I asked the office of the Governor-General about Equality Australia, because Australia's Governor-General is supposed to be neutral—to not take political positions. This leads to many questions of the government. Firstly, Minister, how is it that the Governor-General can be a patron of a political activist group, Equality Australia, that actively supports irreversible gender treatments for children—mutilation of children?</para>
<para>This is not about people's support for Equality Australia, because that's what is essentially happening by giving it DGR—deductible gift recipient—status. This is about the law and Equality Australia's DGR status. My questions include: Why did assistant charities minister Mr Andrew Leigh intervene to give Equality Australia charity status when on three occasions the Administrative Appeals Tribunal and two Federal Court hearings had held that Equality Australia was not established for a benevolent purpose and should not be entitled to deductible gift recipient status?</para>
<para>Deductible gift recipient status allows donors to claim tax deductions for donations. Why did the Labor government give Equality Australia a massive favour against the findings of the Administrative Appeals Tribunal and the Federal Court's full bench, on two occasions? Was it because the Governor-General is a patron of the activist group Equality Australia? Isn't this a clear conflict of interest and a breach of the requirements of neutrality by the Governor-General?</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The TEMPORARY CHAIR</name>
    <name.id>306168</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Ghosh.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Ghosh</name>
    <name.id>257613</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I hesitate to interrupt my colleague, but I think it's a contravention of the standing orders to cast aspersions on the motives of, or reflect disrespectfully on, the Governor-General of Australia.</para>
<para>The TEMPORARY CHAIR: Noted, thank you. Please withdraw, Senator Roberts, and refrain moving forward.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I withdraw.</para>
<para>The TEMPORARY CHAIR: Thank you.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Observing the government's blatant contradiction of the law in giving DGR status—deductible gift recipient status—to Equality Australia in defiance of the Administrative Appeals Tribunal and two Federal Court hearings, I ask: Does the law mean nothing to this government? Is the lobby group Equality Australia, when it attacks Christian schools, acting in any way on behalf of the government? Is the lobby group acting on behalf of the government in any way when it supports children's futile attempts to change sex? Essentially, what you're doing, Minister, by giving Equality Australia deductible gift recipient status is asking taxpayers to subsidise the mutilation of children. Why are you going against the Administrative Appeals Tribunal and Federal Court rulings? We want to protect superannuants—adults—but not at the sacrifice of children.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thanks, Senator Roberts. My understanding, having just taken over this bill this morning, is that Senator Gallagher responded to similar statements that were put by Senator Whitten when this was last in committee stage. The government rejects the claims of Senator Roberts. All of the entities that are being provided with DGR status in the Treasury Laws Amendment (Supporting Choice in Superannuation and Other Measures) Bill 2025 were found to be legally ineligible for DGR status through routine channels. This prior ineligibility is the precondition for a government to consider applications for a specific listing. Let me be clear: all the entities that are being provided with DGR status through this bill have been supported in this way because, in spite of the benefits they bring to communities, they did not fit into the defined DGR categories. Our tax system is set up so that when this happens—and it has happened routinely since 1948—a government can decide that a charity, in spite of not fitting a specific DGR category, nevertheless warrants the support that DGR status provides. That's what is part of this bill . There are other organisations that are recipients. It says a lot about One Nation that they are just singling out this group in particular for their political motivations.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>():  I understand your response, Minister, but can you explain why the government is supporting a group that is a lobby group, an activist group, not a charity, as the Full Bench of the Federal Court ruled twice and as the Administrative Tribunal also ruled? Why are you supporting a lobby group, an activist group, that's harming children and is not recognised as a charity?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I disagree with Senator Roberts there. Contrary to false media reporting, Equality Australia is indeed a registered charity. Equality Australia has been registered as a charity under the ACNC Act since 4 January 2016. Specifically, Equality Australia has been registered as a charity with the subtype 'advancing public debate'. Advancing public debate and engaging in public advocacy is a valid charitable purpose. Equality Australia is a registered and compliant organisation, meeting the required governance standards and making a significant contribution to Australian communities.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>With respect, Minister, you didn't answer my question. Why are you going against a Federal Court ruling on two occasions and an Administrative Appeals Tribunal ruling?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I already answered that in the previous answer. The entities being provided with DGR status in the Treasury Laws Amendment (Supporting Choice in Superannuation and Other Measures) Bill 2025 were found to be legally ineligible for DGR status through routine channels. As I said before—let me be clear—all the entities that are provided with DGR status through this bill have been supported in this way because, in spite of the benefits they bring to communities, they did not fit into the defined DGR status. Our tax system is set up so that when this happens—and it does happen regularly and has occurred since 1948—a government can decide that a charity, in spite of not fitting a specific DGR category, nevertheless warrants the support that DGR status provides.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARUQI</name>
    <name.id>250362</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move Greens amendments (1) and (2) on sheet 3645 together:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Clause 2, Page 2 (at the end of the table), add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Page 18 (after line 9), at the end of the Bill, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Schedule 7 — Animal welfare gift deductibility expansion</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Income Tax Assessment Act 1997</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1 Subsection 30-45(1) (cell at table item 4.1.6, column headed "Fund, authority or institution")</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the cell, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">2 Application of amendments</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The amendments of item 4.1.6 of the table in subsection 30-45(1) of the <inline font-style="italic">Income Tax Assessment Act 1997</inline> made by this Schedule apply in relation to gifts or contributions made on or after the first 1 July to occur after the commencement of this item.</para></quote>
<para>These amendments broaden the definition of 'animal welfare work' to ensure that any person who donates to an animal welfare charity is able to receive the tax benefits that they should. Currently, the Income Tax Assessment Act only covers organisations who work on behalf of native wildlife or provide direct animal-care services. What this means in reality is that too many activities of animal welfare charities then become not eligible for deductable gift recipient status.</para>
<para>Excluded from this benefit are organisations that work on preventing animal cruelty; providing community education and disaster and crisis emergency response; advocating for improved animal welfare standards; and providing expertise and advice to governments and industry stakeholders. That is a huge, huge amount of work that charities and volunteers do to stop animal cruelty or to advocate for animals to be protected in this country. It is an atrocity for them to not have DGR status. People in this country care deeply about animals. We have seen that again and again. There has been a massive movement for decades to end the cruelty that is greyhound racing, and I do hope that that ends next month in Tasmania. But there is other animal cruelty that happens in this country, whether it be on companion animals or whether it be the live sheep export, and it is because of the work of the community and these volunteers and these charities that, finally, we are going to see an end to live sheep export. Their work needs to be supported, and they should have that DGR status.</para>
<para>Animal welfare charities are also consistently in the top 3 causes Australian donors support. I think a lot of them actually wouldn't know that this is going on. It is an issue that is so near and so dear to the hearts of so many people who live in this country, and it is wholly unfair that they do not receive the same benefits as others for contributing to a cause so close to their heart and a cause that is really important in protecting sentient living beings.</para>
<para>Independent reviews by the Productivity Commission and the Department of Social Services have actually recommended expanding tax-deductable gift recipient status to include animal welfare advocacy charities, but, at the moment, hundreds of animal rescue shelters and many others just do not receive this status. Labor have previously said that they would consider recommendations from the Productivity Commission to ensure DGR rules support the charitable purposes that most Australians support, but these recommendations were made almost two years ago, and, still, there is no action from the government.</para>
<para>The current laws severely limit access to major fundraising platforms, restrict donor choice and discourage the important work that addresses animal cruelty at its source. There are literally thousands of volunteers working for these charities who put their blood, sweat and tears into actually rehabilitating and supporting the animals which have had cruelty so severely dealt on them. That is just not acceptable. These people put their hearts and souls into looking after the animals that come out so scarred and so damaged from these cruel industries, like horseracing and like greyhound racing, and they still do not have the ability to get these tax deductions.</para>
<para>The Labor government today have a perfect opportunity to support these amendments and show that they care about animals and the really important work done by so many outstanding animal welfare organisations and the volunteers within those organisations across the country. It would be really deeply disappointing for so many of them if this did not happen today. These amendments are a critical step forward for animal welfare organisations that respond—and they do. These amendments do respond to a very long-running campaign from the animal welfare community, and they would make a massive, very significant difference to organisations who do so much to care for animals. So I do commend these amendments to the Senate, and I hope that the Labor government can support these amendments.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Faruqi for moving the amendments to the Treasury Laws Amendment (Supporting Choice in Superannuation and Other Measures) Bill 2025. Again, I understand that Senator Shoebridge made similar comments when this was last in committee that Senator Gallagher responded to, but the government will be opposing these amendments. Certain animal welfare organisations are already eligible for DGR endorsement under the existing DGR general categories. For example, organisations with the principal purpose of short-term direct care or rehabilitation of animals—such as the Wildlife Information, Rescue and Education Service and Wildlife Recovery Australia—are endorsed as DGRs. Certain animal welfare organisations have also been specifically listed in the tax law as DGRs. For example, the RSPCA and each of its state and territory affiliates is specifically listed in the tax law. They treat, protect and rehome animals, and they empower and educate communities to improve animal welfare across the country.</para>
<para>In 2023, the Albanese government asked the Productivity Commission to undertake a review of philanthropy to identify opportunities and obstacles to increase philanthropic giving. The PC was independent in undertaking this review, and its final report made several findings and recommendations, including that reforms to the DGR system should be introduced to create fairer and more consistent outcomes for donors, charities and the community. The PC found that the complexity of the system continues to increase as 'new DGR endorsement categories are added in a piecemeal manner'. The government announced in the 2024-25 MYEFO that it would initially implement the following recommendations from the Productivity Commission's final report <inline font-style="italic">F</inline><inline font-style="italic">uture foundations for giving</inline>: removing the condition that a gift to a deductable gift recipient be valued at $2 or more before the donor may claim a tax deduction, which was recommendation 4.1; aligning and increasing the minimum annual redistribution rate for public and private ancillary funds, to be renamed giving funds, which was recommendation 8.1; and allowing funds distribution to be smoothed over three years, which was recommendation 8.2.</para>
<para>The government continues to consider its response to the PC report's recommendations on DGR reform. We have worked through these reforms with careful consideration, and we will continue to be guided by the recommendations of the Productivity Commission's <inline font-style="italic">Future </inline><inline font-style="italic">foundations for givin</inline><inline font-style="italic">g</inline> and the sector led Not-for-profit Sector Development Blueprint as we work to double giving in Australia. Alongside these commitments, we've been working methodically to reform Australia's DGR system and support our charities. We have streamlined the DGR system by returning four key categories to the ATO; created the new 'community charity' category to encourage more local and place based giving and broaden the pool of regular Australian donors, given the charities commissioner greater discretion to comment on compliance activity; and expanded the ACNC advisory board to be more representative of the sector and to strengthen the network of charity regulators across the Commonwealth and the states and territories.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What a word salad from the minister there in response to a pretty clear proposal from the Australian Greens through Senator Faruqi. The problem is obvious here, which is that the definition of 'animal welfare work' under the Income Tax Assessment Act is too narrow. That is the problem here. As Senator Faruqi said, Australians abhor animal cruelty. If you were to go out onto the street—whether it's in Sydney, Geraldton, Darwin or Hobart, or anywhere in-between—and say to people, 'What do you think about animal cruelty?' you would get a near-unanimous response that it's abhorrent and that organisations that work to advocate for improved animal welfare standards and work to prevent animal cruelty should be eligible for DGR status. The fact that they are not is a clear and obvious problem in our statutes. It's a clear and obvious problem that can be remedied very simply and can actually be remedied today by this chamber supporting Senator Faruqi's amendments.</para>
<para>Animal welfare charities are consistently in the top three causes that Australian donors support. Those donations, of course, would increase if there were more animal welfare charities that had DGR status, therefore allowing for tax deductibility of donations. The minister has mentioned the Productivity Commission review, but they actually did recommend expanding tax deductible gift recipient status to include animal welfare advocacy charities. We heard Senator Roberts's contribution, which, again, was vile and discriminatory and divisive and dangerous, but he referred to Equality Australia. The minister quite rightly got up and explained why Equality Australia should have DGR status, and the Greens strongly support Equality Australia having DGR status. But some of the same arguments that the minister outlined in relation to Equality Australia could equally apply to many of the organisations which the Greens, through these amendments moved by Senator Faruqi, are attempting to ensure do have DGR status. The same arguments could well apply around, for example, advocacy.</para>
<para>So we say to the minister and to Labor that if it's good enough for Equality Australia—which it is; the Greens strongly support this, and we look forward to the passage of this bill through the Senate today to give Equality Australia, an outstanding organisation who does really important work, DGR status—this is an opportunity to make sure a number of other organisations who do really important and critical work in the animal welfare field also have DGR status.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The TEMPORARY CHAIR</name>
    <name.id>306168</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that Greens amendments (1) and (2) on sheet 3645 be agreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The committee divided. [11:21]<br />(The Temporary Chair—Senator Kovacic) </p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>12</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Payman, F.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>22</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Blyth, L. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L.</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V.</name>
                  <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names />
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division></subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Limitation of Debate</title>
            <page.no>15</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The TEMPORARY CHAIR</name>
    <name.id>306168</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Pursuant to the order agreed to earlier today, the time allotted for debate on the bill has expired. I will now put the question before the chair and then put the questions on the remaining stages of the bill. I will deal with the remaining amendments circulated by the opposition. The question is that the amendments on sheets 3681, 3686, 3688, 3689, 3691 and 3693 be agreed to. To clarify, as the One Nation amendments on sheet 3683 are identical to opposition amendments negatived earlier today, the question on the One Nation amendments will not be put.</para>
<para class="italic"><inline font-style="italic">Opposition's circulated amendments—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">SHEET 3681</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Schedule 2, item 1, page 5 (line 28) to page 6 (line 8), omit paragraphs 992AB(4)(d) and (e), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the requirement in either subsection (4A) or (4B) is satisfied; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Schedule 2, item 1, page 6 (after line 13), after subsection 992AB(4), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4A) The requirement in this subsection is satisfied if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the advertisement or statement occurs after the time the employer, or the employer's agent, makes a request (the <inline font-style="italic">stapled fund request</inline>) under subsection 32R(1) of the <inline font-style="italic">Superannuation Guarantee (Administration) Act 1992</inline> in relation to the employee; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if, in response to the stapled fund request, the employer is notified under subsection 32R(2) of that Act that the Commissioner is satisfied that there is a stapled fund for the employee—the advertisement or statement occurs at or after the time the employer, or the employer's agent, notifies the employee:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) that the Commissioner is satisfied that there is a stapled fund for the employee; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) about the details that the employer was notified about in relation to the stapled fund request under subparagraph 32R(2)(b)(ii) of that Act.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4B) The requirement in this subsection is satisfied if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the advertisement or statement occurs after the time the employer, or the employer's agent, makes a request (the <inline font-style="italic">regulated fund request</inline>) under subsection (4C) in relation to the employee; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if, in response to the regulated fund request, the employer is advised under subsection (4D) of a regulated superannuation fund of which the employee is a member—the advertisement or statement occurs at or after the time the employer, or the employer's agent, notifies the employee about the information the employer was advised about under subsection (4D) in relation to the regulated fund request.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4C) For the purposes of subsection (4B), the employer, or the employer's agent, may request a trustee of a complying superannuation fund or scheme (within the meaning of the <inline font-style="italic">Superannuation Guarantee (Administration) Act 1992</inline>) to identify any regulated superannuation fund of which the employee is a member.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4D) If a trustee receives a request under subsection (4C) and the trustee is aware that the employee is a member of a particular regulated superannuation fund, the trustee may advise in writing the employer or the employer's agent (as applicable) of the following information:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the regulated superannuation fund of which the employee is a member;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) details necessary for the employer to make contributions to that fund for the benefit of the employee.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">_____</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">SHEET 3686</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Schedule 2, page 6 (after line 26), at the end of the Schedule, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">3 Review of operation of amendments</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Requirement to conduct review</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) The Minister must cause a review to be conducted of the operation, effectiveness and implications of the amendments made by this Schedule.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Matters review must consider</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Without limiting subitem (1), the review must consider any impact of the amendments on the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) duplicate superannuation accounts;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) competition between superannuation funds;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) member engagement;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) compliance costs for employers and service providers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Timing of review</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) The persons conducting the review must complete the review before the end of 2 years after the commencement of this item.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) For the purposes of subitem (3), the review is completed on the day after the day the report of the review is given to the Minister.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Minister to be given report of review</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) The persons conducting the review must give the Minister a written report of the review.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Minister to table copy of report of review</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) The Minister must cause a copy of the report of the review to be tabled in each House of the Parliament within 15 sitting days of that House after the Minister receives the report.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">_____</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">SHEET 3688</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Schedule 2, item 1, page 4 (line 30), omit "Note:", substitute "Note 1:"</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Schedule 2, item 1, page 4 (after line 30), after the note, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note 2: To avoid doubt, nothing in this subsection prohibits an advertisement or statement that would not be expected to induce an employee to choose a superannuation product, such as an advertisement or statement generally referring employees to the YourSuper comparison tool on the Australian Taxation Office website.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">_____</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">SHEET 3689</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Schedule 2, item 1, page 6 (after line 23), at the end of section 992AB, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Date of effect of section</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) This section takes effect on a day specified in an instrument under subsection (7).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) The Minister may, by legislative instrument, specify a day for the purposes of subsection (6).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(8) However, the Minister must not specify a day unless and until the Minister is satisfied that such arrangements and systems are in place as would ensure the Commissioner of Taxation is able to respond to all requests under subsection 32R(1) of the <inline font-style="italic">Superannuation Guarantee (Administration) Act 1992</inline> with sufficient certainty as to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) whether there is a stapled fund for an employee; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) any details required to be notified under subparagraph 32R(2)(b)(ii) of that Act.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(9) The specified day must not be later than 3 months after the day the Minister is first satisfied as required by subsection (8).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">_____</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">SHEET 3691</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Clause 2, page 2 (table item 3), omit "Schedule 2", substitute "Schedules 2 and 2A".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Page 6 (after line 26), after Schedule 2, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Schedule 2A — Annual performance reporting for stapled fund requests</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Superannuation Guarantee (Administration) Act 1992</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1 At the end of section 32R</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Annual reporting</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) The Commissioner must, as soon as practicable after the end of each financial year, prepare a report on the Commissioner's activities under this section during the financial year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) The report must (without limitation):</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) include statistics of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) requests received by the Commissioner under subsection (1) to identify stapled funds for employees;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) notifications given by the Commissioner under subsection (2) in response to such requests and the time taken to provide such responses;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) changes made by the Commissioner under subsection (3) to earlier notifications; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) consider whether, and to what extent, the Commissioner was able to accurately:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) identify stapled funds for employees in response to requests under subsection (1); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) notify the details required by subparagraph (2)(b)(ii) in relation to such requests; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) consider the effectiveness of requests and responses under this section for the purposes of the operation of subsection 992AB(4) (about exceptions for certain MySuper products to the ban on advertising superannuation products during onboarding) of the <inline font-style="italic">Corporations Act 2001</inline>; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) any other matters the Minister directs the report to consider.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) The Commissioner must give a copy of the report to the Minister by no later than 30 September after the end of the financial year to which the report relates.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) The Minister must cause a copy of the report to be tabled in each House of the Parliament within 15 sitting days of that House after the Minister receives the report.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">_____</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">SHEET 3693</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Schedule 2, item 1, page 6 (after line 23), after section 992AB, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">992AC Guidance for ban on superannuation product advertising during onboarding</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) ASIC must develop and publish guidance about compliance with section 992AB, including the operation of the prohibition in subsection (1), and the exceptions in subsections (2) to (5), of that section.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The guidance must (without limitation):</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) set out an intended approach to the administration of that section in both the short and long term; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) include examples of:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) conduct that may contravene the prohibition; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) circumstances that may be covered by the exceptions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) The first guidance under subsection (1) must be published before the end of 30 days after the commencement of this section.</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The CHAIR</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the amendments be agreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The committee divided. [11:30]<br />(The Chair—Senator Brockman) </p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>24</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Antic, A.</name>
                  <name>Askew, W.</name>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S.</name>
                  <name>Blyth, L. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Brockman, W. E.</name>
                  <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J.</name>
                  <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                  <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                  <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                  <name>Payman, F.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                  <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>33</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>Lines, S.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                  <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V.</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names />
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator TYRRELL</name>
    <name.id>300639</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I register my support for 3686 and 3693.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DAVID POCOCK</name>
    <name.id>256136</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—Could I also note my support for 3693 and 3686.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYMAN</name>
    <name.id>300707</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I would like to record my opposition to 3681, please.</para>
<para>Bill agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill reported without amendment; report adopted.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question now is that the remaining stages of the bill be agreed to and the bill now be passed.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>High Seas Biodiversity Bill 2026</title>
          <page.no>18</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="s1484" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">High Seas Biodiversity Bill 2026</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>18</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRAGG</name>
    <name.id>256063</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In making a contribution on behalf of the coalition on the High Seas Biodiversity Bill 2026, I note the coalition's longstanding desire to work with the government in a bipartisan way—over these last 20 years, in fact—to ensure that the high seas do not become a burying ground, for want of a better expression, for the world's biodiversity that lives in the oceans. It has taken almost 20 years to agree a treaty, and a lot of this good work was spearheaded by former minister for the environment Robert Hill, who was a great Liberal environment minister but also Australia's Ambassador to the United Nations, where he led a good deal of the initial negotiations. I think probably the best way to put this is that he outlined the concept that was concerning the Australian government at the time, which was that commercial fishers were effectively trawling the seabeds of the deep seas and, in doing so, destroying their biodiversity, that being a catastrophic outcome for the overall environment.</para>
<para>The deep seas—or the far seas, perhaps—are not regulated in the most orderly fashion. I often question myself, when we pass laws through this parliament: 'Who exactly is going to enforce this law, and how effective will they be in enforcing it?' In relation to the deep seas it is probably a good question to ask, but the intention is that, in relation to the seas beyond Australia's territory, we, at least, should take responsibility for our own participants and put in place strong penalties should those participants choose to degrade the oceans.</para>
<para>There are, I think, proposals before the Senate to make some amendments to this bill. We're considering those, as part of an orderly process.</para>
<para>The main point I wanted to make was that we recognise the constraints and limits of international laws and agreements and treaties. I think they are all inherently flawed. But this is one which, certainly, on a best-endeavours basis, tries to put in place a framework in which countries can enact a treaty, requiring those nations to impose sanctions on its domestic participants that undermine the biodiversity which we all rely on, as humans and animals cohabitating on this Earth. So we are pleased that the government have ratified the treaty on behalf of Australia.</para>
<para>We acknowledge, in particular, Robert Hill, as a spearthrower in this great endeavour some 20 years ago, and note his ongoing interest in it—if he is tuning in, with the other millions of people that are listening to the Senate today. So we acknowledge him.</para>
<para>We acknowledge the work of the government in bringing this bill forward. We will be looking to support this on a bipartisan basis. We look forward to questioning the government on its enforcement record, when it puts in place its new environmental bureaucracy. We hope that it is a bureaucracy which does more harm—does less harm than good. I'm trying to work on that one. 'Does more good than bad'—maybe that's a good one; what do you think? Good? You can't answer the question. So that's what we hope. We hope this will be a good proposal.</para>
<para>We will be, of course, undertaking our role, as an opposition, of being sceptical about all laws and making sure that we get law enforcement right. We will be, I think, considering some proposals from others that want to make some last-minute changes, and I think we're open to those, subject to some further consultation. It has taken 20 years to get to this point. As it stands, this is a good step forward, and we look forward to doing our part as responsible citizens that rely on the oceans for our own lives and wellbeing.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COX</name>
    <name.id>296215</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise also to speak on the High Seas Biodiversity Bill 2026. Protecting our oceans matters deeply to me, as a Western Australian senator representing a state that's shaped by the Indian Ocean.</para>
<para>I want to begin with a story about maambakoort, what we call our sea country in Noongar language. Our ancestors tell of a time when those coastlines were very different, when the sea sat further out and when the ocean floor was dry ground. They speak of families travelling across that coastal plain, moving with the seasons, crossing country all the way to Wadjemup, what we now call Rottnest Island. Then the water began to rise. Over generations, maambakoort covered the low lying plains. It separated Wadjemup from the mainland. It reshaped the edge of the world that people knew. These stories held and passed down the changing climate of a transforming coastline, and today geological science confirms that around 9,000 to 10,000 years ago sea levels rose dramatically, flooding that coastal plain of the south-west coast.</para>
<para>There is the story of the mamang, the whale. The mamang carries spirits back to country, and ceremony welcomes them home. Then there is the Wagyl, our rainbow serpent, our creator. He is the great serpent of the Nyitting, the Dreaming. The Wagyl carved the rivers and the wetlands inland as it travelled across country before moving back towards the ocean.</para>
<para>Sea country is alive with meaning. It connects past and present. It reminds people that land and ocean are part of one system. They are connected by movement, by story and by responsibility. For countless generations, Noongar families moved with that responsibility. People move when certain fish run, they harvest when particular winds shift and they read the ocean as a calendar. This understanding—that the ocean is dynamic, cyclical and interconnected—is something modern policy is still catching up to.</para>
<para>On Noongar country, the rising sea reshaped the land. The whale carries that spirit between worlds. The Wagyl links our rivers to the ocean, and the seasons guide when to move, when to fish and when to wait. It is a reminder that the ocean has always required stewardship, and that is not new.</para>
<para>Protecting the ocean is not just an environmental policy; it is a cultural responsibility, an economic responsibility and an intergenerational responsibility. Australia has a long history of looking after our ocean, and we are recognised around the world for our ocean management. Protecting Australia's marine biodiversity and ensuring fishing remains sustainable is a priority for the Albanese Labor government. We are committed to managing 100 per cent of our oceans sustainably. More than half of our oceans are already protected under strong environmental laws. Twenty-four per cent of our waters are in highly protected no-take areas, and we are working towards having 30 per cent of our ocean in highly protected areas by 2030.</para>
<para>We are, in fact, not standing still. This government is commencing consultation on reviews of five Australian marine park network management plans, covering 44 Australian marine parks. These reviews are the best opportunity for us to achieve our protection targets. These will be informed by genuine First Nations engagement, stakeholder consultation and the best available science, ensuring that protection and sustainability go hand in hand. We are supporting action on critical marine ecosystems like the Great Barrier Reef. We are protecting threatened marine species, we are removing ghost nets from northern Australia and we are developing Australia's first ever sustainable ocean plan. And that is just our domestic work. Our oceans don't stop at our maritime borders. Around 60 per cent of the global ocean lies beyond national jurisdiction in what we call the high seas, yet only around one per cent of those areas are currently protected.</para>
<para>Our marine ecosystems are interconnected; our fish stocks migrate; currents connect habitats across entire ocean basins. The health of the Indian Ocean off Western Australia is influenced by what happens far beyond a line on a map. If we want our domestic efforts to succeed, we must work with other nations to protect the open ocean, and that is what this legislation is about. The High Seas Biodiversity Bill gives effect to Australia's obligations under the United Nations High Seas Biodiversity Treaty.</para>
<para>Australia signed the treaty on the first day it opened for signature back in 2023. It has now entered into force internationally. Australia requires enabling legislation before we can ratify, and this bill provides the framework. It is important that we act swiftly. The first conference of the parties is expected in August this year, and Australia is currently co-chairing that preparatory commission. If we want to shape how international marine protected areas are established and managed, we must ratify in time to participate as a full party.</para>
<para>This bill creates the domestic framework for Australia to recognise and comply with those protections. It also establishes rules for marine genetic resources and introduces an environmental impact assessment process for Australia's activities on the high seas. This is responsible governance. This is accountability. This is ensuring that our international commitments are backed by domestic law.</para>
<para>For a maritime nation like Australia, and particularly for my home state of Western Australia, strong global ocean governance matters. The Indian Ocean connects us to Africa, to Asia and to our Pacific neighbours. We are highly regarded internationally for our ocean management. Ratifying this treaty will allow us to continue that leadership, not just protecting our own coastline but working cooperatively across the global commons.</para>
<para>When we talk about protecting seas, we are talking about protecting the same ocean that shapes our weather, feeds our communities, supports our industries and defines our way of life. We are talking about ensuring that future generations can stand on those same beaches and feel the Fremantle Doctor, see the dolphins at Monkey Mia and know that we acted when it mattered. This bill is about stewardship, it is about sustainability, it is about cooperation and it is about honouring our responsibility to the ocean that sustains us.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HODGINS-MAY</name>
    <name.id>310860</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Eighty-five per cent of Australians live within 60 kilometres of a coast. The vast majority of us have had to travel over oceans to call this place home. The ocean is our identity. It shapes our coastlines, our climate and our cultures. It has fed families for tens of thousands of years. Right now, our oceans are under immense strain, and this is why the Greens welcome and support the High Seas Biodiversity Bill.</para>
<para>This bill implements Australia's obligations of the agreement under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea on the conservation and sustainable use of marine biological diversity of areas beyond national jurisdiction—the high seas treaty. It is the first global framework in 44 years to protect biodiversity in international waters. Two-thirds of the world's ocean lies beyond any single country's control, but until now only about one per cent of those waters have been protected. This treaty creates, for the very first time, a legal pathway to establish marine protected areas in the high seas. It allows nations, including Australia and our Pacific neighbours, to work together to protect migratory routes for whales and sharks, safeguard spawning grounds and build resilience against climate change. And, of course, it is long overdue.</para>
<para>On 17 January this year, the treaty entered into force internationally, without Australia having ratified it. This delay is shameful. Protecting the high seas is in our national interest. The Greens will have two amendments to this bill, one which strengthens language to include reference to marine protected areas throughout the bill and another that significantly increases penalties on Australian corporations found in contravention of the objects of the bill.</para>
<para>Aside from this bill, we must also be clear about the next looming threat to the high seas, and that is deep-sea mining. As demand for critical minerals grows, there is an increasing global pressure to open up the ocean floor in international waters as the next extractive frontier. Vast tracts of seabed, ecosystems we have barely had the chance to study, are being eyed up for industrial scale extraction. We know more about the surface of the moon than we do about the deep ocean, and yet we are poised to gamble with that biodiversity for short-term profit—an all-too-familiar tale of short-term profit.</para>
<para>The high seas treaty was designed to stop international waters becoming a lawless free-for-all. Allowing deep-sea mining to proceed would undermine that very purpose. The damage could be irreversible, and Australia should be taking a clear, principled position in support of a global moratorium on deep-sea mining. Protection of our oceans must come before profit. Here is the hard truth: signing up to protect oceans outside of our jurisdiction means little if we continue to undermine them. Labor claims that 52 per cent of Australia's marine waters are protected. That sounds impressive at the outset until you look closer. More than half of those marine parks allow commercial fishing and mining. Around only 22 to 24 per cent of our waters are highly protected areas. This is not leadership by any standard.</para>
<para>If Labor were serious will ocean protection, it would strengthen our existing marine protected areas so that they are genuinely free from extractive industries, it would save Scott Reef from fossil fuel project expansion, it would nominate the Great Australian Bight for World Heritage listing and it would end all new gas drilling in our oceans. Yet we are seeing the opposite. We see new offshore acreage releases for gas drilling, including in the Otway Basin off the coast of my home state of Victoria, literally while smoke is still in the air. We are seeing seismic blasting that harms whales and sea turtles. We see decommissioned oil and gas left to rust in our waters and wash up on our beaches. We see investment in disproven carbon capture technology, injecting CO2 into our seabeds with no guarantee of its safe storage. We see iconic ecosystems, from the Great Barrier Reef to Ningaloo, battered by climate fuelled bleaching while this government continues approving new coal and gas projects.</para>
<para>You cannot claim to be a friend of the ocean while expanding the industries that are heating and acidifying it. Rising heat is bleaching corals, destroying kelp forests and driving species towards extinction. Our marine wildlife is disappearing, even as the lines on the map marking protected areas expand. Protection on a map alone is not enough. It must be enforced. Healthy oceans are about protecting Australia's lifeblood. They underpin industries and communities across this country. Sustainable fisheries depend on ocean health. Tourism from Hobart to Port Douglas, from Ningaloo to the Whitsundays, relies on thriving marine ecosystems and resilient reefs. From Port Fairy to Lakes Entrance, from the Great Ocean Road to Bass Strait, livelihoods are tied to the health of the sea.</para>
<para>For tens of thousands of years, First Nations peoples have understood the ocean not as a resource to exploit but as a country that is living and interconnected. The Bunurong people of the Mornington Peninsula and Western Port Bay have strong sea country conditions. Bunurong stories speak of a time when Port Philip Bay was dry land, before the sea returned and reshaped the shoreline. They are records of change tracked across generations by people who know the rhythms of the sea and its connection to land and culture.</para>
<para>When we protect marine ecosystems we protect incomes, we protect food security, we protect culture and we protect the next generation's right to experience a living and thriving ocean, not a degraded one. We welcome this bill, but we strive for more ambition. Ambition must be met by courage at home. The fate of our oceans hinges on climate action. Every new oil and gas approval locks in more warming, more bleaching, more ecological collapse. If this government truly wants to be remembered as one that stood up for the sea, it must stop expanding fossil fuels. It must strengthen marine sanctuaries and hold the corporations that pillage our oceans to account. The ocean has given us everything—stability, sustenance and wonder. Will we finally give it the protection that it deserves? The Greens are ready to make sure that we do.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McLACHLAN</name>
    <name.id>287062</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the High Seas Biodiversity Bill 2026, which implements Australia's obligations under the high seas treaty. The Liberal Party is supporting the bill, as am I. The treaty entered into force on 17 January 2026, and this bill seeks to enact certain provisions which will enable us to ratify the agreement. The bill addresses our obligations under three parts of the agreement: it establishes a notification based regime for Australian entities collecting and utilising marine genetic resources; it establishes a framework to recognise area based management tools, such as marine-protected areas; and it establishes an environment impact assessment regime for certain undertakings within the Australian jurisdiction. So it is an exciting moment, that we are legislating a very important global treaty. As has been said by other contributions in the second reading debate, 60 per cent of our oceans are beyond national jurisdictions, and only about one per cent, I think, is currently protected. We need to work as a nation with the rest of the world to contribute to the global target of 30 per cent of coastal marine areas being protected by 2030 to ensure that our global biodiversity does not continue to decline at the rate it is. We need to engage with and assist our Pacific nations in protecting their biodiversity, which they, like ourselves, rely on to sustain life.</para>
<para>From a state that suffered from the algal bloom, I'm very mindful of the importance of the health of our seas, especially our coastal seas, and distinguishing that coastal seas, the sea and the ecosystems of the world are all interconnected. Thus, this is an important first step. I quote from Jennifer Morris, the CEO of the Nature Conservancy, who said, when the treaty was agreed to and came into force, that it would be a 'historic step toward safeguarding the ocean that connects and sustains us all'. She said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">This achievement reflects years of dedication from global leaders and the unwavering advocacy of partners—</para></quote>
<para>organisations—</para>
<quote><para class="block">like the High Seas Alliance. While we—</para></quote>
<para>the High Seas Alliance—</para>
<quote><para class="block">celebrate this moment, we also recognize the immense work still ahead to translate this agreement into real protections for marine biodiversity.</para></quote>
<para>That is what we are doing here today, and even more work needs to come from our nation once we have ratified the agreement and this bill has been passed and proclaimed. Can I say this: what the algal bloom made very clear to all South Australians is that nature needs to be at the heart of all decision-making. You cannot look at the sea or all of our natural environment as a place to pillage and extract. We must live in harmony with nature; otherwise, more and more of our natural world will have to be sequestered to protect our biodiversity. I'd rather see a world where we are living at one with nature and living in a sustainable way.</para>
<para>When I recently met the CEO of Greenpeace, Mr Ritter, he gifted me a very old book titled <inline font-style="italic">Australia's National Parks</inline>. I noticed that, on 14 July 1969, a Liberal prime minister John Gorton wrote this for the foreword:</para>
<quote><para class="block">This book outlines the great natural wealth of the Australian continent in landscape and in flora and in fauna.</para></quote>
<para>It didn't involve the sea, but I think the principles that he articulates in the next paragraph equally apply:</para>
<quote><para class="block">This wealth is part of our heritage. It belongs to the Australian people and it is a source of wonder and interest to all who visit us. We must protect it for future generations, for it is a legacy man cannot replace and must not destroy.</para></quote>
<para>He goes on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">"Australia's National Parks" makes a valuable contribution to conservation, to the efforts of our conservationists and to the sum of our knowledge of the unique features of our environment. It will help towards a greater understanding and enjoyment of the land in which we are privileged to live.</para></quote>
<para>Those sentiments equally apply, and it's good to see a Liberal leader of the past being so articulate and clear on our moral imperative to protect our environment. I suggest maybe in more recent times we may have lost our way, but that's a personal view.</para>
<para>I would just like to alert the minister that the two amendments from the Greens have just been tabled and have come to my attention. From my reading of them, they seem to seek to enact the recommendations of Greenpeace—my friends in the Greens may push back on where they came from—but there are two concepts which they are putting forward. If it's possible, in the summing up of the second reading debate or in the opening of the committee, to articulate the government's position on those—I know they've just been tabled—I would be grateful, to guide how I might vote or consider those amendments.</para>
<para>In my time remaining, I would reinforce to the chamber this is an important bill, one that should pass the Senate as quickly as possible so that the great work of all the conservationists and all of those in the department can continue to protect our natural world.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAROL BROWN</name>
    <name.id>F49</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak in support of the High Seas Biodiversity Bill 2026. This legislation gives effect to Australia's obligation under the Agreement under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea on the Conservation of Sustainable Use of Marine Biological Diversity of Areas beyond National Jurisdiction, often referred to as the high seas biodiversity agreement. This legislation allows Australia to implement and ratify the global agreement that will help protect biodiversity on the high seas.</para>
<para>The high seas are the parts of the ocean that lie beyond the national waters of any country. They sit outside exclusive economic zones and are not under the direct control of any single nation. These areas make up the majority of the world's oceans. They cover roughly two-thirds of the ocean and around half of the planet's surface. Because they sit beyond national borders, they have historically been difficult to manage. No single country is responsible for protecting them, yet the health of these waters affects everyone. The ocean is one connected system. What happens in the high seas does not stay there. Ocean currents move nutrients, fish and pollution across the globe. The health of marine ecosystems far from our coastline can influence fisheries, weather patterns and biodiversity much closer to home. For that reason, protecting the biodiversity beyond national jurisdiction is not simply a theoretical international issue; it is central to the long-term health of the global ocean and it is in Australia's national interest.</para>
<para>But the high seas are under increasing pressure. Overfishing has placed growing strain on fish stocks in many parts of the world's oceans. Climate change is warming ocean waters and increasing the effects on coral reefs and marine ecosystems. Pollution, including plastics and other waste, is spreading across the ocean and accumulating in remote areas. Shipping activity continues to increase as global trade grows. And new activities, including potential deep-sea mining and expanding fishing technologies, are raising fresh questions about how we manage these areas sustainably. All of these pressures contribute to biodiversity loss.</para>
<para>Species that live in the open ocean or in the deep sea often grow slowly and reproduce over long periods of time. That means they can be particularly vulnerable to environmental change or overexploitation. Yet, historically, the high seas have lacked strong conservation rules. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, established under the basic legal framework for the oceans, did not include a comprehensive system for protecting biodiversity in areas beyond national jurisdiction. For decades, the international community recognised that gap, but negotiating a new agreement to address it was never going to be easy. The high seas are shared by every country in the world. Reaching agreement on how they should be governed requires cooperation across regions, industries and legal systems. That is why the agreement represents such an important achievement.</para>
<para>After many years of negotiation, the treaty was adopted at the United Nations in June 2023. It establishes a global framework for conserving and sustainably using marine biodiversity on the high seas. Australia signed the treaty shortly after it opened for signature and has supported the international work to bring it into effect. The agreement came into force earlier this year once the required number of countries had ratified it. This legislation ensures that Australia can now formally ratify the treaty and participate fully in its implementation.</para>
<para>The agreement is built around four key pillars. The first concerns marine genetic resources. Marine organisms often contain unique genetic materials that can be valuable for research, medicine and biotechnology. The treaty establishes rules around how these resources are collected and used and how benefits from them are shared fairly. The second pillar relates to area based management tools. This includes the ability to establish marine protected areas on the high seas. Just as national marine parks protect ecosystems within a country's waters, these international tools will allow countries to work together to protect important ecosystems beyond national jurisdictions. The third pillar focuses on environmental impact assessments. Before activities that could harm the marine environment take place in these areas, their impacts must be properly assessed. This helps ensure that development or research activities are carried out responsibly. The fourth pillar deals with capacity building and technology transfer. Many countries, particularly developing nations, do not yet have the scientific or technological capacity to monitor and protect marine biodiversity. The treaty creates mechanisms for sharing knowledge, technology and expertise so that protection efforts can be more effective across the globe. Together, these elements form the first comprehensive international system for protecting biodiversity on the high seas.</para>
<para>The legislation before the Senate today is the mechanism that allows Australia to implement those commitments in domestic law. The High Seas Biodiversity Bill establishes the legal framework necessary for Australia to meet its obligations under the treaty. It regulates the collection and use of marine genetic resources by Australian entities operating in areas beyond national jurisdiction. It establishes a system for recognising and implementing international marine protected areas created under the treaty. It introduces an environmental impact assessment process for certain activities carried out by Australian entities that may affect the marine environment beyond our national jurisdiction, and it creates mechanisms to ensure transparency, monitoring and compliance with these requirements.</para>
<para>Legislation like this is necessary because Australia, like a small number of other countries, requires enabling legislation before ratifying certain international treaties. Passing this bill means that Australia can formally ratify the BBNJ agreement and participate fully in the decision-making process that will follow, and that includes the first conference of the parties under the treaty, which is expected to take place later this year. Participation, as we all know, in that forum will matter. I commend the bill before the Senate.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Here comes yet another UN power grab for control over Australian sovereignty. The High Seas Biodiversity Bill 2026 implements Australia's obligations under the agreement made under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea on the Conservation and Sustainable Use of Marine Biological Diversity of Areas beyond National Jurisdiction. Nobody at the UN, it seems, thought maybe a shorter name would suffice. It's called BBNJ for short—BB, biodiversity bill, and NJ, areas beyond national jurisdiction. The bill addresses three core parts of the BBNJ agreement: marine genetic resources, MGR; area based management tools, ABMDs—the UN's full of acronyms, isn't it—and environmental impact assessments, EIAs. Exemptions apply to activities in Antarctica, which maintains Australia's rights in that region.</para>
<para>Of the main provisions of the bill, the first relates to marine genetic resources and digital sequence information. This establishes a notification based regime for Australian entities collecting or utilising marine genetic resources. Entities must submit pre-collection, post-collection and utilisation notices to the minister. The minister may issue collection or utilisation certificates. Then again, the minister may not. This could actually lock up nature's own undersea pharmacy and protect the pharmaceutical industry. Remember, natural products can't be patented. They're a threat to the pharmaceutical industry. The provision in this bill which requires genetic material, including DNA sequences, to be made publicly available in a regulated repository and database may act to stop companies spending the money to conduct this research, either in entirety or via avoidance behaviour. The regulations do allow some scope for protection of intellectual property, although, given the cost of deep-sea exploration, there is a real risk of this bill reducing the deployment of nature's remedies hidden in the ocean depths.</para>
<para>Noncompliance triggers civil and criminal penalties. While previous UN agreements have made the same requirement—criminal penalties on Australians—these have been in areas where such penalties are appropriate—terrorism, genocide, slavery, and suchlike. This is the first agreement that extends the UN's powers to cover criminal penalties for an action which one would not immediately consider illegal, like taking DNA from a marine creature, looking for a compound that could cure human disease.</para>
<para>The second aspect relates to area based management tools, ABMTs, and specially managed areas. This creates a framework to recognise international area based management tools—for example, marine protected areas—decided by a UN conference of the parties. The minister must declare the area a specially managed area and determine a special management plan within 120 days, consistent with the area based management tools. Plans may include permitting regimes or prohibitions. Offences apply for contravening the plans.</para>
<para>The explanatory memorandum and the hype around this agreement show great lengths have been taken to carve out commercial fishing from the agreement. Regional fisheries management organisations, like the ones that manage tuna across the world's oceans, remain fully in charge of quotas, gear rules, seasons, and enforcement. The agreement contains a strong non-undermining clause, article 5.2, that says the whole treaty 'shall be interpreted and applied in a manner that does not undermine' existing fisheries bodies and rules. This was a key demand from fishing nations during negotiations, and it is repeated throughout the text when it comes to area based management tools, although there is a provision which takes precedence, which is marine protected areas on the high seas. The UN conference of the parties can propose and adopt area based management tools to protect vulnerable ecosystems, such as undersea mountains, hydrothermal vents, migration corridors and so on. How much of the ocean can be carved out in this manner depends on the exclusion zone around each of these and on the definition of things like migration corridors. Expect a significant percentage of the world's ocean to be caught in environmental exemptions—probably 30 per cent, a figure I'll explain in a minute.</para>
<para>I appreciate there are checks and balances in this process, yet we have seen the zeal with which anything United Nations is embraced by the Labor Party, the Liberal Party, the Greens and the teals. Does anyone really think the uniparty is going to say no to the United Nations once these powers have been granted? The UN has already decimated Australia's fishing industry under these same environmental rules. Now they'll do the same thing to ocean fishing, which, according to the UN's own Food and Agriculture Organization, yields 11 billion tonnes of fish—of food, and protein—annually. Eleven billion tonnes of food to feed the world's hungry may be at risk, and One Nation would argue it is at risk. Australia's aquaculture industry, fish grown in farms, is only 100,000 tonnes per annum, according to ABARES, the Australian Bureau of Agricultural and Resource Economics and Sciences. This doesn't include wild-caught fish.</para>
<para>What country has the ability to produce billions of tonnes of protein to replace the billions of tonnes of fish at risk from this agreement? Australia is an entire continent, and we can only manage thousands, not billions, of tonnes of aquaculture. Even the measly 40,000 tonnes coming out of Tasmania's fish farming in Macquarie Harbour is under attack right now for being too much, too intensive, too damaging, according to the Greens, who support this bill, so go figure. What will people eat in Greens land? It's not the first time I've asked them that question, and I still haven't heard their answer. As Australia cannot change an international agreement, all One Nation can do is oppose this bill, and we will.</para>
<para>The third aspect is the environmental impact assessment regime. This introduces a mandatory environmental impact assessment process for activities within Australian jurisdiction that may cause substantial pollution or harmful changes in the environment. Note the use of the word 'may', which is bureaucrat speak for anything they want it to mean—include anything. Every stage of the project is subject to individual licensing, scrutiny, reporting and review. The United Nations' recipe for everything is more bureaucracy, more licences, more power and more control taken to New York to make things worse—and, if not New York, Geneva.</para>
<para>How will this legislation solve the major problem actually threatening large areas of our oceans—the Great Pacific Garbage Patch, covering 1.6 million square kilometres; the south Pacific garbage patch; the north Atlantic garbage patch; the south Atlantic garbage patch; and the Indian Ocean garbage patch? How? It won't. Can anyone show me where in this legislation these abominations, these embarrassments to civilisation will be fixed through this legislation? You can't, Minister, because the source of this pollution is third-world countries chucking their rubbish into rivers, which travels out to sea and gathers in the gyres between permanent ocean currents. Those will not be covered by the international agreement this legislation introduces, because nobody wants to take on the countries doing it. You won't take them on.</para>
<para>Australia did it, though. We banned the export of our waste to third-world countries, who were taking out anything of value from the rubbish and then using their rivers as waste disposal facilities—putting their rubbish, our rubbish, into their rivers and then into the ocean. We did that without a United Nations agreement. We took out the dumping of rubbish and the exporting of our rubbish. We banned the exporting of our rubbish. We did that because it was the right thing to do. And, for the record, One Nation supported that legislation. Here's the catch, though. Under this agreement, if the United Nations wanted to solve the rubbish handling across nations whose populations exceed three billion, Australia would have to pay for it. That's the point of this bill. We undertake to pay whatever our share of whatever they spend becomes.</para>
<para>The fourth area is compliance, enforcement and administration. Australia appoints inspectors for monitoring, investigation, civil penalties, infringement notices, enforceable undertakings and injunctions. This includes information notices, audits and protections against self-incrimination. Australia authorises grants, payments and financial arrangements to meet the BBNJ obligations, including capacity building and technology transfer. When I said 'more bureaucracy', I wasn't joking. This is an insane level of new bureaucracy that we will be paying for.</para>
<para>And here's our next objection: the bill creates the heads of power for the government to make appropriations for the purposes of paying our share of this whole new bureaucracy yet doesn't say how much. You do not say how much. It can't, because the UN hasn't set their cost yet. Whatever that outcome becomes, we pay our share of that. This legislation is a blank cheque to the bloody United Nations. One Nation will not sign blank cheques. This is taxpayer money. Taxpayers are under extreme cost-of-living pressure and housing prices. This is taxpayers' money, and we have an obligation to make sure it's being spent properly. When you can't fulfil that obligation, we don't want to spend it. There's no reason why the spending can't be put in a separate bill when the cost is known. Then again, financial responsibility goes out the door when it's the United Nations asking or the World Health Organization, which is part of the UN, or the Asian Development Bank or the World Bank or any other globalist entity so beloved by the uniparty.</para>
<para>Finally, let me share with the Senate One Nation's overarching objection to this and similar legislation. The Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework was adopted in December 2022 at the UN Convention on Biological Diversity, United Nations Conference of the Parties 15. This framework, which Australia has signed, includes 23 targets for 2030—that's just four years away. Target 3, called the 30-30 target, requires members to conserve and manage at least 30 per cent of terrestrial, inland water, coastal marine areas and oceans by 2030 through creating protected areas, taking area based conservation measures and recognising Indigenous territories.</para>
<para>That's exactly what this bill does. For all the nice words—the fraudulent wording—around protecting fishing, this bill will give the United Nations, in their own words, the right to lock up 30 per cent of the world's oceans from fishing. In so doing, the world's hungry will lose billions of tonnes of food, of protein and of good nutrition. That's what you're all voting for. One Nation opposes this bill.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Greens welcome this legislation, will be supporting it and regard it as a significant step forward. I want to acknowledge Australia's environment movement and many of the groups that make up Australia's environment movement, who have worked so hard to keep the pressure on the government to make this happen and to promote amendments to this legislation, which, I understand, will pass. I also want to take a brief moment to acknowledge the work of my friend and colleague Senator Whish-Wilson. I acknowledge him not only for his massive and longstanding advocacy for, and love of, oceans and the species and ecosystems that make up the world's oceans, but also for the work he's done to improve this legislation.</para>
<para>I want to reflect on the impact of overfishing in international waters, which is something the Greens hope this legislation will do something about. Our international waters have been rampantly plundered in the name of profit and in the name of international geopolitics, and it is marine ecosystems and marine species that are paying the price. In particular, in the Southern Ocean around Antarctica, it is the krill fishery that is paying the price.</para>
<para>Krill are the foundation of the Antarctic marine ecosystem. They are the feedstock for the great whales—the fin whale, the humpback whale, the minke whale and others—who rely on krill for their very survival. Those whales, and the other whales, which were hunted in the name of profit—in many cases to the brink of extinction—need krill to rebuild their populations to what they were before people hunted them and so cruelled the numbers and populations of those species. Krill are the foundation for those species, as they are for penguins and for a whole range of other species—indeed, the entire Antarctic marine ecosystem.</para>
<para>There is nothing sustainable about krill fishing. The amount of krill being caught is on the rise. It's on the rise because companies like Swisse, a well-known and, dare I suggest, much-loved vitamin and health supplement company—much-loved in Australia, at least—are using krill oil as one of the key components of a number of their products. Now, the supplier to Swisse, Aker BioMarine, has, since 2021, not just killed six humpback whales as a by-product of its operations; it is actually responsible for 70 per cent of all the krill caught in Antarctica—70 per cent. So, I say to Swisse and to all of Aker BioMarine's other downstream customers: it is time to end your association with this destructive practice that is causing so much fundamental harm to this complex, magnificent, marine Antarctic ecosystem. It is time to end krill fishing in Antarctica. Do it for the whales. Do it for the penguins. Do it for the krill. Do it for the whole myriad, complex web of creatures and beings that rely on krill for their very survival.</para>
<para>That's one reason krill is being caught. The other reason krill is being caught is the same reason that the Tasmanian government wants to exploit a massive new population of sardines that has recently been discovered near Tasmania, and that is for the destructive, poisonous, toxic, salmon industry in my home state of Tasmania. This toxic industry has resulted in the Maugean skate—which had survived quite nicely, thank you very much, in Macquarie Harbour for countless millennia—being on the very brink of extinction. That's because of this toxic industry. And now the Tasmanian government wants to, no doubt, overfish a massive new sardine population, to use as feed for the salmon-farming corporations that operate in Tasmania. Of course, another component of the feed that is used by the salmon-farming corporations that operate in Tasmania is Antarctic krill. So, again, we see the problem here: corporate profits driving species to extinction; corporate profits destroying marine ecosystems; corporate profits driving the overfishing of numerous species, including krill, in Antarctica.</para>
<para>The Antarctic animals that we know and we love—the whales, the seals, the penguins, the seabirds—all rely on krill to survive. It is the absolute foundation of the Antarctic marine ecosystem. Yet it is being exploited for profit; it is being exploited as a health supplement—needlessly, because there are other opportunities and sources available that would deliver the same benefits as krill oil—and it is being exploited as a feedstock for foreign salmon-farming corporations in places like Tasmania.</para>
<para>I want to point out to Swisse that one of the biggest wellness retailers in the world, Holland & Barrett, has just committed to ending the sale of all krill-oil products in its stores. At the UN Ocean Conference, over 75 world-renowned scientists, celebrities and conservation groups joined the call to end krill fishing. Swisse is a registered B Corp, and it markets itself as sustainable. But I say to Swisse: there is nothing sustainable about the use of krill oil in your products. Stop using krill oil, or stop calling yourself 'sustainable'. That is the choice that Swisse has, because it can't have it both ways. It can't continue to brand itself as sustainable while propping up a fishery in Antarctic waters, fishing the crucial foundation of that entire, beautiful, incredible, complex, marine ecosystem. The whales, the seals, the seabirds, the penguins and the myriad of other species rely on krill for their survival.</para>
<para>Swisse has an obligation as a registered B Corp to stop using krill oil and become an Antarctic protector rather than what it is currently doing, which is to act as an Antarctic destroyer and undermine the very foundation of the marine ecosystems in our southern oceans and in Antarctic waters. We need to end krill fishing in Antarctica entirely. The Australian government needs to take a leadership role. Corporations like Swisse need to take a leadership role and the salmon-farming corporations in Tasmania—those toxic corporations that poison our waterways, that pollute our coastlines and that drive species like the Maugean skate into extinction—need to stop using krill oil in their feed.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Greens welcome this legislation, the High Seas Biodiversity Bill 2026, today to ratify the UN high seas treaty. It's been 44 years since the last international agreement on ocean protection was signed, and this is a historic moment. It's a symbolic moment, it's a ray of light, and it's some hope for people who love the oceans and have campaigned for the oceans all around the world. I want to reflect on how important it is to focus on the high seas and a little bit on what the high seas are.</para>
<para>My wife and I went to Vietnam for a short holiday last year after the federal election. I remember when we flew out of Ho Chi Minh City in the evening. The weather wasn't so great, but, as the plane got higher in the air, I remember looking out the window and seeing the sky dark and full of stars. It was a beautiful, starry sky. As I looked down towards the ocean, it was like the ocean was a mirror of the sky. It was full of lights like stars. But of course they weren't stars, and it wasn't a mirror. Those lights, as far as I could see, were fishing boats. The ocean was full of fishing vessels. Interestingly, I made a note to look at where the territorial waters of Vietnam finished, and I could see that clearly on the screen in front of me.</para>
<para>Once we reached territorial waters, the high seas, the area became dark again. There were some lights and there were some boats, but it was literally like night and day in comparison as we reached the high seas. I have also witnessed this on surf trips in Indonesia while standing on the beach at night and looking out onto the horizon. It almost appears like a continent is surrounding you, but it's not land and cities or towns. It's the same thing; it's fishing boats as far as the eye can see. The high seas are essentially lawless. They are a source of significant uncertainty in managing biodiversity, and they're a source of significant concern.</para>
<para>I want to give my brother, David Whish-Wilson, a quick shout-out in the Senate today. He is an author who writes crime fiction. He was so concerned about the issue of slavery and lack of sustainability in fishing practices on the high seas that he recently wrote a fictional book called <inline font-style="italic">Cutler</inline>. I won't spoil the story for you in case you want to get a copy of the book and read it, but it's about an undercover private detective going on board a boat. On board that boat a young Australian man, who was an ideological, young scientist that had finished university, was an observer. He disappeared, and foul play was suspected. So an undercover private detective went on board the boat as a new observer to try and uncover what had happened to the young Australian. It's a very hard-hitting book. It's an excellent read. It talks about the horrendous human rights abuses that occur on a number of these fishing boats on the high seas.</para>
<para>I want to give a shout-out to Minderoo Foundation for the work they've done on uncovering this over many years. When it comes to what goes on on the high seas, it is not just about protection of biodiversity; it is very much a human rights issue. In fact some of you may have had a visit by Greenpeace Indonesia recently with some fishermen who have been trapped in this cycle of slavery on the high seas. We've also, over the years, had other Burmese and Thai fishermen come and visit us and tell us their horrendous stories. Life is very cheap if you're a slave trapped on the high seas as a fisher. Because they're essentially lawless, very little is done about this, so any attempt to regulate what goes on on the high seas is to be welcomed and embraced.</para>
<para>I'd like to give a shout-out to all of the conservationists all around the world who have worked on this. The minister is in the chamber now, and I know he has met a number of them over the years. He would have met them last year in Nice at the international oceans conference. In particular, I'd like to give a shout-out to Alistair Graham, a Tasmanian, and Kate Noble from WWF; David Ritter from Greenpeace; and, from the other key marine conservation groups, Adele Pedder from AMCS and Christabel Mitchell from Pew. Of course, there are a lot more. All of them have played a really important role in getting Australia on board with this but also working with international partners. Just as it was with Alistair and CCAMLR over many years, it is always incredible people that care and are passionate and have experience and confidence who can drive these agreements forward. I just wanted to give them all a big shout-out and to thank them today for what they've been able to achieve.</para>
<para>I've been here long enough to remember the conflicts we've had in this chamber on marine protected areas in Australia. I remember, when I started as a new senator in 2012, Mr Tony Burke in the other place had brought in a package of marine protected areas that unfortunately we hadn't been able to legislate before the federal election in 2013. The disallowance hadn't passed the Senate. At that time, the environment movement—once again, a shout-out to those who spent decades trying to get the marine park set up in this country—were so tired and run down that they said, 'Okay, let's do this.' They weren't happy with what the Labor government at the time had brought in, but they were prepared to settle for it and then build on that over time.</para>
<para>Of course, history showed us that the Liberal Party won the 2013 election. Tony Abbott came in like the wrecking ball that he was and cut the green zones in Australia's marine parks by 50 per cent pretty much across the board. We lost a significant amount of marine protection. It was a really difficult debate we had to have in this Senate as to whether we supported a significantly reduced level of marine protection in this country or continued to campaign and continued to fight. In the end, although the Greens pushed for those to be disallowed and the campaign to continue, the disallowance passed and we had the marine protected area set up in this country.</para>
<para>The reason I provide this little bit of history is that I don't want anybody to think that what we've got in this country is adequate for marine protection, because it's not. The Labor Party weren't in government for 10 years. The Liberals did nothing to improve marine protections. We've seen oil and gas drilling in very important, critical areas of marine parks. We've seen commercial fishing in important marine parks. We can throw numbers around all we like, but the area of proper marine protection is nowhere near adequate in this country.</para>
<para>I do want to acknowledge that these marine parks are reviewed—they're decadal reviews—and the Labor government made some improvements in the last parliament in its first review of the south-east marine park area, which, I note, had an entire area of the south-east trawl closed permanently because of a collapse in fisheries stocks in that area. It was partly attributed to climate change and partly attributed to poor fishing practices, especially around the lack of data around marine bycatch. Nevertheless it was a big deal for AFMA to stand up and say, 'We are permanently closing a large part of this fishery.' It wasn't called a marine park; they wanted to avoid any language around marine protected areas and marine parks. This was a fisheries closure and a very significant one, because of what's happening in our oceans.</para>
<para>This is what we've got to remember. This debate might have been going on in Australia for 30 years, but our oceans are changing, and they are changing rapidly and not for the better. The changes we are seeing in our oceans are frightening. We can barely keep up with monitoring them. We've got to understand we're in a very dynamic environment right now.</para>
<para>One thing we do know about marine protected areas, be they in the high seas or in Australian territorial waters, is that they do help insulate against some of these most rapid changes and some of the worst impacts of things like climate change and overfishing. They help build resilience in the oceans, but they are not a silver bullet solution for what we need to do to properly protect biodiversity in our oceans. I would urge Labor to continue with the 10-year reviews of other marine protected areas, to lock in more improvements in these marine parks and to expand the areas of green zones.</para>
<para>I want to finish, in the last five minutes, by reiterating what the same amazing campaigners who have delivered this today in Australia are saying. We can't say we're protecting our oceans if we're not acting on climate change, reducing our emissions and showing global leadership on the impacts that burning fossil fuels are having on our oceans.</para>
<para>I can tell you I have borne witness to this in recent years. I have dived on the Great Barrier Reef multiple times with scientists. Last year, I had the Australian Institute of Marine Science take me out on Ningaloo Reef. I took three separate dives, and it was devastating to see what the worst recorded marine heat waves in history have done to biodiversity on these reefs. You need to go and see it for yourself if you don't believe me. I've seen the loss of giant kelp forests; the most productive habitat not just in the oceans but on our planet have disappeared in Tasmania. I've seen the impact it has had on fisheries industries, and they have disappeared because of marine heat waves and marine invasive species that are on the march because of warming oceans.</para>
<para>Not only does this effect fishing industries and our economy; it effects the communities that live on our coastlines. We've heard today from Senator McLachlan about the impact of the algal bloom, also caused partly or primarily by the burning of fossil fuels and marine heat waves. When are we going to wake up and understand that, unless we act on climate change, the oceans will continue to change? And it will undermine life on earth as we have known it and have been lucky enough in our lifetimes to have known it.</para>
<para>I'm not talking about being able to go snorkelling with your kids on the Great Barrier Reef; I'm talking about the womb of the earth: the ocean. All life has come from the ocean. If we saw a terrestrial forest ecosystem disappear along the coastline of Australia, if Tasmania's east coast had the most productive biodiverse forest on the planet that went a kilometre inland from its coastline, that produced billions of dollars in export revenue and that fed our country and if that disappeared before our eyes, do you think there would be a riot? Yes, there would be. Politicians of every colour would be talking about what we need to do about this, but, because it is happening in our oceans and is out of mind and out of sight for a lot of people, we don't talk anywhere near enough about it. The oceans literally are the canary in the coalmine for this planet right now. We need to watch and we need to listen and we need to act.</para>
<para>I would urge the government especially to look at the capstone project that I, as someone who has campaigned on oceans for decades, am thinking about right now, at a time when we need to show meaningful change and action: the plan for the Browse Basin on the North West Shelf of WA, the plan to drill Scott Reef and open up the biggest carbon bomb, the biggest fossil fuel project and the dirtiest fossil fuel project in our nation's history. This is at a time when we are literally seeing the climate break down.</para>
<para>Western Australia recorded ocean temperatures of between 36 and 38 degrees, off your beautiful state of Western Australia, Deputy President, which I love dearly, including in some of the most precious marine ecosystems in this country. It isn't just the fringing reefs of Ningaloo but further north of there, all the way up to Scott Reef, the Rowley Shoals. It is absolutely off the charts and only predicted to get worse if we don't act.</para>
<para>Today's legislation is dearly welcomed by anyone who's holding out hope that we can work together unilaterally. Let's forget about America and Russia, who haven't signed this agreement and therefore are not bound by it. Hopefully that will happen over time with pressure as more countries sign onto this. I'm all for focusing on the positives of this agreement and the fact that humans can work together to make our ocean a more beautiful, safer place, not just for the creatures that live there that we love but also for the humans that have to go and work on fishing boats on the ocean.</para>
<para>But let's not forget that there's so much more we need to do. And, if we're going to do that, it has to start in the parliaments of the world, in the places where we are today. That's my final message: only we can fix this problem, parliamentarians elected by the people. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank all the members who have contributed to this debate on the High Seas Biodiversity Bill 2026, and I recognise in particular the contribution of Senator Whish-Wilson. We are all aware that Senator Whish-Wilson will be finishing up in this place over the next few months, and I recognise his long-term commitment to ocean conservation as one of the things he has fought for. I hope he feels a degree of satisfaction that this bill will be passed prior to his departure from this chamber.</para>
<para>As we've heard here today this bill seeks to facilitate Australia's ratification of the Agreement under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea on the Conservation and Sustainable Use of Marine Biological Diversity of Areas beyond National Jurisdiction, also known as the high seas biodiversity treaty or the BBNJ agreement. The treaty was adopted at the United Nations on 19 June 2023 after nearly 20 years of international negotiations, and Australia was one of the first countries to sign it, on 20 September 2023. Australia is one of the few countries internationally that requires legislation to be passed in order to ratify a treaty, and that day has now arrived with the debate of this legislation.</para>
<para>The treaty creates stronger protections for our ocean by establishing a regime to conserve and sustainably use marine biological diversity in areas beyond national jurisdiction, being the high seas and seabed outside our maritime borders. As a maritime nation, a healthy and resilient ocean is at the heart of our economy, wellbeing, national identity and regional security. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples have cared for sea country for more than 65,000 years.</para>
<para>Ratifying this treaty will bring real benefits to Australians. It will allow us to fully participate in international decision-making, lead the treaty's implementation in our region and work together with other states to build a healthier and more resilient ocean. It will support Australian businesses and our world-class research sector by creating a clear and level regulatory framework that puts everyone on an equal footing. It will compliment our extensive domestic network of marine parks, which already protects 52 per cent of our maritime jurisdiction, and it will contribute to the global target to protect 30 per cent of coastal and marine areas by 2030.</para>
<para>Around 60 per cent of the global ocean is beyond national jurisdiction, but only around one per cent is currently protected. This bill and the treaty that underpins it offer a pathway to increase those percentages. We share the ocean with other nations. Many threats to Australia's marine estate originate outside our national waters, such as plastic pollution; climate change; and illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing. We cannot safeguard the health of the ocean or the prosperity of marine industries without cooperating with other nations. That's why we need this treaty and this legislation.</para>
<para>The treaty will also play an important role in ensuring peace and stability in our region by supporting the rules based multilateral system, enhancing international ocean cooperation and strengthening our regional and bilateral relationships. The High Seas Biodiversity Bill creates a regulatory regime to ensure Australian activities are undertaken consistent with this new treaty. This includes regulating the collection and use of marine genetic resources from areas beyond national jurisdiction, a framework for Australia to recognise area based management tools established by the treaty, such as marine protected areas, and a process for environmental impact assessments for certain activities that are carried out in, or that would have an impact on, areas beyond national jurisdiction. So you can see just from that quick summary that there are a number of measures contained in this bill that will dramatically expand the conservation of the ocean estate outside national boundaries.</para>
<para>Australia has engaged in the more than 20 years of discussion and negotiations for this treaty, and we are co-chairing the process to prepare for the first meeting of the conference of the parties. This bill is necessary for Australia to ratify the treaty and to safeguard the health of our shared ocean, support our thriving ocean economy for future generations and maintain our hard earned reputation as a global ocean leader. I thank all members who have contributed to this debate. I also thank the many environmental non-government organisations that have campaigned for a long time to have this legislation passed. I also recognise the constructive engagement of a number of industry groups as we've developed this legislation. On that basis, I commend the bill to the chamber.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a second time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>In Committee</title>
            <page.no>29</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As my colleague Senator Hodgins-May has foreshadowed, the Greens will move two amendments. The first is to strengthen language to include reference to marine protected areas throughout the bill. The second is to significantly increase penalties on Australian corporations found in contravention to the objects of the bill. I'd just like to speak briefly to those. I won't be interrogating you, Minister Watt. You're well aware of these amendments and the groups that have been seeking these changes. Thank you for being cooperative in assessing these, but I will speak briefly to them.</para>
<para>The Greens believe provisions within the bill should be strengthened to explicitly reference and highlight marine protected areas as a critical type of specially managed area. The legislation previously talked about specially managed areas, which of course is part of the BBNJ, but that definition of marine protected areas included in the treaty should be explicitly adopted in the bill. That has been the Greens view, as it is the view of many of the stakeholders that have worked on this.</para>
<para>Australia should advance marine protected area proposals in the Indian and Southern oceans and in the Tasman Sea, specifically the Lord Howe Rise area spanning the waters between Australia and New Zealand. But right across Australia, we need more comprehensive marine protected areas—we've already talked about that in our second reading debate contributions—and we've got a bit of work to do on that in Australia. However, we feel like it's an important distinction to put it into this bill and to talk about the marine protected areas and the kinds of legislation we have here in Australia.</para>
<para>The Greens support the creation of a framework of offences and penalties where activity in Australian waters or by Australians in international waters would result in a breach of Australia's treaty obligations. Criminal offence penalties are generally commensurate with similar offences relating to impacts and biodiversity on land; however, civil penalties in this bill were significantly lower than those provided under the EPBC Act, the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act. We just wanted to bring this bill in line with those.</para>
<para>As outlined by a number of national and international environment and ocean conservation groups, the high seas treaty will face unique challenges relating to compliance and enforcement, and the Greens want to see increased effort by all parties to the treaty to ensure the compliance regime is as robust as possible from the outset with the ability to strengthen these provisions over time. Specifically the Greens believe the bill could be further improved by aligning civil penalty provisions with those contained in the 2025 amendments to the EPBC Act, including to allow for the calculation of penalties by reference to the benefit derived by the entity from the offending conduct.</para>
<para>As I mentioned earlier, Australia has ratified the BBNJ, the high seas treaty. I do believe we're a little bit late to do that, but nevertheless it's been great that it has been done and we are now passing that into law today. There are countries that haven't ratified it. We would obviously like to see pressure or diplomacy over time to bring them on board. The US is one. It's very disappointing they haven't ratified this yet, as I understand, nor have Russia, India and some other key players. China ratified this in 2025. It's really important for those that have ratified this bill to be able to take actions against any, for example, Australian operators who might have been operating in the high seas and breached this legally binding bill once it's been ratified. The Greens commend these amendments to the Senate, and we do believe they improve the bill. I seek leave to move the amendments together.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move amendments (1) to (4) on sheet 3709 together:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Clause 4, page 4 (line 9), after "measures", insert ", such as the establishment of a marine protected area,".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Clause 5, page 9 (after line 30), after the definition of <inline font-style="italic">marine genetic resource</inline>, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">marine protected area</inline> has the same meaning as in the BBNJ Agreement.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Clause 54, page 49 (line 6), after "area-based management tool", insert ", including a marine protected area,".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Clause 58, page 52 (line 5), after "area-based management tool", insert ", including a marine protected area,".</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move Greens amendments (1) to (11) on sheet 3713 together:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Clause 62, page 55 (line 20), omit "500", substitute "5,000".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Clause 63, page 56 (line 14), omit "500", substitute "5,000".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Clause 98, page 87 (line 21), omit "1,000", substitute "5,000".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Clause 99, page 89 (line 4), omit "500", substitute "5,000".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Clause 100, page 89 (line 22), omit "500", substitute "5,000".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) Clause 101, page 90 (line 15), omit "500", substitute "5,000".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) Clause 102, page 91 (line 9), omit "1,000", substitute "5,000".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(8) Clause 103, page 92 (line 20), omit "500", substitute "5,000".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(9) Clause 104, page 93 (line 12), omit "500", substitute "5,000".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(10) Clause 105, page 94 (line 5), omit "500", substitute "5,000".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(11) Clause 116, page 109 (after line 22), at the end of the clause, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Maximum penalty</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">certain contraventions by a body corporate</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Despite subsection 82(5) of the Regulatory Powers Act, the pecuniary penalty that a relevant court may order a body corporate to pay for a contravention of a civil penalty provision in Part 3 or 4 of this Act must not be more than 10 times the pecuniary penalty specified for the civil penalty provision.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: Under subsection 82(5) of the Regulatory Powers Act, for a contravention of any other civil penalty provision of this Act by a body corporate, the pecuniary penalty imposed for the contravention must not be more than 5 times that specified for the provision.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill, as amended, agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill reported with amendments; report adopted.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>31</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People Bill 2026, National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People (Transitional Provisions) Bill 2026</title>
          <page.no>31</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <p>
              <a href="r7425" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People Bill 2026</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r7426" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People (Transitional Provisions) Bill 2026</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>31</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DEAN SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People Bill 2026 and the associated transitional provisions bill. At the outset, I acknowledge the seriousness of the issues facing Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children today, issues that demand practical action, accountability and a relentless focus on outcomes and the front line. I make these comments on behalf of the responsible shadow minister.</para>
<para>The bill empowers the national commissioner to promote, improve and support the rights, safety and wellbeing of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children, while driving greater accountability for policies impacting this group. The associated transitional provisions bill ensures the continuity of the national commission as it transfers from an executive agency to a statutory authority. But this empowerment, unfortunately, will do little.</para>
<para>Indigenous Australians deserve more than symbolism. They deserve more than Canberra-centric bureaucracy. They do not need more talk or more consultation. They need resources and for our focus to be on the front line. They certainly deserve more than the legislation constructed to sound transformative while offering little substance to turn the dial on disadvantage. They need a government focused on outcomes, not headlines. After carefully considering the bills, the detail of the proposed commission, the consultation undertaken and the record of this government, the coalition will oppose this legislation.</para>
<para>There's no question that improved outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children must be a national priority, but the evidence is clear. Under this Albanese Labor government, outcomes are going backwards. Under Labor's watch, four Closing the Gap targets are worsening: adult incarceration, children in out-of-home care, children commencing school developmentally on track, and suicide. Youth detention is up 11 per cent, preschool attendance is down 2.6 per cent and 1.2 per cent fewer Indigenous children are developmentally on track when they start school. Child safety indicators are worsening, and the system is not responding quickly enough. Yet this government's answer is to add another national bureaucracy rather than to direct resources to the frontline services in communities where they are now so desperately needed.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister has repeatedly pointed to structural change as the solution, but, in reality, structural change without functional outcomes is meaningless to a child living in overcrowded housing, exposed to violence, not attending school or being removed from their family. Structural change, Prime Minister, is not about building structures. It is about deploying the efforts of existing structures to maximise effect, and dealing with those organisations you fund that are not contributing as intended. This bill lacks any focus on frontline responses, and the coalition will not support it. The bill is not the answer that children in desperate need need.</para>
<para>The government argues the bill will create an independent and empowered national commissioner by transitioning the current executive agency to a statutory authority, but, when we look at it closely, it becomes clear this is not a commission designed to fix a failing system; it is a commission designed to look like reform. The commissioner's functions mirror what already exist across multiple Commonwealth, state and territory bodies. These functions include coordination, research, inquiry, advocacy, providing advice to government, engagement programs for children and education initiatives. These responses are about talking action, not taking action. There is a very big difference between these two points.</para>
<para>The bill adds extensive compulsory information-gathering powers, including the ability to compel individuals or organisations to provide information or appear before hearings, backed in by civil penalties. But who could the commissioner be consulting that is not already captured in consultation that governments and others are already undertaking? The commission will cost $33.5 million over the forward estimates, and it adds yet another layer of bureaucracy on top of a system already saturated with commissions, councils, working groups, peak bodies, statutory offices and advisory structures.</para>
<para>What the bill does not add is a single measurable, practical improvement to the lives of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people needing a response to their crises now. This body duplicates existing roles and functions. It duplicates the work of the National Children's Commissioner, the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner and the multiple Indigenous-specific children's commissioners already operating in the ACT, Queensland, South Australia and Victoria. In addition, it overlaps with the Department of Social Services, which is already required to consult children and young people. It holds few functions not shared by state and territory child protection, education, youth justice and health agencies, where the real levers sit and which states and territories control. This new commissioner's work is essentially about consultation, providing advice to government, undertaking research and advocacy. As the gap continues to widen on the Albanese government's watch, there is no gap that this commission will fill. Instead, the focus should be on ensuring existing bodies do their jobs within their existing remits. The government's focus must be on ensuring resources are applied to where there is potential for the greatest and most immediate change, and that is in frontline services.</para>
<para>This commission reinforces and replays the Albanese government's track record of creating Canberra based structures to respond to community based challenges. It's bureaucracy masquerading as reform. The government says the commissioner will coordinate the efforts of states and territories, yet the bill offers no explanation of what powers or mechanisms the commissioner has to do so. There is no detail on how an educational program will be delivered across diverse, remote communities, nor an explanation of what unique power the national commissioner will have to speak directly to children when every government agency and independent commissioner already has that capability and responsibility.</para>
<para>Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people regularly report consultation fatigue. It is unclear how the national commissioner will not just be an additional outreach body consulting the same people on the same issues. Indigenous community leaders are clear and their message is consistent: ample consultation has been done. It is now time for action. It is time for implementation and respect for the work that has already been done.</para>
<para>It's extraordinary that the government's primary justification for this bill rests on consultation that was limited in scope, circular in nature and heavily reliant on advocates who are already supporters of the concept contained in this legislation. The person most consulted ahead of establishing the commission was the same individual appointed as the inaugural commissioner, Sue-Anne Hunter, fresh from her previous role as commissioner for the Yoorrook Justice Commission. The government relied heavily on a single, one-off First Nations youth roundtable tied closely to the SNAICC—again, one of the most vocal proponents of this commission. Stakeholder diversity was limited, and alternative perspectives, including from frontline workers, child protection case managers, school principals in remote communities and families themselves, were not meaningfully included. Yet, against the evidence, this government claims that the bill reflects the voices of children.</para>
<para>This national commission will be rich in symbolism but devoid of practical measures. Symbolic policymaking has become the hallmark of this government. The bill uses expansive language about human rights and cultural identity but fails to address why children are unsafe, why school attendance is falling, why youth detention is rising or why entire communities are struggling to maintain stable environments for young people. The government cannot continue to ignore the real failures of existing systems, only to shift accountability to a new body when those systems fail. The job of ministers in this government is to demand accountability, not divest it to someone else. The first job of any government is to keep its people safe. Protecting vulnerable children is not a job the Albanese Labor government can outsource.</para>
<para>To be clear, everyone in this place is on a unity ticket that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children deserve every opportunity to grow up safe, supported and thriving. But there is nothing in this bill that ensures outcomes change. The <inline font-style="italic">Closing the </inline><inline font-style="italic">g</inline><inline font-style="italic">ap</inline> report due for release later will likely try to gloss over worsening indicators for children in care, children developmentally on track and children experiencing harm. The government will attempt to point to this bill as proof that it is taking action to make a difference, but codifying a national commissioner with the power to write reports does not put a child in school, does not remove a child from danger and does not support parents to rear healthier, happier, safer children. This position will cost taxpayers millions of dollars but will do nothing to address the issues most immediately affecting Indigenous children and young people. Despite the best intentions, the national commissioner will not close the gap. The government must not be judged on the number of bureaucratic structures it creates but on the outcomes it achieves for the most vulnerable Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people.</para>
<para>Currently, state and territory governments hold the responsibility for the key systems impacting children: education, child protection, corrections and health. Nationally, the Department of Social Services, the National Indigenous Australians Agency and the Coalition of Peaks also hold major roles in supporting Closing the Gap outcomes. As Minister McCarthy stated when scrapping cross-portfolio Indigenous estimates last year, improving outcomes for Indigenous Australians is a whole-of-government priority. It is therefore those agencies which must be held accountable—by her, not by a third-party, so-called independent commissioner. This bill explicitly shifts that accountability away from government and onto the commissioner. It does so by establishing a body that will drive accountability for policies impacting this group. The only real opportunity that exists here is for responsible ministers to blame the commissioner, not the ministers responsible and the policy responses that contribute to making the gap much worse and much wider.</para>
<para>The cost of this commission, as previously stated, is $33.5 million over the forward estimates and $9.33 million ongoing. The coalition believes that this funding could instead support dozens of remote school attendance programs, fund additional child protection workers in crisis-level regions, strengthen domestic violence interventions, support alcohol restrictions and community safety plans or provide early developmental support for vulnerable children. Every dollar should go where it can make the greatest difference. That's why the coalition has always prioritised frontline delivery, not bureaucratic expansion.</para>
<para>The coalition's position is guided by longstanding principles. Australia has had enough of symbolic gestures. Real improvements demand evidence based interventions. The answer is stronger governance, performance monitoring and transparency of existing organisations, not additional bodies that defuse responsibility. Funding must flow to organisations with proven governance and results, not those with the loudest voices, and the government must act to end funding to those whose operations fail the very people they are designed or exist to help. The coalition is focused on breaking welfare dependency, supporting families and ensuring children attend school—all protective factors that change trajectories and change lives.</para>
<para>Finally, community-level challenges will never be solved from Canberra. These principles stand in stark contrast to what this bill represents. The coalition has further, deeper concerns about this bill that must be addressed. The government has repeatedly elevated structures, panels and bureaucratic bodies in place of genuine engagement and measurable improvements. Across multiple areas, including family violence, youth justice, community safety and child protection, the Albanese government has consistently failed to listen to the voices of children. For instance, the University of Adelaide's report into the impacts of the cessation of the cashless debit card, vetted and watered down by the Department of Social Services, notably did not include a single child's voice.</para>
<para>If the Albanese government were serious about improving outcomes, it would prioritise practical, measurable interventions. It would introduce policies to improve school attendance, especially in remote communities, where attendance rates have collapsed. It would strengthen child protection systems, ending the care-criminalisation cycle, where children in out-of-home care all too often end up in contact with youth justice. It would support early childhood development, ensuring every child commences school on track. As the National Children's Commissioner titled her landmark report, children need 'help way earlier'. It would also confront the drivers of violence, not just talk about them. This means responding to the havoc created by the Albanese government's reckless decision to allow alcohol restrictions to lapse in the Northern Territory and ideologically remove the cashless debit card. It is those things that contributed to the outcomes ending up much worse for Indigenous young people.</para>
<para>None of these priorities are meaningfully advanced by the creation of a national commissioner. For all these reasons, the coalition will oppose this bill. We oppose it because it duplicates existing structures. We oppose it because it diverts funding away from frontline needs. We oppose it because it shifts accountability away from agencies responsible for delivering the services that are designed to help.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STEWART</name>
    <name.id>299352</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today to speak in support of the National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People Bill 2026. I think that the opposition's position on this bill is very telling. They think that we would blame the national commissioner for the systemic failures across the nation that our children are experiencing. That is absolutely not the intention of something like this. In fact, it is the opportunity for the commission to reflect back to government where the failures are in the system that are letting down our children.</para>
<para>While those opposite might be afraid to have some of the failures that happened under their watch reflected back at them through a position like this, we are very happy to hear, from people like the commissioner, where it is that government can be doing better. This is not about blaming other people; this is actually about holding government accountable on the things that we say we are going to do. That's what this commission will have the opportunity to do.</para>
<para>Right now, in this chamber, we do have a chance to write the next chapter for First Nations children—one that gives them strength, dignity and the promise of a future that they deserve. This moment has been hard won. For decades, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander leaders and community organisations have pushed for a national voice that could stand up for their children and hold systems to account. In 2019, more than 70 organisations came together to call for a national commissioner, to hold systems accountable and improve outcomes for our children. Now, again, those opposite are choosing to not listen to the voices of Aboriginal people. Seventy organisations came together and asked for this commission. For decades, they've been asking for something like this. And this government is acting on that ask. It is a simple thing to do. I want to recognise the work of those leaders and the people who have pushed for change and refused to have our children be overlooked.</para>
<para>This legislation strengthens accountability and oversight in areas where progress for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children has stalled. It establishes a dedicated, independent national advocate for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people, backed by $33.5 million in new funding and $8.4 million a year, ongoing, to support the commission's operations.</para>
<para>Unlike the way those opposite have categorised it, this is not 'pie'—it's not like spending money here means you're taking money from the front lines. That is not how it works. This is a 'both and': you need to continue to fund the front lines as well as making sure that we have somebody looking, nationally, at the systems that support our kids and being able to reflect that back to government when they're not working. This is a 'both and'; it's not an 'either or', as it has been categorised in this chamber.</para>
<para>This bill equips the national commissioner with the authority and powers needed to ensure a unified approach across governments, strengthen accountability and confront the systemic barriers that continue to disadvantage our children and young people. Concretely, this bill gives the national commissioner clear statutory functions and operational powers to undertake inquiries and research into systemic issues; to hear directly from Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people and families and support their participation; to run education and rights-awareness programs for children—that's really important; to promote and enhance coordination across Commonwealth, state and territory agencies, commissioners and community organisations—again, that's incredibly important; to advise government on policy, program design and service delivery—again, it's really important to get that information from the people who are doing the frontline work, as you can't just make things up on the run as those opposite might like to do; and to use information-gathering powers to require responses from agencies, so that recommendations don't get ignored—that seems important to me. Like other independent oversight bodies, the commissioner will have the authority to conduct inquiries, make formal recommendations to government and engage in public advocacy, research and education.</para>
<para>I also want to acknowledge Professor Sue-Anne Hunter, who will serve as the first national commissioner. I have known Sue-Anne for many years; we first met when we both worked at VACCA, the Victorian Aboriginal childcare agency, many years ago. As a social worker, and as a passionate advocate for First Nations children and families, she has dedicated her career to improving the outcomes for our young people. I know she will bring her heart, her experience and her unwavering commitment to standing up for every First Nations child.</para>
<para>What makes this office unique is that it is the only national position solely focused on the rights, wellbeing and bright futures of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people. If we're serious about closing the gap, then we can't keep accepting a system where Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander kids are 11 times more likely to be in out-of-home care. That is the same system where First Nations young people are 27 times more likely than non-Indigenous young people to be in youth detention. On top of that, only around one in three Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children, 33.9 per cent nationally, are assessed as being developmentally on track across all five domains when they start school.</para>
<para>These figures reveal the systemic scale of the challenge that this bill will absolutely work to change. This commission will help change that story. These young people are descendants of the world's oldest continuous living culture, spanning more than 65,000 years. They deserve the chance to grow up connected to their family, community, culture and country. This bill acts as a strong accountability mechanism that ensures the government fulfils its commitments to our children and families. These aren't just numbers. They are nieces, nephews, cousins—the children of our communities. They deserve to grow up with family, culture and country and with the freedom to hope. This bill gives them a fighting chance to do exactly that, and it's on us to make sure that we don't let them down.</para>
<para>Today many First Nations children face uncertainty every day. They move between homes, struggle to access consistent support and risk losing connection to their families and culture. With this bill, their daily lives could look very different. Children would have advocates ensuring that they receive the services they need and that they remain connected to their communities and country. This bill gives these children the chance to grow up feeling seen and connected to who they are and where they come from. It gives them somebody who is always in their corner. It gives them someone who will stand with them when systems fail them and a way to be heard in decisions that shape their lives. We cannot let them down.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I acknowledge that I'm standing here today on the unceded land of the Ngunnawal and Ngambri people, and I honour their elders past and present and their future leaders. I'm thinking of those future leaders today as we debate the National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People Bill 2026 and the National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People (Transitional Provisions) Bill 2026. First Nations communities, the community controlled sector and the Family Matters leadership group have called for an independent national commissioner for children for many years. The role was announced in 2024 and began operating within the department, but this legislation will create the independence that the community has called for from the outset.</para>
<para>It comes at a critical time with much work to do. The latest Closing the Gap data confirms the ongoing and unacceptable overrepresentation of First Nations children in prisons and in out-of-home care. First Nations kids are now 20 times more likely to be in custody than non-Indigenous kids. Tragically, last year Western Australia recorded the first death of a First Nations youth while in custody. Overpolicing, institutionalised and systemic racism, racial profiling and draconian mandatory sentencing laws are all risk factors contributing to the overrepresentation of First Nations youth in detention. Lifting the age of criminal responsibility is an essential step to reducing overincarceration and addressing a key threat to the safety and wellbeing of First Nations youth. I will be moving a second reading amendment calling for all governments to finally listen to the experts and raise the age of criminal responsibility to 14.</para>
<para>Too often disadvantage becomes criminalised when Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children lack access to appropriate supports and services. One in seven First Nations kids will have an out-of-home care placement by the time they're 13. SNAICC predicts that without significant policy shifts the numbers will increase by 34 per cent over the next 10 years. Despite significant individual care packages provided to residential carers, children in care are too often neglected, exploited or abused. Carers often lack the skills and the capacity to keep children safe and supported. Too many children leave care in poor health, without education or future prospects and deeply traumatised. Evidence shows that First Nations kids in care are regularly criminalised for behaviour that would not involve the youth justice system if it happened in a white family home. The most recent SNAICC <inline font-style="italic">Family </inline><inline font-style="italic">matters report</inline> detailed exit pathways from out-of-home care and the failure to ensure kids leaving care can thrive. Too many kids age out of care without clear support. Many experience disconnection, poor mental health, homelessness or detention, and the cycle continues.</para>
<para>All of this is to say that the National Commissioner for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People has their work cut out for them. The commissioner's functions include promoting the rights and improving the safety and wellbeing of First Nations kids; building on their strengths and creating the conditions for them to thrive; identifying systemic issues and barriers; advising government; and driving greater accountability for the impact of government policies, programs and services. This could be a powerful and catalytic role, giving First Nations peoples a voice and forcing systemic issues into the spotlight.</para>
<para>I met with Commissioner Sue-Anne Hunter last month. Her passion and ambition for the role, and her commitment to addressing priority issues for First Nations youth, were very clear. She brings years of experience and dedication to the enormous task ahead of her. Our concern is not with the commissioner's dedication but with the government's. Despite the wishes of 70 organisations who called for the national commission, the bill doesn't provide the commissioner with powers to investigate and determine complaints from First Nations youth. This is a huge missed opportunity. The bill also allows the commissioner to seek information from governments to inform her reports and recommendations, but the only thing compelling governments to comply with those requests is the threat that they will be named in the commissioner's annual report if they do not. Shame has not been enough for governments in the past.</para>
<para>At the Senate inquiry into youth justice last year, children's commissioners from around the country expressed their collective frustration that the governments they advised had failed to change. The Queensland Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children's Commissioner, the inimitable Natalie Lewis, spoke about the hyperincarceration of First Nations young people, who have long been politicised by kneejerk policies rather than supported by community led transformational change. She said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">What will it take for the Commonwealth to intervene in state and territory youth justice systems? Is the torture of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children the standard to compel Commonwealth intervention, as we witnessed with the Don Dale Youth Detention Centre? Is the removal of detention as a last resort and the introduction of 20-year mandatory minimum sentences in Queensland's legislation grounds for Commonwealth government intervention?</para></quote>
<para>Ms Zoe Robinson, the NSW Advocate for Children and Young People, urged the government not just to listen but to act. She said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We have all the evidence we need to know that what we are doing right now is not the solution. … Each state and territory is taking a different approach, but it is clear that none of these have the safety, wellbeing and best interests of children and young people at heart. In the words of a child incarcerated who I sat with, 'The only way you get heard is to yell and scream.' So here we are as commissioners, guardians and advocates for all the children across this country, yelling and screaming—figuratively of course—on behalf of all children incarcerated.</para></quote>
<para>The government must listen to these screams for action. As Ms Lewis says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Agreements without meaningful action and without accountability for inaction are nothing more than an exercise in appeasement.</para></quote>
<para>When stakeholders called for a national commissioner, it was not just to keep overseeing business as usual. The role is needed because successive governments have failed to do enough—or, in some cases, failed to do anything at all—on key issues affecting the health and wellbeing of First Nations kids. SNAICC CEO Catherine Liddle said the national commissioner can be 'a true accountability mechanism to ensure governments follow through on their commitments to our children and families.' We know the government won't do that on its own. Without an obligation to act, the risk is that they hide behind reports and don't change anything at all. Reports without action do not keep children out of prison or out of care.</para>
<para>The Greens have proposed an amendment to the bill to hold the government accountable for its action. The amendment will require the government to formally respond to any recommendations made by the national commissioner. We understand that the government will not support that amendment. When we asked the government why it would not support a requirement to respond to recommendations—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>282997</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Excuse me, Senator Waters. I hate to interrupt you, but you will be in continuation. It now being 1:30 pm, we shall move to two-minute statements.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>STATEMENTS BY SENATORS</title>
        <page.no>36</page.no>
        <type>STATEMENTS BY SENATORS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economy</title>
          <page.no>36</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SHARMA</name>
    <name.id>274506</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Around the world last week, central banks met in Japan, in the eurozone, in Canada, in the United States and in the United Kingdom, and central banks in each of those countries, faced with the same global economic headwinds and turmoil that Australia faces, all decided to keep rates on hold, because they have the room and the inflationary space to wait. But here the Reserve Bank met and decided it couldn't wait. It raised interest rates by 25 basis points, the second rise in as many months, because Australia is an outlier here.</para>
<para>The interest rate rise of last week means an average mortgage holder is paying $106 more in interest per month. If you add that to the rate rise the month before, you're looking at $210 a month in additional interest repayments. If you add up all of the 14 rate rises that have taken place under the Albanese Labor government, the average mortgage holder today is paying $27,000 more a year in interest.</para>
<para>Jim Chalmers, the Treasurer, had the audacity to say last week that Australia is better placed than most to deal with this global economic turmoil we are facing. That is not true. We are worse placed than most. Look at our inflation figures: 3.8 per cent annualised. If you look at other advanced economies, in the US it is 2.4 per cent, in the UK three per cent, in the eurozone 1.9 per cent and in Canada 1.8 per cent. As the Reserve Bank governor said last week, inflation was already out of control in Australia. So what this government has done is that it has shredded our economic shock absorbers. Inflation was too high. Government spending, as again the Treasurer has conceded, was too high. Government debt is approaching $1 trillion. What this means is that the government does not have the fiscal or monetary space to respond to this crisis, and our fuel stocks are too low. That is why this crisis is going to hit Australia harder than most other developed nations.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Fuel Security, Cost of Living</title>
          <page.no>36</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STEWART</name>
    <name.id>299352</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The cost of living isn't just a line in the budget; it's the daily pressure families feel every time they tap their card at the supermarket or watch the numbers climb at the petrol pump. In the Mallee, we know that, when the price of fuel goes up, the price of everything follows, from groceries on the shelf to the freight moving across our highways.</para>
<para>Just over a week ago in Robinvale and Hattah, the pumps ran dry. I want to be really clear about why this has happened, because there is a lot of noise out there. Our national fuel supply is secure. The ships are arriving in our ports, exactly as scheduled. As the Prime Minister and Minister Bowen have made clear, the shortages we saw weren't because we've run out of fuel; they were because of a massive spike in demand which has put a sudden heavy strain on our local delivery chains. When people rush to fill up extra jerry cans just in case, it makes it harder for the fuel to get out to people who need it most—our farmers, our emergency services and our freight drivers.</para>
<para>This is why we stepped in. We aren't just watching from the sidelines; we're taking a responsible multipronged approach, because there is no 'one size fits all' solution here. We used our local fuel backup, a reserve we built from scratch through a minimum stockholding obligation, to release fuel into the market and stabilise supply. We also stood up a fuel taskforce and a direct hotline to industry to ensure regional towns are the priority and not an afterthought.</para>
<para>But we know that, even when fuel is flowing, the bill is still a massive weight on the family budget, and that's why our government is focused on direct, practical relief to ease the squeeze on your wallet. We are delivering tax cuts to every single taxpayer, along with energy bill relief. We've made medicines cheaper. We've wiped 20 per cent off HECS debt. In a crisis, you need a government that steps up, not back. That's exactly what we are doing.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>One Nation</title>
          <page.no>37</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>There's a lot that's been said about One Nation's vote since Saturday, and there's a lot that isn't being said as well. Firstly, One Nation lied to the South Australian people during this election campaign. They lied about where their preferences were going. They told South Australians to just vote 1 and that their preferences would just sit with One Nation. Of course, we now know that they were secretly directing preferences without anybody knowing. They lied to their voters straight up. They lied about the preferences they were receiving. They got preferences from the Liberal Party, despite the fact that Mr Barnaby Joyce lied twice on television—again yesterday—to say no-one was preferencing them.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>282997</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hanson-Young, you are referring to a member of the other place and you've used a term that has been found to be disorderly in this place. I would ask you to withdraw, please.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I withdraw. Mr Joyce misled people when he said that One Nation got no preferences. They got preferences from the Liberal Party. One Nation lied about who their candidates were. They lied about one of their candidates who had an arrest warrant out on him for sex charges in the UK. They've been caught lying from day dot. They defrauded electoral funds in New South Wales. They lied about that. They have lied about how they love this country. Australia is a country that they seem to not like very much at all, because Australia is a country that is multicultural, has beautiful environments and has a community rich in diversity. Every time One Nation mount their hate and division, they are lying about how much they love it. They don't like this country very much at all. They wish it were different. That is the biggest lie of all.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Cost of Living</title>
          <page.no>37</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DEAN SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Australians are hurting under cost-of-living pressures. The government is spending too much money. That is driving inflation, which is driving interest rates, and Australian families and small businesses are paying the price of that. You don't have to believe me, but you can believe the Catholic Church. The Australian Catholic Bishops Conference has said in its most recent report that the human stories of struggle underline the cost-of-living pressures of Australian families.</para>
<para>In the Australian Catholic Bishops Conference's most recent report, <inline font-style="italic">The cost of our living: economic and social justice for the common good</inline>, the Catholic Church catalogues the cost-of-living pressures that are being felt by Australian families across our country. Evidence cited in the report reveals that more than 70 per cent of Australians say that the cost of goods and services has risen faster than their earnings. That report says that food insecurity is increasing, with more than one in three Australian households having difficulty accessing sufficient food, forcing many families to skip meals or rely on emergency food relief. Those are not the comments of a politician; they are the comments of the Australian Catholic Bishops Conference.</para>
<para>In the last few weeks, what else have we heard about the cost-of-living pressures being felt by Australian families? The Queensland Council of Social Services has confirmed that cost-of-living pressures are driving a sharp rise in demand for community support services across Queensland. This is all the result of the Albanese government's lack of attention to cost-of-living pressures. It says that 81 per cent of services are experiencing increased demand. Labor has failed to address cost-of-living pressures for Australian families.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tasmania Devils Football Club</title>
          <page.no>37</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DOWLING</name>
    <name.id>55842</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At 12.05 pm on Saturday at North Hobart Oval, something truly special happened. We saw the ball bounce in what was the first apprenticeship in two years for the Tasmania Devils football club on their journey to AFL greatness. They played Coburg. It wasn't just a milestone for a football club; it was a milestone for a state that has lived and breathed Australian rules football for generations.</para>
<para>Tasmania is and always has been a fiercely proud football state. For decades we've produced elite talent, filled grandstands and carried the game through our communities, and we've waited a long, long time—too long—for our national team to be our own. On Saturday, we saw that future begin to take shape. At 10 am, I joined the line as it snaked around the oval as the crowd tried to get in and pack that stadium to capacity. There were 11,000 proud Tasmanians watching their team and cheering them on against Coburg. Families, kids in Devils colours, lifelong footy supporters—all there to witness the moment many thought they might never see. And what we saw was more than a game; it was the beginning of something much bigger. The Devils VFL debut is a critical step on the road to AFL entry and AFL greatness. It's about building a culture, developing talent and abetting a team that truly reflects the character of Tasmania—resilient, grounded and quietly determined.</para>
<para>There is still work to do. Establishing a new club takes time, discipline and sustained investment. But what Saturday showed beyond any doubt, beyond the scoreboard, is that Tasmania is ready. We're ready to support, ready to belong and ready to make this team our own. And as we reflect on the result—the Devils won by 17 points—the outcome, while important, is not the full story. The real result is this: Tasmania now has a team to believe in and, after all these years, that means everything.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Fuel Security</title>
          <page.no>38</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'SULLIVAN</name>
    <name.id>283585</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Two weeks ago, when we were last here, the opposition was accused of spreading misinformation about an impending fuel shortage crisis. Australian eyes do not lie; they have seen fuel shortages across the country. Following our call to action, the Prime Minister convened National Cabinet and declared that it is a different world. But it's not a different Labor government. It remains slow to act and quick to deflect, and this crisis has been overseen by an energy minister who is way out of his depth.</para>
<para>Australians are not mugs. They know that this country holds only 30 days of fuel reserves, and they remember an energy minister who sought to blame consumers for shortages. Now we see further pressure with the Yara Pilbara ammonia and ammonium nitrate plants shut down for at least two months following the catastrophic damage caused by a power failure. Ammonia is critical to fertiliser production for agriculture and explosives for the resources sector. Disruptions of this scale flow directly to food security and to the viability of our mining industry.</para>
<para>At a time like this, Australians expect focus. Instead, we've seen ministers such as the resources minister overseas talking renewables while critical domestic supply chains are under strain. This reflects poor planning and a steady erosion of our industrial capacity. Australians see confusion, mixed messages and a government focused on their green dream rather than building the resilience that our country needs. When a crisis comes, the lack of resilience is exposed.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Aviation Industry</title>
          <page.no>38</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator MARIELLE SMITH</name>
    <name.id>281603</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Australia's aviation industry connects Australian travellers to the world. It supports jobs, trade, tourism and opportunity. When aviation works well, our whole country benefits. But for too long, workers in our aviation industry have been let down. The industry has faced crisis after crisis: global health emergencies, volcanic eruptions and other climate based disruptions, conflicts, and crises. And too often when these things happen, it is workers who get let down and left behind.</para>
<para>Aviation workers are the backbone of this sector, and for many they strive tirelessly year after year to take their place to find a job in the sector because they're passionate about it and they're passionate about the opportunities it should bring. These workers deserve more; they deserve better, fairer and safer conditions. That is exactly what the Transport Workers Union is fighting for.</para>
<para>I was proud to stand with the TWU during the pandemic, side by side with workers at Adelaide airport, as we called for more support. I am proud to stand with them now as they call for a sustainable long-term solution for the troubles within Australia's aviation sector. The TWU's proposal for a safe and secure skies commission is about accountability and it's about transparency. It's about lifting standards, improving safety and rebuilding a sustainable aviation sector.</para>
<para>The Safe and Secure Skies campaign calls on airports to do better, uphold workers safety, guarantee fair pay, improve worker facilities and properly engage on work health and safety. It calls on airlines to guarantee fair pay and decent working conditions, to support an independent tribunal and to ensure that same job, same pay applies. If we want a strong aviation sector then we must invest in the people who make it possible. And in this effort, I am proud to stand with the Transport Workers Union and their members in aviation.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Cost of Living</title>
          <page.no>38</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Labor's economic hand grenade is set to explode all because the Prime Minister and Treasurer cannot stop spending your money. Since coming to government, these Labor vandals have increased spending by $150 billion, and the consequences are very simple. Inflation has gone up, and so, too, have interest rates, and who pays the price? Australian households do. I fear for the 3.3 million Australians who have home loans right now. I suspect it won't be long before interest rates go up to 10 per cent. As young Australians and families are already strained to borrow crippling amounts of money, life in Australia is only going to get harder under these new economic wreckers.</para>
<para>Today, the Commonwealth Bank is offering a standard variable home loan for borrowers with small deposits at 7.24 per cent. Repayments on a $700,000 home loan are $1,167 per week over a 25-year term, and interest rates are set to rise again. Add this to the still rising cost of groceries and fuel prices, which are rapidly approaching $3 a litre—if you can find fuel at all—and how is anyone meant to cope? Anyone would think this is a government that takes great delight in torturing Australian households all because Labor can't control their spending, which is driving inflation. If Australia's interest rate does rise to 10 per cent, it will bankrupt the joint.</para>
<para>While Australians are tightening their belts and choosing between food and fuel for the week, government spending is increasing. When Whitlam was dismissed by the Governor-General in 1973, government spending was at 24.3 per cent of GDP, yet this prime minister is at 28 per cent. So, if Whitlam was a vandal at 24.3 per cent—what does this make Albanese and Chalmers?</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tasmania: Salmon Farming Industry</title>
          <page.no>39</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This week marks 12 months since one of the most shameful things that I've seen in this chamber occurred, which was the Albanese Labor government weakening their previous environmental protection and biodiversity conservation laws for the salmon industry. It was the very last thing it did on the last day of the last parliament. Only two weeks ago we heard, through FOI documents through ex-senator Rex Patrick—quick shout-out for him—that the government's own department told them in the strongest possible terms that salmon farming in Macquarie Harbour needed to end if we were going to protect the critically endangered Maugean skate. It appears that not only was this legislation to weaken environment laws brought in in defiance of the government's own advice but because of this advice—in other words, had this advice been provided in a court of law, there would be nothing that the salmon companies could've done. It was that black and white.</para>
<para>This looks to be direct cronyism and direct institutional corruption where a government would weaken laws for an industry so that they could win a seat in Tasmania at the election. Since then, data from CSIRO shows the salmon industry in Tasmania has no social licence. And just last Friday, to top it all off, we found out that new data from the EPA shows that dissolved oxygen levels, which are what's driving the skate to extinction, are getting worse, which is exactly what the department said to the previous minister before they shamefully weakened environment laws for the salmon industry. That's why the salmon industry has no social licence, and that's why, now, we need to protect the Maugean skate and hold the salmon industry to account.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Fuel Security</title>
          <page.no>39</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BABET</name>
    <name.id>300706</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Australians have always prided themselves on being a resourceful people. We can survive droughts, floods, fire and also Mr Kevin Rudd as the Prime Minister and then as a US ambassador—my goodness! But apparently what we cannot survive is a government that thinks planning ahead is a form of colonial oppression. Under the Prime Minister and the Minister for Climate Change and Energy Chris Bowen, we've been treated to a masterclass in strategic napping. While other nations have quietly stockpiled fuel like sensible adults preparing for winter, Australia has taken a more relaxed approach that is something between blind optimism and outright denial, in my opinion.</para>
<para>If a tap is turned off, we could be just weeks away from serious fuel disruption. And what's the plan? Minister Bowen told the ABC recently that it might not hurt for people to stay home and work from home. What? Stay at home, like during the COVID era's stay-at-home orders—come on, Mr Bowen! Our energy minister is a man so romantically committed to windmills and solar panels that it appears he might actually think that fuel is an optional extra. In his world, the future is powered entirely by good intentions and a stiff breeze, which is wonderful, right up until the moment you recall that trucks, planes and most of the economy still runs on oil.</para>
<para>The truth is fuel security is not complicated. You store enough of it so your country doesn't grind to a halt the moment things blow up in the Middle East or in the South China Sea. It's not radical. It's not controversial. It's basic competence. But, when it comes to this Labor government, competence seems like it's in shorter supply than diesel. We all know what the solution is, and it's a very simple one: drill, baby, drill.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Western Australia: Aged Care</title>
          <page.no>39</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COX</name>
    <name.id>296215</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Today I want to speak about aged care in Western Australia and the reality that we are confronting: demand is rising, and the system has been under pressure for too long. Older Western Australians deserve better. In WA we are seeing the consequences of years of underinvestment: older people waiting too long for a place, families under strain and hospitals carrying pressures they were never designed to hold.</para>
<para>That is why the Albanese Labor government is taking targeted, practical action to rebuild capacity where it's needed the most. We are placing a further $100-million investment in the Aged Care Capital Assistance Program, and we are directing funding into identified hotspot areas, including Perth. This funding is aimed at unlocking projects that are already close to viable, getting more beds delivered within the next two years and easing pressure across the system. This builds on more than $1 billion already invested since 2022—the largest investment of its kind—increasing supply while improving quality.</para>
<para>We're not stopping there. Labor is supporting aged care across the system, investing in regional and rural providers, expanding and modernising facilities and strengthening the workforce needed to deliver safe, high-quality care because this is about more than beds. It is about dignity, and it is about ensuring that every older person, whether they live in Perth, the regions or remote communities, can access care that is safe, culturally appropriate and close to home. We know the scale of this challenge. Our government is acting, investing, building and delivering real outcomes, because aged care is a measure of our values. Under Labor, we are getting on with the job.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Taxation</title>
          <page.no>40</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DAVID POCOCK</name>
    <name.id>256136</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I don't care if you're making money off data centres, gas, solar, wind, groceries, social media or AI. I don't care if you're making money off selling Pokemon cards. If you make money here in Australia, you should pay tax here in Australia.</para>
<para>Not content with having given big gas a free ride for the past few decades, it looks like the government is now proposing to do the same for big tech. Rather than regulating the explosive growth of artificial intelligence and data centres in our country, the government has released a new national interest framework with five national expectations related to national security resilience and maintaining social licence. Expectations! Not laws, not regulations, not guardrails—just expectations.</para>
<para>It's clear to me that when it comes to big tech, expectations are not going to cut it. We expect petrol companies not to jack up the price unnecessarily, but they do. We expect big supermarkets not to price gouge Australians, but they do. If we're going to expect big tech to do the right thing, I can almost guarantee you that they won't.</para>
<para>While there are clear economic and sovereign capability benefits that AI offers, we need to be equally clear-eyed about the risks as well and actually regulate to protect Australians against them. AI data centres in Sydney alone are forecast to need more water than the whole of Canberra's drinking supply within the next decade. Eight days ago, we saw that Google was threatening to withhold $20 billion in data centre investment because they were worried that it could expose them to paying tax in this country. That says everything we need to know.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination</title>
          <page.no>40</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator THORPE</name>
    <name.id>280304</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, 21 March was the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. It marks the day in 1960 when police in apartheid South Africa opened fire on thousands of protesters who were peacefully protesting apartheid policies. That day, police murdered 69 people and injured more than 180 others. Many were shot in the back as they tried to flee.</para>
<para>In 1999, Howard changed the name of the day in this country to Harmony Day. Do you know why he changed it? He didn't want to talk about racism. He didn't want to acknowledge that this country is a very racist country if you're not white. He didn't want to acknowledge the racism that non-white people—black and brown people—experience every single day, at school, at the hospital, trying to get a job or trying to get a rental. Every day, this is what it's like for black and brown people in this country. So Howard says, 'Oh, let's just call it Harmony Day, because we can't talk about racism; that's too much.'</para>
<para>So where is the harmony? Where is the harmony in this country when we have the stolen generations continuing today, with five per cent—one in 20—of all First Nations children being removed from their families? So far, during every week in 2026, two Aboriginal people on average have died in custody. We're three per cent, and jailing of our people has just hit the highest rates ever on record, because of Labor. More than one in 50 adult First Peoples are jailed. Where is the harmony?</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Fuel Security</title>
          <page.no>40</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KOVACIC</name>
    <name.id>306168</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Australians have rightly been concerned by the ongoing impacts of the war in Iran, and they are being felt right here in Australia. The energy minister, Chris Bowen, has been either asleep at the wheel or very selective about the information that he presents to Australians. First, he informed the Australian people that there was no cause for alarm because there was plenty of fuel supply. The next day, he declared a national crisis. First we were told not to panic, and now the government has released the national reserves and is telling people to work from home. Australians are rightly concerned about the complete inconsistencies and the changing stories that are coming from this government.</para>
<para>Petrol stations are going dry, particularly in regional locations, and people are paying around $3 a litre for diesel. The lived reality of Australians is an entirely different story to what the government is saying. Minister Bowen needs to get his head out of the sand, because this is yet another cost-of-living hit for Australians. It is time the government started being transparent with the Australian people about where the shortages are and what industries are actually at risk. Australians deserve clear leadership, transparency and a government that cares about making sure families and businesses have the fuel that they need, rather than covering up its own inaction. The government needs to ensure that Australians have the fuel that they need when they need it. The government doesn't need a fuel coordinator with no powers to get anything done; it needs a minister who will do his job. It's the minister's responsibility to ensure that the system is working and Australians are getting the fuel that they need. It is not his job to pass the buck. The minister has the powers he needs, and it's time for him to clean up his mess. Our economy is weak, fuel supplies aren't guaranteed, and Australians are struggling.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>282997</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Polley, for the time remaining.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>South Australian State Election</title>
          <page.no>41</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator POLLEY</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to congratulate my state colleagues in South Australia for a fantastic victory on Saturday night. They have actually turned the state to red. If Senator Farrell were here, he'd say they produce the best red wine, but I think this election just re-established the fact that only Labor listen to their community. They listen and they act. It was an outstanding result, the biggest vote that South Australian Labor has ever had. Put that in contrast to the dismal result by the Liberals, who we know didn't learn anything from the last federal election. Quite clearly, they haven't learnt anything in South Australia.</para>
<para>What is more telling is that they've been beaten by their chamber buddies, Pauline Hanson and the One Nation people. They went to an election with not one policy, but they have got more votes than the Liberals did. I would be ashamed to acknowledge you. What the South Australian people know, as people do Australia wide, is that, if you want action and a government who's going to deliver for you, you need to always vote Labor, unlike those who chose to have a protest vote in South Australia on Saturday.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MINISTRY</title>
        <page.no>41</page.no>
        <type>MINISTRY</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Temporary Arrangements</title>
          <page.no>41</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I advise that Senator Farrell and Senator Gallagher will be absent from question time today, and Senator McCarthy will be absent from question time both today and tomorrow. In their absence, ministers will represent portfolios at question time in accordance with the letters circulated to the President and party leaders and Independent senators.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>SHADOW MINISTRY</title>
        <page.no>41</page.no>
        <type>SHADOW MINISTRY</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Presentation</title>
          <page.no>41</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I advise the Senate that, following Senator Canavan being elected as the Leader of the Nationals, an updated shadow ministry list was published on 16 March 2026. I seek leave to have this document incorporated into <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The document read as follows—</inline></para>
<para>SHADOW MINISTRY</para>
<quote><para class="block">Each box represents a portfolio. Shadow cabinet ministers are shown in bold type</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>43</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Fuel Security</title>
          <page.no>43</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Minister for Climate Change and Energy, Senator Ayres. On 4 March, you told this Senate that warnings about fuel shortages were 'far-right extremist scaremongering' and that there was 'no need' for Australians to be concerned. Last sitting week, you told the Senate:</para>
<quote><para class="block">There is not a supply problem … there is some unusual demand behaviour.</para></quote>
<para>Since then, six fuel shipments have been cancelled, Mr Bowen has conceded that there will be bumps in supply, and some Australians are paying over $3 a litre at the bowser. Minister, you were wrong, and Australians are now paying a very steep price for it. Will you now apologise for dismissing a real fuel crisis as far-right extremist scaremongering?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, that is an extraordinary question that just shows, I think the total lack of self-reflection and insight that there is amongst the Liberals and Nationals and their friends in One Nation. The parties that in government closed four out of six of our refineries now have wandered through and discovered the forest of sovereign capability and are discovering these new trees just for the first time.</para>
<para>The point that I made in week 1 and week 2 of this was that there are some people in Australian politics who see a national challenge and see only a partisan opportunity for themselves. That is what they see, and the thing is that they do it over and over and over again. Every time they see a challenge, no matter what it is, it is the same behaviour that is exhibited. It is hyperventilating, hyperpartisan behaviour from those opposite, and it always ends in the same result.</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister Ayres, please resume your seat. There needs to be order. Minister Ayres, please continue.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It always ends in the same result: getting smaller and smaller and smaller. That is what happens.</para>
<para>As for this government, what have we done? We have implemented minimum stockholding obligations that are the strongest in 15 years. We have empowered the ACCC to have stronger penalties on price gouging. We have appointed a coordinator-general, undertaking practical action— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cash, first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, why did the Albanese government treat the Australian people with such contempt by spending weeks denying there was a fuel supply crisis in Australia when all Australians could see that there was a problem?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I would argue that the kind of behaviour that you have all engaged in, that incapacity to act in the national interest when there is a national challenge, is treating Australians like mugs. And the truth is Australians do not like being treated like mugs by the Liberals and Nationals, who only focus on two things. The first is the fact that they despise each other. And the second is a hyperpartisan response to every challenge that engages all of their interests, both internationally and here in Australia. It's all you've been capable of. Australians are seeing through that behaviour—that imported ideology of exporting jobs. Your track record— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired</inline><inline font-style="italic">)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cash, second supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, I can tell you right now it's not a hyperpartisan response to go in to bat for the Australian people who are suffering under this government and your failure to properly manage the full crisis in Australia. Will you now apologise to the Australian people for your government's gross mismanagement of the fuel crisis, which they are now paying dearly for?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cash just makes my case. The idea that your—when I say 'your' I mean it collectively—behaviour in relation to this set of national challenges is anything but contemptuous—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On a point of order, Senator Cash has interjected throughout the entire set of answers. I have left it until the last set, but I would ask her, if she possibly could, to desist.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cash, as you know, it's my way to allow leaders some leverage, but you have overstepped the mark, so I ask you to please listen quietly.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The truth is that a respectful and in-the-national-interest response is precisely what this government has done. We have taken action over time—not just in the last five minutes but over time—to increase national resilience. We have moved to appoint a coordinator general.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Henderson, you have been constantly interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And now, Senator McKenzie, you have joined in.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>We have undertaken all this practical action. The alternative of what Mr Taylor and Senator Canavan led over the miserable period that they were in government on these questions was shameful, against the national interest and a hands-off-the-wheel approach that made Australia weaker. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Middle East</title>
          <page.no>44</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CICCONE</name>
    <name.id>281503</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Happy Monday. My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Wong. Iran's recent actions in the Middle East have triggered instability and severe shocks to energy markets around the world. What is the government doing to shield Australia and household budgets from the worst of this global uncertainty?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As Senator Ciccone outlines, the conflict in the Middle East is having an impact on households, on businesses, on industries and on supply chains in our country. Iran is holding the Strait of Hormuz hostage, and we've seen major spikes in demand for fuel, which have pushed prices up. We know that there are shortages in some areas as supply chains work to catch up. That's why the government is taking action securing fuel supply for Australian industry and households, cracking down on price gouging and working to mitigate the impacts from global energy price spikes. We're focusing on stability and affordability for gas users and strengthening Australia's resilience in the face of future shocks. We've released up to 20 per cent of diesel and fuel reserves to help deal with regional shortages, and we are making sure that all fuel made here in Australia is used here and that Australian oil refineries have the certainty they need to make more fuel here. The ACCC will punish suppliers found to be ripping people off, and we have brought forward legislation to double penalties. And, as Senator Ayres referenced, the government has appointed a fuel supply taskforce coordinator, with the appointment of Ms Anthea Harris in that role—a well-respected public servant, and someone with great knowledge of the energy markets.</para>
<para>These actions that we are taking build on almost four years of the work of our government, of this government, to strengthen Australia's resilience, to strengthen our international relationships and to shore up Australian economic security at a time of great uncertainty.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Ciccone, first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CICCONE</name>
    <name.id>281503</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Minister, for that response. I understand that the minister has also been engaging with key international counterparts to help ensure the continued flow of fuel that we need. Minister, what has been Australia's message to our international counterparts, and what have been the responses?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Ministers across the government are engaging with international counterparts. Unlike some in this place who seek to make hyperpartisan observations—</para>
<para>An opposition senator interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>including the interjection just now—some of us in this parliament are actually focused on making sure we do what we can to assure supply and to ensure the continued flow of liquid fuel and diesel shipments.</para>
<para>Earlier today, the Prime Minister spoke with Lawrence Wong, the Prime Minister of Singapore, about our shared energy supply chain resilience and agreed a joint leaders' statement on energy security. I table that statement now.</para>
<para>In recent days, I have spoken with my counterparts in Singapore, Malaysia, the United States, the European Union, the Republic of Korea, and New Zealand and India. We have agreed that the international community must keep working together to ensure critical waterways are not held hostage by the Iranian regime. We will continue working around the clock to secure our fuel— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Ciccone, second supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CICCONE</name>
    <name.id>281503</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Challenging international circumstances, like those that we are seeing coming out of the Middle East, highlight just how important it is for governments to work together calmly and in the national interest. How is the Albanese government providing that leadership, Minister, and what threatens it?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Ciccone. The government does understand that Australians are watching the events in the Middle East, and globally, with great concern, and we all understand that Iran's actions have triggered severe global energy shocks. This matters to Australians; it matters to us all. But something Senator Ciccone said in his question merits repeating, which is: 'How do we work calmly and in the national interest?' because that is the question that politicians should be addressing, and that is the way the government is dealing with this. We are calmly working through these challenges—and they are substantial challenges—to protect Australians from these shocks.</para>
<para>What we see on the other side is, again, those opposite showing the extent to which they are all about themselves. They are all about themselves. When they see any national challenge, their first thought is: 'How do I play politics with it?'—that's their first thought. And it says something about your ethics. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Fuel</title>
          <page.no>45</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Minister for Climate Change and Energy, Senator Ayres. Despite weeks of fuel shortages impacting truckies, farmers, fishers and miners, as well as petrol stations in our regions and city suburbs going dry—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Shoebridge</name>
    <name.id>169119</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>How's your war going?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order!</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Shoebridge</name>
    <name.id>169119</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>How's your war going?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>the Minister for Climate Change and Energy continues to deny there is a problem.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Senator McKenzie, I'm very sorry. Senator Shoebridge! I've called order twice and you've ignored me. Come to order! Senator McKenzie, please continue.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order across the chamber! Order! This is question time, Senator Shoebridge and Senator Wong! Order. Order. Senators asking questions and ministers—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Shoebridge! Senator Shoebridge, I will name you. You are being incredibly disrespectful to me. I'll remind the Senate once again that senators asking questions have the right to be heard in silence. Equally, when ministers stand up, that silence continues. I'm very sorry, Senator McKenzie. Please continue.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you for your protection, Madam President. Just yesterday, on ABC's <inline font-style="italic">Insiders</inline><inline font-style="italic">,</inline> the minister said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… we've got our refineries working full pelt and not exporting any diesel or petrol … we are continuing to see our fuel supply being strong.</para></quote>
<para>If Australia's fuel supplies are so strong, why over the weekend were 107 petrol stations in New South Wales without diesel, impacting farmers in Farrer and beyond, and 42 stations were without a single drop of fuel?</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>While I'd rely upon my previous answer in relation to the overall approach and I understand the approach that Senator McKenzie has taken to these issues, I do want to take the issues of supply in regional communities seriously in terms of my answer to this question. It does, of course, take time for new supply to work through the supply chain—519 million litres. This is being prioritised for regional demand.</para>
<para>Regarding the number of petrol stations or retail outlets that are supplying agricultural businesses in particular that Senator McKenzie refers to, the government has been very purposeful and deliberately transparent about precisely what is happening in those regional communities. We know that the following actions are happening: more supply in the Riverina and into regions like Hay and Griffith; more fuel for places like Gunnedah, which had stockouts last week; more fuel for independent service in country New South Wales towns, like Orange, Wellington, West Wyalong and Lake Cargelligo; and extra actions in Dubbo and Albert, where customers are starting planting season. All of those developments are happening because of the action that the government is undertaking—and also, importantly, in cooperation with our partners in the states—to make sure that the national stockholdings make their way right through the supply chain to people who need it.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McKenzie, first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The International Energy Agency has suggested Australians reduce fuel use by cutting speed limits by 10 kilometres an hour, car sharing, using public transport, staying home and restricting private car use to different days. On ABC's <inline font-style="italic">I</inline><inline font-style="italic">nsiders</inline> yesterday, the Minister for Climate Change and Energy agreed that one suggestion from the IEA was a sensible thing to do. How many of the IEA's proposals does the government think are sensible, and why should Australians be urged to embrace restrictions if, as the minister claims, our fuel supplies are strong? <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thanks to Senator McKenzie for that question. I, of course, watched Mr Bowen's <inline font-style="italic">I</inline><inline font-style="italic">nsiders</inline> interview just as closely as you did. I was struck by the way that he carefully and calmly explained what it was that the government is doing here. He also did that in a way where that transparency is all about supporting public confidence. What he didn't do was engage in hyperpartisan commentary about this issue. He did his job, and our job is to make sure that those national reserves are making their way through the supply chain. I'm hoping for another question to follow that on, because there's plenty more to say.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Senator McKenzie, I can't call you for your second supplementary if you are being disorderly. Second supplementary, Senator McKenzie?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The government has so far failed to maintain supplies of petrol and diesel needed by farmers, businesses and families. Can the government advise on what date fuel supplies will be restored such that Australians can be guaranteed that when they go to their local service station there will be fuel available for sale?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The thing about this set of challenges, Senator McKenzie, is that it requires everybody working together. It requires the kinds of steps the government has undertaken. I can tell you, in places like Texas, Queensland, that had stockouts last week—we are supporting fuel to make its way to Texas, Queensland, not Texas in the United States, which was Mr Taylor's plan just a few years ago.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKenzie</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Point of order on relevance—when will the government guarantee Australians can buy fuel, given the minister assures us the supply is on shore?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McKenzie, you're getting into dialogue. The minister is being relevant to your question.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Not sure whether it's dialogue or monologue, President, but—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator, that's not helpful. Withdraw in the interests of the chamber please.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>This is a set of challenges—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Ayres, in the interests of calming the chamber—</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I withdraw. This is a set of national challenges that requires Australians to work together. That is kind of leadership that the government is providing in this instance and every other instance where there is a set of national challenges. It would be good if the Liberals and Nationals signed up to team Australia and actually behaved in a way that was consistent with the national interest.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Gas Industry: Taxation</title>
          <page.no>47</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to Minister Wong, representing the Treasurer. It's promising to hear that the government is modelling a gas export tax. Gas corporations will continue to make windfall wartime profits for months or even years as bombs continue to rain down in the Middle East. Ordinary people are paying the price while gas companies profit off their pain. Polling today shows that 61 per cent of Australians support taxing export gas. With the Greens, you have the numbers to pass a gas export tax of at least 25 per cent this fortnight. Are you ready to stare down the greedy gas corporations and make them finally pay their fair share?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Waters for her question. I did observe the public statements from the Greens, and they have a consistent position on this. Obviously, the government's focus on tax is rolling out tax cuts for every taxpayer, which I note that those opposite opposed. We're obviously closely monitoring events in the Middle East, as I went to in my first answer.</para>
<para>The principle of Australians deserving a fair return from natural resources they own is a sound one, and it is one that Labor in government has held to. In our first term, we did make changes to the petroleum resources rent tax so that offshore gas companies paid more tax sooner, increasing the number of entities paying tax, and also to encourage investment in our resource sector through the production tax credit for critical minerals.</para>
<para>I would note that we are in a time of global instability, and, as the first few questions of question time elicited, leaving aside any of the political discussions, this is a major challenge for the country. The government's immediate priority is fuel security, and we are focused on securing supply.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Waters, first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The government has supported this illegal war which has now led to a fuel crisis. The federal government could ease the fuel crisis by funding free public transport, as the IEA recommends. That would give cost-of-living relief and free-up fuel supplies for farmers and regional areas. Will you work with the states to introduce free public transport to help families, farmers and fuel security?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is true one of the measures, I think, that the International Energy Agency has spoken about is public transport, amongst other things. As you correctly note in your question, however, Senator, those are matters for the states and territories. In relation to coordination between state and federal governments, obviously, the Prime Minister convened National Cabinet last week. It is true that a number of aspects of response to these challenges and the fuel constraints globally are—those responsibilities are shared between state and federal governments, and I'm sure the Prime Minister will continue to hold those negations and seek to work cooperatively with the states.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Waters, second supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>If this crisis has taught us anything, it's that we need to end our dependence on fossil fuels. However, your government has indicated that the electric vehicle fringe benefits tax exemption is on the chopping block in this year's budget. Given that we are in fuel crisis, will you rule out making it harder for people to buy electric vehicles in the budget?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm happy to respond. I would note that the sup was about EVs and the primary was about the PRRT, but that's fine. I'm happy to answer as best as I can. I think this government has made clear, very clear, the importance of transitioning to cleaner and more sustainable forms of energy. There is a climate argument for that, there is an economic argument for that, and I think, as has been demonstrated, there is a resilience argument to that transition. Also, as you and I have discussed in this chamber and elsewhere, Senator, we recognise that transitioning the economy is a big economic task. There are many levers, and there are many aspects of this which are required. You've seen what we have done in terms of our investment in renewable energy as well as electrical vehicles.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Fuel Security</title>
          <page.no>48</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GROGAN</name>
    <name.id>296331</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Minister for Climate Change and Energy, Senator Ayres. The war in the Middle East is a major shock to global energy markets. In response, the Albanese Labor government is taking action to make sure fuel gets to where it's needed, particularly focusing on regional petrol stations and agricultural and maritime businesses. Can the minister outline what the government has done to ensure Australian households and businesses remain well supplied with fuel?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thanks, Senator Grogan, for that question. Of course, the Albanese government is intervening to make sure that fuel gets to where it is needed and that we cushion Australians from the worst of the price shock. This is an international crisis, not a commercial opportunity or a partisan opportunity at Australians' expense. That's why we, as a government, made the necessary decision to release 762 million additional litres of petrol and diesel from our national stockholding, with the additional fuel squarely directed to farmers and regional communities. That's why we've temporarily lowered fuel standards, allowing an extra 100 million litres a month to be used here rather than exported.</para>
<para>While I'm on the subject of that fuel, I was interested to see Mr Taylor on Saturday say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Australia is exporting fuel because of regulation brought forward by him—</para></quote>
<para>I assume he means Mr Bowen—</para>
<quote><para class="block">because of his emissions obsession …</para></quote>
<para>The thing about running a hyperpartisan campaign is it's probably good if you get the facts right. It's probably good if you get the facts right. Viva does not export fuel. Ampol's only exports are now redirected to Australia after this government made the sulphur change. This government made the change. Mr Taylor misrepresented the facts on Saturday, when it was plainly obvious through the government's actions that we had made the difficult but necessary decision to do that. If you're going to run a scare campaign, you might as well try and run an honest scare campaign rather than a dishonest scare campaign, which is what has been perpetrated by this lot and their fellow travellers.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Grogan, first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GROGAN</name>
    <name.id>296331</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>That's good to hear, from Senator Ayres. The Albanese Labor government has said that consumers must not suffer from unfair fuel pricing because of this conflict in the Middle East. What is the government doing to protect Australian households and businesses from fuel price gouging?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Grogan for that question as well. We're cracking down on petrol price gouging. While the ACCC is allowing the major fuel suppliers to coordinate their activity to get fuel to the parts of the country and to businesses that are facing shortages, it doesn't mean that they can jointly agree on prices or share information about prices. In fact we have doubled penalties up to $100 million for false or misleading conduct and for cartel behaviour.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister Ayres, please resume your seat.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McKim! If I sit the minister down, the obvious response from senators is to not continue to interject. Senator McKenzie, you have constantly interjected. Minister Ayres, please continue.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>We are cracking down on price gouging, providing the ACCC with the right powers and amending their approach. They have opened an investigation, for example, into diesel availability in regional Australia. This is an opportunity and a necessity for Australians to work together to deliver the right outcome—in particular, for our farmers and regional businesses. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Perhaps, Senator Shoebridge and Senator McKenzie, you would like to step outside the chamber and continue your rude and disrespectful interjections somewhere else. Senator Grogan, second supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GROGAN</name>
    <name.id>296331</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Some parts of the community have suggested that the government should prioritise drilling for oil as a response to this energy shock. Why has the government not chosen to take this approach?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We've not chosen this approach, because it would do nothing for Australian fuel security. I notice Senator Canavan made an announcement just before the South Australian election. I'm sure they said, 'Thanks, Matt.' The truth is that, just like with the bogus Collinsville coal-fired power station, Senator Canavan is full of it on this question. When he was in charge, he issued exploration licences for the Great Australian Bight, which did nothing but drive down the Liberal vote in South Australia. It achieved zero in fuel security terms. Equinor said, after they had given up their licence, that it was not commercially viable. Yet Senator Canavan runs this hoax of a campaign which is fundamentally dishonest. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Middle East</title>
          <page.no>49</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARUQI</name>
    <name.id>250362</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister. On Eid morning, Prime Minister Albanese and Minister Burke attended Lakemba Mosque during Eid prayers. Muslims, understandably, expressed their frustration and anger at the Labor government's complicity in and inaction on Isreal's genocide in Gaza. Instead of acknowledging these sentiments, the Prime Minister left the mosque in a rush, ignored community criticism and misled the media about why people were confronting him. On the religious festival of Eid, the Prime Minister indulged in far-right talking points to delegitimise people angry about his presence in the mosque and Labor's complicity in the genocide, linking them with extremism. Minister, why did the Prime Minister lie and mislead the media?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Faruqi, that's out of order. Withdraw, please.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARUQI</name>
    <name.id>250362</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Why did the Prime Minister mislead the media?</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator, I appreciate that you've rephrased the question—thank you for doing that—but you also need to withdraw.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARUQI</name>
    <name.id>250362</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I withdraw.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I remind senators that, even if you have a different point of view, you are to listen in silence.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you for the opportunity to respond to the question. First, Australians are understandably distressed by the violence, death, displacement in the Middle East, but we on this side of the chamber believe that we gain nothing by shouting each other down. We gain nothing by turning up the temperature, as that question sought to. We gain nothing, as a pluralist nation, for—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Again, there is an outrage machine that the Greens engage in because they want to raise the temperature. You want to raise the temperature because you see political benefit in raising the temperature. We on this side want to do all that we can, in a pluralist Australia, to enable people to come together, and for people who disagree with each other to be able to engage respectfully. That is what we seek to do, and that was what the Prime Minister was seeking to do.</para>
<para>It wasn't a visit by the Prime Minister for Eid; it was a visit at the invitation of the community. It was a visit that was welcomed by many in the community. And, yes, there were people who had different views. But overwhelmingly, it is a good thing for the Prime Minister of the country—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Faruqi</name>
    <name.id>250362</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>To lie.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Ayres?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Ayres</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I ask that Senator Faruqi withdraw that. She's had to do it once already.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I didn't hear the comment, and I'm assuming it was Senator Shoebridge. Just a moment, Senator Shoebridge.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Shoebridge</name>
    <name.id>169119</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>'Just assumed'—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Please resume your seat. Senator Ayres, I heard your point of order but I didn't hear the senator.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Ayres</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, I don't want to repeat what Senator Faruqi said.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No; I'm not asking you to repeat it. Just name the senator.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Ayres</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Faruqi.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Apologies, Senator Shoebridge. I had called you to order a few minutes before Senator Ayres jumped up, which is why I assumed it was you. I apologise for that. Senator Faruqi, withdraw the comment.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Faruqi</name>
    <name.id>250362</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>My God, you just don't want people to tell the truth.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Faruqi!</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Faruqi</name>
    <name.id>250362</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I withdraw.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Ayres, please resume your seat. Thank you, Senator Faruqi, and I will remind you, when I ask you to withdraw, a simple withdrawal and no other comment is what I require. I appreciate that you have now done that. Minister Wong.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>As I said, the Prime Minister was invited to the mosque for Eid. That is a good thing. It is a good thing to engage with the community, even if sometimes the conversations are difficult.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Faruqi, first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARUQI</name>
    <name.id>250362</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination commemorates the Sharpeville massacre in South Africa, where 69 anti-apartheid protesters were killed by police. Six decades on, it is hard to escape the reality here in Australia of police crackdowns, arrests and silencing of protesters standing against Israel's genocide and apartheid. Minister, when will the government realise that assaulting, demonising and repressing anti-genocide, anti-apartheid protesters is racism?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Just a moment. Senator Faruqi, as you have seen I have sought the advice of the Clerk. Your first question was very specific to a particular incident. You have now broadened that out to go further than that. It's not well-related to your first question, but I will invite the minister to answer it in whatever way she thinks fit. Senator Waters?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Waters</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>A point of order, President. I just refer to the fact that the minister was asked in her capacity as representing the Prime Minister, and so the scope is broad.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Waters, and you may have missed the point. I have sought the advice of the Clerk and I have taken the advice of the Clerk, which is the generally accepted standard in this chamber. It's certainly the standard I adhere to. I have invited the minister to respond in whatever way she thinks fits the question. Minister Wong.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>There are a number of aspects of that question. I think where I would like to start is where I started with my primary, which is that there is understandable distress in our country by what has occurred in Gaza—the violence, death and displacement in the Middle East. I again say we are a country, a pluralist nation, which has welcomed different races, different religions and views. We should be united by respect for each other's humanity and for each other's right to live in peace.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You expect respect, but you don't show me any. You demand it. I'm trying to answer the question, alright?</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Allman-Payne</name>
    <name.id>298839</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm not asking for respect; I'm asking—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Allman-Payne, come to order! I've called you to order three times. You are being disrespectful to me and this chamber. You will listen in silence, or you can leave the chamber.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Allman-Payne, you are not in a debate with me.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Allman-Payne, I will name you. You are not in a debate with me. You are to listen in silence. That is my order.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>We on this side will always try to bring people together. We do not believe seeking to make people angrier is responsible. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Faruqi, a second supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARUQI</name>
    <name.id>250362</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The government might try and delink genocide and racism as much as they like, but that is a fact. These questions are about genocide and racism, so they are not out of order. The Prime Minister's social media post acknowledging the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination does not even say the word 'racism'. If you cannot name it, you cannot tackle it. Every day, racism rears its ugly head, and still this government refuses to take action to tackle systemic, institutional, structural racism.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Faruqi. The time for asking your question has expired.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Faruqi</name>
    <name.id>250362</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>When will the Prime Minister fund—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Faruqi, I called you to order because your time had expired. I expect you to respect my authority in this chamber.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Australian Labor Party will always stand against racism. We do every day, and we always will.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Faruqi, come to order! You've asked the question. It's my role as President to maintain order in this chamber. When I ask you to come to order, I expect you to come to order. Senator Wong has completed her answer.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Fuel</title>
          <page.no>51</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DUNIAM</name>
    <name.id>263418</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Minister for Climate Change and Energy, Senator Ayres. On 10 March, Senator Wong told the Senate that there was not a fuel supply problem; just unusual demand behaviour. On 11 March, you said exactly the same thing. Minister Bowen now calls it a national crisis. Minister, which is it? Will you apologise to Australians for the weeks of denial while the browsers ran dry?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What this government has been very clear about since the commencement of hostilities in the Middle East is that Australia has, at a national level, the strongest fuel reserves that we have had for more than 15 years. That is the truth. Of course, that is not the same proposition that supply is extended perfectly to every part of the Australian economy, and that is why the government has responded in the way that it has.</para>
<para>It's not just important to have those practical responses—appointment of the fuel coordinator, releasing of 20 per cent of the minimum stockholding obligation, additional powers for the ACCC and providing direction to the ACCC so that their role doesn't get in the way of fuel retailers being able to cooperate to get supply to some of the places that I dealt with in my answer to Senator McKenzie—but it also requires all of us who are engaged in this effort here, in parliamentary democracy, to be clear with the Australian people about what is going on. It is true that it is very important, when these kinds of challenges come along, to give Australians confidence that, at the heart of this matter, we have stronger fuel security than we have traditionally had. It is not right to go around encouraging Australians to stockpile or purchase more fuel than they need. There are some people over there who are doing precisely that.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DUNIAM</name>
    <name.id>263418</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On what date was the government first advised that six shipments of vital fuel supply bound for Australia were cancelled?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will provide more information on that question if I can. I can certainly tell you that that is something that has only recently become clear. What we will see over the coming weeks and months, depending upon how long the crisis in the Middle East goes for, is two things happening. Firstly, up until recently all of the ships that were coming to Australia were on target, on time. We will see, like we have just seen, a number of deferrals and a number of cancellations—six out of 81. You'll also see the government undertaking the action that it has been undertaking in consultation with our partners in the region to make sure we are swapping in fuel capacity when that is possible. That's why you have a minimum stockholding obligation, to provide resilience precisely in— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DUNIAM</name>
    <name.id>263418</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The war in Iran began on 28 February 2026. That's 23 days ago. Specifically how many new fuel shipments have been contracted since 28 February this year?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>If I can provide anything in relation to that specific question I will. We have been completely transparent about what fuel reserves are on hand. It stands starkly in contrast to what the previous Liberal and National government did. The coalition closed refineries. We are keeping them open. The coalition stored emergency fuel on another continent. We are storing it here. The coalition talked about minimum stockholding obligations. We implemented them. The coalition talked about low carbon liquid fuels. We are investing in them. The coalition, the Liberals and Nationals—I understand why they are so embarrassed—oversaw the closure of urea facilities. We are building a new one. That's what this government is doing—undertaking practical action in the national interest every day of the week.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Lakemba Mosque</title>
          <page.no>51</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Wong. Videos posted of the incident involving the Prime Minister at Lakemba Mosque last Friday show, by my count, 20 people in the security team, including uniformed officers from New South Wales Police who took up a position inside. One Nation leader Senator Hanson remarked only three weeks ago that Lakemba wasn't safe for everyday Australians. If the Prime Minister organised a 20-person security detail in advance to provide security for the visit, doesn't that prove the Prime Minister believed Lakemba Mosque was not a safe place for him to visit?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Ayres</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You should be ashamed.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Before I call the minister, I'm going to remind everyone, particularly those on my right, once again that Senator Roberts has the right to ask his question in silence.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is telling that the two questions I get on Lakemba are from the Greens and One Nation. Perhaps the Greens political party could reflect on their polarisation of this debate.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Faruqi</name>
    <name.id>250362</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You must think you're so clever.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No, not particularly, but I think there is ethics in politics, Senator Faruqi. Senator Roberts, I'm sorry. I disagree with most of what is included in your question, and I again go back to the answer I gave to Senator Faruqi recently. There are Australians who are rightly distressed by the conflict in Gaza, the loss of life and what we have seen. That is a legitimate position for people to hold. But the way to deal with differences of views—and there are differences of views on this—is not to disengage, but nor is it to seek to turn up the temperature. And nor is it to try and make people angry, which is what we see from the corner here of the Greens. I would say to you, Senator, it is a good thing for the Prime Minister of the country to go to a mosque and to engage with Australian Muslims. That is a good thing. That is about our social cohesion. That is about recognising that we have differences, different faiths, in a pluralistic society and that we can respect and celebrate all faiths. What I say to you is we should, as politicians, work to inculcate a society, work to protect a society where we can have differences of views and differences of opinion without anger and without division. And that is what we will work for.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Roberts, first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question was about whether or not the Prime Minister felt safe. On 4 March, the Albanese government listed Hizb ut-Tahrir as a prohibited hate organisation. Social media has already identified at least one of those displaying violent behaviour to be a member of Hizb ut-Tahrir, based on his social media posts. Minister, will your government arrest anyone associated with Hizb ut-Tahrir who acted violently towards the Prime Minister and towards other Muslims last Friday?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I have two points, Senator Roberts. The first is there is a separation of powers, and politicians don't arrest people. The second point, the more important one, is you voted against the legislation under which Hizb ut-Tahrir was prescribed. This is so typical of One Nation! It is all complaints, but, when there is a solution, you stand in the way of it. We proudly put forward legislation which increased the capacity of governments to deal with groups that were engaging in hatred. You voted against that, and now you complain about it.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Roberts, second supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Prime Minister has never needed a 20-person security detail to attend a Christian church in his time as Prime Minister, nor to attend a meeting of everyday Australians. Is it true, Minister, that social cohesion in the hands of the Albanese government simply means surrendering to radical Islam?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I do hope that members of the Liberal Party listened to that question and recognised that the result in South Australia, the success of that party over there, is fuelled by your preferences. You are delivering them votes and seats in South Australia. I hope you think about that. I hope you think about that. I hope you think about that. I hope you think about the fact that you are fuelling support for the party that is now cannibalising you. You are fuelling their support.</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! I would ask all senators to please refrain from (1) interjecting, and (2) pointing across the chamber.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You use the phrase 'everyday Australians'. Well, everyday Australians come from all walks of life, all faiths, all backgrounds. That's what we believe. Everyday Australians come as Hindus, as Sikhs, as Muslims, as Christians, as members of the Jewish community. They are all everyday Australians. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I will just advise the Senate that Senator Babet has given his question to Senator Whitten.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Fuel Security</title>
          <page.no>52</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHITTEN</name>
    <name.id>317026</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is for the Minister representing the Minister for Climate Change and Energy. Australia sadly imports about 90 per cent of its fuel needs. Our fuel storage levels are the lowest in the developed world, in breach of the International Energy Agency requirement that members must hold 90 days of net oil imports onshore. Six fuel shipments from Asia to Australia were recently cancelled or deferred. We're not receiving the oil to support our domestic demands. Minister, you've been in government for four years now. Do you acknowledge that you should have been better prepared for this oil shock?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thanks, Senator Whitten, for that question. It is the job of government to make sure that Australia is more resilient in a period in our history where there is no room for complacency about supply chain challenges. That is the job of the government. As I have indicated, in relation to previous questions over the last few weeks, we have undertaken that work earnestly. We have delivered an outcome where that minimum stockholding obligation is our shock absorber, but it is not the end of the story. It is not the end of the story. We will continue to be held accountable for those questions, as we should. But I do say all of us have a responsibility to be straightforward about the questions in relation to our energy security. It is not the case that Australia has reserves of crude oil that could be economically extracted. That is not the case.</para>
<para>Making that argument is utterly mischievous, whether it's you doing it, Senator, through the chair, or Senator Canavan or others making that argument, because it is not a practical solution. In fact, what it would do is make prices unacceptably high on a long-term basis for Australians. That would be the result. Higher prices and less fuel security would be the result of that. It's imported politics— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Whitten, first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHITTEN</name>
    <name.id>317026</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>If this fuel crisis extends and worsens, do you hold the power necessary to force rationing of fuel on the Australian people?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The government has set out the proposed course of action.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">A baby having begun crying in the gallery—</inline></para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I should say, to my friends in the gallery, the sound of little kids in this place is always very welcome. It's always very welcome. Really, if that family—I want them to feel welcome in this place. I think we all do.</para>
<para>Opposition senators interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I wouldn't describe it as running down the clock. Senator Farrell is not here—I meant it, and I think we all did. We are approaching the task of delivering fuel security with all the earnestness that Australians would expect and with all of the diligence. We have undertaken that work in strong contrast to the miserable record of those that came before us, who diminished Australia's fuel security and who made our economic resilience weaker and, as a consequence, made Australia poorer.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Whitten, second supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHITTEN</name>
    <name.id>317026</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, if this fuel crisis continues and our emergency supplies keep dropping, can you guarantee Australians will not run out of fuel?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para> (—) (): What I can guarantee is that, because our fuel reserve is here in Australia, actions like what was undertaken last week, where a portion of the minimum stockholding obligation was released in order to deal with some of those undersupply issues, particularly with independent retailers who have traditionally bought fuel on the spot market in order to make sure that fuel got to those parts of Australia—that kind of action, if Mr Taylor were still the energy minister, would not be open to the government. He had Australia's minimum stockholding obligation stored somewhere in Texas, El Paso, Dallas? I don't know where. It was a magical fairy dust allocation. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Agriculture Industry</title>
          <page.no>53</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATERSON</name>
    <name.id>144138</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Wong. How is the Albanese government ensuring that Australian farmers and producers will continue to be able to feed Australians when the sector is ringing alarm bells of a looming fertiliser shortage?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I spoke earlier in this question time about the action we are taking in relation to the Middle East crisis. You are correct that fertiliser is one of the supply chains that is affected. It is not the only one, obviously. What I can say to you is that Minister Collins has been engaging closely on this. We understand the importance of ensuring farmers continue to produce our food and fibre, and that freight and supply chains remain critical.</para>
<para>I'm advised that Australia utilises lower levels of fertiliser than other comparable countries, so we are already efficient users. Much of the input products for the—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'Sullivan</name>
    <name.id>283585</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That's the resources sector.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm just giving you the advice I've been provided with. If you don't like it, I'm happy to pass it on. Much of the input products for the upcoming planting season, including the majority of fertiliser required, are already on the water or in the country. Obviously, if the conflict does continue, this supply chain, along with others, will come under more pressure. The government will continue to work, including with industry, on seeking to ensure our resilience in such a circumstance.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Paterson, first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATERSON</name>
    <name.id>144138</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, as fertiliser shortages loom in Australia and the sector is warning us there may be no domestic production, what plan does the Albanese government have to urgently secure urea for our growers and farmers?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This is one of the issues that was the subject of discussion in more than one of my engagements. This is one of the areas that, globally, is under pressure. I think some 65 per cent of fertiliser-grade urea is sourced from the Middle East, and we are currently seeing price volatility, as would be expected. Government will keep working to secure supplies. We recognise this is a global challenge that we are working together to meet.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Paterson, second supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATERSON</name>
    <name.id>144138</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>How will the Albanese government intervene to secure urea to ensure there is no threat to meat and crop production, as farmers are told fertiliser orders are unlikely to be delivered because of the Middle East conflict?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I understand that the National Farmers' Federation and fertiliser industry representatives—</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Interjections across the chamber are disorderly. If you want to have a conversation, go outside. Minister Wong, please continue.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I understand the National Farmers' Federation and fertiliser industry representatives were part of the meeting earlier this month that Minister Ayres has spoken about. We will continue to engage with the industry. One of the priorities in the near term, although not immediate, will be to seek to restart domestic urea production. Senator Ayres is engaged on that issue, particularly in relation to the Western Australian facility.</para>
<para>I ask that further questions be placed on the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline>.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>PARTY OFFICE HOLDERS</title>
        <page.no>54</page.no>
        <type>PARTY OFFICE HOLDERS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Party of Australia</title>
          <page.no>54</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I rise to inform the Senate of changes to the arrangements in the National Party. Senator Canavan's been elected the leader of the parliamentary National Party. For clarity, I remain Leader of the Nationals in the Senate, Senator McDonald remains Deputy Leader of the Nationals in the Senate and Senator Cadell will undertake the position of Acting Nationals Whip until 1 April 2026.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator McKenzie. Congratulations to you all.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: TAKE NOTE OF ANSWERS</title>
        <page.no>54</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: TAKE NOTE OF ANSWERS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Answers to Questions</title>
          <page.no>54</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CADELL</name>
    <name.id>300134</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the answers given by ministers to questions without notice asked by opposition senators today.</para></quote>
<para>Today, we heard so many things about what's going on with fuel in Australia. What started out as a right-wing conspiracy is now a full-blown national crisis, according to the government. What we're seeing is the evolution of denial—it's almost the stages of grief, isn't it, that you go through as a government? You go through denial. You go through negotiation. We're almost getting to acceptance now, where we accept it's a national crisis. That's where we're almost at. We've heard so many things today. There's acceptance that our farmers aren't out there getting the diesel they need to crop and to look after their animals.</para>
<para>When I was taking note in the last sitting week, I raised the plight of a feedlot supplier that was not able to get food for his animals and was contemplating having to put them down rather than fall foul of animal cruelty laws, except he was finally able to get some via a much more expensive contract. But we still don't see the understanding here. We don't see the understanding of what really makes regional areas tick. We've seen a water tsar put in charge of the fuel crisis, and we all know that fuel and water do not mix. You can't have a climate scientist fixing the fuel supplies of the country, because you need a logistics person. You need to get it from the tanks to the people. That's the important bit.</para>
<para>When we talk about the Iran war or the Ukraine gas stuff—we don't have Putin's people, or we don't have Iranians, on the Hume Highway stopping the fuel getting from the tanks to the farmers. It is about logistical supply, and this government is not understanding what's going wrong. They don't even understand the lengths of it. We heard there's great supply and that we have a hundred million litres per month of high-sulphur fuel that can go out there. It was petrol, not diesel, and apart from one very bad mistake I made in my Ford Everest that cost me $1,200 I know the difference between fuel and petrol.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You didn't.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CADELL</name>
    <name.id>300134</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, I did. This is the difference: you can't fill the tractors of this country and you can't fill the trucks of the country on petrol. Everyone says a hundred million litres is a lot. No, it is less than one litre per person per week. That is the answer of this government to the fuel crisis: one litre per person per week of petrol, not diesel.</para>
<para>Then we hear about urea. We hear about what's going on out there in the world, and we hear about the farmers that won't plant crops and the farmers that won't be able to fertilise crops. They can't plant them, because they haven't got the diesel. They can't fertilise them, because they haven't got the urea. They can't harvest them, again, because they haven't got the diesel, and then they can't get them to markets. But it's not a problem to this government. Every part of this will go. In six months time, when people are having trouble putting food on the table or it's way more expensive, it will be because of what is not happening now. We are not getting logistics out, we're not getting the food planted, and we are making poor decisions because we never accepted this was a problem months ago.</para>
<para>It's not just food. Today, I'm hearing that poly pipe in the construction industry, the big coils of pipe that are used to make things, comes from fuel and oil. Did you know—I didn't know this, Deputy President—that one-third of the glue that makes kitchens and plyboard for housing construction uses urea. So the biggest constructor of kitchens in the country has three weeks supply, or no more kitchens, no more boards, no more construction and no more housing. So, when we're bringing a thousand people a day into the country, there'll be nowhere to put them because we can't build the homes they need—just as we haven't in the past. This government is failing on every level in this crisis: failure to accept it, failure to deal with it and failure to have plans to fix the consequences of it. It isn't hard to put some things in place.</para>
<para>You don't sit around a table and talk this problem out of existence. You don't blame others for not getting the fuel from the tanks to the users. You don't stand there in front of boards and say, 'The ACCC will fix that.' I've been involved in three actions with the ACCC in courts, and they have lost every single one. But you are putting all your faith in them, and it is not good enough. So let's get real. Let's get the logistics working. Let's get the fuel out there. We're hearing six ships have been turned back or cancelled. There are reports now that potentially eight more have been turned back. Just in the last hour, we're hearing that. We are at the end of the tether. We have, for so long, taken it for granted that Australia will be a beneficial at the end of this.</para>
<para>You cannot have sovereignty of your decision-making unless you have food security, fuel security and economic security. The decisions you're making are stripping Australia of its sovereignty, because we are at the behest of everyone else in the world. And we deserve better.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COX</name>
    <name.id>296215</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to also take note of answers to questions during question time. What I will say is that Australians are taking notice of, and are following, the events in the Middle East. Senator Wong today, in question time, had questions directed at her—as had Minister Ayres—in relation to what we are seeing and feeling: the consequences, right here, at home, for Australians. But the first question from Senator Cash, as the Leader of the Opposition here in the Senate, to Senator Ayres, around fuel security, was from exactly that hyperpartisan position that those opposite have taken.</para>
<para>I know it's difficult to sit through the constant conversations around those four of six refineries that were closed by those in opposition. We are now seeing those consequences; we are feeling them here at home.</para>
<para>The longer that conflict goes on in the Middle East, the more significant the impact will be on the global economy, and particularly on Australia's economy. That is the fact, and that is what, on both sides of this chamber, people should stick to—not following the tail that wags the dog over there, for the Liberal Party, after this weekend's disastrous results that you saw in South Australia. Let's see you guys think for yourselves over there, or join the uniparty down the end there—the new folks who've made their appearance today—asking those sorts of questions.</para>
<para>But we, our government, are looking at the very, very practical measures that are required for our nation to be shielded from some of the issues. Our household budgets are being affected because of some of the worst global uncertainty that we've seen in some time. We are working to ensure that our farmers and our regional communities and services—and all Australians—can rely on these services to access the fuel that they need. That is the work of the government, and it is the work that we are continuing to do. So, across the board, we have been working through, and planning for, the impacts of what we see in this crisis, and protecting Australians from some of the worst of these global challenges. We have empowered the ACCC to protect motorists from unfair price rises and price-gouging. That is the reality of the work that we are doing. We have boosted fuel supply by releasing 20 per cent of the baseline minimum stockholding obligation for both petrol and diesel.</para>
<para>So do not listen to those opposite. And Senator Cadell coming in here and saying, 'That's not the thing—it's just petrol,' is misleading. It's misleading to the Australian public, because we have released that 20 per cent. That is the stuff that, when Mr Taylor, from the other place, was in charge of their energy security portfolio, had been held up in Texas, or somewhere else, overseas—no-one knows.</para>
<para>We are acting to get more fuels into the Australian market by temporarily amending those fuel standards. We are doing the work. We are working closely with industry, and our state and territory partners, to ensure that fuel gets to where it needs to—particularly in our regional communities. But, as to that supply chain, it takes time to do that. And we know that. We know that there is more to do, and our government will look at every practical option to shield Australian households and businesses, as I said, from the worst global uncertainty that we've seen.</para>
<para>Now, following the meeting of the National Cabinet, the Commonwealth has already appointed Anthea Harris as the Fuel Supply Taskforce Coordinator, to support some of that coordination that's already happening across governments and sectors. This is a new role. The Fuel Supply Taskforce Coordinator will be responsible for leading the new Fuel Supply Taskforce that will be established in the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, driving coordination between the Commonwealth and the states and territories on fuel security and that supply-chain resilience. And 'resilience' is the operative word. It was a word that was mentioned many, many times today around practical options to ensure that everyone's responsibility is about the energy security in this nation. We take that approach, and we will continue to pull on the levers that we need to.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLLINS</name>
    <name.id>297964</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to step everybody back through what's happened over the past week, because I was a bit flabbergasted to hear Senator Ayres before mention what they were doing to deal with the undersupply issues, when all we've heard from him from the past week has been: 'This is a demand issue. It's Australians out there filling up their jerry cans that's causing the petrol bowser and the diesel bowser to run out.' I don't know about you, but I think it would take an awful lot of jerry cans to make over 100 diesel bowsers across New South Wales run out.</para>
<para>We heard last Wednesday that there was no problem—nothing to see here! Then, on Thursday, this was a crisis, but it was demand driven. The blame was put on Australians. There was no supply crisis. He said it was 'far-right extremist scaremongering' to suggest that there was a fuel crisis in Australia, that there was no need for Australians to be concerned and that it was not a supply problem, just unusual demand behaviour. He said that we were hyperventilating and that it was hyperpartisan commentary.</para>
<para>For some reason, we are not allowed to hold this government to account for their failure to keep Australia secure in terms of its fuel and for their failure to make sure that the fuel gets to where it's needed to so that our farmers continue going out and feeding this nation. 'Hyperventilating', they called that. We saw smirking today from the minister responsible for answering questions about what they are going to do about this fuel crisis. It's contempt; it's not an apology and it's not an explanation.</para>
<para>I'll tell you how real it is for people in my home state of New South Wales. We are seeing a fertiliser shortage. We're seeing farmers sleeping beside their machinery to protect their fuel. Farmers should be feeding the nation. They shouldn't be standing on a picket to protect their own machinery. That is a gross failure of this government. As I said before, we've seen over 100 stations across New South Wales that have run out of diesel. Thirty-five of them have run out of all fuel, but, according to this government, there is still no problem to see here and no supply issue. This is everybody filling up with jerry cans.</para>
<para>Tourism, cabins, caravans—they're losing their bookings. Everybody's cancelling right across my good state, one of the best states in Australia to go holiday. We've seen the cost of construction going up—PVC pipes are up by 30 per cent and HDP up by 36 per cent. The cost of building your homes is going to go up because of this fuel crisis. Cootamundra council just instructed all of their staff that they couldn't use their bulk storage of diesel. They had to now use their fuel cards and go and find other petrol stations where they could fill up. There's no supply issue here!</para>
<para>Big orders of 80,000 litres to 100,000 litres of fuel are not being fulfilled for the farmers that need it, and independent retailers supplying farmers are going to be the first to lose out. It's the independent retailers that are the ones that supply those good farmers so that they can feed our nation.</para>
<para>We've also seen at least six shipments cancelled or deferred supply coming in from mid-April, so the problem is only going to get worse. What the Australian people need is for the government to be upfront with them—not to obfuscate and not to shirk responsibility but to tell them what they're going to do to protect their fuel and get them the fuel that they need. They don't need to be told to work from home. That's not a real answer. They don't need a fuel coordinator. They've got an energy minister. Why isn't he doing his job of providing fuel to this nation? <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHITEAKER</name>
    <name.id>316555</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In rising to take note of answers given in question time today, I can't say I'm surprised that Senator Cash, shamelessly, is using an international crisis as an opportunity to stoke fear and an opportunity for political gain. We heard it here in this place during question time, but we also saw it over the weekend in her media sprint across all the major networks. Once again, in times of international crisis, Senator Cash is looking for a press grab instead of looking for solutions.</para>
<para>But our government will not be lectured by Senator Cash and by the Liberal Party on fuel. Senator Cash was a member of a Liberal-National cabinet who oversaw the closure of four out of six of our oil refineries while they were in government. Senator Cash is playing hyperpartisan politics, running Facebook ads that are stoking fear and division about fuel supply, instead of getting behind our plan to secure supply for Australians. Daily outrage is not a plan, Senator Cash. The Liberal Party should not continue to escalate panic under the guise of representing the real concerns of ordinary Australians. Senator Cash and the Liberal Party are confusing amplifying panic with showing real leadership. They are blaming everyone else while offering no real solution.</para>
<para>Our government knows that, in times of crisis, Australians are looking for calm and responsible leadership and real solutions, and that is what our government is doing. Where Senator Cash sees political benefit in raising the temperature and stoking fear, our government is committed to doing the hard work that Australians need. While Senator Cash was across the major networks over the weekend giving media interviews, the Prime Minister and our government were working hard to secure our supply chains, to make sure that ordinary Australians could get the fuel that they need. They were working on establishing a taskforce to get fuel into regional towns that are feeling it the most.</para>
<para>When the coalition were in government, Australia's emergency fuel supplies were not held in Geelong or Brisbane; they were in Texas—and, as Minister Ayres rightly pointed out in question time today, not Texas in Queensland but Texas in the USA. That is not how you secure fuel supply for ordinary Australians. When the now leader of the opposition, Angus Taylor, was the energy minister, they sent our fuel security to the other side of the world, and they call that a plan. Then they come in here and lecture us on fuel. They say those in glass houses shouldn't throw stones. Well, in this case, the Liberals didn't just build the glass house; they closed it, scrapped every Australian tanker and stored our reserves overseas. They can throw all the stones they like, but I think Australians can see through it. They want us to get on with the job.</para>
<para>Our government is investing $1.1 billion to build Australia's future fuel supply here at home, and this is work that began long before the crisis in the Middle East. We've been managing supply today and building the next generation of fuel production in Australia. Renewable diesel, sustainable aviation fuels, e-fuels—this is what long-term security for fuel looks like, when a government is actually committed to doing the work that is needed, instead of using the opportunity for political grabs.</para>
<para>So what is the government doing? Well, we've heard it a number of times today, but I'm going to say it again: we are taking real action to help Australian families who are feeling it at the moment. We are making sure that fuel is moving where it is needed the most. We are working with state and territory governments on getting fuel particularly into regional towns. We know that supply remains broadly stable and shipments are continuing, and fearmongering by claiming otherwise is dangerous. But we are taking action to make sure Australians get the fuel that they need. We've released fuel from our reserve into the domestic market and adjusted fuel standards to increase supply, and we're working closely with industry to keep supply chains moving. So, while Senator Cash and the opposition are out for a media grab, we are out for making a real difference for Australians at the petrol bowser. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired.)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCARR</name>
    <name.id>282997</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What the Australian people expect from their government is an ability to answer reasonable questions from the opposition in Senate question time and, in a measured and considered way, outline to the Australian people what they're actually doing. And yet what we've seen from government senators in this take-note period has been simply attacks on the opposition. It's not about the opposition. It's about the Australian people. And the Australian people expect the Australian government, the Labor government, to be focused on the problem at hand.</para>
<para>They accuse us of fearmongering, which is quite far from the truth. We're actually reflecting what our constituents are telling us in the real world. Let me quote from the NSW Farmers president. This is in light of Senator Collins's remarks that farmers are actually sleeping next to their equipment because they're concerned about the theft of diesel. Imagine such a thing. They're sleeping next to their equipment because they're concerned people are so desperate for diesel they're going to come onto their land and steal their diesel. That's the situation on the ground. The Labor government appears to be living in a parallel universe. This is what Mr Xavier Martin of the NSW Farmers' Association said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Despite the messaging that there is enough supply in the system, this is not the lived experience of many across rural and regional NSW who are facing daily decisions about how to use their remaining supplies.</para></quote>
<para>He said that if farmers can't get diesel they can't plant. It's pretty simple. If you can't get the fuel, you can't plant. They can't harvest, and they can't move food, and that ultimately affects every Australian household. Yet the Labor government and Labor senators, including Minister Ayres, had the gall to accuse us of fearmongering. Go out and listen to your constituents about what's actually happening on the ground.</para>
<para>In my home state of Queensland, the price of petrol in North West Queensland, in Cloncurry, is $2.68 a litre. That isn't diesel; that's petrol. It's $2.68 a litre. Extraordinary. Everyday Australians are making decisions now. They're taking action now with respect to what they're going to do in the face of these increasing fuel prices. As Senator Collins rightly said, a lot of the tourism industry across Australia, including my home state of Queensland, which has a wonderful tourism industry, Senator Collins—a lot of people from New South Wales come to my home state of Queensland, especially during these months—is aghast that people are starting to cancel their holidays. They can't afford to take those road trips. That is what is actually happening on the ground.</para>
<para>We also heard from Senator Cadell with respect to the fact that petrol and oil flow into so many commodities which Australia depends upon. One of those commodities is fertiliser. You don't get fertiliser without gas production. And, unfortunately, given what's happening in the Middle East, in the gulf, there are deep concerns in Queensland amongst Queensland farmers about access to urea—an absolutely key nitrogen fertiliser. They are deeply concerned as to whether or not they're going to have sufficient urea for crops, especially during the winter planting.</para>
<para>I'll give you another example of oil use: bitumen. The Australian Flexible Pavement Association put out a statement on 12 March 2026 saying that Australia is going to face a shortage of bitumen, because you need oil to produce bitumen. So there are issues with respect to both the cost and availability of bitumen for roadworks and construction works. This issue is flowing through the whole economy with respect to all of the commodities that depend upon oil and gas.</para>
<para>In relation to fearmongering, I want to quote from one of the senior executives of the International Energy Agency. This is what he said just today. This isn't a senator and it isn't a politician; this is one of the senior executives from the International Energy Agency. He said we are facing maybe the biggest crisis since the oil crises of 1973 and 1979 and the gas crisis following Russia's unlawful invasion of Ukraine.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Gas Industry: Taxation, Middle East</title>
          <page.no>58</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the answers given by the Minister representing the Prime Minister (Senator Wong) to questions without notice asked by Australian Greens senators today.</para></quote>
<para>Australians want a gas tax, so when will Labor start listening? If you want the perfect example of how Labor says one thing and then does another, take a look at the gas tax. People are being smashed by cost-of-living pressures. First it was the housing crisis, then it was the cost of groceries, now it's the cost of fuel. Yet, just two weeks ago, this government voted down a proposal by the Greens for a gas export tax. This gas tax would have raised about $17 billion which could have been used to help people in a cost-of-living crisis. It could have been used to make public transport free in a fuel crisis. It's $17 billion that could have been used to provide immediate cost-of-living relief for families feeling the pain of fuel prices. It's $17 billion that could have been spent on people instead of letting corporations make massive profits off an illegal war.</para>
<para>But no, Labor would rather tinker around the edges on cost of living and back Trump and Netanyahu in this illegal war than support a 25 per cent gas tax passing the parliament this fortnight. That's despite the fact polling today shows that 61 per cent of Australians actually want to tax export gas. With an erratic Trump issuing ultimatum after ultimatum, we are facing fuel shortages for months to come, and gas prices are expected to remain high for even longer. All those profits are remaining high too.</para>
<para>Where is your spine, Labor? People are hurting. They need a government that is willing to stand up to the big corporations, not kiss their hand. They need their government to actually finally introduce a gas tax, not continue, time and time again, to bow down to your corporate donors who are making record profits off this war. Woodside stocks are skyrocketing. Santos stocks are skyrocketing. At a time when people are feeling the compounding cost-of-living pressures of war and interest rate rises, this is no-brainer. Start working for people, not corporate profits. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARUQI</name>
    <name.id>250362</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Why is the Prime Minister so afraid to say even the word 'racism'? Even on the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, the Prime Minister's statement is peppered with words like 'respect' and 'safety' but no mention of racism. The Prime Minister's statement on the International Day to Combat Islamophobia doesn't say the word 'racism' either, and it barely mentions Islamophobia. He doesn't acknowledge the threats facing Muslim Australians, the targeting of mosques, the physical attacks on Muslim women or the media's continued vilification of our community. He talks about the Christchurch massacre without acknowledging it was committed by an Australian man driven by white supremacist views.</para>
<para>This omission is not an accident. It is a choice to not upset the far-right votes that he is so, so desperate to chase. Muslims celebrated the end of Ramadan recently, and we have seen Labor MPs slink their way into iftars and Eid celebrations as if they weren't the ones trying to criminalise criticism of Israel and its genocidal campaigns in Gaza and the West Bank, as if they weren't overseeing a NSW Police Force that assaults praying Muslims, as if they weren't the ones contributing to Islamophobia through their own dog-whistling or by standing on the sidelines when it counted. Senator Wong gaslights us every opportunity. The Prime Minister speaks from both sides of his mouth when confronted. Shame on them.</para>
<para>I have to say this: any mosque or community organisation that opens its doors to politicians who use these spaces for photo opportunities while working against our community's interests the other 364 days of the year should seriously reflect on this. I don't expect any better from the Liberals or One Nation. They have proven themselves to be racist, bigoted parties. Just yesterday, Barnaby Joyce compared migrants from Muslim countries to cattle to be bought and sold. This is who they are. No surprises there.</para>
<para>Labor, if you really wanted to help all Australians, including the Muslim community, First Nations community, migrants and the Jewish community, you would fund the national antiracism framework. We are still waiting to hear from you after 482 days. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>59</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Withdrawal</title>
          <page.no>59</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYMAN</name>
    <name.id>300707</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I withdraw general business notice of motion No. 424.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Postponement</title>
          <page.no>59</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYMAN</name>
    <name.id>300707</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That business of the Senate No. 2 be postponed to the next sitting day.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>59</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Leave of Absence</title>
          <page.no>59</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYMAN</name>
    <name.id>300707</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That leave of absence to be granted to myself from 12 May to 7 September 2026, for personal reasons.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SHELDON</name>
    <name.id>168275</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That leave of absence be granted to the following senators:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) Senators Gallagher and O'Neill for today, for personal reasons;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) Senator Farrell for today, on account of ministerial business; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) Senator McCarthy for today and tomorrow, on account of ministerial business.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>59</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Postponement</title>
          <page.no>59</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>60</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Reporting Date</title>
          <page.no>60</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>If there are no objections, the business is postponed.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>60</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Postponement</title>
          <page.no>60</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLLINS</name>
    <name.id>297964</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That general business notice of motion No. 421 be postponed until the next sitting day.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>60</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economics Legislation Committee</title>
          <page.no>60</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference</title>
            <page.no>60</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BARBARA POCOCK</name>
    <name.id>BFQ</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Treasury Laws Amendment (Payday Superannuation) Regulations 2026 be referred to the Economics Legislation Committee for inquiry and report by 16 April 2026.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Public Works Joint Committee</title>
          <page.no>60</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference</title>
            <page.no>60</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of Senator Gallagher, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That, in accordance with the provisions of the <inline font-style="italic">Public Works Committee Act 1969</inline>, the following proposed work be referred to the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Public Works for consideration and report as expeditiously as is practicable:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australian Federal Police—Proposed fitout of leased premises, 949 Ann Street, Brisbane.</para></quote>
<para>I table a statement in relation to the work.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>60</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Department of Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development, Communications, Sport and the Arts</title>
          <page.no>60</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Order for the Production of Documents</title>
            <page.no>60</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYMAN</name>
    <name.id>300707</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the Minister representing the Minister for Communications has failed to comply with order for the production of documents no. 37, agreed to on 28 July 2025, relating to the development of legislative instruments for the social media ban,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) in a letter relating to a subsequent order requiring the tabling of an explanation of the basis for the minister's public interest immunity claim, the Minister for Communications advised that no further information is available regarding the claim, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) no further information has been provided since the Minister representing the Minister for Communications' attendance of the Senate on 29 October 2025; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) requires that there be laid on the table by the Minister representing the Minister for Communications, by 5 pm on 17 April 2026, any documents that would have been within the scope of the order and that were created between the initial response to the order on 13 August 2025 and 10 March 2026, inclusive.</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question before the chair is that general business notice of motion No. 403 be agreed to.,</para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [15:44]<br />(The Deputy President—Senator Brockman)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>36</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Antic, A.</name>
                  <name>Askew, W.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S.</name>
                  <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                  <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                  <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                  <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                  <name>Payman, F.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>19</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L.</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>4</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                  <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division></subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>61</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Rearrangement</title>
          <page.no>61</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That, to enable senators to attend a meeting of the House of Representatives for an address by Her Excellency the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, on Tuesday, 24 March 2026—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the hours of meeting be 1 pm till adjournment;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) items in the routine of business specified to commence at a particular time commence one hour later; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) divisions may take place between 1 pm and 2.30 pm and between 3 pm and 6.30 pm, and if a division is called for between 2.30 pm and 3 pm during senators' statements, it shall be taken at a later hour of the day.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>62</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Combatting Antisemitism, Hate and Extremism Bill 2026, Combatting Antisemitism, Hate and Extremism (Firearms and Customs Laws) Bill 2026, Combatting Antisemitism, Hate and Extremism (Criminal and Migration Laws) Bill 2026</title>
          <page.no>62</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <p>
              <a href="r7420" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Combatting Antisemitism, Hate and Extremism Bill 2026</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r7421" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Combatting Antisemitism, Hate and Extremism (Firearms and Customs Laws) Bill 2026</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r7422" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Combatting Antisemitism, Hate and Extremism (Criminal and Migration Laws) Bill 2026</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Order for the Production of Documents</title>
            <page.no>62</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYMAN</name>
    <name.id>300707</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That there be laid on the table by the Minister representing the Minister for Home Affairs, by no later than 5 pm on Thursday, 23 April 2026, copies of all ministerial submissions, records of conversation, letters, briefing notes, meeting agendas, file notes, meeting invitations, meeting notes, meeting minutes, emails and instant/electronic messages, created between 14 December 2025 and 20 January 2026 inclusive, between the Minister for Home Affairs and/or his office and the Department of Home Affairs in relation to the development of the:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) Combatting Antisemitism, Hate and Extremism Bill 2026;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) <inline font-style="italic">Combatting Antisemitism, Hate and Extremism (Criminal and Migration Laws) Act 2026</inline>; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) <inline font-style="italic">Combatting Antisemitism, Hate and Extremism (Firearms and Customs Laws) Act 2026</inline>.</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that motion 422 be agreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [15:49]<br />(The Deputy President—Senator Brockman) </p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>33</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Antic, A.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S.</name>
                  <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                  <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                  <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                  <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                  <name>Payman, F.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>22</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L.</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>8</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Askew, W.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                  <name>Wong, P.</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                  <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                  <name>Lambie, J.</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                  <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to. </p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division></subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Combatting Antisemitism, Hate and Extremism Bill 2026, Combatting Antisemitism, Hate and Extremism (Criminal and Migration Laws) Bill 2026, Combatting Antisemitism, Hate and Extremism (Firearms and Customs Laws) Bill 2026</title>
          <page.no>63</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <p>
              <a href="r7420" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Combatting Antisemitism, Hate and Extremism Bill 2026</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r7422" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Combatting Antisemitism, Hate and Extremism (Criminal and Migration Laws) Bill 2026</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r7421" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Combatting Antisemitism, Hate and Extremism (Firearms and Customs Laws) Bill 2026</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Order for the Production of Documents</title>
            <page.no>63</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYMAN</name>
    <name.id>300707</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That there be laid on the table by the Minister representing the Attorney-General, by no later than 5 pm on Thursday, 23 April 2026, copies of all ministerial submissions, records of conversation, letters, briefing notes, meeting agendas, file notes, meeting invitations, meeting notes, meeting minutes, emails and instant/electronic messages, created between 14 December 2025 and 20 January 2026 inclusive, between the Attorney-General and/or her office and the Attorney-General's Department in relation to the development of the:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) Combatting Antisemitism, Hate and Extremism Bill 2026;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) <inline font-style="italic">Combatting Antisemitism, Hate and Extremism (Criminal and Migration Laws) Act 2026</inline>; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) <inline font-style="italic">Combatting Antisemitism, Hate and Extremism (Firearms and Customs Laws) Act 2026</inline>.</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that general business notice of motion No. 423 be agreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [15:54]<br />(The Deputy President—Senator Brockman) </p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>33</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Antic, A.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S.</name>
                  <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                  <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                  <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                  <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                  <name>Payman, F.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>22</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L.</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>7</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Askew, W.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                  <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                  <name>Lambie, J.</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                  <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division></subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economy</title>
          <page.no>64</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Order for the Production of Documents</title>
            <page.no>64</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLLINS</name>
    <name.id>297964</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of Senator Dean Smith, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That there be laid on the table by the Minister representing the Treasurer, by no later than midday on 26 March 2026, all written or digital documents, correspondence, briefing notes, file notes, meeting notes, meeting agendas or minutes or other records of interaction from 5 to 11 March 2026, between the Treasurer or their office and the Treasury relating to the roundtables with economists attended by the Treasurer on 6 March 2026.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Goods and Services Tax</title>
          <page.no>64</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Order for the Production of Documents</title>
            <page.no>64</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLLINS</name>
    <name.id>297964</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of Senator Dean Smith, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the Senate notes that order for production of documents no. 304, relating to the distribution of the goods and services tax, has not been complied with; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if the order is not fully complied with by midday on Wednesday, 25 March 2026:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the Minister representing the Treasurer attend the Senate on Thursday, 26 March 2026, immediately before government business is called on, to provide an explanation, of no more than 5 minutes, of the failure to fully comply with the order, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) any senator may move to take note of the explanation (5 minutes per speaker; 30 minutes overall).</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>As an update to the Senate, since the compliance motion was circulated last sitting week, the Treasurer has tabled all relevant documents suitable for release in relation to Senator Smith's original OPD.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Cybersafety</title>
          <page.no>64</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Order for the Production of Documents</title>
            <page.no>64</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLLINS</name>
    <name.id>297964</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of Senator Dean Smith, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the Senate notes that order for production of documents no. 383, relating to under-16 social media accounts, has not been complied with; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if the order is not fully complied with by midday on Wednesday, 25 March 2026:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the Minister representing the Minister for Communications attend the Senate on Thursday, 26 March 2026, immediately before government business is called on, to provide an explanation, of no more than 5 minutes, of the failure to fully comply with the order, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) any senator may move to take note of the explanation (5 minutes per speaker; 30 minutes overall).</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Early Childhood Education and Care</title>
          <page.no>64</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Order for the Production of Documents</title>
            <page.no>64</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLLINS</name>
    <name.id>297964</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of Senator O'Sullivan, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That there be laid on the table by the Minister representing the Minister for Education, by no later than 27 March 2026, the medium term Budget estimates in dollars to 2025-26 for the Child Care Subsidy by year, on the basis of mid-year economic and fiscal outlook.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Universities</title>
          <page.no>65</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Order for the Production of Documents</title>
            <page.no>65</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLLINS</name>
    <name.id>297964</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of Senator O'Sullivan, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That there be laid on the table by the Minister representing the Minister for Education, by no later than 27 March 2026, a document setting out the latest available tertiary admission data for the 2026 academic year, including disaggregation by university of admission, field of education and course, state or territory of admission and domestic or international student status.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Therapeutic Goods Administration</title>
          <page.no>65</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Order for the Production of Documents</title>
            <page.no>65</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLLINS</name>
    <name.id>297964</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of Senator Antic, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That there be laid on the table by the Minister representing the Minister for Health and Aged Care, by no later than 9.30 am on Monday, 20 April 2026:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) all current and historical terms of reference, workplans, designation agreements and any amendments or renewals for the Therapeutic Goods Administration's (TGA) World Health Organization (WHO) collaborating centres for drug quality assurance and for the quality assurance of vaccines and other biologicals;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) all correspondence, emails, meeting minutes, reports and briefings between the TGA (or Department of Health) and the WHO relating to these collaborating centre designations, including annual progress reports submitted to WHO, invitations for input on WHO standards/guidance and any discussions on regulatory alignment or influence since 2015;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) any documents, including internal advice and memos, assessing the implications of these WHO collaborating centre affiliations for TGA's independence, decision-making on therapeutic goods approvals or Australian sovereignty in medicines/vaccines regulation; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) a list of any WHO-requested activities, technical support provided or changes to TGA processes resulting from these affiliations.</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that general business notice of motion No. 434 be agreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [16:00]<br />(The Deputy President—Senator Brockman)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>22</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Antic, A.</name>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S.</name>
                  <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                  <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                  <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                  <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>35</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L.</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                  <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                  <name>Payman, F.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Thorpe, L. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>8</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Askew, W.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                  <name>Wong, P.</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                  <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                  <name>Lambie, J.</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                  <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division></subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Home Guarantee Scheme</title>
          <page.no>66</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Order for the Production of Documents</title>
            <page.no>66</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLLINS</name>
    <name.id>297964</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of Senator Bragg, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) on 27 August 2025, the Senate agreed to order for the production of documents no. 119, relating to the Home Guarantee Scheme, requiring the Minister representing the Treasurer to comply with the order by no later than midday on Tuesday, 2 September 2025,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) since that order was agreed to, the Senate has agreed to a further 3 motions concerning the minister's failure to comply with the order, rejected the public interest immunity claim raised by the Minister for Housing and required the Minister representing the Minister for Housing to attend the Senate to provide an explanation of the failure to comply with the order,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) on 5 March 2026, pursuant to an order agreed to by the Senate on 4 March 2026, the Minister representing the Minister for Housing attended the Senate to provide an explanation of the failure to comply with the order,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) the explanation provided by the minister was not satisfactory and did not address the minister's failure to comply with the order, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(v) the order has still not been complied with; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) requires that the Minister representing the Minister for Housing attend the Senate after the consideration of private senators' bills on Wednesday, 25 March 2026, to provide a further explanation, of no more than 5 minutes, of the failure to comply with the order or to respond in full to the order, and that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) any senator may move to take note of the explanation, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) any such motion may be debated for no longer than 30 minutes and shall have precedence over all other business until determined, and senators may speak to the motion for not more than 5 minutes each.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement—I'd say 30 seconds.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The government will be opposing this motion. In response to order 119, the government has already provided exactly what Senator Bragg asked for. The modelling of contingent liabilities of the Home Guarantee Scheme is laid out for him in black and white in the documents already produced. Senator Bragg believes that the Prime Minister has previously referred to the conducted modelling in public forums and that this makes the minister's PII claims over other sections of these documents irrelevant. The Prime Minister has referred publicly to home price impact modelling which shows a very, very minor impact to home prices of around half a per cent over six years. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question now is that the motion moved by Senator Collins at the request of Senator Bragg be agreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [16:09]<br />(The Deputy President—Senator Brockman) </p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>37</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Antic, A.</name>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S.</name>
                  <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                  <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                  <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                  <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                  <name>Payman, F.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Thorpe, L. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>20</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L.</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>8</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Askew, W.</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                  <name>Wong, P.</name>
                  <name>Lambie, J.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to. </p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division></subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Forestry Industry</title>
          <page.no>67</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Order for the Production of Documents</title>
            <page.no>67</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLLINS</name>
    <name.id>297964</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of Senator Cadell, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes the Minister representing the Minister for Education has failed to comply with order for production of documents no. 370, agreed on 4 March 2026; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) requires the Minister representing the Minister for Education to comply with the order by no later than midday on 25 March 2026.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The government will not be supporting this motion. As the Minister representing the Minister for Education advised the Senate President on 10 March 2026, the minister does not hold these documents, nor does the Department of Education. The minister does not have a role in the day-to-day administration of the university. These questions should be directed to the ANU.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that general business notice of motion No. 437 be agreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [16:13]<br />(The Deputy President—Senator Brockman)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>23</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Antic, A.</name>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S.</name>
                  <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                  <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                  <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                  <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>33</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L.</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                  <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                  <name>Payman, F.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>8</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Askew, W.</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                  <name>Wong, P.</name>
                  <name>Lambie, J.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DAVID POCOCK</name>
    <name.id>256136</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm not sure if this is allowed, but I just wanted to ask that my opposition to the original OPD 370 be recorded. It happened when we had about 50 in a row, and I didn't move.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm not sure if that is possible, to be perfectly honest, Senator Pocock. I'll leave that one with the clerks.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Aged Care</title>
          <page.no>68</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Order for the Production of Documents</title>
            <page.no>68</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLLINS</name>
    <name.id>297964</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of Senators Ruston, Allman-Payne and David Pocock, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That there be laid on the table by the Minister representing the Minister for Aged Care and Seniors, by no later than 26 March 2026, the following documents relating to the Integrated Assessment Tool and Support at Home classification system:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) any documents relating to changes or modifications made to the Integrated Assessment Tool following the 2023 live trial and prior to the commencement of the new Aged Care Act, including any updates to the tool's designs, methodology or operation;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) any technical documentation describing the criteria and methodology used by the algorithm underpinning the Integrated Assessment Tool;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) any briefings, correspondence or advice between the Minister for Aged Care and Seniors, the office of the minister and the department relating to the decision to implement the Integrated Assessment Tool in its current form, including consideration of the absence of human override mechanisms for the Support at Home program;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) any documents, figures or data relating to assessment reviews lodged since 1 November 2025, including:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the total number of reviews lodged,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the number of reviews completed, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) the average and maximum timeframes taken to resolve those reviews; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) any correspondence received by the department or the minister from stakeholders, assessors, aged care providers, advocacy organisations or members of the public raising concerns regarding the outcomes or operation of the Integrated Assessment Tool.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Gun Control</title>
          <page.no>69</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Order for the Production of Documents</title>
            <page.no>69</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYMAN</name>
    <name.id>300707</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That there be laid on the table by the Minister representing the Minister for Home Affairs, by no later than 5 pm on Friday, 24 April 2026:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) copies of all ministerial submissions, records of conversation, letters, briefing notes, meeting agendas, file notes, meeting invitations, meeting notes, meeting minutes, emails and instant/electronic messages, created after 20 January 2026, between the Minister for Home Affairs and/or his office and the Department of Home Affairs in relation to reports that a contractor that supplies firearms to the New South Wales Police Force (NSW Police) had been blocked from importing more than 250 firearms for NSW Police due to the cancellation of import permits caused by the <inline font-style="italic">Combatting Antisemitism, Hate and Extremism (Firearms and Customs Laws) Act 2026</inline>, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) copies of all letters and other correspondence between the Minister for Home Affairs and/or his office, the Department of Home Affairs and NSW Police in relation to the reports referred to in paragraph (a).</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the motion be agreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [16:17]<br />(The Deputy President—Senator Brockman)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>27</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Antic, A.</name>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S.</name>
                  <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                  <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                  <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                  <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                  <name>Payman, F.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Thorpe, L. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>30</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L.</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                  <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>8</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Askew, W.</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                  <name>Wong, P.</name>
                  <name>Lambie, J.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division></subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Royal Commission on Antisemitism and Social Cohesion</title>
          <page.no>70</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Order for the Production of Documents</title>
            <page.no>70</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYMAN</name>
    <name.id>300707</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That there be laid on the table by the Minister representing the Attorney-General by no later than 5 pm on Thursday, 30 April 2026, copies of all ministerial submissions, records of conversation, letters, briefing notes, meeting agendas, file notes, meeting invitations, meeting notes, meeting minutes, emails and instant/electronic messages between the Attorney-General and/or her office, the Attorney-General's Department, Royal Commissioner for the Royal Commission on Antisemitism and Social Cohesion, the Honourable Virginia Bell AC SC and/or her office and Mr Dennis Richardson AC in relation to Mr Richardson's resignation from the position of Special Advisor to the Royal Commission on Antisemitism and Social Cohesion and the circumstances surrounding said resignation.</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the motion be agreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [16:21]<br />(The Deputy President—Senator Brockman) </p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>37</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Antic, A.</name>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S.</name>
                  <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                  <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                  <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                  <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                  <name>Payman, F.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Thorpe, L. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>20</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L.</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>8</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Askew, W.</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                  <name>Wong, P.</name>
                  <name>Lambie, J.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division></subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MATTERS OF PUBLIC IMPORTANCE</title>
        <page.no>71</page.no>
        <type>MATTERS OF PUBLIC IMPORTANCE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Fuel</title>
          <page.no>71</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McKim has submitted a proposal, under standing order 75, today, as shown at item 12 of today's Order of Business:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Pursuant to standing order 75, I propose that the following matter of public importance be submitted to the Senate for discussion:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"The Government must impose a gas export levy of at least 25% on mega-profiting gas companies, using the revenue to support Australians being smashed by spiralling fuel and energy costs."</para></quote>
<para>Is consideration of the proposal supported?</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">More than the number of senators required by the standing orders having risen in their places—</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>With the concurrence of the Senate, the clerks will set the clock in line with the informal arrangements made by the whips.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HODGINS-MAY</name>
    <name.id>310860</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Right now, while an illegal war wages in the Middle East, companies like Santos are set to reap blood-soaked profits. These companies have ripped off Australians' resources for decades because of Australia's broken tax system that lets them take almost all of our gas for free. Well, time's up. An overwhelming majority of the public across the political spectrum supports the need for a minimum 25 per cent gas tax export—a minimum! This could raise $17 billion a year, to ease household energy bills, to fund disaster recovery and to accelerate the transition away from the gas that currently ties household energy bills to global conflict.</para>
<para>Labor, the coalition and One Nation all voted it down, doing the bidding of the gas lobby, as we have become so accustomed to them doing in this place. They voted to let Santos keep profiteering from war, but the war profits are only part of the story. Across Australia, families are also paying the price of Santos's climate pollution and destruction. In Queensland, communities who have barely recovered from Tropical Cyclone Koji were just hit by Cyclone Narelle. In Victoria, communities endured catastrophic fires, flash flooding and extreme heat. The Northern Territory has just experienced five climate disasters in a single season, and Katherine braces for floods as I speak. All the while, Santos executives are rubbing their hands, ready to trash the Territory in pursuit of more climate-wrecking gas.</para>
<para>For just over 12 months now, South Australia's oceans have been under siege. For a whole year, a toxic algal bloom, driven by polluters like Santos, has destroyed millions of ocean animals. It has ripped across 20,000 kilometres of coast, shredded the economy and broken people's hearts. Every morning, locals walk the beaches to count the bodies, to label the location, time and species, and to report them to researchers—dolphins, sharks and seals gone. While coastal businesses struggle to survive, Santos is swimming in profit. While children, my children, ask me why there are so many dead rays on the beach, Santos is drilling for more gas. South Australia's marine emblem is a thing of fragile, extraordinary beauty. And I have here in Canberra 100 of them sent to me by devastated communities.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HODGINS-MAY</name>
    <name.id>310860</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>When will Santos be held accountable for their climate destruction, and when will the gas exporters be taxed?</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The senator knows having props are not within the standing orders. I ask you to remove those. Point of order, Senator O'Sullivan?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'Sullivan</name>
    <name.id>283585</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Acting Deputy President, may I suggest that, when the call, by you, has been given, the microphones be cut, because the senator was able to continue and was able to be heard.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I have reminded the senator of the standing orders and I will ask her to remove them from the chamber.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>When there is some respect in the chamber, we will continue. Senator McDonald, you have the call.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McDONALD</name>
    <name.id>123072</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is hard to believe, in a nation that relies on resources—whether it be mining resources or gas extraction—that we would have such economic vandalism happening from the Greens. They continue to ignore that it is mining that pays the bills, that it is gas extraction that pays the bills, and we are in enormous competition with the other parts of the world that also have fantastic resources. We've seen Australian gas companies investing offshore, rather than here in Australia, thanks to the activism that's been organised by some of those political parties. We are seeing investment, small business investment and Australian jobs exported offshore as a result of this sort of grandstanding.</para>
<para>It is also incredibly difficult to understand at a time when gas production in trade is what guarantees us fuel supply. It's this wicked circle. Over the last 10 years, we have seen more oil and gas extraction leave this country because of the impacts of activists—activists who drive their four-wheel drives onto the beaches to protest these things; I love the hypocrisy of that. It is because of that that we are seeing less investment and less oil production here. Let's be clear: twenty years ago we had fuel security in this country. We produced enough oil to support our six or seven refineries. That's what Australia had.</para>
<para>Now, under this crazy agenda, we are seeing people not investing into oil and gas production. Instead, we're seeing policies like this one where we seek to increase taxes with no guarantee of where they would go. If it were up to the Greens, who knows where the taxes would go. Our economy is in the most dire straits—certainly since I've been working, I would say, apart from when we had the recession we had to have in the nineties. Now we have inflation skyrocketing, interest rates increasing, real wages down to 2011 levels and a high cost of living, and it is thanks to this government's out-of-control spending. This is not happening in any other of the leading economies of the world, but it's happening right here in Australia.</para>
<para>Labor's own resources minister said a few weeks ago:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… imposing new costs on the gas industry would freeze gas production in this country, and a tax on gas exports, as was proposed by those opposite in the last election, would discourage investment in the new supply we need to back up our transition to net zero.</para></quote>
<para>The idea that we are going to tax our way into prosperity makes absolutely no sense at all. I can guarantee that the new gas projects here in Australia, which would serve to support families, households and small businesses right around Australia, will dry up. Those investments in gas will dry up if this sort of policy goes ahead.</para>
<para>At a time when we are seeing a tax on infrastructure in the Middle East and at a time when shipments are blocked in the Strait of Hormuz, gas remains a necessity for energy production globally and Australia needs to do more, not less. Yet that is what more taxes do. They dry up investment, they drive away competition for investment into this country, and we will see less investment here, which means fewer taxes received in Australia. Gas paid more than the amount of the PBS for last year. Under this policy we would not see increased taxes—the fantasy tax scenario that the Greens are proposing. We would instead see less investment and fewer taxes, both now and into the future.</para>
<para>We want to see more investment and more streamlined approvals with faster approval times so that we can get back to having our own capacity to produce here. We want to get back to producing the 90 per cent of oil that we need for refineries right here in Australia, rather than having to rely on offshore production, as we have under Labor. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WALKER</name>
    <name.id>316818</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today so we can cut through a little bit of the noise. When people hear 'gas export tax' or 'PRRT reform', most people aren't thinking of tax design; they're thinking, 'Why does everything feel so expensive right now?' Rent, groceries, power, petrol—it's all stacking up. The reality is a lot of Australians feel like they're doing everything right and still not getting ahead. That's the actual issue sitting underneath this debate. The proposal we're looking at today is to put a 25 per cent export levy on gas companies. On the surface that sounds like an easy fix. Big profits, big tax—problem solved. Unfortunately, policy doesn't work that easily in practice. As we've seen, when you start messing with supply in a tight global market, especially right now, you're not just hitting companies; you're affecting prices, investment and ultimately what people are paying at home. If we get that wrong, it's not the CEOs who feel that first; it's households. That is the part we cannot ignore.</para>
<para>That is why this government has done lots in this area. We've reformed the petroleum resource rent tax, so companies are paying more and paying it earlier. That's already showing up in the numbers, adding billions in revenue. And more companies are actually contributing. It's not hypothetical, or 'maybe, in 10 years'; it's happening now. This matters, because the revenue isn't just sitting there; it's funding the things that people actually rely on: energy bill relief; cheaper medicines; rent assistance; tax cuts for working families. That's the connection.</para>
<para>If you want to talk about the cost of living, you can't just talk about where the money comes from; you have to talk about where it goes, and, right now, we're working hard to make sure it's going back into helping people with higher costs and global uncertainty. We've increased rent assistance for over a million households; boosted income support for over one million Australians; and delivered tax cuts across the board, with more coming. These aren't just abstract ideals; this is current cash flow.</para>
<para>On energy, which is where this whole conversation starts, we're not just reacting; we're trying to stabilise things. That's because energy prices don't exist in a vacuum; they're tied to global markets, supply chains, the current conflict—all of it. So the job of government here isn't to throw a grenade into the system and hope for the best. It's to keep supply stable while gradually bringing costs down, which is why we've been focused on fuel security—making sure supply is there, especially in regional areas. It's why we've worked with regulators to monitor prices and crack down on dodgy behaviour. And it's why we're investing heavily in renewables—not because it sounds nice, but because, over time, it's one of the only ways to structurally lower energy costs. We're already seeing early signs of that, with the electricity prices forecast to ease, even while global fuel costs are rising. This hasn't happened by accident. It has happened because we are trying to manage the system carefully, not just chasing a headline.</para>
<para>And of course I get why people are frustrated. When you see large companies making record profits, it's completely reasonable to ask whether Australians are getting a fair return. That's exactly why we've tightened tax settings, increased compliance and gone after multinationals trying to minimise what they pay. That way, there's no free pass here.</para>
<para>But fairness also means being honest about trade-offs, because if the goal is to make life more affordable and not just to feel like we're doing something, then we have to be careful not to create policies that backfire. That's the difference in the approach here. We're not pretending that there's a one-line fix to the cost of living. There isn't. What we're doing is steadily pulling the levers that genuinely make a difference, making sure that companies pay more tax, using that revenue to support households, stabilising energy supply and investing in cheaper energy over time. These aren't flashy, headline-grabbing tactics but something real to work with—and, right now, with everything people are dealing with, 'real' probably matters more than anything else.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator TYRRELL</name>
    <name.id>300639</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Tasmanians know that I have been advocating hard for a 25 per cent gas export tax on gas companies. I strongly welcome the news that the Prime Minister's department is costing this policy. It's finally realising that it could fix our government debt whilst providing better services and cost-of-living relief.</para>
<para>It's outrageous that we raise more from the tax on beer than we do from the multinational corporations exporting our sovereign resources. We should be taxing our gas exports to fund our sovereign wealth fund, our healthcare, our education and our housing. But we could also easily expand this 25 per cent tax, making it much higher during times of conflict when the oil price skyrockets and the oil companies earn superprofits from it. It is fundamentally unfair that multinational corporations are pocketing record profits from the current conflict in the Middle East while regular Australians struggle to fill their tanks.</para>
<para>The government should implement a time-limited tax on the windfall profits of oil and gas exporters, with every dollar raised to be used to make fuel cheaper by reducing the fuel excise. That is a real, budget-neutral solution to the current fuel crisis. That's cheaper fuel for Australians, funded by un-ordinary windfall profits of multinational gas companies.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ANANDA-RAJAH</name>
    <name.id>290544</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Australia's gas industry is export dominant, highly lucrative and globally significant. Around 80 per cent of our gas is exported; 20 percent is used domestically. We are always in the top three as a global gas producer, usually after the US and Qatar. It is a highly lucrative industry. In 2023-24 gas exports raised around $70 billion in revenue. They paid around $1.5 billion in PRRT. They paid around $10 billion in company tax. Royalties to the states were in the order of around $2 billion. We introduced some reforms to PRRT to claw back more tax, and the number of companies that will be paying PRRT will increase, from 11 to 16, as a result of those reforms in our first term of government.</para>
<para>But 2023-24 is very different to 2026. What has happened in the aftermath of the Middle East conflict is that gas prices have spiked. The European benchmark for gas jumped to its highest level in more than three years only a few days ago. On 19 March, about a week ago, the <inline font-style="italic">Financial Review</inline> reported that Woodside and Santos had recently sold their gas cargoes at more than double the Asian benchmark rate. In other words, the gas companies are raking it in as a result of this conflict.</para>
<para>So far, Australian domestic gas prices have been relatively stable. That's thanks to ample supply in the system due to all the reforms we brought in during our first term, which were actually opposed by those opposite. There are genuine and legitimate concerns, particularly from industry, which relies on gas, that these prices may not remain low and stable for long. In fact, energy forecasters are predicting that, by winter of this year, gas prices domestically will jump. I'm a senator for Victoria. Victorians, particularly Victorian households, rely on gas for cooking and heating. In fact, around 90 per cent of Victorian households use gas. So, coming into winter, I will be very concerned if gas companies seek to profit from this conflict and hike domestic prices. I'll be watching closely. I would hazard a guess that they haven't done it already, because they know we are all watching them closely as well.</para>
<para>This is why we will be introducing a domestic gas reservation policy. This will start in 2027. It will mean that around 15 to 25 per cent of gas produced here in Australia will be retained here in Australia in order to put downward pressure on prices, in order to bake in some energy resilience in an increasingly volatile world and in order to protect our domestic industries. Indeed, the Australian Workers' Union, representing manufacturing workers, has said that this was an historic victory. I want to reassure our trading partners that it will not be applied retrospectively.</para>
<para>However, I do agree with the Greens political party that we need to go further. I think that Australian gas producers have been operating in fairly generous circumstances for some time. Yes, they create jobs. Yes, they create revenue. Yes, they create value. There's no disputing that. But it's an extractive industry and one that, in the current circumstances, is going to become even more lucrative as time goes on. Why? It's because of the strike to the Qatar LNG facility, which is likely to lead to years of elevated prices because it will take years for that facility to come online again.</para>
<para>It's no secret that Treasury are looking at an additional tax or levy. Sure enough, as night follows day, the usual suspects—the gas industry and their cheer squad—are saying that this will freeze investment and disincentivise investment. I don't believe them, because circumstances have changed. Qatar is now seen as a geopolitical risk. How can it not be? Australia, on the other hand, is a safe haven thanks to our democratic nation and skill capability. We are on the doorstep of— <inline font-style="italic">(</inline><inline font-style="italic">T</inline><inline font-style="italic">ime expired</inline><inline font-style="italic">)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The gas companies have been ripping us off for years—not just in the last three weeks that this conflict has been underway; they have been ripping off Australians for years. And it's just gotten a whole lot worse, now that we see them making blood money off this terrible war—profiteering from the conflict, price gouging and doing whatever they can to make massive profits while everybody else suffers.</para>
<para>Gas companies pay less tax than most Australians. They pay less than nurses. Nurses pay more tax than the gas companies—there's nothing fair about that. Teachers pay double in tax what gas companies do. Students with their HECS debts pay more than the gas companies do. Heavens above! Every time you go to the pub and buy a beer, you pay more tax than the gas companies do. It is an absolute rort. Australians are feeling the pressure more than ever because of this bloody war from President Trump, who is doing this for his own ego and for his own power. He's in cahoots with the fossil fuel companies. They think it's great because they're making massive profits—blood money at the expense of everybody else.</para>
<para>This terrible war is pushing up the prices of everyday things and making life even harder for Australians. It makes us less safe, and it makes it harder to make ends meet. It is just appalling that, when people are suffering, the gas companies are profiteering off this bloody, tragic war.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYMAN</name>
    <name.id>300707</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise in support of Senator McKim's motion regarding a 25 per cent tax on the gas companies who are making eye-watering profits in the wake of the illegal war in the Middle East. Despite the billions of dollars in profits from our resources, they're not paying Australians our fair share. In fact, many now know gas companies pay less tax on gas than Australians do on beer. That tells you everything about how broken our system is. As soon as sensible reform is proposed, these companies move quickly to protect their profits because they serve shareholders, not the Australian public. In my home state of WA, fuel prices are soaring, and families are paying up to $2.80 a litre.</para>
<para>If a 25 per cent gas export tax had been introduced in 2022, Australia could have raised $63.8 billion. That's enough money to make early childhood education free and remove the HECS debt on students. Other countries like Norway tax their resources properly and invest in their people. Here, we subsidise fossil fuel giants and send students the bill. That's cooked policy! We must shift the burden from everyday Australians to those profiting from our resources and demand that they invest in our country.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARUQI</name>
    <name.id>250362</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In any war, it is ordinary people who always pay the price. Already, thousands of people have been killed and hundreds of thousands displaced, while Trump threatens to obliterate Iran and Israel's violence marches on in Lebanon, Palestine and Syria.</para>
<para>People here were already struggling, and now their lives are getting even harder because this prime minister dragged us into a war that no-one wants, except warmongers Trump and Netanyahu and weapons, oil and gas barons, who are raking in profits, dripping in blood. Not only is this a moral failing that exposes the rot of the imperial war machine; it has destabilised the entire economy. While people pay more for everything—for fuel, for food, for rent and for mortgages—corporations make record profits. These corporations make a motza from the killing of innocent people in war, but they also make massive profits from the killing of the environment, our planet and our climate. They make a profit from ecocide and omnicide at the same time. What we need at the end of the day is to break the system that is rigged for the rich, that is rigged for the billionaires and that is rigged for the warmongers.</para>
<para>We can start today. We can start today by imposing a gas export levy of at least 25 per cent on the companies that profit from human misery, and then we can use this revenue to support Australians, who are being smashed left, right and centre by the cost-of-living crisis.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DAVID POCOCK</name>
    <name.id>256136</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Australia is one of the biggest gas exporters in the world, but, when LNG prices go up globally, Aussies don't feel richer. We don't get a huge amount more in return, unlike Norway, who have a 78 per cent tax on their oil and gas. They also now have a $3 trillion sovereign wealth fund. Australians have figured this out now and are fired up and are angry with the major parties that continue to defend this arrangement and continue to give us the talking points from the gas industry about why we couldn't possibly get our fair share from the gas industry. The questions I get the most are: Why 25 per cent? Why not 78 per cent? This proposal, which I support, is a 25 per cent tax on gas export revenue. It means that the gas companies can no longer use the profit shifting and all the fancy accounting that means many of them have not paid much corporate tax at all, so a flat 25 per cent tax on gas exports is clearly the way to go now.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SHOEBRIDGE</name>
    <name.id>169119</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Right now, Australians are paying for Trump and Netanyahu's warmongering. We're watching another US forever war spread pain and violence across the Middle East, and, every day, civilians are dying because of bullies like Trump. This is being cheered on by the war parties in this place—One Nation and their mates in the Labor and Liberal parties—who now expect us to believe their crocodile tears about the economic pain caused by their mate's war. The Australian public doesn't want this war. They don't want the government to support it and they don't want Australian troops involved, but the war parties have done all these things. When big corporations—their donors who fly them around in their corporate jets or fund their election campaigns—start profiting from the war and the Greens start saying, 'Make them pay some tax,' we get the talking points from the gas giants. That's what we get in this place.</para>
<para>The war parties are probably thrilled to see their donors—the Gina Rineharts and others, the oil, gas and minerals industries, the arms industry—raking it in right now. Let's be clear, a minimum 25 per cent tax on gas exports at this time will go some way to clawing back to the public some of the obscene profits that these fossil fuel corporations are leeching from us under the cover of war. We could use the money to help pay people's energy bills, to fund public transport and to help with real costs while people are struggling with their mate Donald Trump's and Netanyahu's war of choice.</para>
<para>The war in the Middle East should never have started. The Albanese Labor government should never have supported it. Australia must withdraw all support right now. But, even then, regular people will still be paying the cost of that war, and that's also what this tax is about—taking power away from big corporations and bullies and putting it back in the hands of people. If we had a lot more of that in this place, if we'd stuck to those principles, we wouldn't be part of this bloody war now.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BELL</name>
    <name.id>319142</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para> (—) (): Australians deserve a fair share for our gas. One Nation has fought for this for nearly a decade, whereas the Greens, right now, what they have proven with their stunts and their half-baked policies—they are here to destroy the gas industry. That is their intention. One Nation has sensible policies. We've led the fight for a fair share for a decade. Under the Greens and what they're proposing, Australians will get nothing, because 25 per cent of nothing is nothing. One Nation has put forward sensible policies that will see 15 per cent of our gas reserved for Australian homes and businesses first. One Nation has talked about necessary reforms to the petroleum rent resource tax. One Nation is happy to look at taking equity stakes and resource projects like we've saw in Norway, but that's not what we are hearing from the Greens or teals. We can have cheap, affordable energy. We can have a fair return for Australians and fair ownership of our resources, but you don't get it by destroying the gas industry. You don't get it by wiping it out. You don't get it by pandering to your billionaire mates in the renewable industry who are there to destroy an industry. That's why One Nation is here to back our—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOL</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Bell. Senator Steele-John.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STEELE-JOHN</name>
    <name.id>250156</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The community have the very reasonable expectation that the people they elect will go to work for them, yet for decades Labor and the Liberal Party have shown up to work and gone to work for the gas industry—for Chevron, for Santos, for Woodside. They have written and rewritten tax laws which now allow the absurdity that a nurse working a double shift at Royal Perth in Western Australia pays more tax than Woodside. This must end. These corporations must be made to pay their fair share so that our community can receive the cost-of-living relief that in this moment it so desperately needs.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOL</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The time for the discussion has expired.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MATTERS OF URGENCY</title>
        <page.no>76</page.no>
        <type>MATTERS OF URGENCY</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Fuel</title>
          <page.no>76</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOL</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Senate will now consider the proposal from Senator McKenzie, which is shown at item 12 on today's Order of Business:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Albanese Government's failure to manage fuel supply and distribution, resulting in fuel shortages and service stations running out of fuel, adding to the cost of living pressures already being faced by Australian families and small businesses.</para></quote>
<para>Is the consideration of the proposal supported?</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">More than the number of senators required by the standing orders having risen in their places—</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOL</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>With the concurrence of the Senate, the clerks will set the clock in line with the informal arrangements by the whips.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That, in the opinion of the Senate, the following is a matter of urgency:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Albanese Government's failure to manage fuel supply and distribution, resulting in fuel shortages and service stations running out of fuel, adding to the cost of living pressures already being faced by Australian families and small businesses.</para></quote>
<para>If ever you had an example of incompetence from a federal government, you have it right now from the Labor Party here in Canberra. We're heading into what will be the fourth week of a crisis in the Middle East. The failure to prepare, the failure to act in those very first days and weeks, means that Australians who are already saddled with real wages going backwards and mortgage rates going through the roof because the government can't get their spending profile under control and because of the weak economic settings from Jim Chalmers and the cabinet led by Anthony Albanese—Australians are already subjected to cost-of-living pressures that are unprecedented. On top of that, we are unable to respond appropriately to events, dear boy, events, and to issues that are of a global consequence and the geostrategic challenges we are seeing from the war in the Middle East.</para>
<para>What was this chamber told? What were Australians told in the first two weeks? 'We have all the supply you need. Stop panicking. Stop behaving like rational human beings. When you know something is going to be in short supply—something that you need to function as a family, a farmer, a fisherman or a truckie—don't rush out and buy it.' Of course they rushed out and bought it.</para>
<para>The minister stood up here day after day on questions from the National Party and the Liberal Party about what they are doing to help Australians through the crisis. We were told there was nothing to worry about. What did they do? Jim Chalmers wrote a letter to the ACCC. Chris Bowen, who's supposed to be the minister in charge, can't tell us where the supply gaps even are. They're relying on Facebook and frustrated Australians calling in when there is no diesel or no petrol and when service stations are shut.</para>
<para>What's going to happen? It's not just that prices have gone through the roof and that families are struggling with the cost of living. It is that farmers are unable to plant and unable to harvest. Fishermen are not going in. Banana crops are going to be ploughed into the ground because it is more expensive to get them on the back of a truck to Woollies and Coles distribution centres in Brisbane than it is to let them fall and rot on the ground. The trucking industry has pleaded with the government to do something. They're already operating on thin margins. They're having to pass through the largest cost increases in diesel they have ever seen. Even during the Ukraine war, diesel only increased 40c a litre. We have seen it up 80c a litre, and it's climbing. Australians are rightfully concerned.</para>
<para>And what do we know this government hasn't done? The minister refuses to use the powers available to him to intervene in the market and make sure much needed fuel gets to where it's needed to keep trucks on the road, primary producers producing and our mining and fishing industries doing what they keep doing. They've stalled their commitment to biofuels and ethanol production, something which could have actually assisted with increasing supply. We have two states that already have a commitment to putting ethanol into the fuel supply system. We could increase the supply of clean fuel into our transport industry instead of rushing, as the minister has, to actually ensure dirty fuel is available.</para>
<para>And didn't they make a big song and dance about the 100 million litres of fuel being available? That sounded like a big number to Australians. However, we need 135.6 million litres of fuel to operate in this country every single day. The government's not doing enough and Australians deserve better.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator MULHOLLAND</name>
    <name.id>277110</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In my home state of Queensland the car is king, especially in regional Queensland. Farmers, freight operators, Queensland families—they don't have the luxury of alternatives like public transport. They rely on their cars, their trucks and their trailers every single day. And we know Australia's food security is directly tied to our transport security and our regional security, so concerns about fuel supply are being fanned by an increasingly desperate opposition.</para>
<para>Let's be clear: this motion from Senator McKenzie is not about Australians. It is about Senator McKenzie trying to save herself and her party from One Nation. But trying to out-Pauline Pauline is about the dumbest political strategy I've seen since the 'Joh for PM' campaign.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order. Senator Mulholland, I just remind you to refer to those in this chamber by their correct title. You can continue.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator MULHOLLAND</name>
    <name.id>277110</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you. And we've just seen the coalition forces annihilated in South Australia. Nothing says insanity like flirting with the party that is actively eating your base—it's like feeding a crocodile and hoping it doesn't bite your hand off—while doing nothing to address the policy challenges that confront us.</para>
<para>It's important for Australians to understand that Australia is well prepared for the challenges of the conflict in the Middle East and our fuel supply is secure. The Albanese government is looking at every practical measure to shield our nation and household budgets from the worst of global insecurity. Since the conflict commenced three weeks ago the Commonwealth government has taken swift action to support supply and keep fuel moving around the country. That includes releasing up to 20 per cent of our diesel and fuel reserves to help address regional shortages. We have amended national fuel standards to keep more Australian made fuels onshore where they are needed most. We are cracking down on petrol company price gouging because we will not allow Australians to be taken advantage of during these periods of global uncertainty.</para>
<para>And to strengthen coordination across the country, the Albanese government has appointed the Fuel Supply Taskforce Coordinator. This is a new and necessary role with shortages in specific areas due to increased demand in some locations and further supply chain pressures expected in the weeks and months ahead. This task force will lead the coordination work needed to ensure the best outcomes for Australians and Australian businesses.</para>
<para>But let's compare this to the actions or the absolute inaction of those opposite. Opposition leader Angus Taylor should be, and will be, remembered as the worst energy minister in Australian history. Under Angus Taylor's watch, half of Australia's remaining refineries closed. He left Australia more exposed to global shocks than at any time in modern history, and now the coalition has the audacity to come in here and lecture us about fuel supply when it was their decisions that hollowed out our sovereign fuel capacity in the first place.</para>
<para>I'm proud to say that Queensland is home to one of Australia's two remaining oil refineries—one of only two that survived the Liberals last time they were in office—and that is the Ampol refinery in Lytton, in the mighty seat of Bonner in Brisbane. There are more than 550 refinery workers at Ampol, producing petrol, diesel and jet fuel in Queensland. Behind every bowser filling up our cars, our trucks and our machinery, there is a Queensland Ampol worker who has been working around the clock to keep up with current peaks in demand, and they are ably supported by our Queensland transport workers, who have been delivering tanker after tanker right up and down the eastern seaboard. Queensland's oil refinery workers and transport workers don't always get the recognition they deserve, but right now their work is critical to keeping sovereign oil production steady during this period of peak demand.</para>
<para>So I want to give a shout-out to the mighty Australian Workers' Union, which proudly represents the workers of Ampol, because it is the AWU that has worked hard to defend the fuel industry against sustained attacks and the oil refinery closures that occurred under the coalition. The AWU and this side of politics have been vocal about the need to ensure that we keep an oil refinery operating in this country. So you can imagine my surprise when we've seen a conga line of coalition MPs and senators lining up to attack this industry in recent weeks—the same people who said nothing when the refineries were shut. They didn't blink an eye when refineries were shut at Kurnell in New South Wales, Bulwer Island in Queensland, Altona in Victoria and Kwinana in WA. It was the AWU who came to Canberra back in 2020 to save our refinery in Lytton. We should never forget that.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>283585</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Mulholland, I just remind you—there were a couple of occasions there where you didn't refer to those in the other place, or this place, with the correct title. So could you, next time, make sure you do that.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, cop a load of the war parties in this place—the Labor Party, the Liberal Party, the Nationals and One Nation. Cop a load of that unholy alliance wringing their hands about increased fuel prices, including petrol prices, in this country. The hypocrisy is enough to make me vomit. They cheerled a war with Iran, and now, of course, entirely predictably, fuel prices are going up. Colour me surprised! Who could possibly have foreseen that, if you start a big war in the Middle East, petrol prices are going to go up and people are going to feel pain at the bowser?</para>
<para>You cannot support this war and cry crocodile tears about fuel prices. Australians are paying the price for the Labor Party cheerleading this war on day one, when our prime minister was the first global leader to go out and say he thought this war was a good idea. Then, a week later, he joined this country to the war effort against Iran. With every global conflict and every supply shock, Australians are paying for it and the big corporations are fattening their bottom line, all because of the war parties in this place—the Labor Party, the Liberal Party, the Nationals and One Nation. If you want to do something on petrol prices, oppose the war. Call for peace. Stop fighting fantasy crusades with Hegseth, Trump and the war criminal Netanyahu. Oppose the war. Stand for peace.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRAGG</name>
    <name.id>256063</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The motion before the chamber, moved by Senator McKenzie, is a good one for the chamber to now turn its mind to, because I think Australians would rightly expect that their government would be doing everything it could to ensure that there were reasonable supplies of fuel for industry, households and businesses at this juncture. But you can't take this current debate about the government's failure to manage the fuel shortage out of the broader context in which it sits, and that is that I think that the Australian public have worked out the Prime Minister. He's not a very competent fellow.</para>
<para>But there's another fellow who sits alongside him, called the Treasurer, and he was going around last year saying that he'd read this book called <inline font-style="italic">Abundance</inline>. It's a book by Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson, a couple of people from America, and their central thesis was that there was too much red tape and there wasn't enough supply, supply of everything: supply of energy, supply of housing—whatever. The good doc—he calls himself Dr Chalmers—said it was 'a ripper' and that it was 'doing the rounds' around the caucus. I suspect that, if he'd uttered that statement in the parliament, he could have misled the parliament, because there's no evidence that anyone in the Labor government has understood that central thesis of abundance: we need more energy, we need more gas, and we will need more condensate oil. These are the things, alongside all the other sources of energy, that are going to fuel the economy on an ongoing basis.</para>
<para>One of the troubling aspects of this whole debate is the failure of our environmental protection laws to facilitate reasonable development—whether it is the Browse development, the North West Shelf development or the Barossa development, where there has been gas and also condensate oil. These have taken seven or eight years to get going, and some of them will never get going. We are a country which is replete with resources. It should never have come to this point where we are relying on unreliable supply chains. The judgement of whether or not a refinery is open or closed is quite separate from whether or not the country has done everything it can to make the most of its resources and to make the most of its opportunities.</para>
<para>I think it's very clear that, after four long years of Labor, they have let these environmental approvals completely undermine the development of new resources. That is very clear. The government would say, apart from it being misleading in relation to understanding the truth about abundance, that it has passed environmental laws and has fixed the EPBC laws. These EPBC laws give the Commonwealth a planning control, which has held back these resource developments that would've been needed today. They would've given us more petroleum. They say they've passed laws, but the detail of those laws is in the regulations. The matters of national significance, which are at the heart of the seven- to eight-year delays in relation to the development of gas and condensate oil, are yet to be determined, so it is unsurprising, perhaps, that we sit here at this four-year mark of this government, look at their record and see that, in relation to the environmental approvals, there is no improvement.</para>
<para>The details are in the regs, and, because Minister Watt has given himself godlike powers, he will effectively determine what these rules look like. It won't be the parliament deciding what the matters of national significance will be in detail, and it's the detail that matters here. It will be one minister. So we'll have more delay, more uncertainty and fewer approvals of essential resources developments. That's the point here: Australia should've had more gas and more oil—more everything—right now. We haven't had it, because of these environmental approvals, which are not right. The balance is not right. Of course we want to protect the environment, but we've got to get the supply out there. We haven't had that, and we've got no real certainty that we'll get it under this government.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In June 2021, I said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">This and previous governments have continually failed to meet the internationally mandated 90 days stockpile of fuel for the people of this nation. That means this government has put at risk the fuel security of our daily transport needs: our defence, our aviation industry, our mining and our commuter needs. Without this internationally mandated 90-day stockpile of fuel, Australia risks coming to a grinding halt.</para></quote>
<para>And that's exactly what's happening at the moment. One Nation was the first party to bring up fuel security in the current crisis in this federal parliament. The Labor Albanese government has been flying by the seat of its pants.</para>
<para>They said, 'There's no shortage,' then guess what? There is a shortage. 'There's no crisis,' then there is a crisis. 'There's no rationing,' then: 'Hang on a minute. Now we should send a message that everyone should work from home.' How would that work? If I still had my fish and chip shop, would I have a drive-through past my home window so people could pick it up? How about all the police, paramedics, nurses, truckies, grocery stores, retailers—all those people? Are they going to work from home? This has not been planned. You have no idea how to run the country in a crisis like this, and it's disgraceful that it's getting to a stage now where the farming sector can't get the fuel. Even last Thursday, the Prime Minister, Anthony Albanese, said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Every single ship that was due to land here has landed here.</para></quote>
<para>Just three days later on Sunday, energy minister Chris Bowen said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We're aware of six boats that have been cancelled …</para></quote>
<para>They can't get their story straight, and that's our current prime minister. Remember. To me, he keeps looking like Joe Biden, forgetting what he has done, said or experienced. Heaven help us in this nation because we need to get mining and use our resources and our oil reserves here and get more gas into our economy.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COX</name>
    <name.id>296215</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to oppose this urgency motion and to call it for what it is. It is not, in fact, grounded in any fact. It is fearmongering dressed up as urgency. Let's get this absolutely straight. What we are seeing are localised disruptions caused by spikes in demand, not a failure of supply. Petrol companies have confirmed their fuel is continuing to arrive in the quantities expected. We have the supply that we need. Australians are following the events in the Middle East and are seeing and feeling the real consequences here at home. The longer that conflict continues, the more pressure that will place on the global economy and, especially, on household budgets here in Australia.</para>
<para>But I also want to be crystal clear. This is a global challenge. It is not a failure of domestic supply. People are being told there's a shortage, so they rush out, fill up, top up and stockpile. In some places, a month's worth of fuel has been sold in just a few days. That is not normal behaviour. That is panic buying. We saw this during COVID. The supply of toilet paper did not just disappear, but everyone buying it at once creates that massive disruption. Like we experienced during COVID, there is no need to stockpile. We should all be taking only what we need so no-one has to go without. Here's the uncomfortable truth for those opposite. When you push claims of shortages that don't exist, you are contributing to that very disruption you are complaining about. That is reckless, and it's regional Australians, farmers and small businesses who feel it first.</para>
<para>Let's actually deal with what the government is doing. We are making sure that fuel keeps moving to where it's needed most. We have released fuel from our reserves, including boosting supply by releasing 20 per cent of baseline stockholdings. We are keeping more fuel here in Australia and temporarily amending the fuel standards so we can get fuel into the market faster. We are working with industry and with states and territories to ensure that supply reaches our regional communities. Following National Cabinet, we have established a Fuel Supply Taskforce led by Anthea Harris to coordinate across governments and industry. This taskforce will drive coordination, provide national oversight of supply and distribution and ensure that fuel is directed to where the demand is highest.</para>
<para>Across the board, this government is taking practical steps to shield Australians from that global uncertainty, and I want to be clear. It is about fuel security. Under this government, fuel is actually held here in Australia, not overseas, not 14,000 kilometres away in Texas. We are above our minimum stockholding obligations with weeks of supply across petrol, diesel and jet fuel. Compare that to those opposite. They closed refineries, they failed to act on stockholding and they stored Australia's fuel overseas. They are the ones that left Australia exposed, and we fixed that.</para>
<para>Now on prices—Australians are concerned when they see prices spike. We've heard about that, and that's understandable. This is an international crisis, not a commercial opportunity. There is no excuse for petrol companies increasing profits at the expense of Australians. That is why we have empowered the ACCC to protect motorists from unfair price rises and why we are increasing penalties for misconduct. Australians should not be treated like mugs at the bowser. Let's be honest. Global instability flows through to the pump, and that is the reality. What matters here at home is how we respond. We are securing supply, we are coordinating nationally and we are enforcing the rules. We are also supporting Australians with cost of living, free health care, tax cuts, cheaper child care, more bulk-billing, urgent care clinics and cheaper medicines, and that's the practical support at this time of global uncertainty.</para>
<para>So let's be clear about this motion. It ignores the absolute facts, it ignores the supply that exists and it ignores the action being taken. And, worse, it risks fuelling panic, which is exactly what's putting pressure on supply. There is enough fuel. Supply is continuing. What Australians need right now is calm, clear information and responsible leadership, not reckless political scare campaigns from those opposite.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYMAN</name>
    <name.id>300707</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm sure that I was not alone in breathing a sigh of relief when I heard the Prime Minister speak in Hobart last week. After weeks of uncertainty, Australians learnt that the government had appointed a fuel tsar and a government taskforce. Should we speed up the transition to renewables? Should we build domestic refining capacity? Should we crack down on opportunistic price gouging at the bowser? Should we look at the 52.6c of excise the government collects on every litre of petrol? Nah. Fuel tsar, taskforce—that'll do it. Last week in WA, servo chain Vibe announced it will limit the amount of petrol that customers can buy. Across Perth, petrol prices are as high as $2.60, almost a dollar higher than they were a month ago. The Treasurer said he'll be making hard decisions in the May budget. Listen up, Treasurer. Australians have been making hard decisions every day. They do not need the government to make it harder. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BROCKMAN</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Let's start with addressing some of the gross hypocrisy we've heard in this place over the last hour. First of all, hypocrisy No. 1 is from the Greens, who pretend they want to raise more money from gas when they actually want to close down the industry and generate zero tax dollars from gas. Hypocrisy No. 2, of course, is from those directly opposite, the Labor Party, who sat on their hands for weeks knowing that a fuel shock was highly likely. On 25 February, they recalled families of ambassadors and diplomatic staff from the Middle East back to Australia. They knew that there was a high likelihood of a highly risky event in the Middle East, but they did nothing about the situation that would face Australia if, as happened, the Middle East entered conflict and the supplies of crude, in particular, but also refined product became less available.</para>
<para>Then what did we hear from the government once it was clear that there was an issue? Nothing. Crickets. 'There's nothing to see here—no crisis, no problem.' Then we heard them blaming the Australian people. 'It's a demand problem.' I'm sorry, but farmers want to start seeding. Truck drivers want to make sure they can get across the Nullarbor. All the tens of thousands of Australians who rely on driving for their principal form of income and who wanted to secure their jobs, to secure their businesses and to secure their income, naturally, in the face of government inaction, decided to fill up their tanks. This is not the fault of Australians. This is the fault of a government who was asleep at the wheel.</para>
<para>We were standing up in this place and saying—not fearmongering—'We understand there's enough fuel in the system, but why are there these maldistribution issues?' And the government was saying, 'There is no problem. There is no crisis,' when we knew there were fuel stations on the verge of running out of fuel. Now, today, we see 100 stations in New South Wales without any diesel and 35 without any fuel of any sort. And the government appoints a tsar. I cannot imagine a situation where you could have seen a less effectual response from a government than the ones we've seen.</para>
<para>Let's correct a couple of pieces of absolute misinformation that we've seen in this current debate. It was the former government and, in fact, Angus Taylor as minister who actually secured our ability to refine in this country. Mr Acting Deputy President O'Sullivan, I know you will know this, but do you know how much we paid for the fuel that was stored under our name in Texas? We actually didn't pay anything for it. We were paid to store it there because fuel, at that time, had a negative price. Australia was actually paid to have its reserves in the country that is our strongest international ally. What does this government do over the course of an increasingly serious situation with our domestic fuel supply? They seek to blame the Liberal Party—how they manage that is beyond me—whilst they themselves are asleep at the wheel.</para>
<para>Again, you know that I spoke about the risk of force majeure events happening in the fuel supply chain 10 days ago. 10 days ago I was speaking about that, but the minister was saying, 'No crisis here,' and suddenly, today, we have six boats being turned around. Well, 10 days ago, we had force majeure clauses being imposed by refineries in Singapore—our principal supplier of many types of fuel. The idea that those sorts of clauses weren't going to be exercised by shipping companies was ludicrous—a minister incompetent and asleep at the wheel.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the urgency motion moved by Senator McKenzie be agreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [17:30]<br />(The President—Senator Lines)</p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>27</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Antic, A.</name>
                <name>Askew, W. (Teller)</name>
                <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                <name>Bell, S.</name>
                <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                <name>Brockman, W. E.</name>
                <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                <name>Payman, F.</name>
                <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                <name>Whitten, T.</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>21</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                <name>Cox, D.</name>
                <name>Darmanin, L.</name>
                <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                <name>Grogan, K. (Teller)</name>
                <name>Lines, S.</name>
                <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                <name>Polley, H.</name>
                <name>Sheldon, A. V.</name>
                <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                <name>Walker, C.</name>
                <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>8</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names>
                <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                <name>Wong, P.</name>
                <name>Collins, J.</name>
                <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                <name>Hume, J.</name>
                <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                <name>Lambie, J.</name>
                <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                <name>Sterle, G.</name>
              </names>
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>81</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration</title>
          <page.no>81</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Royal Commission on Antisemitism and Social Cohesion, National Anti-Racism Framework, New and Redeveloping International Ports Framework Review, Victoria: Bushfires, Defence Properties, Agriculture Industry</title>
          <page.no>81</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Order for the Production of Documents</title>
            <page.no>81</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I table documents relating to orders for the production of documents concerning the Royal Commission on Antisemitism and Social Cohesion, the National Anti-Racism Framework, the new and redeveloping international ports framework review, Victorian bushfires, the independent audit for the Defence estate and the export cost recovery implementation statements.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>81</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economics Legislation Committee, Economics References Committee, Rural and Regional Affairs and Transport Legislation Committee, Rural and Regional Affairs and Transport References Committee, Senators' Interests Committee</title>
          <page.no>81</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Membership</title>
            <page.no>81</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>296215</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The President has received a letter requesting changes to the membership of committees.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move a motion to vary the membership of committees:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That senators be discharged from and appointed to committees as follows:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Economics Legislation and References Committees —</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Discharged—Senator Canavan</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senator McDonald</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Participating member: Senator Canavan</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Rural and Regional Affairs and Transport Legislation and References Committees —</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Discharged—Senator Canavan</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senator Cadell</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Participating member: Senator Canavan</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senators' Interests — Standing Committee —</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Discharged—Senator Canavan</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Senator Cadell</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>82</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Membership</title>
          <page.no>82</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>PRESIDENT OF THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION</title>
        <page.no>82</page.no>
        <type>PRESIDENT OF THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Address to Parliament</title>
          <page.no>82</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>296215</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The President has received a message from the House of Representatives inviting senators to attend a meeting of the House on Tuesday 24 March 2026 for an address by Her Excellency Ursula von der Leyen, President of the European Commission.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>82</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Assent</title>
          <page.no>82</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>82</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Legal and Constitutional Affairs References Committee</title>
          <page.no>82</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference</title>
            <page.no>82</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following matter be referred to the Legal and Constitutional Affairs References Committee for inquiry and report by 3 September 2026:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the scale, nature and drivers of waste, fraud and abuse within the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the adequacy of existing safeguards, compliance, auditing, investigative and enforcement mechanisms to detect, prevent and respond to waste, fraud and abuse;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) qualifications of workers under the scheme;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the role of National Disability Insurance Agency processes, registered and unregistered providers, intermediaries, participants, nominee arrangements and any other relevant entities or persons in contributing to or preventing waste, fraud and abuse;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) the financial impact of waste, fraud and abuse on the sustainability of the NDIS and on taxpayers;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) the impact of waste, fraud and abuse on NDIS participants, including the diversion of resources away from Australians with genuine need;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(g) distortionary impacts of increased wages and fees for service under the scheme on the labour market and other industries;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(h) the impact of the scheme on the housing market and construction costs;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the appropriate scope, powers and priorities of a Royal Commission into waste, fraud and abuse within the NDIS;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(j) any legislative, administrative or governance reforms required to strengthen oversight, restore public confidence and protect the integrity of the NDIS; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(k) any other related matters.</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>296215</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Do you want to speak to that motion, Senator Hanson?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, I do. What I've put up is a motion that we need to have an inquiry—I'd like to have a royal commission, but I've put up a motion for an inquiry—into the NDIS and the NDIA. I think it's an absolute disgrace—the way that has been run and the cost to the Australian taxpayers. It was written on the back of a napkin, initially, and the way it has been abused by a lot of people in this country, through fraud, I think is disgraceful.</para>
<para>It was set up by parents who were worried about the future of their children and how they would be cared for. That's why the scheme was set up.</para>
<para>As to what has happened, over a period of time, in the context of assessed risk and support coordination, in 2024 and 2025: the NDIA data indicates a rapidly expanding and uneven support coordination market, with significant fiscal and governance vulnerabilities. There were over 254,000 unregistered providers—to my understanding, now it's approaching 300,000 registered and unregistered providers, but over 254,000 unregistered providers were operating alongside only 16,000 registered providers, as of 25 June. In my understanding now, it's around 25,000 registered providers and about 280,000 unregistered. Support coordination expenditure exceeded $1.65 billion. Yet measurable participant outcomes remain unclear. These patterns expose several strategic, financial and regulatory risks that could affect the sustainability and integrity of the NDIS. And that is exactly what has happened.</para>
<para>Expenditure on support coordination continues to rise—approximately $1.66 billion in 2024-25—without demonstrable outcomes and improvements. Spending growth outpaces participant growth, increasing fiscal pressure on the scheme and Treasury oversight.</para>
<para>I just want to point this out, also. Take a look at another issue we need to look at: the immigration agents across Australia—look to see if they are importing people as students, or as new workers in NDIS and aged care. This is where our harm is stemming from in a majority of cases. Additionally, they are often NDIS providers, RTOs or the front for the RTO which is funnelling people into recognition of prior learning qualifications, and, believe me, the majority of these for this group of people are not a robust RPL they should be. Nothing but harm and fraud is happening.</para>
<para>There is a case where a shocking case has emerged involving Mumthaj Begam Kantara, a sixty-year-old former immigration agent who was banned from the profession for serious misconduct yet still managed to register and run an NDIS disability support service in Melbourne and allegedly stole nearly $300,000 from the National Disability Insurance Scheme. Begam pleaded guilty to 14 counts of dishonest conduct after claiming around $296,012 in payments for services that were never provided to five disabled clients between 2019 and 2022. Despite her migration agent ban for fraudulent applications and failing clients, she was able to operate the Elite Smart Community Care NDIS company, raising serious questions around oversight and how someone with a history of misconduct could be allowed to register so soon before sentencing.</para>
<para>Government authorities had previously found she was not a fit-and-proper person to give immigration assistance, having misled clients, mishandled fees and lodged fraudulent visa applications. Critics say that this case reveals gaps in monitoring and fraud prevention in both the migration and NDIS systems, especially where vulnerable people are supposed to be protected. Do you think stricter checks and longer bans should apply to people with proven fraud histories, or should systems be reformed entirely? I think they need to be both. They need to be reformed, and these people with proven fraud histories should not be allowed to go under the scheme.</para>
<para>Constantly, I am told by people that services are not provided to them, and we are getting ripped off by billions of dollars for people to actually walk their dogs, go on holidays, go on trips, go fishing, go to the cinemas and they've got to have the help and assistance. It's completely ridiculous what people allow because you want to give them a quality life. There are other people out there who are not on NDIS schemes who would dearly love to have their children allowed to go on riding lessons or swimming classes or on tours or holidays or go skiing or do this and that—everything like that. That's not about a quality of life. NDIS was set up to give people the health care and assistance that they need. It was not set up as a quality of life—enjoying these activities in life that the average person out there can only think of and is trying to save their moneys to do it, but it's not paid for by the taxpayer.</para>
<para>If we don't start reining in the fraud that is happening out there, we are not to have this scheme in the long term. By the rate it's going now—it's around $53 billion a year. This is going to blow out and is expected to be $100 billion by 2032. We're pouring more money into this than what we are with Medicare for the whole of Australia—28 million people. We've got around about 780,000 people that are now on the scheme. It's just mind boggling that these people and their complaints—one actually had chronic fatigue. 'Let's go and apply for NDIS'—we had another one that actually worked for NDIS and thought: 'No, she had lymph node problems, overweight. Let's get on the NDIS.' She was paid about $650,000 a year just to have a couple of carers which employed friends, and this was paying for first-class airfares from America to Australia, buying expensive bottles of alcohol for Christmas presents and buying tickets to the corporate box at the footy match for $45,000 to take family and friends—all thank you very much to the taxpayers. That was really good of the taxpayers, wasn't it? And guess what? She didn't have to pay it back. Where is the accountability?</para>
<para>There are other things that I've heard. I've heard of a prisoner who gets out of prison, gets on the scheme for $1.3 million. Another prisoner is on $803,000. Another prisoner is on $100,000. These are former prisoners. They were in our prisons. What I hear constantly from people is, 'Oh, listen, you mind my child and I'll get the NDIS. You mind my child and I'll mind your child.' They set up these scams. It's just unbelievable what goes on.</para>
<para>I cannot understand why the government has allowed this to happen. And it's not just this government; it was also the previous government. They did it as well. Cuddle therapy. Paying for your rent. Paying for your alcohol. This is all under the NDIS. Another thing people probably don't understand is it's not means-tested. You can be a multimillionaire and you can get NDIS—imagine that. And people do. And there's the rorting that goes on with your house. If you want another home or you want to do extensions because you're on NDIS: 'Well, let's go and get a new bathroom. Let's go and get a deck put on. Let's go and get a ramp put on.' This is out of control. This is costing not just a few thousand dollars; it can be half-a-million-plus.</para>
<para>They wouldn't release the figures for a long time. Some of the people here—we've got more than 5,000 people on the NDIS who are on schemes of more than a million dollars. I ask the question, have these people been paid out by their insurance companies? Maybe they had a road accident or something like that, so are they double-dipping with the scheme? Are they getting NDIS plus their insurance that's been paid out to them? There is so much fraud that is going on.</para>
<para>Another big thing the public should know is the amount they pay out in wages. They can claim wages of up to $195 an hour. Yet if you do that work in the normal field you're possibly getting around $70 or $80 an hour. If you're a nurse, you're getting less than that. But let's go on NDIS. You can make a heap of money out of this. That's why so many people are flooding to it. We've got 300,000 service providers for 780,000 to 800,000 people who are on NDIS. It doesn't make sense, does it? And we have these people jumping over to it because—and then we don't have these people who are professionals to deliver services to those in the community who need those services because they don't pay as much. They can only charge the average person out there about $80.</para>
<para>Oh, and I've got to mention this one! If you want to get your lawn mown it's normally about $70 or $80. 'No, mate, I'm on the NDIS.' 'Well, that's going to cost you $150 at least.' So let's just ramp up the cost. The taxpayer is paying for this. How disgraceful is it that this government has not reined this in. There has not been enough oversight to make sure that taxpayer dollars are accounted for. But that's not unusual for this government. I've seen it in many other departments right across the whole board. You have no respect for the taxpayer whatsoever.</para>
<para>Isn't it amazing that you have two men out there doing the rounds—Drew Pavlou and his mate Peter—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>who are out there doing the government's job. They are investigating these businesses that are ripping off the taxpayers. They're the ones that are doing more with this than what the government are. With all your resources, all that fraud and you can't even deal with everything that goes on in this country. And yet you've got two young fellas doing it on the bones of their backsides and funding all this themselves and trying to save the taxpayers money. But the government is not interested in this. It's out there; it's staring you in the face. I get complaints from people all the time to my office. They are fed up with the fraud that's going on. They see it with their family, friends, neighbours and people in the community, and you can't tell me you don't get these complaints.</para>
<para>People have had a gutful, and this government is looking at increasing the capital gains tax and looking at death duties. You want to hit those people. You're attacking superannuation. You want more and more out of the people. You have an opportunity to rein in the NDIS and the fraud that's going on in this country. You have the opportunity to do it, and you don't. You want to tax the people more and more all the time. You don't care about the average person out there, who's trying to cope. I think it's disgraceful to allow some of these services to keep going on and on. You're not reining it in. Until we have equality in our system, regardless of whether you're an NDIS service provider, you should not be paid any more than what the average person is paid to provide the same service to any other person in the community who is not on the NDIS. That's why we need to have an inquiry into this. I wonder if the government has enough backbone to actually allow it to go to an inquiry. Do you really care about the taxpayer out there and want to rein in the problems that we have?</para>
<para>Another one is Cocoon. It collapsed and left a debt of payments owed in the millions—in total, $64 million in collapsed providers. That would've been in unpaid tax, super and wages. All these people have fallen over. You hear of one company being set-up, then they fall over, and then they go and set-up another company. What are you doing about the foreign students coming out here and taking up ABNs which they shouldn't have? No-one other than an Australian citizen should have an ABN. But they're registering ABN numbers, becoming service providers and ripping off the government. Then, at the end of the time, they're sending all the money overseas and they're not paying tax in the country, and you haven't even done anything about that either. This government is so disgraceful. You can't even rein in your own spending. You just think there's a money tree out there. It's plucked from the taxpayer, and you're not dealing with this whole issue. I hope that, because you care about the taxpayer, you will support an inquiry into the fraud that's happening with NDIS.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STEELE-JOHN</name>
    <name.id>250156</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Let's talk about the National Disability Insurance Scheme. Let's talk about disabled people in Australia. Let's talk about fraud in the National Disability Insurance Scheme. The first thing that is so important to state in this debate tonight is that this is a debate that has been started by a party that is attempting, this evening, to position its proposal for an inquiry into fraud in the NDIS. This party is attempting to frame its request to be something it is doing on behalf of disabled people. So, in that context, let me say this very clearly. There is no community in this country that cares more about fraud in the NDIS than disabled people and their families. Because, when fraud occurs—when we are the victims of fraud—it's more than a headline, and it's more than a sound bite. It is the supports that help us out of bed, enable us to go to work, enable us to get to hospital when we're sick and enable us to see our friends. That's what's taken away from us.</para>
<para>In my community, there is a saying. I think it originated with Lindsay Carter. It's an acronym: PLOD, people living off the disabled. That acronym was put into our community's lexicon to try to bring a little bit of dark comedy to a deeply insidious dynamic—one that we have lived with, decade after decade.</para>
<para>You see, in the years after the end of institutionalisation, when brave disabled people—and our allies and advocates—broke out of the state-run, state sponsored institutions to which we had been condemned, there were, as there still are, individuals who sought to establish a parasitic financial relationship with disabled people to take advantage of our moment of liberation for their own profit. Those people existed before the NDIS was ever created. They saw a community which was put at risk by a lack of safeguarding, put at risk by the very fact that they were dehumanised and discriminated against. They took advantage of that dynamic. They saw an opportunity to make a buck.</para>
<para>As the NDIS was created, the government failed to reckon with that reality. It failed to put in place the safeguards that would prevent those who would exploit and abuse disabled people from continuing to do so. That is a fact. The NDIS Quality and Safeguards Commission has been, at times, over and over again, a failure of a regulator. There is work now being done to strengthen it, but it is coming far too little and far too late for far too many.</para>
<para>We live in a moment where large corporations are buying each other at unprecedented speed, monopolising the disability provision sector and trying to find ways to financially exploit and continue to abuse disabled people. This is a reality, and this must be addressed. But this inquiry—this attempt this evening—to establish a publicly funded vehicle in the name of disabled people, under the pretence of investigating this fraud and abuse, is, in fact, its own form of political fraud. Here we see politicians living off the disabled—politicians coming into this place claiming to be the allies of disabled people, when they have made political hay for years peddling some of the most vile and disgusting ableist commentary that this parliament has seen. You just heard from a member of parliament, Senator Hanson, who put forward the idea that the social supports required by disabled people to live our lives—the very things the NDIS funds—are ridiculous and absurd. She dismissed them entirely.</para>
<para>She is not alone in this view. In the last couple of weeks, I have been absolutely disgusted to read the reporting of the <inline font-style="italic">Australian Financial Review</inline> in relation to the National Disability Insurance Scheme. The articles that they have published over the years have built a drumbeat—a false perception of what the NDIS is, what it is for and what disabled people and our families rely upon it for. But this piece takes the cake, with a headline suggesting that $12 billion was spent on haircuts. Shame on the editor that allowed it to go to print! It normalised and validated some the most harmful and most hurtful narratives about disabled people and our families.</para>
<para>My very good friend, the actor, activist, author, taxpayer and proud disabled woman, Hannah Diviney finally found the words today to describe her feelings as a national broadsheet used its power and place in the media to frame the supports she relies on everyday as frivolous. She said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Having to pay people to enable the freedom that so many take for granted and having to work around their schedules as much as your own is not laziness or rorting the system. It's the reality of disabled life. A reality intentionally warped and distorted by the media, politics and people in power.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Disabled people are not the enemy. We're not a problem to push aside. We're not a budget or bottom line to balance nor a political football.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">So many people work tirelessly every day including myself, to shift archaic perceptions and ideas of who disabled people are and the potential we could have. Reporting and fearmongering like this only sets us backward.</para></quote>
<para>Yes, it does. And contributions like the one we just heard from Senator Hanson have no place in the discussion of the National Disability Insurance Scheme in this Senate.</para>
<para>If you want to tackle fraud, let's tackle fraud. Let's take on the big providers. Let's break them up. Let's hold them to account. Let's have their CEOs out on national television, and, if they've done wrong, let them go to prison. But don't you dare suggest that there is an equivalence between the parasitic, systemic and decades-long dynamic by which those with power and money extract their profit from disabled minds and bodies and the legitimate needs of disabled people and our families to be provided with the basic supports, the basic needs and the ability to go out and be part of our communities, to make friends, to have a job and to raise a family. Don't you dare. You have no right to speak in this place on disability issues until you have cleaned up your act.</para>
<para>May I suggest you start by looking at some of the media and some of the animations depicting disabled people which you have so frequently used taxpayer money to put into the world. They are some of the most disgusting, ablest representations of disabled people I have ever seen with no place in a modern democratic discussion and no place in a civilised society.</para>
<para>Your leader, in her contribution to this debate, proved that after decades in politics she doesn't need an inquiry to understand the NDIS; she needs a search engine. The basics of the scheme, the basics of the reality of disabled lives and the basics of the issue are beyond her. It is so inappropriate to use this forum to legitimise the ablest belief that disabled people and our families are rorting the system, frivolously asking for things that are totally unreasonable. I would ask any MP proposing these ideas—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Bell</name>
    <name.id>319142</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Point of order—I think we've reached the point where Senator Steele-John is unfairly reflecting on the views of Senator Hanson, so I ask him to withdraw.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STEELE-JOHN</name>
    <name.id>250156</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I absolutely will not, Senator Bell.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>310860</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I will seek advice from the clerk. Senator Bell, that is a debating point, so I will not uphold your point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STEELE-JOHN</name>
    <name.id>250156</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you. If members in this place wish to know the reality of disabled life, then they should speak to disabled people. They should speak to those of us who cannot have our hair cut and who cannot have it washed without support, because that's what lives behind those headlines. Going out for social activities, as Senator Hanson says—can you imagine what it is like to have to try to coordinate and choreograph your time beyond your home into hour-sized chunks based on somebody else's availability and to put yourself at their power and control? You cannot. It is such a difficult thing, as a human being, to give your life and your power over to another person; to allow them to come into your world and support you in some of the most intimate, private and personal moments of your life; and to rely on them to have any connection to your community. You cannot imagine it unless you have experienced it.</para>
<para>It is a deep frustration to me that something as important as a National Disability Insurance Scheme and something as deeply serious as the financial exploitation of disabled people have been identified by One Nation as a political opportunity. You should reflect on that. We are not your political footballs to be kicked around. We are not yours to be turned into headlines and fundraising emails.</para>
<para>If you want to have a serious conversation about the NDIS, let us have that conversation, but I will not sit by and allow you to use this Senate to establish a forum for you to spend months on end validating the ableist belief that disabled people and our families are rorting this system when it is not true and is not supported by any scrap of evidence.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The government is determined to tackle fraud and noncompliance in the NDIS. We know that, where we see fraud, we too often see exploitation, abuse and neglect of people with disability.</para>
<para>Today, the minister for the NDIS wrote to the Chair of the Joint Standing Committee on the National Disability Insurance Scheme to propose an inquiry into the integrity of the NDIS. The joint standing committee is the appropriate parliamentary forum to conduct an inquiry of this kind and is established precisely for this purpose. The motion from the senator to establish a separate Senate inquiry in a committee not focused on the NDIS is not necessary. The government looks forward to constructive engagement across the parliament in an effort to improve the integrity of the NDIS.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHITTEN</name>
    <name.id>317026</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>One Nation remains extremely concerned about the ongoing fraud and misuse within the NDIS. The most vulnerable people are being ripped off. Fifty-two billion of taxpayers' money is going into the NDIS scheme. It's one of the biggest areas of government spending. Hardworking Australians are being ripped off also. We must find out what the true scale of waste and fraud is. Australians deserve to know.</para>
<para>This motion is not about undermining the NDIS; it is about protecting it. Every dollar lost to fraud is a dollar taken from someone who genuinely needs the support. Every instance of abuse erodes public trust, and every failure of oversight weakens the sustainability of the scheme for future generations. It is very clear the current safeguards are not working. It's very clear the compliance and auditing mechanisms are not fit for purpose in a scheme of this size.</para>
<para>We have seen individuals jailed for defrauding dozens of participants. We've seen millions of dollars siphoned off through organised schemes. We've seen providers billing for services never delivered and for people who have passed away. Authorities have already blocked tens of millions in suspicious claims, and hundreds of investigations are ongoing. That tells us one thing clearly: the problem is real. It is significant and it is growing.</para>
<para>A support worker was jailed for defrauding 90 NDIS participants out of about $190,000, using their personal details to submit false claims. A provider was sentenced for stealing $296,000 from vulnerable clients, including people with limited English, by billing for services never delivered. Providers have been reported for holding their clients hostage in homes around Australia. A major investigation in Sydney is targeting a $3½ million fraud scheme involving fake invoicing and suspected criminal networks. Earlier prosecutions include a $5.8 million fraud ring in New South Wales resulting in multiple jail sentences. Authorities have blocked $86 million in suspicious claims before payment. Criminal gangs have been linked to fraud attempts worth up to $50 million. This indicates that NDIS fraud is organised and industrial in scale.</para>
<para>One of my constituents, Mr Wayne Dewar, contacted my office to explain that he had asked the NDIS for psychological help for complex PTSD from being a first responder for 15 years. He was given a $288,000 plan to go fishing. He said, 'I wanted mental help from a psychologist. That's the only reason I applied. But, unfortunately, these funds are designated for other things and not for the mental health component I actually need. All I need is $38,000. I could save the taxpayer around $250,000.' I commend Mr Dewar for showing courage and speaking up about this.</para>
<para>One Nation has recommended this inquiry to shine a light on the financial impact of the waste, fraud and abuse on taxpayers and the impact of the diversion of resources away from Australians with genuine need. There need to be some serious legislative, administrative and governance reforms put in place to stop this rorting in its tracks. I think we can all agree that we would like to see our disabled community looked after but we do not want to see them ripped off. This inquiry would allow us to examine not only blatant fraud but also waste, overcharging and unnecessary services that drive up costs across the board.</para>
<para>We must also look at workforce qualifications. Participants deserve care from accountable, properly trained professionals. If standards are poorly enforced, both safety and value for money are compromised. Importantly, this motion recognises that responsibility does not sit with one group alone. It asks us to examine the roles of the National Disability Insurance Agency, providers, intermediaries and governance structures. Where are the gaps? Where is the system openly taken advantage of? Where must reform occur?</para>
<para>Then there is the question of public confidence. Australians overwhelmingly support the NDIS. One Nation supports the NDIS, but that support is not unconditional. It depends on trust—trust that funds are being used properly, that the system is fair and that those who exploit it will be held accountable. If that trust is eroded, the long-term viability of the scheme is placed in jeopardy. The inquiry also includes, in the terms of reference, the appropriate role of a royal commission into waste, fraud and abuse. Supporting this inquiry means accepting every allegation at face value. It means taking this fraud seriously enough to investigate it properly. It means standing up for the participants who rely on the scheme every day. It means standing up for the taxpayers who fund it. I commend this motion to the Senate.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BELL</name>
    <name.id>319142</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Australian people deserve the truth about the waste, the fraud and the abuse that are running rampant in the NDIS. The NDIS is meant to be a lifeline for Australians with severe and permanent disability. It's meant to give people dignity, support and security. It is meant to ease the burden on families and carers, who carry enormous responsibility every single day. If we want that promise to mean anything, the scheme must be protected and properly policed to ensure that we have a sustainable NDIS for the future. That is why this debate matters. The NDIS needs to be strong, fair and sustainable. It needs to serve the people it was designed to help. To do that we need to protect it from waste, fraud and abuse. That is all One Nation is asking for tonight. All we're asking for is proper investigation because we all know there is waste, fraud and abuse, yet what we see is a failure to act.</para>
<para>Essentially what this motion says is that the parliament should properly investigate the scale of the problem, how it's happening, where the safeguards are failing and what reforms are needed to protect the integrity of the scheme. It is a very responsible motion, it is a very sensible motion and it is long overdue. Australians expect honesty, accountability and that the money that they have set aside for people with genuine, serious and permanent disability actually reaches the people it is meant to help. That is the core issue here. Every dollar that is wasted, every false claim that is paid, every inflated invoice, every service billed but not properly delivered, every sham arrangement, every weak safeguard and every failure of oversight takes resources away from Australians who genuinely rely on this scheme.</para>
<para>It's about helping families caring for children with profound disabilities, about parents caring for adult sons and daughters with very complex needs and about husbands and wives caring for loved ones after catastrophic injury or illness. Yet the waste and the fraud we are seeing is diminishing our capacity and their capacity to deal with these situations. It's about carers who are already exhausted, already stretched and already carrying burdens most Australians will never fully understand. These are the people who pay the highest price when the NDIS is rorted. They are the people who lose when the money is siphoned off by dodgy providers, dishonest operators and people who see the scheme as an easy source of cash. That is why this matter deserves the full attention of the Senate, and that is why it is an entirely appropriate place to raise it.</para>
<para>Again, what we have seen is a failure to investigate, not just by government but by the media and by others. It's so bad that it takes people on social media. I will highlight the recent work by Drew Pavlou and Peter Zogoulas, who carried out investigations involving NDIS providers. They more or less proved that there are cleaners who attend for a very short time, do very little work and then issue an invoice far beyond what could be reasonably justified. We saw that a lot of the research they've done and the report they put out resonated and travelled through the community. People watched, were shocked and were rightfully horrified. The public knows this is going on. They see the system is being gamed and they see that too much money is leaking out through waste, fraud and abuse, and it needs to be uncovered. We see it being uncovered, yet this parliament fails to act. That is why this referral is necessary.</para>
<para>This isn't about headlines. We're not here to attack every provider. We're not here to try to make life harder for participants. We want to bring the facts into the open because that is how we ensure this scheme can continue into the future in a way that helps the people who need it. We need to identify where the weak points are, to test whether safeguards are strong enough and to properly examine the role of providers, intermediaries, nominee arrangements and agency processes. We need to look at worker qualifications and standards to work out whether the enforcement frameworks are strong enough because, frankly, they don't appear to be strong enough. We need to uncover what changes are necessary to restore confidence and protect the future of the scheme. This is sensible, this is eminently reasonable and this is what a serious parliament would do.</para>
<para>The truth is that public confidence also matters. The NDIS depends not only on funding but also on trust. Australians will support a generous scheme for people in need, they will support a system that helps people live with dignity and they will support assistance for families and carers who need help, but they will not support a system that appears soft on rorting and weak on enforcement and is unwilling to ask hard questions. When trust begins to erode, the long-term future of the entire scheme is put at risk.</para>
<para>That is the danger. That is the very real danger we are facing. If the public comes to believe the NDIS is just a money pit, if they come to believe that billions can be wasted without consequence, if they come to believe that nobody is really in charge, then support for the scheme will weaken. If support for the scheme weakens, it's not the fraudsters who will suffer and it's not the people grifting off the system who will suffer, because they will go and find another loophole to exploit. The people who will suffer are those with a severe and permanent disability, who the scheme was designed to protect. The people who will suffer are their families and their carers. The people who will suffer are those who genuinely need the support. That is why One Nation is so intently focused on stopping the waste and the fraud we see in the NDIS. Stopping waste is not separate from protecting the NDIS; stopping waste is how we protect it.</para>
<para>Frankly, it's also a cost-of-living issue. Australians are being squeezed from every direction. They are paying more for groceries, more for power, more for rent, more for mortgages, more for fuel, more for insurance, more for the everyday basics of life. Families are being told to tighten their belts. It's starting to sound like the government is asking families to start rationing fuel. Yet, at a time when the government is demanding Australians be careful with their money, the government is not taking the same steps to protect taxpayer money.</para>
<para>At a time like this, Australians expect governments to treat money with care. They expect government to spend money wisely. They expect government to stamp out waste. They expect, when billions of taxpayer dollars are being spent, there will be proper scrutiny, proper safeguards and proper accountability. So when people see rorting in a scheme as large as the NDIS, they're right to be angry. It's a fair response, because they understand something very simple: when governments lose control of spending, everyday Australians end up paying the price, because they pass more budget pressures through to them. They will pay more for the debt. They will pay through the long-term consequences of a government refusing to deal with waste and inefficiency. Then, if that happens and the people lose trust, then the entire scheme itself is at risk of failure.</para>
<para>Australians work hard for their money, and they expect that money to be spent carefully, especially when it has been collected in the name of helping the most vulnerable people in the country, because they want to help people in genuine need. What they resent is waste and fraud. What they resent is incompetence. What they resent is seeing their compassion exploited by people who know how to game the system while the government does nothing. That is what makes this is so offensive to so many people.</para>
<para>Every dollar wasted in the NDIS, every dollar wasted on fraud, every dollar that goes to criminals, is a dollar that cannot go to where it should. It cannot go to a child who needs real support. It cannot go to a family already under immense pressure. It cannot go to a person with a severe disability trying to live with dignity and independence. It cannot go to the genuine participant who needs services, equipment, therapy or care. That is why the victims of fraud are not only the taxpayers who fund the scheme but the participants and the families who rely on it.</para>
<para>That is why the Senate and the other political parties in this place should not be afraid of this inquiry. If the safeguards are strong, let them be tested. If compliance systems are working, let that be shown. If the auditing and enforcement mechanisms are adequate, let the evidence be provided. But if there are gaps, then those gaps should be exposed and fixed. If there are bad actors, they should be identified and dealt with. If there are incentives in the system that reward overcharging, overservicing or weak accountability, then those incentives need to change. If the parliament needs to legislate to strengthen oversight and restore public confidence, then that is exactly what we should do, but we won't be able to do that unless we start properly investigating the problems that are rife in this system.</para>
<para>We are not here to condemn everyone involved in the sector, because we know there are many honest providers, there are many decent workers, there are many people delivering important services in good faith to vulnerable Australians who deeply need support. But a scheme like this cannot be run on good faith alone. It needs rules, it needs scrutiny, it needs standards, it needs enforcement. It needs these things to be put in place, guarded and protected. Above all, it needs this parliament to have the courage to admit there's a problem and deal with it.</para>
<para>This motion before us today is measured. It is reasonable. It is focused. It does not prejudice allegations. It does not accuse every provider. It simply says that, where there are serious and growing concerns about waste, fraud and abuse, the Senate should investigate them properly and report back. That is not controversial. In fact, anyone who truly believes in the NDIS should support this, because a strong NDIS is not one that ignores abuse; a strong NDIS is one that confronts the abuse, the waste and the fraud. A fair NDIS is not one that allows honest families and honest participants to be pushed aside while dishonest people cash in; a fair NDIS is one that makes sure the support goes where it's meant to go. A sustainable NDIS is not one that turns a blind eye to waste and hopes for the best; a sustainable NDIS is one that protects every dollar it can for the people who genuinely need the help.</para>
<para>That is the principle at stake here. Families caring for people with severe and permanent disability need confidence that the scheme will be here tomorrow. They need confidence that the money is going to care, not rorts. They need the confidence that this parliament understands what is at stake, because, if these problems are not corrected, the pressure will only grow. Confidence will fall, budget pressure will continue to build, and the greatest risk is that Australians who rely on the NDIS will be the ones left exposed when the system begins to fail. We must avoid this.</para>
<para>We should not have to choose between compassion and accountability; we should insist on both. We should insist on a scheme that is generous but disciplined, supportive but accountable and strong but sustainable, and that is what this referral is about—protecting the NDIS, protecting the taxpayer, protecting families and carers, and protecting Australians with severe and permanent disability who genuinely need these supports. So let us investigate this properly, let us expose what is going wrong, let us identify whether safeguards are failing, let us strengthen the system, let us restore confidence, and let us make sure the NDIS remains there for the people it was designed to help.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This isn't about care—about whether or not people care about the disabled. This is about restoring sound governance. This is so that we can have disabled people getting good care. I will make One Nation's position very, very clear: disabled people deserve an insurance scheme for service—genuinely disabled people. We also want to stop exploitation of the disabled. That's right: stop exploitation.</para>
<para>I'm going to read from the terms of reference of Senator Hanson's motion:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following matter be referred to the Legal and Constitutional Affairs References Committee for inquiry and report by 3 September 2026—</para></quote>
<para>nothing wrong with that. I will read item (f):</para>
<quote><para class="block">(f) the impact of waste, fraud and abuse on NDIS participants, including the diversion of resources away from Australians with genuine need;</para></quote>
<para>I'm going to read that again:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(f) the impact of waste, fraud and abuse on NDIS participants, including the diversion of resources away from Australians with genuine need.</para></quote>
<para>I'll go back to the start of the terms of reference:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the scale, nature and drivers of waste, fraud and abuse within the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the adequacy of existing safeguards, compliance, auditing, investigative and enforcement mechanisms to detect, prevent and respond to waste, fraud and abuse;</para></quote>
<para>My responsibility, our responsibility, is to the people of Australia—to the taxpayers of Australia and to the disabled of Australia. The third item in the terms of reference is:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(c) qualifications of workers under the scheme;</para></quote>
<para>We know it is being rorted at the moment, with people who are not qualified. The fourth one is:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the role of National Disability Insurance Agency processes, registered and unregistered providers, intermediaries, participants, nominee arrangements and any other relevant entities or persons in contributing to or preventing waste, fraud and abuse;</para></quote>
<para>What is wrong with any one of these? Nothing. Nothing is wrong. They're needed to protect the disabled. The fifth one is:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(e) the financial impact of waste, fraud and abuse on the sustainability of the NDIS and on taxpayers;</para></quote>
<para>If we don't do it, the NDIS will be heading for the largest line item by far on the budget. It'll go out of existence under its own weight. I've already talked about (f). The sixth and seventh ones say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(f) the impact of waste, fraud and abuse on NDIS participants, including the diversion of resources away from Australians with genuine need;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(g) distortionary impacts of increased wages and fees for service under the scheme on the labour market and other industries;</para></quote>
<para>Nurses and aged care service people are being dragged out of their professions and being put into the NDIS because of the higher wages, the distorted increased wages. This is causing problems for veterans. It is causing problems for people in hospitals and doctors' clinics. Its causing problems for people in aged care. The eighth one is:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(h) the impact of the scheme on the housing market and construction costs;</para></quote>
<para>That's impacting so many more Australians. There's a serious impact there. This is about all Australians. This is about understanding the problem, and Senator Hanson has shown yet again that she understands the guts of the problem in the whole context. Who can disagree with any of these? The ninth one is:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the appropriate scope, powers and priorities of a Royal Commission into waste, fraud and abuse within the NDIS;</para></quote>
<para>Senator Hanson said it herself just a few moments ago. She'd prefer a royal commission, but this is the first step. The tenth one is:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(j) any legislative, administrative or governance reforms required to strengthen oversight, restore public confidence and protect the integrity of the NDIS; and</para></quote>
<para>And restore trust as Senators Bell and Whitten have just spoken about. And the last one is:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(k) any other related matters.</para></quote>
<para>This is what it is all about. I can't see anything there that anyone would object to if they genuinely cared for the disabled, unless they're rattling the tin to make someone a demon. All of these work to restore trust, service, care and accountability.</para>
<para>We need to go back to the start of the NDIS scheme. It was a bastard. Julia Gillard as Prime Minister needed a pre-election headline, so she cobbled up the NDIS—minimal research, minimal thought, minimal consideration. Just get that bloody headline. Then the Liberals came into power and they saw a dog with no details. But instead of canning it and sending it back to the states, they saw the vulnerabilities and they tried to stop the rorts. As a result it was overcomplicated, arbitrary and crooks kept stealing. The needy kept getting no service as a result of it being a bastard at birth thanks to the Labor party. I personally think, as a side issue, that the NDIS is best done at the state level because it restores competitive federalism and accountability. I'm in favour of sending it back to the states.</para>
<para>As I said, it is out of control. As Senator Hanson, Senator Bell and Senator Whitten said, it is out of control. It will soon be the biggest line item on the budget. This is important not only for the disabled where it's extremely important but also for the taxpayers because of the rorting and the fraud of taxpayer money. The fraud is heading into the billions. In fact, I was told in Senate estimates in an answer to one of my questions that the fraud investigation is stunned with how big the impact of fraud is. It is so big that it will eventually curtail services for people needing genuine care. It will curtail nurses, aged-care workers and other carers. It's not just affecting disabled who need care. It's affecting people right across Australia, even the housing market.</para>
<para>Every Friday I try to do a livestream, and I start with heroes who have been active in our democracy. I want to name two heroes—Drew Pavlou and Pete Zogoulas. They have exposed the rorts. We knew about them. We've been raising them, but they started the community with the depth and breadth of the rorts. Ultimately, what happens when we have an abusive government—that's what this is about. This is an abusive government abusing taxpayer money. There's no government money. There's only taxpayer money. There's an abuse of taxpayer money because very few citizens stand up and hold the government accountable. So Drew Pavlou and Pete Zogoulas deserve commendation for being active participants in democracy.</para>
<para>For democracy to succeed, we need active participants in democracy. What has happened in this country is we've had it too easy, and many citizens have fallen into passive democracy. Then, that falls into apathy, and that falls into tyranny. We saw signs of that tyranny in the way the COVID mismanagement corralled people, stomped on people and suppressed people, making them do some hideous things. And we've seen signs of that apathy in the way the Labor government is wanting to bring in and follow through on the former prime minister Scott Morrison's misinformation and disinformation censorship bill. They destroyed free speech and many other freedoms and basic rights during the COVID response, and now they want to bring in censorship. That's the essence of human progress: when we have passive democracy, it leads to apathy, and then it leads to tyranny, which, as I've just given you some examples, is coming in to this country. Eventually people get sick of the tyranny and they rise up, and we have anarchy. That's the cycle throughout history: active democracy becomes passive democracy becomes apathy becomes tyranny becomes anarchy. There's a way to avoid that, which is by having more citizens like Drew Pavlou and Pete Zogoulas.</para>
<para>We need an inquiry to get the facts. The Greens, being the Greens, introduced talk of an enemy and division. Where's the enemy? Can you see the enemy, Senator Bell? Where's the enemy? Why do they do this? They do it because they want to create victims and make those people dependent, and that's bloody cruel. Victims are in a permanent state of dependence. That's no way to go through life. I do not see Senator Steele-John as someone in a wheelchair. I respect his ability. I see him as an Australian with plenty to contribute. I don't agree with much of what he says, but at least he gives that other view. But shame on the Greens for yet again creating victimhood and dependence. It's cruel.</para>
<para>We need to clean up the NDIS for the improvement of services to the disabled. Those who really care will support this motion. And the Senate, as Senator Bell has said, is an entirely appropriate place to have this inquiry. The Senate, after all, is the house of review. Let me be very clear: One Nation wants to stop exploitation of the disabled. It wants to give the disabled confidence that they'll be getting good service, and to do that we need to restore sound responsible governance.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOL</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the motion moved by Senator Hanson be agreed to. A division is required. As it is after 6.30, the division will be deferred until a later time. The debate is adjourned accordingly.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>91</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Coal Mining Industry (Long Service Leave) Legislation Amendment Bill 2025</title>
          <page.no>91</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r7413" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Coal Mining Industry (Long Service Leave) Legislation Amendment Bill 2025</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report from Committee</title>
            <page.no>91</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DARMANIN</name>
    <name.id>301128</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present the Education and Employment Legislation Committee's report on the Coal Mining Industry (Long Service Leave) Legislation Amendment Bill 2025, together with accompanying documents.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>91</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Education and Employment References Committee</title>
          <page.no>91</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference</title>
            <page.no>91</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYMAN</name>
    <name.id>300707</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'd like to continue my remarks. For those who aren't able to correct this course, the consequences are devastating. Analysis by ACOS found that, if you spend a year out of paid work, you almost halve your chances of ever getting back into employment. It's fair enough that some will be working part time for various reasons, but there is still a shocking amount of unemployment and underemployment for young people. The national unemployment rate was 4.1 per cent in January, but the youth unemployment rate was more than double that at 9.6 per cent. Youth underemployment stood at 14.8 per cent. The young people who go to university did what they were told to do: 'Go to uni, study hard, and you'll be rewarded for that hard work.' The promise that was made to them was not kept. For those young people who somehow managed to get a job and fend off AI, what they learned at uni will often be hopelessly misaligned with the work they're actually doing.</para>
<para>According to 2023 statistics from the Department of Industry, Science and Resources, around 40 per cent of undergraduates felt that their skills were not fully utilised in their job. This was as high as 47 per cent for women who completed STEM degrees. Obviously, this is a very tricky problem. There will not be a silver bullet for this. To figure out how we will address the problem, we really must look at it from every angle possible. We need to look at the job market for young graduates. We need to look at the skills they are being sent out into the world with compared with the skills the world wants them to have. If other countries have developed ways of addressing graduate underemployment or graduate unemployment, we need to look into them.</para>
<para>Most importantly, we need to understand—and our government needs to understand—what is really at stake here. In 2024, suicide was the leading cause of death for Australians aged between 15 and 44. Employment that is meaningful and purposeful is a huge part of improving the mental health of young people. When you don't have meaningful employment, when you're instead forced to endure the humiliation ritual of modern jobseeking, it weighs on your mental health. For the sake of our young people, I would urge my colleagues in this place to support this motion.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>92</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People Bill 2026, National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People (Transitional Provisions) Bill 2026</title>
          <page.no>92</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <p>
              <a href="r7425" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People Bill 2026</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r7426" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People (Transitional Provisions) Bill 2026</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>92</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I was in continuation earlier today for the National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People Bill 2026, as well as the National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People (Transitional Provisions) Bill 2026, and I was making the point that the establishment of this commissioner, whilst it could be a positive thing, has some really disappointing gaps in it. One gap is the obligation on governments to actually respond to the recommendations made by the commissioner. The only thing compelling governments to comply with the requests is that they'll be named in the commissioner's annual report if they don't. That doesn't seem like much of an encouragement, in particular, if you look at the track record of this government and, frankly, any government in years gone by. This role is needed because successive governments have failed to do enough on the key issues that affect the health and wellbeing of First Nations kids. We know that, without an obligation to respond to recommendations of the commission, the government will have no impetus to actually take any of it seriously or take any action whatsoever, and we'll see more First Nations kids die in custody.</para>
<para>Earlier, I proposed an amendment to the bill. It's a committee-stage amendment to hold the government accountable for action. The amendment would require the government to formally respond to any recommendations made by the national commissioner. I understand that the government is not going to support that amendment. When I asked the government why it would not support a requirement to respond to recommendations, the reason the government gave was that it doesn't have to respond to recommendations from commissioners in the Human Rights Joint Committee either—as if that, somehow, was a plausible reason for having zero accountability. Perhaps it's the lack of such a requirement to respond that explains why we have an anti-racism framework that has been gathering dust, has not been implemented and has not been funded. And maybe it explains why, despite all of the evidence of harm to children in detention and all of the calls from national and international experts to raise the age of criminal responsibility, there has been no national leadership on this issue and on the consistent attacks on human rights led by many state and territory governments—Queensland, in particular, which is where I'm from, and the Northern Territory.</para>
<para>The commissioner's role is to undertake comprehensive reviews of key issues, to consult widely with communities about solutions and to provide practical recommendations for the government to consider. After communities have worked to collectively inform a report, where young people will have shared their often traumatic stories in the hope that it provokes changes, requiring the government to respond to the recommendations is the least that communities should expect. My amendment would make that happen, and I'll be looking forward to the vote on that. I hope that the government has a change of heart, shows some decency and supports it. Getting a response from government should not depend on how compelling the commissioner is, or whether or not she can attract media attention, or whether or not the issue is politically timely, or whether or not the solutions are politically palatable. The government should have a legislative obligation to respond. This doesn't bind them to adopt the recommendations, but it does require them to actively consider the recommendation and provide a justification for why they won't act.</para>
<para>This bill to create the National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People has the potential to catalyse impactful actions to reverse the overrepresentation of First Nations kids in prison and out-of-home care. I urge the government not to squander this potential and to commit to responding when the commissioner screams for action. I'd like to take the chance to move my second reading amendment, which has been circulated in the chamber:</para>
<quote><para class="block">At the end of the motion, add ", but the Senate:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) incarceration of children causes long-term harm to their development, safety and wellbeing,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children are significantly over-represented in youth detention and are 20 times more likely to be in custody than non-Indigenous children due to a range of factors,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) reducing over-representation of First Nations young people in the justice system is a key target of the National Agreement on Closing the Gap,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) in response to the over-representation and long-term harm of detention for First Nations children, human rights experts, medical and legal bodies and 40 countries in the latest United Nations Human Rights Council Universal Periodic Review, have called on Australia to raise the minimum age of criminal responsibility to at least 14 years old; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) calls on Commonwealth, State and Territory governments to raise the minimum age of criminal responsibility for all children to at least 14 years of age".</para></quote>
<para>This amendment is essentially to raise the age of criminal responsibility. We know that incarceration of children causes long-term harm to their development, their safety and their wellbeing. We know that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander kids are 20 times more likely to be in custody than non-Indigenous kids due to a range of factors, including systemic racism and over-policing.</para>
<para>The amendment notes the overrepresentation of First Nations people, and closing that gap is meant to be one of the key targets to Closing the Gap, which is yet another gap that is not closing thanks to the tepid commitment of this government. It notes that human rights experts, medical and legal bodies and over 40 countries in the latest UN Human Rights Council Universal Periodic Review have all called on Australia to raise the age of criminal responsibility to at least 14. My amendment calls on the Commonwealth, as well as states and territories, to commit to raising the age of criminal responsibility for all children to at least 14. I commend that second reading amendment to the chamber.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'SULLIVAN</name>
    <name.id>283585</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People Bill 2026 and the accompanying transitional provisions bill. Let me begin by saying this clearly: every child in this country deserves to be safe, to be supported and to have the opportunity to thrive. This is, of course, especially true of our Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young children, who continue to face some of the most complex challenges in our society.</para>
<para>As the shadow minister for child protection and the prevention of family violence and the shadow minister for choice in child care and early learning, I see firsthand the importance of getting policy right in these early and critical years. The truth is that the first years of a child's life shape everything that comes after. If we get those years right, if we support families, strengthen communities and intervene early, we can change the trajectory of a child's life—and by 'we' I mean the community, families and society itself. If we get it wrong, the consequences that follow can follow for decades. This is why this debate matters. It's why we must be honest about what this bill does and, importantly, what it does not do.</para>
<para>The government says that this bill is about improving outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children, but, when you look closely, what it actually does is create another layer of bureaucracy in Canberra. It takes an existing role, one that is already operating, and elevates it into an independent statutory agency with expanded powers, extended scope and expanded cost—more than $33 million over the forward estimates, another commissioner, another office, another set of reports and another set of consultations.</para>
<para>The question that we must ask is this: why is it being rushed now? The Prime Minister announced this body in February 2024, yet the terms of reference have only been brought to parliament a year after the executive agency began operations and five months after the inaugural commissioner's work started. The children and young people of our Indigenous communities need real results, not more roles, yet this government continues to prop up funding announcements and bureaucratic appointments that their continued failures can hide behind. Will this independent agency actually improve outcomes? Will it reduce the number of children entering out-of-home care? Will it reduce family violence? Will it increase school attendance? Will it ensure that more children are developmentally on track when they start school?</para>
<para>We know that the data tells a very confronting story. Youth detentions are up, preschool attendance is down, and more Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children are entering out-of-home care. This is no more a prevalent issue than in my home state of Western Australia, where reports of child sexual abuse submitted by medical professionals show that about five per cent of incidents occur in the Kimberley region—a region which only represents one per cent of the WA population. The state's review of family and domestic violence showed that Indigenous people account for 35 per cent of victims, despite being only 3.3 per cent of the state's population. These are not abstract statistics. We hear lots of statistics in this place. When you think about it, these are real lives—our most precious of lives, our children—as well as real families and real communities.</para>
<para>These stats are telling us something very important. What they're telling us is that what we're doing is not working. The answer cannot simply be to just create another body. The answer cannot be to just add another voice, and the answer cannot be to produce yet another report.</para>
<para>We already have the National Children's Commissioner and the Social Justice Commissioner. We already have state and territory based Indigenous children's commissioners. We already have departments tasked with consultation. So what gap exactly is this bill filling? If the answer is not clear, if the functions are not already being performed, then what we are doing is not reform; it's consultation fatigue and it's duplication that does not deliver outcomes. In fact, it risks doing the very opposite. It risks creating confusion. It risks creating overlap. It risks shifting responsibility away from those who are actually accountable for delivering results on the ground. And most importantly, it risks taking resources away from frontline support.</para>
<para>If we are serious about improving outcomes for children, we must start earlier. We must support families before they reach that crisis point. We must strengthen the protective factors that keep children safe and connected. We must ensure that parents have a genuine choice in how they care for and raise their children. We must ask: What makes this body that this bill seeks to establish different? What does it do to make the situation different? How will it reach children in remote communities? How will it ensure their voices are heard, that their voices are not just documented but actually acted upon? Consultation on its own is not enough. What matters is what follows, and what follows must be action, not more bureaucracy.</para>
<para>The coalition's position is clear. We will always prioritise practical outcomes over symbolic gestures. We will back policies that strengthen families, not expand bureaucracy. We will ensure the funding goes to organisations with a proven track record of delivering real results. We will focus on the fundamentals, because we know that school attendance is one of the strongest protective factors in a child's life. We know that stable family environments reduce the risk of harm. And we know that early intervention works. These are not new ideas; they are evidence based. They are common sense approaches, and they are where our efforts should be directed.</para>
<para>Let me also say this. Opposing this bill does not mean that we are indifferent to the challenges faced by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children. Quite the opposite. What it's saying is that we take those challenges seriously—so seriously that we expect real action when it comes to delivering results. We want to see solutions that actually work. We cannot afford to continue to go down a path where we respond to the worsening outcomes with more structures, with more processes and with more bureaucracy. This only causes delay and avoids getting the action where it's needed. So for this reason, and for the other reasons that I have outlined here tonight, the coalition will be opposing this bill.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator MARIELLE SMITH</name>
    <name.id>281603</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I also rise to speak on the National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People Bill 2026. It is well known in this chamber and outside of it that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people continue to face unacceptably high and persistent levels of disadvantage. The scale, depth and urgency of the systemic failures affecting Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children is profound, and it demands a serious and sustained national response.</para>
<para>Today an Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander child is 11 times more likely to be in out-of-home care, and 27 times more likely to be in youth detention than a non-Indigenous child. These statistics have been well canvassed, they are well-known. They affect real young lives being shaped, and too often harmed, by the systems that should be there to protect and to support them. Children and young people sit at the heart of the National Agreement on Closing the Gap. Nine of the agreement's targets are dedicated specifically to improving life outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children. This bill is a critical step towards delivering on these commitments and towards ensuring that the voices and needs of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children are no longer sidelined or overlooked.</para>
<para>For too long, these children have been without a legislated, independent and empowered voice at the federal level. That absence has had consequences in policy design, in accountability and in outcomes. Two years ago, the Albanese Labor government committed to establishing the National Commissioner for First Nations Children and Young People. As part of that commitment we established the national commission as an executive agency, but the current arrangements do not provide the national commissioner with the ability to conduct inquiries, to make recommendations or to report to our parliament. This bill changes that. It's a vital step. It establishes the national commission as a statutory body, giving the commissioner more independence and discretion in the performance and exercise of their function and powers. This will allow the commissioner to continue to advance the interests of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people, and it will ensure the systems designed to protect and promote their rights do just that.</para>
<para>This is not symbolic. It's a structural change, and it's a commitment to ensuring that every Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander child—every child—can grow up safe, strong and supported, with every opportunity to thrive. The bill will allow the national commissioner to promote and enhance coordination efforts among government entities and officials and provide advice to the Commonwealth on the development and delivery of policies, programs and services that affect Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people. The bill will allow the national commissioner to undertake research into systemic issues and barriers that affect their rights, interests, development, safety and wellbeing. Notably, the national commissioner will be able to collaborate with the Australian Human Rights Commission and other organisations and institutes and to engage with human rights mechanisms, including relevant United Nations bodies, rapporteurs and procedures.</para>
<para>The bill has the potential to impact the lives of more than 400,000 children and young people nationwide. Since the establishment of the interim commission in January 2025, the commissioner has been bringing people together to discuss and address the issues affecting Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people. The commissioner has provided advice to government on policy reform and developing systems and policies to ensure the commission can properly engage with children and young people in a safe, culturally appropriate and trauma informed way.</para>
<para>Our government is determined to drive meaningful change and reform to close the gap and to address the targets of the national agreement. As my colleague Senator McCarthy said in her closing the gap statement to this chamber:</para>
<quote><para class="block">As a government, our task is to ensure no one is held back and no one is left behind.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That means confronting the challenges, while also recognising the strength, innovation and leadership in communities.</para></quote>
<para>I commend this bill to the Senate.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator NAMPIJINPA PRICE</name>
    <name.id>263528</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The intent of this bill is to transition the national commissioner from its current status as an executive agency to an independent statutory agency. The bill defines the commissioner's objectives as promoting, improving and supporting the rights, safety and wellbeing of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children, while driving greater accountability for policies impacting this group. Key functions of the national commissioner will include coordination among government entities, providing advice to the Commonwealth, undertaking education programs and engagement with Indigenous children. This bill states that the national commissioner is to 'perform functions and exercise powers in a manner that recognises the need to protect and promote the cultural identity' and to do so 'consistent with the promotion of human rights.'</para>
<para>This bill and this government are concerned with one thing only, and that is identity politics. The bill—and I repeat these words—states, 'to protect and promote cultural identity.' This bill fails to address where this government is imminently failing to close the gap. Only four of the 19 targets are on track, and that's one less than last year. Youth detention is up 11 per cent. Preschool attendance is down 2.6 per cent, and 1.2 per cent fewer children are commencing school developmentally on track than in 2022.</para>
<para>Creating a new $33 million commission will not change this trajectory. Only practical, localised action will. The reality is that this government and those whose lucrative salaries within the Indigenous industry depend on the taxpayer dollar sing from the same songbook. That is that colonisation is the only cause of the demise of Aboriginal Australians and our children, that victimhood is somehow supposed to form part of our identity, and that the only way to fix the bottomless pit of problems is to segregate our society and pour more money into the bottomless pit.</para>
<para>This bill is yet another example of the Albanese government prioritising symbolism over practical action. The bill stipulates that the commissioner must be of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander heritage. This is segregation. There is no evidence to suggest that being so will at all improve the lives of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children—as we can see, the Closing the Gap targets are only growing wider—especially when we know that such a symbolic position is usually occupied by an individual completely removed from the circumstances of children living under the confines of traditional culture and customary law. These are laws that negate the rights and freedoms of girls and women. These are laws that force girls into arranged marriages to much older men. How lucky for these girls and women that the objectives of this government and this commissioner will uphold the backward aspects of this culture—culture that I've lived and breathed, culture that women in my family have lived and breathed and been subjected to.</para>
<para>In this chamber we've heard the Minister for Indigenous Australians, Malarndirri McCarthy, talk about the intervention and how it supposedly shamed adults. But the minister failed to admit that it was the Northern Territory Labor government at the time—in which she was a minister—that sat on its hands and did nothing about the <inline font-style="italic">L</inline><inline font-style="italic">ittle </inline><inline font-style="italic">c</inline><inline font-style="italic">hildren </inline><inline font-style="italic">a</inline><inline font-style="italic">re </inline><inline font-style="italic">s</inline><inline font-style="italic">acred</inline> report. It was this report, highlighting the astronomical rates of child sexual abuse and STIs found in Aboriginal children, which was the trigger for the federal intervention.</para>
<para>In 2023, Indigenous children aged zero to 17 were 12.1 times as likely as non-Indigenous children aged zero to 17 to be in out-of-home care. In 2022-23, the primary types of abuse or neglect for children who were the subject of a substantiated notification were as follows: neglect was nearly 29 per cent for Indigenous children and nearly 17 per cent for non-Indigenous children, physical abuse was around 12 per cent for Indigenous children and 14 per cent for non-Indigenous children, and sexual abuse was seven per cent for Indigenous children and 9.5 per cent for non-Indigenous children.</para>
<para>Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children are 5.6 times more likely than non-Indigenous children to be subject to a child protection notification but 10.8 times more likely than non-Indigenous children to be in out-of-home care. In 2023-24, around 42,100 Australian children were confirmed victims of abuse and neglect—that's about seven per 1,000 children. For Indigenous children, the rate was much higher, at around 33 per 1,000 children. For non-Indigenous children, the rate was about five per 1,000. This means that Indigenous children are around six to seven times more likely to be victims of substantiated abuse or neglect. This is utterly unacceptable, given Indigenous children represent almost six per cent of all Australian children, yet they make up 43 per cent of all children that live in very remote and remote Australia.</para>
<para>This government and their big bureaucracy aren't interested in the causes that lead to suicide, higher rates of youth detention or developmental delays in education. This government and their big bureaucracy aren't interested in why the gap is widening. This government turns a blind eye when individuals with disgraceful backgrounds who have been charged and convicted with heinous, violent crimes are able to maintain leadership positions within statutory Commonwealth authorities. It's problematic that this government doesn't just turn a blind eye to the behaviours of these individuals but celebrates these individuals, and it's problematic when these individuals are respected and revered under traditional culture. This is the culture that this commissioner is tasked with protecting and promoting.</para>
<para>I want to turn to what we should actually be doing to address the massive gap we see year in, year out—a situation going backwards under Labor. In my last term, the coalition fought to hold a royal commission into the sexual abuse of Aboriginal children. The need for this royal commission still exists, but is completely ignored by this government and this bill. The bill does not detail how the commissioner has a unique power to speak directly to children, and in my experience there has never been an appetite for this government and its supporters in the Greens and some of the crossbenches to speak to child and women victims of cultural practices that deny their human rights. So excuse me if I have no faith whatsoever that this entity and the commissioner will genuinely listen to these voices and advocate on behalf of them when their only focus is the so-called impacts of colonisation.</para>
<para>I know of many stories from the lived experience of such girls and women who have been silenced. There are stories like that of my niece—known as Ruby, as reported in the <inline font-style="italic">Australian</inline> in 2022. In the remote Northern Territory town of Yuendumu, where my family are from, Ruby, then just 15 years old, was beaten and raped by her own father. Ruby recounts trying to tell her family in Yuendumu of the horrific abuse she was suffering, but says they didn't want to believe her. Incredibly, Ruby found the courage to speak up, and two years later, at just 17 years old, she testified against him. A judge in the case said the abuse had been protracted and prolonged and had involved the use of weapons.</para>
<para>I know of another case where, from the age of six, a girl was raped and abused by her cousin—a man 12 years older than her. For seven years, this young girl was tortured, frightened and in need of help, with no-one to turn to because too many community and family members turned a blind eye. It was only after leaving her home and moving interstate with a family member that she was able to find an adult who would help her.</para>
<para>More recently, as has been reported in the <inline font-style="italic">NT News</inline> in September last year, a 28-year-old man raped and impregnated a 13-year-old girl that was promised to him as part of a family arrangement. This young girl was forced into this marriage—as is the case with most arranged marriages under traditional customary law, which my very own family members have been subjected to, including my own mother. We're talking about real people here.</para>
<para>In 2008, in the Northern Territory, another 13-year-old girl was impregnated by a 20-year-old under similar arranged marriage circumstances. This time, this case was briefly reported on by the ABC. There was no public outrage by the activist class, social justice warriors or even the feminist movement. In all of these cases mentioned, and more that I personally know of, these voices have never been championed by Labor, or by the Greens in that case. In fact, last year, the current member for Gwoja in the Northern Territory, Chansey Paech, in response to the forced arranged marriage and rape of the 13-year-old said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I want to know whether Senator Price has made any mandatory reports about these matters and whether she has raised them directly with the CLP Minister for Child Protection Robyn Cahill or is she simply grandstanding again?</para></quote>
<para>In answer to him, yes, I have—many times. In fact, I've done more than that. I've spoken to previous Labor child protection ministers in the Northern Territory, specifically regarding these issues. I've sat in court in support of such victims. What has Chansey Paech done aside from deny it is a problem at all and gaslight victims instead? What has he done aside from condemning me for sharing my lived experience? He also says, 'Senator Price's suggestion that "Aboriginal culture condones the abuse of children" is a harmful myth which has been debunked.' He described my remarks as 'divisive' and 'deeply offensive'. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Comments like this not only vilify our culture but also undermine the hard work being done by families, communities, and frontline workers to protect children and keep them safe.</para></quote>
<para>Let me say that your comments, Mr Paech, silence and deny victims and support perpetrators. Mr Paech has never lived under the confines of traditional customary law and nor will he ever, yet he is a Labor leader.</para>
<para>Then there's the former human rights commissioner, Mick Gooda, also of Indigenous heritage. During his tenure as the commissioner for the Royal Commission into the Protection and Detention of Children in the Northern Territory, he didn't even bother, for the duration of the royal commission, to look into arranged marriages under customary law—nor did he do that in his broader role as a human rights commissioner.</para>
<para>I'm therefore not convinced this government is vaguely interested in these realities and the causes that widen the gap. We need an audit into the spending in Indigenous affairs instead of wasting more taxpayer dollars—another of my attempts at trying to get this government's support that was shut down, along with the Greens. Why would they bother? We could have had a royal commission into the sexual abuse of Indigenous children occurring right now, but this government and the Greens and crossbenchers shut that down. Regressive aspects of traditional culture must be expunged from Indigenous communities today—communities out of sight and out of mind for all of you across from me—but they won't be while those in positions of power continue to turn a blind eye to all manner of sins that continue to thrive under regressive aspects of traditional culture.</para>
<para>A key reason the gap hasn't closed is a political class that romanticises traditional culture—that stands here and expresses its respect for elders past and present. That romanticism puts a force field around the most objectionable and violent behaviours that are at the very heart of Indigenous disadvantage. It's time the romanticisation ends; it's time to accept the truth. The truth is that $30 million plus and a sparkling new children's commissioner designed to make this government appear to be doing something are yet another waste of taxpayer dollars that will not improve the lives of Indigenous children in this country.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator THORPE</name>
    <name.id>280304</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Today I wish to speak to the National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People Bill 2026. I welcome the statutory establishment of the commission with additional and ongoing resourcing for it to conduct its work. I hope that this role will be able to elevate the importance of justice for our children and young people. For decades our children and young people have suffered not just from political inaction but from being weaponised for political agendas. We are seeing this play out with terrible consequences in the tightening of youth justice laws in states and territories across the country over the last couple of years, in an attempt to appear tough on crime and promote so-called community safety.</para>
<para>Governments across the country—state, territory and federal alike—have completely ignored the evidence. They have ignored elders, families, lawyers and experts and are pursuing an agenda on what we know only leads to the further criminalisation of our children. All too often that means a lifelong cycle of contact with the criminal legal system, being disadvantaged and already given up on. What is happening in this country is an absolute disgrace. Other countries cannot believe that kids as young as 10 can be locked up or that they can be strip searched. They are children. Any of you present who have children will know that at the age of 10 a child is still learning and depending on their family, community and environment for this very purpose. How are they supposed to feel loved, learn and have dreams for the future when they are being locked up at the height of their childhood? Children need family and community and country. They need connection, love and care. It is our responsibility as adults to provide that, not to lock them up and close all of the doors to them for the rest of their lives. How can you live with yourselves doing that?</para>
<para>We know the connection between the so-called child protection system and incarceration. The out-of-home care system is basically a direct pipeline into prisons for our kids. This comes as no surprise, given the realities of out-of-home care. The last eight months of the Queensland Child Safety Commission of Inquiry have revealed the horrific treatment of children in the system. The stories are harrowing, with children being constantly moved from one place to the next and children in foster and residential care neglected, verbally, physically and sexually abused and even sex trafficked. Our children's rights are actively violated by the system in every way possible. All too often, this leads to drug use as a means of escape, and who wouldn't want to escape those realities? Drug use or escape from these conditions then leads to the children's criminalisation. They never stand a chance. You never give our children a chance. You can raise the age of legal responsibility in this country, Labor. You could do it tomorrow if you wanted to. But you're gammon because you won't.</para>
<para>We know that this is not isolated to Queensland; this is a nationwide catastrophe. Every year governments lament the failures of Closing the Gap, yet they are the very ones who take our babies from us. Removal rates of our children are increasing, as we know. Five per cent of our children are currently removed. That's every 20th child—every 20th child, people. If these were white kids, the world would have already intervened. Governments talk about the stolen generation, but this is the continuation of the stolen generation. Rudd said sorry, but what does it actually mean when you keep doing it? You don't hurt someone and say sorry and then keep doing it. You stop.</para>
<para>It is a continuation of a slow and sophisticated genocide of our people. That's what removing our children is. It's an act of genocide. Child removals constitute genocide, and that is exactly what the 1997 <inline font-style="italic">B</inline><inline font-style="italic">ringing them home</inline> report pointed out. That monumental report, which my own mother was a commissioner of at the time, presented a number of tangible ways to tackle child removals. But it's 30 years later and it's increased to 24,000 of our kids. It's 30 years after a report that no-one's looked at and no-one's cared about. Those recommendations in that report remain untouched or only partially implemented. We have no national monitoring or oversight of implementation of recommendations like those from the <inline font-style="italic">B</inline><inline font-style="italic">ringing them home</inline> report and the <inline font-style="italic">M</inline><inline font-style="italic">ak</inline><inline font-style="italic">e</inline><inline font-style="italic"> healing happen</inline> report. So we spent all this money on these deadly reports. We went out to the people, the community, the mothers and the children that survived this system. They were spoken to and they were asked: what is the solution? All the experts came together. Everyone put their time, energy, heart and soul into those consultations, and for what? Thirty years later, we still have nothing. We have the commissioner.</para>
<para>The calls from our people and the calls that I continue to make in this place are ignored. This must be something the National Commissioner for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People can elevate and pursue as part of their role. Someone has got to look at the recommendations, surely. I have had conversations with the current commissioner, Sue-Anne Hunter, and this seems to be part of the thinking—which I am grateful for, but I'll be watching. What I'm more curious about are provisions in the bill that would allow the commissioner or her staff to disclose personal information of children and young people and their families under certain circumstances. That's a worry for me and it is a worry for our community. It is important that there are safeguards in place to ensure that children and families are not being further vilified, separated or criminalised and that those powers are being used carefully and sparsely. As I understand it, Commissioner Hunter is planning to put guidelines in place for the use of these powers, and I cannot stress enough how important that is for the continuation of the role long term. We've had too many bad experiences with 'garbarments' and agencies acting 'in our best interests', which really was their own interests and led to the destruction of many families, communities and lives.</para>
<para>I believe the commissioner has the right intentions; however, it will be up to the government of the time to actually follow the advice. We see time and time again how undervalued commissioners are. They are struggling to even get meetings with ministers. The excellent National Anti-Racism Framework, presented by the Race Discrimination Commissioner, remains unanswered, unactioned and even untouched by the government, 16 months after it was handed down. That's how the Race Discrimination Commissioner gets treated. Let's see how Commissioner Hunter is treated and whether she is taken seriously or not. Commissioners do good work but, unfortunately, they remain powerless against what I see as an intentional lack of political will. It's: 'Look over there, guys—we've got a commissioner. We'll get the commissioner to do all this work. We'll get a report, but we don't have to do anything. We just need to be seen to be doing something.'</para>
<para>The Albanese government keeps palming off responsibility for addressing child removals to the states and territories, as we know. It's an ongoing excuse. They don't even know their real power or that they can intervene—or do they know their real power and just don't want to deal with it? But the federal government can and needs to do its part. When we saw revelations of abuse in the childcare sector, the federal government sprang into action. Why should widespread sexual and physical abuse of children under state care not receive a similar response? Why is it different for us? Is it because these children are poor? Or is it because so many are Aboriginal or black and brown children? It begs the question, right?</para>
<para>The federal government could legislate a national Aboriginal child placement principle, in line with the 1997 <inline font-style="italic">Bringing them Home</inline> report, to prevent children's connection to family and community being disrupted and destroyed, as it is today. The government can fund services for families who are struggling so that children can remain in their families. This benefits not only the child but the whole family and community. I have two grandchildren from out-of-home care and their mum—their real mum—gets no support. It's my family that are begging the services to support the family so that mum can have their children back. No-one cares. They just take the children, and that's it.</para>
<para>This is about stopping the ongoing stolen generations and the genocide on our people. There are many things that can be done. What's missing is political will. Labor, you say that you've got mob there that know what it's like in our communities. Don't let them down. You're meant to be allies. Allies stand with us and do the work. They don't stand with us and stab us in the back. This is about stopping the ongoing stolen generations and the ongoing genocide on our people. It's one part of the genocide journey that you can stop on us. There are many things that can be done. What's missing is political will. What's missing is actual care for our children. This new commissioner role cannot just be another token gesture to appease the government's conscience; it has to lead to real action.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHITEAKER</name>
    <name.id>316555</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It's a real honour, as a senator for Western Australia, to represent the many, many First Nations communities and lands across my home state, and it's a privilege to do that here on the lands of the Ngunnawal and Ngambri people. I want to particularly extend my respect to elders past and present in delivering this contribution.</para>
<para>The National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People Bill 2026 brings the voices of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young people to the forefront. Our government and this parliament have a responsibility to listen and to take action. Australia is home to the world's oldest continuing culture. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples have lived on this land for at least 65,000 years, a fact that should be a profound source of pride for all of us—one that places a clear duty on us in this place to protect and preserve that culture. But we have too often fallen short in delivering for First Nations communities. Our systems fail Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children too often. The scale and urgency of those failures is profound, and we must do better. In my first speech to this chamber, I said I wanted my son to know that I was here to represent not the kids like him but the kids who were not as lucky as he is. It should not be the case in our great country that my son has more opportunities than the children of our First Nations people.</para>
<para>The path forward is clear. Reconciliation and progress will only be achieved by working with First Nations communities and by listening to First Nations people. The data is clear. The gap between First Nations children and their peers is deeply troubling. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children are significantly overrepresented in out-of-home care, in the juvenile justice system and among those disengaged from education.</para>
<para>I spent my childhood years in Kalgoorlie, on Wangkatha country, and I want to talk a little bit about the voices of some of those kids in a report that was released a couple of years ago. In that report, First Nations young people talked about feeling like they weren't being listened to and like they didn't have the same opportunities that their peers did. I think that it's a real great shame that kids, whether it's in Kalgoorlie or other parts of our country, feel like they are not being listened to—like they are not being given the opportunities that other children are given. Communities and children tell us that they need us to do better.</para>
<para>For the last two years, the National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People has been doing important work. This bill establishes a national commission as an independent and permanent statutory agency. It will have the power to conduct inquiries, make recommendations to government and engage in public advocacy. It will be able to engage directly with children and young people, to listen to their experiences and to bring their voices into the rooms where decisions are being made. Critically, it will be the only body at a national level with a sole focus on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people. This is the result of the advocacy of more than 70 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and non-Indigenous organisations from around the country—a tremendous effort—who have advocated for this for a long time, and it is well overdue.</para>
<para>When communities are empowered to lead, outcomes improve. We have seen it. In community controlled health organisations, in Indigenous ranger programs, in language revitalisation efforts around the country, the proof is there. Solutions designed with and by communities work, and this bill is how we embed that principle permanently so that no future government can sideline the voices of First Nations children when making decisions that impact their lives.</para>
<para>We don't have to look far for this work, which is being done around the country. The Goldfields Aboriginal Language Centre has been quietly doing extraordinary work for more than a decade, preserving and revitalising 12 First Nations languages in the Goldfields, working directly with elders to ensure these languages are passed on to the next generation of children. Language is culture; culture is identity—and that is the foundation of children's wellbeing. In the Pilbara, the West Pilbara Mobile Children's Service has spent over 13 years bringing early childhood education directly to remote communities, going to families rather than waiting for families to come to them. It is the only mobile service of its kind in the region, and it works because it was built around community. In the Kimberley, organisations like the Joombarn-buru Aboriginal Corporation are working with young people at risk of disengagement, not by punishing them but by investing in them, teaching them life skills and building their futures, keeping kids connected to their communities rather than cycling them through systems that continue to fail them. In Perth, on Whadjuk-Noongar country, organisations like Wungening Aboriginal Corporation and Koya Aboriginal Corporation are delivering culturally safe community-controlled services run by mob for mob, grounded in lived experience and deep cultural knowledge. These organisations do their work quietly; they don't often make the news. But they are changing lives every single day for Aboriginal children in Western Australia.</para>
<para>We cannot go back and change the decisions of the past. But we can make sure that children who are in school right now, sitting in classrooms in Kalgoorlie, in Broome, in Hall's Creek, in Fitzroy Crossing, in Arnhem Land, in Redfern, grow up in a community that sees them, in a country that listens to them, and puts them first. That is what we are seeking to address in this bill. Of course, it's not an immediate fix. No single action of the government ever is. But it is a commitment to put these children first and to listen to their voices when we are making decisions.</para>
<para>The Liberal Party once shared this commitment. In March 2022, the Morrison government proposed a national advocate for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people in their proposed 2022-23 budget, which, of course, they were not able to deliver, because they were so wholeheartedly defeated at that election. I wonder why they have changed their minds, why they no longer think that Aboriginal children and young people deserve an independent resourced voice to provide advice and advocacy for government on the issues that matter. I wonder why they don't agree with the more than 70 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander organisations who have been advocating for this kind of work to be done for a very, very long time. So I urge the Liberal Party to support this bill as a genuine step towards the Australia that we all say that we want to build, one where the oldest continuing culture on Earth is not just celebrated but listened to, where reconciliation is not a destination we talk about reaching but a practice that we live every day.</para>
<para>I'd like to end by thanking everyone who has been involved in the very long time advocacy into this issue and in particular to the work of SNAICC, but I also want to acknowledge the many First Nations Australians who have bravely and fiercely advocated and shared their stories. I am proud to be part of a government that doesn't shy away from the tough issues and that supports First Nations Australians but is willing to be held accountable by those communities, to listen to their voices and to listen to the children whose futures depend on us getting this right.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WALKER</name>
    <name.id>316818</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The very first time I spoke in this place, I thanked in advance the First Nations emerging leaders from across the more than 250 nations of this ancient land, and I said how much I look forward to those future elders joining me in this place to represent their communities. That is my hope for the future of this place and our country. However, to achieve that hope for the future, we know that we need to ensure our First Nations children and young people have the support and opportunities which will allow them to stand strong in their culture and pursue their hopes and dreams. To this end, the National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People Bill 2026 delivers on Labor's commitment to an independent national commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people. Embedded in this enabling legislation is a strengths based approach to changing the devastating inequities our First Nations children and young people experience.</para>
<para>Hope for the future is what this bill is about. It's why we are establishing a national commissioner, who will do three essential things. The first is independent oversight and public accountability, telling the truth in public about what is working and what is failing. The commissioner will have the discretion and independence to undertake inquiries and provide reports which seek to identify the issues and barriers faced by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people. Second, the commissioner will be charged with hearing directly from children and young people and supporting them to assert their rights and interests. They will be able to provide a structured, ongoing youth voice, especially for those who may feel alienated or are in care or detention or remote communities. Third, the commissioner will be able to use the experiences and voices of young people to advise the Australian government on the development and delivery of relevant policies, programs and services. This advice on systemic reform across silos is essential, because children's lives are not divided by government departments or portfolios or services.</para>
<para>We need policies, programs and services that understand and respond to the context that children and young people experience and recognise and respect the 65,000 years of the rich, living, continuous culture that they are able to lay claim to. The power of such a central coordinated function must not be underestimated. Organisations and children's commissioners from across Australia have been calling for the creation of this role for many years. This is not a symbolic post. It is not a nice-to-have. This is a practical instrument for accountability, for listening and for better policies and programs—ones that stop young lives being pushed into systems that harm and instead start reshaping those systems in line with strengths based and community led solutions. This mission is critical.</para>
<para>The Uluru Statement from the Heart is undoubtedly one of the most powerful collaborative pleas for action ever written in our country. One critical passage in it reads:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Proportionally, we are the most incarcerated people on the planet. We are not an innately criminal people. Our children are aliened from their families at unprecedented rates. This cannot be because we have no love for them. And our youth languish in detention in obscene numbers. They should be our hope for the future.</para></quote>
<para>This commission is about restoring hope for that future. Through the National Agreement on Closing the Gap, governments have agreed to work towards restoring that hope and measuring our progress.</para>
<para>On the Closing the Gap dashboard, the rate of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people aged zero to 17 in out-of-home care was over 50 per thousand in 2024. That is over 12 times higher than for non-Indigenous children. National reporting has showed youth detention rates around 21 times higher for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young people, compared to other young people—and I, for one, am very disturbed about the 'lock them up' narrative that is becoming prevalent in some state governments now. Whilst no youth justice system is perfect, I am pleased that, at least in South Australia, the state government has kept youth detention very separate from the adults' correction system. This is because our aim must always be to change the course for young people, so that they can have productive and fulfilling lives. Morally, how can it be otherwise? When we are looking at youth detention rates 21 times higher than those for the non-Indigenous population, it is undeniable that focused, independent child- and youth-centred advocacy is essential. This reform will support delivery on the National Agreement on Closing the Gap targets to reduce overrepresentation in out-of-home care by 45 per cent and youth detention by at least 30 per cent by 2031.</para>
<para>We also know that participation in the labour force for First Nations young people is significantly lower than for other young people. The legislated National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People gives those commitments a driver—someone tasked every day with creating and amplifying solutions and tracking progress. The Albanese Labor government is committed to funding the commission properly. We are investing $8.4 million a year, ongoing, to support its operations. It is undeniable that this investment is well spent. Out-of-home care and detention are among the most expensive interventions that governments fund. Prevention and culturally safe, community led alternatives are both morally right and economically rational.</para>
<para>But, beyond systems and budgets, this is about our children. It is about the children and young people that are the next generation of the longest-continuing living culture on this planet. Every one of those young people has the right to a safe home, a good job and a healthy life in a community where they feel a sense of belonging. This newly legislated independent office is a step towards ensuring that there is hope for their future.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>All children and young people deserve to grow up with their rights, interests and wellbeing protected. Investing in improving outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people is a priority of this government, and we are committed to closing the gap. The National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People Bill 2026 will legislate the National Commission for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Young People, under new primary legislation. It will be the first permanent statutory agency, independent from government. This is First Nations led, with a dedicated focus on preserving the rights, interests, development, safety and wellbeing of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people.</para>
<para>The bill empowers the national commissioner to drive greater accountability from the systems that children, young people and families interact with. We are investing $33.5 million over the forward estimates and $8.4 million ongoing to ensure the national commissioner can deliver on their statutory functions and responsibilities.</para>
<para>Legislating an independent national commissioner responds to decades of advocacy by many First Nations leaders, including the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Leadership Group's Safe and Supported. When we get it right for children and young people, the entire nation will move forward. I commend this bill to the chamber.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>281503</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>As I understand it, there is an amendment that has been moved by Senator Waters. That is currently before the chair. The question is that the second reading amendment moved by Senator Waters be agreed to. A division having been called and it being after the time that we're allowed to have divisions, it will be deferred to the following sitting day.</para>
<para>Debate interrupted.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Commonwealth Entities Legislation Amendment Bill 2026</title>
          <page.no>102</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r7438" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Commonwealth Entities Legislation Amendment Bill 2026</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>102</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Commonwealth Entities Legislation Amendment Bill 2026. At first glance, this bill is presented as routine—in fact, as a technical exercise in what the government calls 'governance modernisation'. Sadly, though, when you look closely at the bill and when you actually examine what it does, a very different picture emerges. The bill increases ministerial influence over statutory officeholders. It introduces new grounds for suspension and termination. It allows ministers to set performance standards that are not subject to disallowance or automatic tabling. And it gives the Attorney-General an express statutory power to issue general directions to the Office of Parliamentary Counsel, the body that is actually responsible for the drafting of Commonwealth laws. These are not minor changes. They go to the heart of how statutory offices operate and the balance between independence and executive oversight. And that is exactly why the bill requires proper scrutiny.</para>
<para>On 5 March 2026, which is nearly three weeks ago now, the coalition sought to refer this bill to a Senate committee, not to block it, not to delay it for the sake of delay but to test it. We are the house of review. We wanted to hear from the experts. We wanted to hear from the affected agencies to understand the rationale and to identify any unintended consequences. This is how this place, the Australian Senate, is supposed to work. What did the government do? Well, this was three weeks ago, and we're only starting to address the bill tonight. They refused scrutiny.</para>
<para>Let's be very clear about what happened. The government introduced legislation that expands executive influence and then prevented that expansion from being examined through the usual committee process. There have been no hearings, no evidence, no expert input, no structured scrutiny. That is, quite frankly, not how good legislation is made. And, when a government declines scrutiny, particularly on a bill of this nature, the Senate is entitled to ask why.</para>
<para>The government calls this 'modernisation'. But, quite frankly, slogans are not substitutes for substance. The bill applies to four bodies: the Australian Centre for International Agricultural Research, Austrade, the Australian Safeguards and Non-Proliferation Office and the Office of Parliamentary Counsel. And it does five key things. First, it extends appointment terms to five years. Second, it introduces additional termination grounds, including serious misconduct and unsatisfactory performance. Third, it allows ministers to issue written performance standards. Fourth, it issues suspension powers. And, fifth, it gives the Attorney-General the power to issue general written directions to the Office of Parliamentary Counsel.</para>
<para>Individually, each of these measures may be presented as incremental, but the issue is the framework they create when taken together, because, under this model, the minister may set performance expectations, the minister may assess performance against those expectations, and, subject to any statutory grounds and processes, the minister may suspend or terminate. The practical effect is a system in which the executive plays a central role at each stage. This effectively represents a shift in the balance of power towards greater executive control.</para>
<para>The most basic question in any reform is this: What is the problem this bill is designed to fix? Where is the evidence of systemic governance failure? Where is the review identifying deficiencies across these bodies? But, more importantly, where is the policy case explaining why these additional powers unnecessary? The government quite deliberately has yet again not provided the parliament with a clear evidence based justification. Because, yet again, a committee inquiry was refused, the Senate has not had the opportunity to properly test whether such a justification exists. Instead, the parliament is being asked to accept these changes, accept that they are appropriate, without, yet again—this is a pattern of behaviour with this government—the benefit of scrutiny. It is not a sound basis for reform.</para>
<para>If this bill reflects a broader approach to governance, another obvious question arises: Why only these four entities? Why not ASIC? Why not the ACCC? Why not APRA? Why not other statutory officeholders with comparable responsibilities? If this is part of a broader reform agenda, the parliament should actually be told. If it's not and these entities have been selected for particular treatment, then the rationale should be clearly explained. Selective reform without a clear and transparent justification raises legitimate questions and consistency about principle.</para>
<para>One of the significant features of the bill is the introduction of ministerial performance standards. These standards are not incidental. They may form the basis against which performance is assessed, and a finding of unsatisfactory performance may in turn support termination. This is a significant mechanism, but these standards are not legislative instruments. They are not subject to disallowance. They are not subject to automatic tabling, which means that the parliament may not have visibility over the standards used to assess performance. So the parliament is being asked to accept a framework in which performance expectations may be set by the executive, these expectations may be used to assess an officeholder and action may follow without a guaranteed mechanism for parliamentary oversight of those standards. This significantly reduces transparency and limits the parliament's ability to scrutinise how these powers are exercised.</para>
<para>The bill also introduces or clarifies suspension powers. Suspension, as we all know, is a serious step. It removes an officeholder from their functions. It can affect reputation. It can disrupt the operation of an agency. And yet the transparency arrangements are not consistent across the entities. For ASNO, there's no provision for public notification. For others, there is no equivalent uniform requirement for visibility. This raises a simple question. If suspension is a serious step in every case, why is transparency not applied consistently? Where parliament creates statutory officers, it is reasonable that significant actions affecting those officers are visible to the parliament.</para>
<para>These issues are particularly important in relation to the Australian Safeguards and Non-Proliferation Office. ASNO plays a critical role in Australia's international obligations, including engagement with the International Atomic Energy Agency and treaty partners. Its independence is essential both in fact and in perception. The bill does not apply unsatisfactory performance as a termination ground for the director. That reflects an acknowledgement of the importance of independence, but the bill does introduce a suspension power. While not equivalent to termination, a suspension can have comparable practical consequences, particularly if exercised at a sensitive time. It is therefore important that the operation of that power and its safeguards are clearly justified and understood. For ASNO, there is no provision for public notification. For others, there is no equivalent uniform requirement for visibility, and, again, this raises a very simple question. If suspension is a serious step, why is transparency not applied consistently?</para>
<para>The bill also amends the framework for the Office of Parliamentary Counsel. OPC is central to the Commonwealth's legislative process. Its work depends on professional independence, technical integrity and trust in its neutrality. The bill provides that the Attorney-General may issue general written directions to OPC. Even confined to general directions, this is a significant development. Such directions may inference policy priorities, process or operations and therefore shape how legislative drafting is undertaken. Importantly, these directions again are not legislative instruments. They are not subject to disallowance and they are not subject to automatic tabling, which means that there is no guaranteed mechanism for parliamentary visibility over how this power is exercised. This is a matter of institutional importance for the parliament.</para>
<para>The coalition supports sound governance and appropriate accountability, but accountability must be accompanied by transparency. An increase to executive power must be matched by appropriate oversight. This bill expands executive influence. It limits guaranteed parliamentary visibility in key areas, and it does so without having been subject to the level of scrutiny that legislation of this nature warrants. When the coalition sought to refer this bill for examination, that scrutiny was refused. That is not consistent with a government confident in its own legislation, and for this reason the coalition will now oppose the bill. We continue to make this simple point: where legislation expands executive power, the parliament should be given the opportunity to properly examine it. This did not occur here. That is why this bill should not proceed in its current form. It requires scrutiny. As I said, we're seeking to delay it not for the sake of delay but to actually ensure that the Senate does the job that we are sent here to do, and that is to properly scrutinise the legislation that is before us.</para>
<para>Debate interrupted.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>ADJOURNMENT</title>
        <page.no>103</page.no>
        <type>ADJOURNMENT</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>The Florey Institute of Neuroscience and Mental Health</title>
          <page.no>103</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator POLLEY</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Last week, I was honoured to be joined by the Minister for Aged Care and Seniors, Sam Rae, whose unwavering commitment to advancing the wellbeing of older Australians is inspiring. We visited the Florey in Melbourne to see firsthand the institute's remarkable achievements in dementia research and to witness firsthand the passion driving innovation in brain health and therapeutics. The Florey institute stands as a beacon of excellence in medical research, recognised globally for its scale, expertise and collaborative spirit. With over 600 scientists and staff, the institute is one of the largest brain research centres in the Southern Hemisphere.</para>
<para>Their work centres around collaboration and spans a broad spectrum of neurological disorders, with a special focus on dementia, Alzheimer's disease and the development of mRNA therapies. Partnerships with leading universities, hospitals and industry stakeholders ensure the discoveries they are making translate rapidly from their laboratory to real-world impact. What sets the Florey apart is not only the scientific expertise but the deep personal motivation that drives the researchers. Many of these scientists and researchers have experienced the heartbreak of dementia and Alzheimer's within their own families. These stories are more than just anecdotes; they are the fuel powering their relentless pursuit of solutions.</para>
<para>I spoke with Professor Scott Ayton, who is the director of the Centre of Research Excellence in Enhanced Dementia Diagnosis and head of the Dementia Mission and Translational Neurodegeneration Group. Scott's research encompasses both laboratory and clinical research relating to neurodegenerative diseases, such as Alzheimer's disease, to investigate disease mechanisms, discover new biomarkers and develop therapeutics. He is particularly interested in iron neurochemistry, cellular metabolism and the regulated cell death pathway called ferroptosis. Professor Ayton also has a strong interest in vascular physiology and pharmacology, especially in discovering new vascular control mechanisms and how these are distributed in Alzheimer's disease. His research has been translated into clinical trials that he has led. There are some exciting advances that are going to come to fruition in the next couple of months.</para>
<para>The Florey is, as I said, a stand-out when it comes to brain health and research into Alzheimer's and dementia. They've recently secured awards from the National Health and Medical Research Council and international bodies. The grants that they attract set us apart in Australia in leading this research. The minister was particularly impressed with the institute's expertise in mRNA therapeutics, which has positioned the Florey at the forefront of developing new treatments and potential vaccines for Alzheimer's disease, paving the way for more effective and accessible healthcare solutions. This is groundbreaking work that is being done in Melbourne, here in Australia.</para>
<para>Researchers like Professor Mark Lewis and Dr Aisha Patel are leading teams to develop mRNA based therapies aimed at slowing and perhaps one day reversing the progression of dementia. These innovative approaches not only are promising for Alzheimer's but may unlock new possibilities for other neurodegenerative diseases. The Florey's collaborative projects with biotech partners and government agencies are accelerating these breakthroughs, ensuring Australia remains a global leader in brain research. The message is that you have to look after the brain from cradle to grave. If you look after your brain—you exercise and you eat well—then there's a better chance that you're going to, hopefully, avoid Alzheimer's and other forms of dementia. This research is so incredibly important, and the collaboration both within Australia and internationally sets us in good stead for some exciting news that will come, I believe, in the next couple of months in relation to early detection and diagnosis of dementia in this country.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Great Australian Bight</title>
          <page.no>104</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McLACHLAN</name>
    <name.id>287062</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I support World Heritage listing for the Great Australian Bight. It's one of the best and most intact temperate marine ecosystems in the world, with amazing biodiversity. It's globally significant.</para>
<para>How did I get to this point? Well, there was a risk, when I was in state parliament, of BP drilling in the bight. That may even have found some favour with certain Labor members across the aisle at the time, but the Liberal Party consulted at the time and it did not find favour. The main risk was that an oil spill would have destroyed all our seas. It was a catastrophic risk. It did not find favour with the communities that live off the sea. Indeed, our opposition was led by our local Liberal members.</para>
<para>Now I find myself fortunate enough to be in the Senate. During my journeys around the state, I met Heath Joske, a surfer extraordinaire and climate activist, who lives in Streaky Bay and managed to convince the AGM of the Norwegian company Equinor to not continue its exploration or to drill in the bight. It was a great victory for those of us who are conservationists and environmentalists.</para>
<para>The South Australian Liberal Party went to the last election with a clear policy position to seek World Heritage listing for the bight, but there was a spectre on the horizon that we did not see, and that was the National Party, which made a declaration during the campaign that it would seek drilling in the Bight. It was unhelpful, and it will be opposed by every Liberal in South Australia. I find it incongruous that the National Party doesn't like wind farms offshore but somehow would like oil extraction on a large platform. I can't join those dots. Perhaps I can be assisted at some point. The community that live on those coasts are very aware of the risk to their natural environment. We have just gone through an algal bloom. In fact, it's still there, ravaging our seas and putting great stress on our communities. We do not need a campaign to continue to explore or drill. Some of our most important industries—including our fishing industry in tuna—are there, and they are distraught that this may be raised by the National Party.</para>
<para>So I call upon the Labor government, both in South Australia and federally, to get on with it. Let's get it moving. Let's put South Australians' minds at ease that their natural environment will not be destroyed by the large fossil fuel companies.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Fertiliser</title>
          <page.no>105</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BLYTH</name>
    <name.id>315170</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The duty of any government is to safeguard its nation and its people, and that does not begin and end with defence capability; it extends to fundamentals that allow a nation to function, like energy supply chains and, critically, food. At present, Australia is more exposed than it should be. Since the conflict in the Middle East escalated, global fertiliser markets have tightened. That is not a distant issue; it is already affecting Australian agriculture and will increasingly affect production and, ultimately, prices at the supermarket. These concerns have been raised directly with me by AUSVEG SA, which represents South Australia's $3 billion vegetable industry and provides a significant share of the nation's fresh produce. Fertiliser is a basic input for growing the food we need. Without it, yields fall, and, when yield output declines, prices rise.</para>
<para>The problem is that fertiliser production is energy intensive and geographically concentrated. A substantial proportion of global supply moves through the Strait of Hormuz. Disruption in that corridor has immediate implications for countries, like Australia, that rely heavily on imports. We get about two-thirds of our supply from the Middle East. Urea, the most widely used nitrogen fertiliser, is central to crop production. Prices have already risen sharply since the conflict began.</para>
<para>Australia is particularly vulnerable because we produce only a small proportion of what we use. Domestic output meets limited share of demand, and the vast majority of key products like urea is sourced overseas. That reliance creates practical problems for our farmers. Fertiliser is not something that can be substituted or deferred without consequence. It must be applied at specific stages of crop development. If shipments are delayed, even by a few weeks, the impact is immediate: lower yields, reduced output. That flows directly to consumers at the supermarket checkout.</para>
<para>In South Australia, the connection between fertiliser and food supply is especially clear. The vegetable sector is a major contributor to national supply. In crops such as fresh potatoes, production is heavily concentrated in the state of South Australia. The result is straightforward: less supply results in higher prices. AUSVEG SA has also made the point that uncertainty itself is becoming a constraint in its business. Lead times for fertiliser shipments are now extending out to 10 to 14 weeks. That's not compatible with time-sensitive agricultural production.</para>
<para>Our current system relies on just-in-time supply with very limited buffer. That is efficient in stable conditions, but it offers little protection when supply chains are disrupted. This is where the policy question arises. Australia is increasingly reliant on inputs that we do not produce moving through supply chains we do not control and arriving only at the moment we need them. That is a risk profile that has developed over time, largely without being addressed. AUSVEG SA has suggested a practical step: treat fertiliser as a nationally significant input, similar to fuel, so that it can be prioritised during shortages—that seems to be a sensible starting point. More broadly, we need to look at how we reduce exposure. That includes considering supply buffers, securing access to inputs and supporting domestic capability where it is viable. None of this is about self-sufficiency in an absolute sense. It is about reducing risk to a manageable level.</para>
<para>Food supply is not guaranteed. It depends on systems that need to function reliably, and ideology should play no role. Net zero is putting our very food security at risk. At the moment, systems are under pressure, mostly by self-inflicted policies that are risking our food security and our national prosperity. If that pressure continues without adjustment, the consequences will be seen in production levels and in prices. It's bad news for producers and for consumers. It's time we started making and growing what we need right here in Australia. It's time for government to get out of the way and let our farmers get on with farming.</para>
<para>Senate adjourned at 20:13</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
  </chamber.xscript>
</hansard>