COMMITTEES

2026-03-30 3 1 0 House of Reps 0 1

Monday, 30 March 2026

The SPEAKER ( Hon. Milton Dick ) took the chair at 10:00, made an acknowledgement of country and read prayers.

COMMITTEES 1 COMMITTEES Petitions Committee 1 Report 1 10:00 Ms BELYEA 309484 Dunkley I present the ninth report of the Petitions Committee for the 48th Parliament. The report read as follows— HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES PETITIONS COMMITTEE REPORT No. 09 Petitions and Ministerial Responses 30 March 2026 MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE Chair Ms Jodie Belyea MP Deputy Chair Mr Leon Rebello MP Mr Cameron Caldwell MP Ms Emma Comer MP Ms Trish Cook MP Mr Rowan Holzberger MP Mr Llew O'Brien MP Ms Tracey Roberts MP This committee is supported by staff of the Department of the House of Representatives Report summarising the petitions and ministerial responses being presented. The committee met in private session in the 48th Parliament on 3 February and 24 March 2026. 1. The committee resolved to present the following petition in accordance with standing order 207: Petitions certified on 3 February 2026 From 48 petitioners—requesting rejection of proposed anti-extremism legislation (EN9277) 2. The following 22 ministerial responses to petitions were received. Ministerial responses received by the Committee on 24 March 2026 From the Treasurer to a petition requesting the introduction of a royalty scheme (EN7101) From the Minister for Climate Change and Energy to a petition regarding investment in nuclear infrastructure (EN7354) From the Treasurer to a petition regarding superannuation tax (EN7556) From the Treasurer to a petition regarding superannuation tax (EN7687) From the Minister for Immigration and Citizenship to a petition regarding Parent Visa reform (EN7783) From the Treasurer to a petition regarding international financial corporations and consumer rights (EN7798) From the Treasurer to a petition requesting a review of credit card company competition (EN7799) From the Special Minister of State to a petition regarding salaries and allowances for parliamentarians (EN7848) From the Treasurer to a petition regarding oil and gas taxation (EN7856) From the Special Minister of State to a petition regarding salaries and allowances for parliamentarians (EN7862) From the Minister for Climate Change and Energy to a petition requesting reform of the National Clean Energy Battery Approval Scheme (EN7865) From the Minister for Education to a petition regarding Early Childhood Graduate Diploma qualifications (EN7868) From the Minister for Foreign Affairs to a petition regarding attacks against civilians in Syria (EN7902) From the Treasurer to a petition regarding inheritance taxes (EN7921) From the Assistant Minister for Citizenship, Customs and Multicultural Affairs to a petition requesting legislation to enable revocation of citizenship for violent extremist conduct (EN8104) From the Minister for Foreign Affairs to a petition regarding the repatriation of individuals linked to overseas conflicts (EN8170) From the Minister for Climate Change and Energy to a petition regarding investment in nuclear infrastructure (EN8425) From the Treasurer to a petition requesting a tax on fossil fuel emissions (EN8473) From the Attorney-General to petition requesting a ban on Sharia Law (EN8545) From the Assistant Minister for Citizenship, Customs and Multicultural Affairs to a petition regarding requirements for Registered Migration Agents (EN8676) From the Minister for the National Disability Insurance Scheme to a petition requesting changes to calling practices used by the National Disability Insurance Agency (EN8735) From the Attorney-General to petitions regarding the federal family law system (EN8816, EN8817, EN8818 and EN8819) Ms Jodie Belyea MP Chair—Petitions Committee PETITIONS 2 PETITIONS Presentation 2 10:01 Ms BELYEA 309484 Dunkley I present the following petition: Antisemitism, Hate and Extremism Legislation 2 PETITIONS 2 PETITIONS Responses 2 10:01 Ms BELYEA 309484 Dunkley Ministerial responses to petitions previously presented to the House have been received as follows: From the Treasurer to a petition requesting the introduction of a royalty scheme (EN7101) From the Minister for Climate Change and Energy to a petition regarding investment in nuclear infrastructure (EN7354) From the Treasurer to a petition regarding superannuation tax (EN7556) From the Treasurer to a petition regarding superannuation tax (EN7687) From the Minister for Immigration and Citizenship to a petition regarding Parent Visa reform (EN7783) From the Treasurer to a petition regarding international financial corporations and consumer rights (EN7798) From the Treasurer to a petition requesting a review of credit card company competition (EN7799) From the Special Minister of State to a petition regarding salaries and allowances for parliamentarians (EN7848) From the Treasurer to a petition regarding oil and gas taxation (EN7856) From the Special Minister of State to a petition regarding salaries and allowances for parliamentarians (EN7862) From the Minister for Climate Change and Energy to a petition requesting reform of the National Clean Energy Battery Approval Scheme (EN7865) From the Minister for Education to a petition regarding Early Childhood Graduate Diploma qualifications (EN7868) From the Minister for Foreign Affairs to a petition regarding attacks against civilians in Syria (EN7902) From the Treasurer to a petition regarding inheritance taxes (EN7921) From the Assistant Minister for Citizenship, Customs and Multicultural Affairs to a petition requesting legislation to enable revocation of citizenship for violent extremist conduct (EN8104) From the Minister for Foreign Affairs to a petition regarding the repatriation of individuals linked to overseas conflicts (EN8170) From the Minister for Climate Change and Energy to a petition regarding investment in nuclear infrastructure (EN8425) From the Treasurer to a petition requesting a tax on fossil fuel emissions (EN8473) From the Attorney-General to petition requesting a ban on Sharia Law (EN8545) From the Assistant Minister for Citizenship, Customs and Multicultural Affairs to a petition regarding requirements for Registered Migration Agents (EN8676) From the Minister for the National Disability Insurance Scheme to a petition requesting changes to calling practices used by the National Disability Insurance Agency (EN8735) From the Attorney-General to petitions regarding the federal family law system (EN8816, EN8817, EN8818 and EN8819) Economy 3 Nuclear Energy 3 Taxation: Superannuation 4 Taxation: Superannuation 4 Family and Partner Visas 4 Banking and Financial Services 5 Banking and Financial Services 5 Public Sector Governance 6 Taxation: Fossil Fuel Industry 7 Parliamentarians' Entitlements 7 Renewable Energy 8 Early Childhood Education 8 Syria 9 Taxation 9 National Security 9 National Security 10 Nuclear Energy 10 Climate Change 11 Australian Society 11 Registered Migration Agents 11 National Disability Insurance Agency 12 Family Law 12 PETITIONS 14 PETITIONS Statements 14 10:01 Ms BELYEA 309484 Dunkley There are currently 97 petitions open for signatures on the House e-petitions website. The petitions cover a diverse range of topics, including transparency in government, health, visa matters, freedom of speech, the Middle East and age verification laws. More certifications will follow at the committee's next meeting. The range of petition topics on the e-petitions website shows the varied interests of petitioners and their willingness to engage with parliament. The petitioning process remains an important mechanism for Australians to put forward issues that matter to them. Mr Speaker, I look forward to updating the House further on the work of the Petitions Committee. DELEGATION REPORTS 14 DELEGATION REPORTS Australian Parliamentary Delegation to the United Kingdom and Poland 14 Reference to Federation Chamber 16 10:12 Mr NEUMANN HVO Blair I move: That the order of the day be referred to the Federation Chamber for debate. Question agreed to. BILLS 16 BILLS Interactive Gambling Amendment (Stop the Gambling Ads) Bill 2026 16

Interactive Gambling Amendment (Stop the Gambling Ads) Bill 2026

First Reading 16 Second Reading 16 10:14 Ms CHANEY 300006 Curtin I move: That this bill be now read a second time. Today, I present a bill to stop the gambling ads. This bill enacts the cornerstone recommendation of a committee inquiry that I was honoured to participate in, chaired by the late Peta Murphy, who handed down our unanimous recommendations more than 1,000 days ago. This House has heard me speak about the need for gambling reform many times. So today, as I present this bill, I want to give a voice to others, who don't have powerful lobby groups operating in this building, who do not make big political donations, who cannot control the media narrative, but deserve to be heard. The Alliance for Gambling Reform has been collecting stories from people around Australia who want to see this action. Here are some of their stories: [I used to think] that gambling was socially acceptable, not realising that it was costing me more than my hard- earned money. Over a period of 25-odd years I gambled away my family, a multitude of friends ... and my home, before 1 realised what I'd really done & what I was still doing. Then, I nearly gambled away a second family before a close friend (with different addictions) helped me to realise that .I was addicted to this 'pastime'. Now, I see the gambling ads shoved in my 12 year old daughter's face every time we want to enjoy time watching our favourite teams playing, I nearly cry thinking how close I came to losing her. But I don't; instead we have discussions about how I (and many of my friends) fell for the marketing. Gambling doesn't make it more fun to watch sports, it doesn't help you bond with mates, it drives you to drink & other illicit coping mechanisms. A wife shared how her husband's gambling addiction has ruined her dreams for a good life: Gambling harm has already completely eroded and killed my relationship with my husband. I started out empathetic and compassionate to help my husband overcome this mental health condition that is gambling addiction, but my help and compassion [were] preyed upon and made harder by the relentless onslaught of gambling available in Australia. We would get on top of going to pokies in venues, and then online pokies became available, sportsbetting became easier through apps. There really is no escape from this nightmare now. ... There's nowhere to help us. The only option [seems to be] to dissolve the marriage and the family. ... I implore the Australian Government to do better. A parent shared their story of their son's gambling addiction: Just over two years ago my son lost everything, including his wife and kids all due to easy online gambling. He also tried to take his own life.... He tells us he's not gambling anymore but we're not sure if this is true. Hopefully for his sake it is.... it has taken a toll on all of us. I almost had a nervous breakdown and I am constantly in tears when I [think] back on the events that took place. When I see these gambling ads constantly on TV, I literally have to change the channel or close my eyes and block my ears. My son loves his football, so he constantly sees this thrown in his face as well. Something needs to be done NOW to stop these ads before more stories like mine happen. A man shared his story of how gambling has affected three generations of his family. He says: I lost my Dad to suicide in 2014 directly related to horse-racing gambling. I myself lost everything that meant anything to me, due to a pathological addiction to poker machines. [And now] I see my nephew, who's 15, bombarded with ipad ads, designed to get kids hooked. We MUST ban this disgusting blight on society that preys on the most vulnerable. For our children. For a better world. A First Nations Australian provided a perspective from the centre of our country: My town is suffering, the people here are suffering. Gambling addiction means there's no food on the table and no money to pay bills. I see here in Alice Springs, exactly who is hardest hit by the gambling culture and it isn't whitefellas and it isn't anyone who can afford to lose money. There are hundreds of these stories and I wish I could share them all with the parliament. Reading them one by one—what really hits you is how broad the impact of gambling harm is. Gamblers speak of what it has done to their families—to their mothers and fathers, brothers and sisters, to their friends—and to their sons and daughters. Gambling addiction tears families apart. The Prime Minister doesn't want to act on gambling because he thinks people should take responsibility for their own actions—but he doesn't consider how your life can be ruined if someone in your family cannot escape their gambling addiction. Gambling ads are a big part of this. Banning ads for online gambling is not a full solution to the harm caused by the gambling industry, but it is a start. This bill phases in a comprehensive ad ban for online gambling, over a period of three years. It is designed to ban the most high-impact ads and ad times first, while giving broadcasting companies time to manage the losses to their ad revenue. By the end of the three years, all ads for online gambling will be banned from television, streaming services, social media, stadiums, buildings and beyond. The Prime Minister wants people to take personal responsibility. But it is not a fair fight for people to go up against billion-dollar companies. This bill makes the fight slightly fairer. It does not ban gambling and that's not what I'm advocating for. In fact, I'm willing to take a punt right now: I bet the Prime Minister will continue to protect his buddies in the multibillion-dollar gambling industry, instead of the people whose stories I read today. I bet the Prime Minister will continue to mislead the public about the government having responded to the Murphy report. I bet the Prime Minister will continue to keep his backbench in line by telling them that they just need to trust him for another year. I bet the Prime Minister will continue to point the finger at offshore gambling companies, instead of dealing with the problem that exists here. I bet the Prime Minister will come up with some reform-lite package that continues to put the responsibility on individuals—like an education program about gambling harm in schools, in the totally unfair fight between kids and a multibillion-dollar industry. I bet the Prime Minister won't even debate this bill, and won't stop the gambling ads. Why? Because he's listening to the money, not to the people. I cede the remainder of my time to the member for Clark. The SPEAKER 53517 Is the motion seconded? 10:20 Mr WILKIE C2T Clark I second the member for Curtin's bill. It's an honour to second this bill because it would do what the Albanese government has revealed itself as too weak and too scared to do, and that is to finally ban gambling advertising. I've stood in this place countless times since I was elected in 2010 and quoted the research, the statistics and the reams of evidence about the ill effects of gambling addiction and the cost to the community, individuals and the economy. I even chaired the Joint Select Committee on Gambling Reform. So in June 2023, when Peta Murphy handed down a unanimous cross-party report on gambling harm with 31 clear recommendations, I was hopeful. I was hopeful because this isn't the minority government of 2010, which was so fearful in the face of a campaign from the gambling lobby. No, in this parliament Labor has an historic majority, the opposition are still in disarray, we have Peta's blueprint for reform and there's broad support for at least banning gambling advertising. In other words, the government has all they need to stand up to the gambling lobby. That's why it's particularly galling that, more than 1,000 days since the Murphy report was handed down, still the government has shown all the spine of a jellyfish. In fact, in a particularly outrageous example of this lack of guts, the Minister for Communications personally told a former gambling addict and reform campaigner that she shouldn't speak to the government but instead go and convince the wagering companies, television networks and sporting codes of the need for reform. Good grief! Doesn't the minister know what her job is? It's not to wait for the companies she regulates to come and beg her to regulate them. No, it's to act in the public interest—in the interests of the hundreds of thousands of Australians experiencing or impacted by gambling addiction—and to enact reforms. Of course, I don't blame the minister entirely because, as we all know, it's the Prime Minister that's the real blockage here, because he's scared of the media and gambling companies as well as the sporting codes. Hence he resorts to gaslighting and obfuscating and by crowing about reforms that were initiated by the Morrison government. When I called for a free vote on the matter, the Prime Minister deferred responsibility by saying that the Labor caucus makes decisions and that there's caucus solidarity. Well, there's solidarity and there's subordination. At the moment it looks to me like a case of caucus being completely subordinate to the Prime Minister. Frankly, the current impasse is scandalous. So I say to the PM again: if you can't bring yourself to take on the parasites benefiting from gambling, then get out of the way and let the rest of us do the work for you. The SPEAKER 53517 The time allotted for this debate has expired. The debate is adjourned and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting. Australian Citizenship Amendment (Stripping Terrorists of Australian Citizenship) Bill 2026 18

Australian Citizenship Amendment (Stripping Terrorists of Australian Citizenship) Bill 2026

First Reading 18 Second Reading 18 10:24 Mr JOYCE e5d New England I move: That this bill be now read a second time. I was booted out of this place under a section 44 case because apparently I had dual citizenship for a country that I visited for approximately five days. My father, who was not a citizen of that country—my mother was not a citizen of that country. It just so happened that, for a period of time, I was entitled to citizenship; therefore, I was no longer able to be a member of this parliament. I want to thank people, because it allowed me to have a world record three times as Deputy Prime Minister of Australia. However, if I'm not allowed to sit in this parliament, because of dual citizenship, why should I be allowed to stay in Australia if I commit a terrorist offence? If your affection for another country is so much that you want to keep the citizenship of that country and you, whilst here in Australia, decide that what you will do as a terrorist offence is murder people and kill people—as we have seen, unfortunately—then you should live your virtue and go back to the other country, wherever that may be. What is the reason that you should be staying in Australia? Why should you stay here? You obviously don't like the place. In fact, you hate Australia. So, if you hate Australia, leave Australia. It's really quite simple. You can't have a potpourri of allegiances that, on a time of testing, show that they are weighted towards another nation and away from the nation that we all live in. It has got to be seen that having Australian citizenship comes with rights. It comes with obligations, and those obligations are negated if you act in such a way to the complete detriment and harm of the Australian people and also of the culture, the egalitarian nature, of Australia. What this says—I thought was the bleeding obvious—is that, if you come from a part of the world which has sowed a seed that says that you find the culture of Australia anathema and you hold that so strongly that you pursue a terrorist act, then surely that strength of affinity and of love of that alternate nation, that alternate culture, should see you deported to it. Then, you should be living to your heart's content in another part of the world—becoming their problem, not ours. I mean, when you think about it, if you keep Australian citizenship and we ultimately become responsible—because we don't have the death penalty in Australia—for jailing you, the cost of that is more than if you stay in a first-class hotel in Sydney. It is a massive cost to the Australian taxpayer. So this bill is about stating the bleeding obvious. It's about saying that, if you hold dual citizenship, and you would obviously be aware of that dual citizenship, and that dual citizenship is a reflection of an affection for another nation and your affection for Australia is in such a form that you have gone out to commit a terrorist act quite obviously with the intention of killing Australians and of killing the people who are of the culture, are of the ethos, have given you comfort, have given you succour, have given you security, have given you the opportunities of free health and free education, have given you the egalitarian nature, have given you freedom before the law, have given you equality before the law, have given you opportunity and have given you basically a classless society—if that is so at odds with where you are and if that offends you so much that you wish to go and commit a terrorist attack to kill your fellow Australians, then why on earth aren't we kicking you out of this country? If you have that alternate nation where your love resides, then that is where you should be booted out to. That is where you go. So I can't quite understand why. I accept that other people might say, 'Yes, that's fair enough,' and we might get something in a similar form that's supported by other parties. I want to acknowledge the member for Flynn from the National Party for his support on this. It is something that's seen as being on a bipartisan basis, because it's logic. It's not something that I parochially want to hold to as my own, and the only party I've mentioned here right now is the National Party. So, if this is something that can be supported in such a form to bring logic back into this, I think it will be overwhelmingly supported by the Australian people. The DEPUTY SPEAKER 230531 Is the motion seconded? Mr Boyce 299498 I second the motion and reserve my right to speak. The DEPUTY SPEAKER 230531 The time allocated for this debate has expired. The debate is adjourned and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting. MOTIONS 19 MOTIONS Fuel Security 19 10:31 Mr HAMILTON 291387 Groom I move: That this House: (1) notes that: (a) Australia's fuel security remains dangerously exposed, with the nation holding among the lowest levels of sovereign fuel reserves in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development; (b) Australia imports over 90 per cent of its refined fuel, leaving critical supply chains vulnerable to geopolitical shocks, regional instability, and global market disruptions; (c) regional, rural and transport-dependent communities are disproportionately exposed to fuel supply disruptions, particularly in the heavy vehicle and agricultural sectors; (d) recent volatility in global fuel markets and the Government's failure to respond has massively increased costs for households and businesses, exacerbating cost of living pressures; and (e) the Minister for Climate Change and Energy has: (i) failed to deliver a comprehensive, whole-of-government fuel security strategy; (ii) prioritised the net-zero energy transition without adequately safeguarding short-term liquid fuel resilience; (iii) provided no clear contingency plan for maintaining diesel supply in the event of major import disruption; and (iv) failed to provide certainty or support to transport operators exposed to volatile spot market fuel pricing; (2) acknowledges that: (a) fuel security is a matter of national security, economic stability, and community resilience; and (b) reliable access to diesel is essential for freight, agriculture, mining, emergency services, and regional supply chains; (3) calls on the Government to: (a) urgently develop and implement a national fuel security plan, including increased onshore storage and refining capability; (b) provide targeted support to transport operators, particularly small and owner-driver businesses, impacted by fuel price volatility; (c) establish clear minimum stockholding obligations to meet or exceed international benchmarks; and (d) deliver transparent reporting to Parliament on Australia's fuel security position and preparedness; and (4) condemns the Minister for Climate Change and Energy for: (a) failing to ensure Australia's fuel security at a time of increasing global uncertainty; (b) neglecting the needs of regional Australia and the transport sector; (c) placing ideological energy priorities ahead of practical national resilience; and (d) being absent in a time of crisis, choosing to attend Conference of the Parties (COP) meetings instead of managing the crisis facing Australia. Australia's fuel security remains dangerously exposed and, in moving this motion, I'm reminded of how long it took this government to accept the fact that we are in a fuel supply crisis. For weeks we were told there was no supply issue. We had that denial going on in this place in question time over and over again. What did we on this side of the House do? We laid out the blueprint for the response. We said, 'Simply look back to 2021 when we had the AdBlue crisis, when the coalition government forced the hand of the ACCC and forced the hand of the distributors to make sure that what was needed went to the people who needed it most.' We made sure that our trucks kept moving, our farmers kept farming and our miners kept mining. We did that, and we offered that blueprint. We said, 'Here's what to do.' Instead, what did we get? We got a minister telling our farmers to work from home and buy an EV. That message went down very well in my community! They really appreciated that! They thought that was excellent! But why did we get this pretence from this minister? It's because, quite frankly, Chris Bowen is the Minister for Climate Change and Energy and he's big on the 'climate change' part. He wants to be president of COP31. He has put all of his attention into that. That's his focus. That's the international stage he gets to stride on. That's where he gets all the big pats on the back. But, when it comes to dealing with energy security and energy affordability, he has done very little to help this country. I point out that this is a minister who directed refineries in Australia to send liquid fuel that they were making here overseas. We were sending our liquid fuel away. Of course, through this whole period, what we've seen from this minister is an attempt, always, to blame everybody else for what's been happening. At the start of this crisis, he said it was right-wing scaremongering that was causing the crisis. Then it was panic-buying. Minister, you cannot panic-buy from an empty servo. We have empty servos throughout my region and just to the west. That's what we're dealing with. That's what we're experiencing. This is an important conversation, because energy is the economy. Cheap energy is what drives national prosperity. We see that around the world. Other countries that are getting ahead of us and that are moving faster than us have cheap energy, and we've walked away from that. It goes beyond just wanting to bring back manufacturing. It goes beyond wanting to see more investment in farming or mining. It talks to our national strength. There is no military industrial complex without an industrial complex. If we can't make things then we have no ability to supply a front line. The greatest deterrent that we can have against foreign aggression is our ability to supply a front line, and we have left that aside. We have decided that it's more important to follow the 'climate change' part of the minister's remit than it is to focus on energy. We are a little bit alone on this. The world's devotion to net zero and to focusing on climate change is shifting. We've seen that in the US, the UK and Canada and around the world. What are Japan doing right now? What Japan is doing in this fuel supply crisis is ramping up their coal-fired power stations because they want that cheap power. They know they need it. They know that's the way to get it. They're not afraid of saying the thing that is obvious. They're not afraid to say, 'The emperor has no clothes.' They are not afraid to say that coal is cheap and reliable and is an important part of the economy. But don't just trust me on this. I may have my criticisms of the minister's work, but nothing tops what we hear today in the ABC, in an article from PK, Patricia Karvelas. This is the ABC, the far-right-wing fearmongering media piece that it is! Here's a quote from that article: Energy Minister Chris Bowen has been the subject of deep internal criticism for what one senior Labor figure told me was his condescending style and failing to "meet the moment" with his language. That's accurate. That is pinpoint accurate. It goes on further: Albanese has now stepped in, standing next to him to deliver what have been daily updates about the government's handling of the fuel crisis. Not only does this minister get someone to come in and do his job for him—the fuel crisis coordinator; he also gets the Prime Minister to hold his hand in press conferences because he is out of touch. He is completely out of control on this issue. If there's one little adage that we can see from this, it's quite simply that you can lead Chris Bowen to water, but you can't make him think. We've given him the answers. We've shown him the pathway, but he refuses to listen, and he's putting energy security last. The DEPUTY SPEAKER 230531 Is the motion seconded? Mr Small 291406 I second the motion and reserve my right to speak. 10:36 Mr HOLZBERGER 88411 Forde I notice that the member for Groom has moved his motion and now has left the chamber, but, while I'm sure he's gone back to his room to follow this debate closely, it would have been nice to be able to address some of the things directly—through you, Deputy Speaker Buchholz—to him. There were so many things in his speech that it's difficult to know where to start. He talked about there being a lack of industrial complex in this country, but he didn't look at the past, and it's amazing that anybody from that side can stand up here and talk about our de-industrialisation—which occurred under decades of rule of people from that side. But the member for Groom must have been very pleased with his candidate in the ever-continuing leadership race within the Liberal-National coalition, the member for Canning, talking on Insiders yesterday about how this is not the time to make a last stand for neo-liberalism in Australia. I'm sure that the member for Groom was very pleased with that statement and with that interview. But it does ignore the fact that, at the moment, his leader, the Leader of the Opposition, and the shadow treasurer are the two warriors in this place for neo-liberalism. So I think the member for Canning and the member for the Groom would be rightly concerned that those two are wanting to make the last stand for neo-liberalism, because it is very much that approach that has left us in the situation we're in today. That approach saw four out of our six refineries close under them, and this nation would dearly love to have them at the moment. It is very much the former government's complete abnegation of a role in the energy transformation within Australia and its complete lack involvement in the development of those key assets that have landed us in this situation we're in today. When you look at what they want to do and you hear the member for Groom sneer at the role of the Minister for Climate Change and Energy, it really does, I think, indicate something. What I don't understand about the opposition is that it's a bit like one of those optical illusions. The opposition are trying to tell you that the lines aren't actually parallel, but the lines really are parallel when you take a look at it. Sometimes it can be so convincing that I just don't really know what they're getting at. Why would they want to get rid of the home battery scheme? They are so convincing, but, when you look at what they're trying to say, it just doesn't make any sense. They're just coming from this ideological position that somehow renewable energy has to be bad. Why would they get rid of the home battery scheme when it has resulted in 200,000 Australians now being able to basically take themselves off the grid? I don't get it. It is this approach, which they took through their time in government, that has meant that we have ended up in this situation we're in today. I wish I had a bit longer to talk about a lot of the good things that this government is doing. I was listening to the Minister for Climate Change and Energy yesterday when he was talking about what we've got here. The Minister for Climate Change and Energy said: Firstly, Australia now has 39 days of petrol, 1.6 billion litres, which is up very slightly. Diesel, 30 days, which is pretty flat at 2.7 billion litres. And jet fuel, 30 days also, 828 million litres. What that tells me is that while the fuel is flowing strongly out the door, especially to regional Australia, it also continues to flow in the door, that every expected arrival has arrived and that our international supply chain remains secure at this point, as we've said all the way along. That's important to reassure Australians. Instead of trying to reassure Australians, the opposition is more determined to make a political point and prove its ideological point than it is to actually look after the economy and look after the people of Australia. I think they should really take a bit of a hard look at themselves before they criticise the government any further. 10:42 Mr SMALL 291406 Forrest The saying goes: never waste a crisis. Indeed this is a crisis in Minister Bowen's own words. During a crisis, it's reasonable for Australians to look to their government for leadership, for options and for a plan. Instead of the spin and rhetoric that we heard from the 'minister for climate change and a little bit of energy', which was well spoken about by the member for Groom, I'd like today to focus on what the government isn't doing. The government isn't proposing serious policy reform that will enable Australia to once again be an energy independent, sovereign and resilient nation. How did we get here? We got here because net zero policies have prevented oil developments in Australia from being funded and financed. Our large banks have publicly and loudly declared since 2023 that they will no longer fund oil developments in Australia. Then we wonder why we are a nation that is dependent on imports from overseas for more than 90 per cent of our liquid fuels. Why are we not talking about banning those who hold banking and credit licences in Australia from defunding a legitimate and lawful exploitation of hydrocarbons in this country? That is action No. 1 the government could take today to set the conditions for Australia to resolve this crisis and emerge from it a stronger nation. Industry super funds and their activist directors that are plonked on company boards are more focused on DEI than they are on drilling. That needs to change and it needs to change now. This also caused a finance problem. Ultimately, our banks and finance companies responded to activist pressure. So let's bring on a real debate about limiting shareholder activism in Australia where it distracts companies from doing what they ought to be doing. Project approvals in this country for oil and gas developments are pushing towards a decade. Of course, that can blow out when they're subject to extensive lawfare. The use of AI and other technologies to get approvals down should be the goal of this government during this crisis. Why is it that we can't use AI to get projects approved in three months? Why is it that we see these endless and largely baseless, very vexatious appeals clogging up our courts and holding back our companies from developing energy infrastructure in Australia? Well, a big part of it is the Environmental Defenders Office that this government continues to feed money to. We saw most recently, in the case of the Barossa project, that the EDO and their cronies in the green movement had used a totally baseless so-called expert to hold up a billion-dollar project on the basis of an absolute fiction. That needs to stop, it needs to stop now and the government should be taking action in this respect. When it comes to the importation of oil and, indeed, everything that comes to and leaves this country in a ship, the obvious imperative is that we have a capability as a sovereign nation with skilled seafarers. It takes 10 years to train a ship's captain but only 18 months to build a tanker. The importance of starting this process today, during the depths of an energy crisis, can't be overstated. Every day LNG, coal and iron ore ships leave Australia bound for markets throughout South-East Asia, and we have an opportunity to get seafarers on those ships. If we adopted UK-style income tax exemptions for seafarers outside the country for more than 180 days a year, that would narrow the gap between employing Australians and employing international seafarers, ensure the government shares just a trifling amount of the cost, and set us up for long-term success. The answer isn't always more spending. That's where this government is going wrong, even in the depths of an energy crisis. Expedited approvals and creation of special economic zones, or even thinking about investment incentives in an industry focused way, rather than a geographically focused way, is the sort of big-picture thinking that you'd expect from a government who was prepared to lead this country out of a crisis with a view to leaving us stronger, more prosperous and more resilient as a country. Thinking differently about this means costing these sorts of initiatives differently as well. Ultimately, there's no taxation revenue to forgo where there is no industrial activity occurring in the first place. We need solutions from the government, and we're getting none. 10:47 Ms CAMPBELL 312823 Moreton What a truly bizarre contribution from the member for Forrest—extraordinary, bizarre and a bit wild. The member for Forrest has just got up here to bang on about denigrating net zero when net zero has given many, through an incredibly challenging time, electrification, which has helped inoculate them from an incredibly difficult time when it comes to fuel. The member for Forrest has gotten up attacking industry super—superannuation that the coalition, throughout their entire time in this place, have always spoken against, have always said that they didn't agree with. Superannuation is something, right now, that is securing the futures of millions of Australians across this country. The member for Forrest got up and started talking about cronies and DEI. I tell you what: right now is not the time for that kind of contribution, because right now is a serious time. Fuel is not just unleaded and it's not just diesel either. Fuel is what helps us get from home to work and back again, fuel is what helps us get produce from farms to the supermarket to people's tables, fuel is what helps cart the kids around to Saturday morning sports and fuel is what helps us make sure that Australians get the support they need when their health is in trouble. It is a critical part of our way of life in this country, and right now Australians are truly feeling the rise of those costs. They're feeling it at the hip pocket. They're also feeling it when they go to the grocery store. They're feeling it when they pay their bills. This is something that is impacting so many people and families across our country. It's important that we take that impact seriously and that we act, which is what the Albanese Labor government is doing. Right now there is a war in the Middle East. There is global uncertainty, and this is being felt not just in our country but in so many different places across the world. What that demands is not cheap talk. What that demands is not puffery from the member for Forrest. What it demands is a plan and putting that plan into action, and the Albanese Labor government has done just that. We are not only globally well placed but we have also focused on three core things to make sure that we can get Australians the relief that they need. First, we know that we need to get fuel into this country and we need to keep fuel in this country, and that's why the Albanese Labor government has temporarily amended the fuel standards. It's why we've released 20 per cent of the baseline stockholding, it's why we brought our reserves back to this country so that they could be accessed when Australians needed them and it's why we're underwriting the purchase of fuel being sold on international markets by the private sector. Second is getting fuel to the people who need it, and that's why we were in this place last week moving legislation to ensure that truck drivers are treated fairly and to ensure that the movement of goods is protected through a difficult time. It's why this government has been a driver of coordination not just between experts and between stakeholders but between leaders across our country, with a taskforce designed to make sure that we continue to coordinate, continue to take action and continue to roll out that plan. What beggars belief in this place is that those opposite oversaw the closure of two-thirds of the country's refineries. What beggars belief in this place is that the opposition stored fuel reserves on the other side of the globe, on the other side of the world, on another continent. And what beggars belief is that they oversaw the closures of urea facilities. Australians deserve better than that. 10:52 Mr REBELLO 316547 McPherson I rise today to speak on fuel security. Now, fuel security is not an abstract policy issue; it's a national security and economic stability issue impacting the daily life of Australians. Before I start, I'd like to just touch on the contribution of the member for Moreton. The member for Moreton said, 'Right now is a serious time.' I hope the member reminds the Prime Minister and the Minister for Climate Change and Energy that it is a serious time the next time that they enter this chamber during question time. They avoid answering our questions and they laugh in the opposition's face. I hope that the member reminds the Prime Minister and the Minister for Climate Change and Energy that this is in fact a serious time. Right now as a country, and this motion touches on this, we are quite dangerously exposed. As a country, we're importing over 90 per cent of our refined fuel, and we hold some of the lowest reserves in the OECD. That's very important because it leaves us vulnerable to global shocks, to conflict and to supply disruptions and, when that happens, it's not just Canberra that feels it; it's families, it's farmers, it's truckies and it's regional communities. At a time when we are uncertain about fuel supply in this country, we're seeing mixed messages coming from those opposite. First, it was 'no problem' then we heard 'don't panic' then we heard, 'Oh, it's the fault of Australians who are going out and buying too much petrol.' Now we're hearing language surrounding a national crisis, with advice to people across the country to work from home. Not only does that kind of mixed messaging provide uncertainty but it also undermines the level of confidence that I think Australians require at this time from their government, because, if supply is truly strong, why is it that shipments are being cancelled or delayed? Why are Australians being told to change their behaviour? Why are fuel stations running out of petrol? On Friday I received contact from constituents to advise me that in my electorate of McPherson on of the most well-known fuel stations down the southern end in Bilinga had gone through this experience, and my understanding is that they continue to do so. This points to a system failure in relation to distribution, not just supply. The coalition has been trying to bring the government to act for some time over the last few weeks, and now we're seeing in this place that, despite the fact that we've had four out of the last five weeks sitting here in Canberra, we have a situation where the government is looking to all of a sudden wake up to the fact that there is a fuel crisis and to try and get some legislation through the parliament. Let's not forget that ensuring fuel gets through the system is the responsibility of the minister. But what are we seeing? We're seeing this part-time energy minister instead outsourcing responsibility to taskforces, to the ACCC, to people who don't always believe in fuel itself. The coalition has come out in support of halving the fuel excise, and I say to every Australian to look at their representatives, especially those who have representatives who are members of the government. They should be able to look at them and tell them that for every single day that the Prime Minister doesn't do that Australians are paying an extra $16 million in fuel right in the midst of a fuel crisis. When fuel doesn't reach where it's needed and when supply is low and the costs are high, we see a whole heap of other consequences. We see food production being disrupted, regional economies disrupted, freight slowing and many other consequences. The coalition has in the past recognised fuel security as a national vulnerability. This happened during COVID. We saved Australia's last two refineries, legislated the Fuel Security Act, introduced the minimum stockholding obligation and delivered a 40 per cent increase in diesel reserves. We can't have the government's endless pursuit of net zero coming at the cost of basic supply security. That's why I say to this government: come to the table, get some action on the plate and let's address this issue for the benefit of Australians. 10:57 Ms MASCARENHAS 298800 Swan I recognise that households, businesses and farmers are facing fuel uncertainty right now, and I know that this is something that is having rippling affects across Australia. The thing that I also know is that the people of Australia recognise that it was not the Australian government that organised the closure of the Strait of Hormuz and that it's not because of the Australian government decisions or actions. What we are seeing right now is the largest disruption to global energy supply since the 1970s. This is a crisis that we are currently living through which has been triggered by a war, a war that has blocked the channel through which 20 per cent of the world's oil passes. Australians deserve to know that this government is a government that is listening and acting, and we are continuing to act immediately and decisively. We're doing this because we recognise that farmers, truckies, regional families and those people in cities as well are feeling what is happening at the fuel pumps right now. Interestingly, the motion that is before us calls for actions that we have actually already taking. Minimum stockholding obligations—we've implemented them. The minimum stockholding obligation covers 98 per cent of all diesel and 100 per cent of petrol and jet fuel in Australia, and we strengthened the diesel requirements further in 2024. On the question of transparent reporting, we publish the MSO stock data every Saturday. When the crisis hit, we moved fast. We released 762 million litres from the strategic reserve. We amended the fuel quality standards to unlock a further 100 million litres of fuel supply per month. We have also convened the National Oil Supplies Emergency Committee six times since 1 March. And this weekend the Prime Minister announced that the government will underwrite additional fuel shipments directly, carrying the financial risk so that suppliers can secure cargoes that otherwise could not be afforded. This is legislation that will be introduced into the House today. Independent energy analysts have called this the right move. We are making changes to protect Australia's security. But those opposite deserve a moment because they brought this motion. Four refineries closed under the coalition. Two of them closed while the current opposition leader was the energy minister. When BP closed the Kwinana refinery, the only refinery in Western Australia, he said: Closure of the refinery will not negatively impact Australia's fuel supplies. When ExxonMobil closed Altona, he said it again. He was wrong. And, rather than build storage here, the coalition spent $100 million storing oil—less than two days of Australia's supply—in Texas, 14,000 km away on an entirely different continent and in a different hemisphere. The people of Australia are not watching this debate to see who scores points. They're watching because they are worried, because they are filling up the tank and watching the number climb, and because fuel prices flow through to groceries, to freight and to everything on the shelf. The pressure is real, and that's why we've empowered the ACCC with strengthened penalties to go after price gouging. It is why we targeted relief specifically at regional areas, where supply chains are the longest. It's why this government has delivered tax cuts for all 14 million Australian taxpayers, with the average worker to be around $43 a week better off from 1 July. This motion condemns the government for failing to act. The facts say otherwise. We implemented the obligations that they only promised. We kept open refineries that they let close. We store fuel here, not in Texas. But the most important thing that I can say is not about them; it's about the families in our electorates, the farmers in regional WA and the truckies keeping this country moving. Australia needs a government that's focused on them and not on fighting the opposition. That's what we're doing. We're fighting for the good people of Australia. 11:02 Mr PASIN 240756 Barker I rise to speak on this motion, and I do so at a time when Australia's fuel security is not just under pressure but dangerously exposed. Our nation is a nation that runs on diesel—the mining sector, the agriculture sector, the transport sector. I think everyone in this place can agree on that—in fact, there is no argument. But politics is the art of knowing what comes next. The problem we have with the Minister for Climate Change and Energy, and the Prime Minister as well, is not that they don't know what comes next; it's that they don't know what just happened. That's the problem. I had the privilege of sitting in this place during one of the most challenging times in our nation's history, COVID—as did you, Deputy Speaker Buchholz. I know, from being around tables where senior decision-makers were making decisions during that crisis, that they weren't focused on what was happening 'just now'; they were focused on what was about to happen and what was going to happen after that. You see, that is the point. We have a minister for climate change and energy who, for a couple of weeks, said: 'Crisis? What crisis? There's no crisis—nothing to see here.' I don't think he just said that in question time. From what we can see now, that was informing his decisions day by day. So, at the time when critical decisions had to be made to get in front of the curve—not flatten the curve but get in front of the curve—he was sitting down, presumably with his head in the sand, going: 'No problem. It'll all go away.' Now, the member for Swan just made an interesting contribution. I think she used the word 'crisis' about a dozen times. Do you know what? Those opposite—and particularly the minister—have been mugged by reality. He's been mugged by the reality that it actually is a crisis. You know when you pull up to a petrol station and the bowser's on empty? I had this experience myself. This was about four weeks ago. I was coming back to Canberra; I was travelling from Mount Gambier to Adelaide. I had about 100 kilometres of fuel, and I thought, 'Oh, just pull into Naracoorte and fill up.' Well, guess what? There was no fuel in Naracoorte. I could barely believe it. I posted a photograph about that, and, lo and behold, 200-odd thousand people looked at that photograph. I made it, just, to Keith, a hundred kilometres down the road. And never ever in my life have I had that experience. Plenty of times I've had the experience where I've thought, 'Look, Tony, you've overcooked it; you won't make it to the next town,' but I've never had to think at the same time, 'Gee, I hope that town has fuel.' Unbelievable! The reality is: those opposite have now been mugged by reality. If we're talking about what comes next, can I say to those opposite: supply is one problem—it's the pre-eminent and first priority, of course, because, without supply, as I said, a nation that runs on diesel grinds to a halt—but let's talk about price right now. I spent Saturday morning with a business operator who, in fact, I sat next to in year 8, all the way back when. He runs South West Freight, a small to medium trucking enterprise. You're familiar with this industry, Mr Deputy Speaker Buchholz. His fuel bill has gone from $5 million a year to $10 million a year. He's looking at trucks parked up in his yard. I then, over the course of the weekend, had the great opportunity to meet up with some dairy farmers in my electorate. A heap of them came to a particular dairy because they knew I was going to catch up with one farmer, and one dairy farmer said, 'Tony, we run 11 diesel engines.' This is a dairy farm that's not on the grid—not because they want to be green; they're just simply not on the grid. They have to rely on diesel generation for the electricity to run their pumps, their irrigation systems and, indeed, the dairy. These aren't people that can pass these prices on. So, in effect, what we have is that those opposite—who have spent the large share of the last decade demonising fossil fuels and the people that drill for them, refine them and deliver them to our economy—right now are asking for forgiveness and praying that the very people they've demonised over the course of the last decade can get them out of this very, very hot water. To those opposite: Accept our proposal to reduce fuel taxes in this country. Give Australians some relief. And do it today. 11:07 Ms TEMPLEMAN 181810 Macquarie We, the Albanese government, are looking at every practical measure that we can to shield Australians from the very worst of this global uncertainty. And, globally, it is a crisis. What we're seeing at home is the need to really manage not just the supply of fuel that comes to our shores, but also the distribution, so that it fairly gets around our country. National Cabinet is convening again today, to further coordinate activity and make sure that we have national consistency. We know Australians are following events in the Middle East, and we also know that they are seeing and feeling the consequences here at home. In my own electorate—a peri-urban electorate, where you can't easily switch to public transport for every purpose—we are really feeling the effects of an uneven distribution of fuel, and certainly, in the last week or two, that has had its impacts. In my area, where we have agriculture, many construction workers and many, many tradies, we need to see steady diesel, as well as petrol. That, of course, is the role that, together, at a federal and state level, working with the industry, we will be aiming to achieve. I think it's obvious to all of us that, the longer this goes on, the more significant the impact will be. The longer the Middle East war goes on, the harder it will get for us. And so our job, as a government, is not just to think about now, and the immediate needs, but also to think forward and to make sure that our farmers, and communities like mine, our more regional communities, can all get the fuel that they need. I want to particularly talk about one part of my community, and that's the Hawkesbury turf growers. A major concern for them is ensuring that their businesses, which use diesel in every part of the business—on the tractors, on the mowers, on the pumps, on the harvesters, on the trucks—have access to a supply. I want to ensure that when we talk about distributing diesel across the country, we don't forget the peri-urban areas, which are so dependent on it. Like everyone, they are increasing prices and resorting to temporary levies for their clients to cover it, but it's a big issue for jobs that are some way off but have already been quoted before this fuel price rise and availability hit. There are also cases of turf growers getting yelled at when they go to petrol stations with their regular vehicles, their regular trucks and containers to get their diesel fuel. I want to encourage people to think about how it's not just day-to-day drivers, mums and dads driving kids around; we've got turf growers, agricultural people, the equine sector who all have a pattern of accessing their fuel. They are doing what they always do at the petrol station. They deserve respect for that and they deserve to be able to access the normal supplies that they normally would. As the member for Macquarie, my job is to raise these issues with the government, and that's what I've been doing. I'm very pleased to see the things that we've done to support consumers. We have passed new laws to double the penalties for petrol companies that are taking unfair advantage of this situation. We have the new National Fuel Supply Taskforce. Its coordinator, Anthea Harris, has been working to ensure that all the different bits of the system are talking together. It's absolutely crucial that that happens. We have released 20 per cent of Australia's fuel reserves, and that has been particularly targeted at regional areas. We have temporarily changed petrol and diesel standards so more fuel can flow. That's why there is a supply of fuel now. That's why it isn't a crisis here, but there are distribution issues that are impacting the ease and readiness with which people have been able to access it. We have also made it easier for Australia's refineries to access government funding when they run at a loss, because we don't want any brakes on their ability to produce. After we suffered the opposition in government for nearly a decade, the two refineries that remain are vital to our supply, and we are supporting them. We have also indicated a change to the law so that we can bring more fuel and we can help subsidise or underwrite whatever mechanism is needed to bring fuel in offshore. These are practical things, and we will do everything that is needed. The DEPUTY SPEAKER 230531 There being no further speakers, the time allotted for this debate has expired. The debate is adjourned and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting. Trade with the European Union 26 11:13 Mr REPACHOLI 298840 Hunter I move: That this House: (1) recognises: (a) the conclusion of negotiations between Australia and the European Union (EU) to secure a free trade agreement, which will: (i) deliver significant economic benefits to Australian consumers, workers, producers and exporters by opening the doors of the EU's $30 trillion economy and 450 million consumers; (ii) eliminate tariffs on almost all Australian exports to the EU; (iii) guarantee new and significant market access for Australian farmers and producers, creating more well paid jobs here at home; and (iv) reduce costs for Australian consumers and businesses by making imports from the EU cheaper by cutting tariffs; and (b) that the Australia-EU Free Trade Agreement will make EU investment in Australia easier, creating more jobs and supporting economic growth; and (2) notes that in times of turbulence in global trade, Australia is strengthening our partnerships across the world. The conclusion of negotiations on a free trade agreement between Australia and the European Union is not just another trade deal; it's a landmark agreement that opens the door to one of the largest, wealthiest markets in the world—450 million people and a combined economy worth around $30 trillion. At a time when global trade is becoming more uncertain and competitive, this agreement sends a clear message: Australia is outward looking, confident and committed to strengthening partnerships with like-minded economies. For too long, many Australian industries, especially in agriculture, have faced barriers to the EU market. Tariffs, quotas, complex regulations have made it difficult for our producers to compete on a level playing field. This agreement changes that. It will eliminate tariffs in a vast majority of Australian exports, making our products more competitive, affordable and accessible across Europe. For regions like the Hunter, this is an absolute game-changer. The Hunter is one of Australia's great economic regions. It is diverse, resilient and proud. It is home to not only world-class coal and energy exports but also to thriving agriculture, advanced manufacturing, tourism, Australia's finest thoroughbreds and one of the most iconic wine regions in this country. We are known for wines, mines and equines. Hunter Valley wine is recognised globally for its quality, heritage and unique character, but, despite that reputation, access to European markets has not always been straightforward. This agreement will change that by removing tariffs on Australian wine exports, helping our winemakers compete more effectively in a valuable and high-income market. That means more opportunities for our vineyards, more certainty for our producers and more jobs flowing through local communities, from cellar doors to logistics and hospitality. It's not just wine; this agreement delivers significant benefits across the broader agriculture sector as well. It removes tariffs on products such as dairy, grains, horticulture, honey and processed food, while improving access for beef and sheepmeat through expanded quotas. For farmers across the Hunter and regional New South Wales, this opens a market that has been effectively closed for decades. It means greater diversification for export markets, something that is critical in today's global environment. It means reducing reliance on a single trading partner and strengthening economic resilience. It also means creating more well-paid jobs right here at home. The benefits do not stop at agriculture. The Hunter is also a region at the forefront of Australia's energy transition. From traditional energy exports to emerging industries like hydrogen and critical minerals, the region is positioning itself as a key player in the future of global energy. This agreement supports that transition by eliminating tariffs on Australian energy and resources exports, including critical minerals and hydrogen, and by providing greater certainty for investors. That is crucial. Attracting investment will drive new projects, industries and jobs in regions like the Hunter. Under this agreement, investment flows between Australia and the European Union will become easier, helping to unlock that potential. We also know that modern economies are not built on goods alone. Services, from education and tourism to financial and professional services, are a growing part of Australia's export story. This agreement creates new opportunities for Australian service providers by making it easier to operate in the European Union, including through streamlined recognition of professional qualifications and improved mobility of workers. That means more opportunities for Aussies to take their skills to the world and bring that experience back home. This agreement will also deliver benefits to Australian consumers. By reducing tariffs on imports from the EU, it will also lower costs for businesses and provide Australians with access to a wider range of more affordable goods, from machinery to vehicles and everyday household products. This agreement is about more than trade figures and tariff schedules. It's about people. It's about winemakers in the Hunter looking to expand into new markets. It's about farmers seeking a fairer price for their product. It's about the worker who benefits from new jobs created by increased export and investment. It's about ensuring that all Australia remains competitive, resilient and prosperous in a rapidly changing global economy. In times of turbulence, we do not turn inward; we reach outward. We build stronger partnerships. We open new doors and we back Australian industries to succeed on the world stage. This agreement does exactly that. I commend the motion to the House. The DEPUTY SPEAKER 230531 Is the motion seconded? Mr Neumann HVO I second the motion and reserve my right to speak. 11:18 Mr PASIN 240756 Barker I rise to speak on this motion because, quite frankly, I want to set the record straight. What we're being asked to recognise today by those opposite is not a triumph for Australian producers because, on any fair reading, this agreement falls short for the very people who grow our food and fibre. The government wants to tell Australians this agreement will open doors, but I'm here to tell you too many of our farmers will see those doors slammed firmly in their faces. Don't take my word for it; let's examine what the industry itself has said, because they're the people at the coalface. It's not the Minister for Trade and Tourism; it's the farmers, the foresters, the food producers otherwise in this country. Here they are. They've passed judgement on this agreement. The National Farmers' Federation has been very clear. They've described the outcome as incredibly disappointing and warned that it fails to deliver meaningful new access for key agricultural exports. The Australian wine grape growers, an industry peak close to my heart—not because I'm a huge consumer of their product, but I represent more wine by value or volume than any other person in this place. What have they said? They've said that, after years of negotiation, they expected better. From the red-meat sector, the backbone of so many regional communities, the message is even more direct. The sheepmeat producers of Australia have said this agreement has sold them out. Trust me; from an agricultural peak, that's strong language. Think about it. It has sold them out. That's language you don't hear often. The Australian Forest Products Association has also been pointed in their criticism. It's hardly a ringing endorsement when they say it lacks opportunity, and I'm worried about the risk of cheap European imports flooding our market. So, when the motion claims the agreement will 'guarantee new and significant market access', we have to ask: where is it? Because the evidence from those on the ground—those that work in these industries, selling their product internationally, 24/7, can't see it. What I see instead is a pattern: high expectations, rushing off to a press release, slow delivery and a government more interested in headlines than outcomes. This agreement was settled, I'd argue, so the Prime Minister could get a selfie with another world leader. While Labor celebrate tariff reductions, they ignore the reality that tariffs were never the real barrier in the first place. Quotas, standards, protectionist measures and settings remain firmly in place, limiting the ability of Australian producers to compete on a level playing field in any event. This is a fundamental problem. You can't claim success by pointing to theoretical access when, in practice, our producers still can't get their product into the market at meaningful volumes. And let's be clear. Regional Australians and the farmers and the fibre producers of this nation don't want symbolic wins. They can't pay their mortgages or, in fact, their diesel bills with symbolic achievements or outcomes. They need economic outcomes that deliver. In my electorate of Barker, I can assure you I meet with farmers, growers and processors every single week. They want fair access, they want certainty and they want a government that's prepared to stand up for them at the negotiating table. Instead, what they see is a deal that concedes too much and delivers too little. Let's look at just one of the things that were conceded in this agreement. It hasn't received much attention, but I've got to tell you it sparked my interest. In one of the articles in this agreement, there was an undertaking to phase out fossil fuel subsidies. When I read the words 'fossil fuel subsidies', I can only think they're talking about the diesel fuel rebates that apply for farmers who use their equipment off road. Now, if you're talking about conceding too much, there it is. That phrase in itself should send shivers down the spines of Australian farmers. This is a government that's prepared to throw away the diesel fuel rebate—in many cases, the only thing that keeps farmers viable. 11:23 Mr NEUMANN HVO Blair I thank the member for Hunter for this important motion and acknowledge his strong commitment to the regions and to our farmers and producers not only in the Hunter but across Australia. We've been in power for four years. The coalition was in power for four years before that during the negotiations. It couldn't land this agreement. So it's petty and mean spirited that the coalition continue to whine and moan and carp and whinge about this agreement when, if they had landed this agreement, the new Jerusalem would have been achieved. Valhalla has arrived, heaven on earth is here—if they had landed this agreement. But of course they're whingeing and moaning and carping. This is so typical of the Liberal and National parties when Labor does trade agreements. We've signed a landmark, once-in-a-generation trade agreement with the European Union, the world's second-largest economy. Where's the Liberal and National parties' trade nationalism? Where's their 'team Australia' they used to give us lectures about when they were in government? They are over there whingeing and carping and moaning. The Australia-EU trade agreement will lower trade and investment barriers between Australia and the EU, a massive $30 trillion economy with around 450 million people. It's a terrific outcome. It's worth $10 billion for the Australian economy on an annual basis. Of course, our relationship with Europe is grounded in a shared belief in democratic institutions, human rights and inclusive societies. This world's a pretty unpredictable place at the moment, and the best way to navigate it is with those who have like-minded attitudes and with middle partners like the European Union and the countries that make it up. That's why, last year, the government committed to stepping up our cooperation with the EU. This is a comprehensive, balanced, commercially meaningful agreement that will reduce costs for Australian consumers, open up new markets—those opposite can't deny that—to Australian producers and diversify our trade. It's a win-win. It removes tariffs on key Australian exports, including wine, seafood and horticulture. It means our clean, green, high-quality Australian produce, including beef, lamb, dairy, rice and sugar, will have access to consumers in the European market. It's good for my home state, with more Australian beef and sheepmeat produced by Queenslanders destined for European supermarkets. Local beef farmers in my electorate will benefit from greater opportunities. Two of the country's biggest meat processors, JBS Dinmore in Ipswich and Kilcoy Global Foods based in Kilcoy and Coominya, in the Somerset Region, have the opportunity for more market access to the EU. These businesses employ thousands of people in my electorate, and now there's greater opportunity. This is a hard-fought agreement which will benefit Australian consumers and businesses and provide more choice in goods and services at cheaper prices, including important inputs for our manufacturing and primary industry sectors. The services sector will also benefit. It's worth nearly $10 billion to the Australian economy. The agreement provides greater opportunities for suppliers, investors and professionals. That's critical as well. It's worth noting that our growing relationship with Europe extends beyond trade and investment. Last week, the government also announced the signing of the new Australia-European Union Security and Defence Partnership, which will strengthen cooperation across the defence industry, maritime security and cybersecurity as well as countering terrorism and disinformation. I note that those opposite and some industry groups have been critical of the beef and sheepmeat quotas in the agreement, so I want to point out a few facts. When we were elected in 2022, beef exports in total were worth $9 billion. They're now $18 billion, or double that, and growing. Last year, our beef exports to the EU were 4,000 tonnes. This agreement provides guaranteed preferential access for 35,000 tonnes, more than eight times the current export, in a market we've been largely locked out of for the last 30 years. People would take years and years to be able to eat an Australian steak. As part of the agreement, there is an ability to go back to see if we can increase volumes and get a better outcome in the future. For sheepmeat, the agreement allows for nearly 31,000 tonnes, or five times our current market access. Where are the NFF on this? They should be supporting this agreement, not criticising it. Overwhelmingly, this is a good deal for Australia, and agriculture has come out in support of it. Ninety-five per cent of the industry supports it. Ultimately, the government has made a balanced judgement and a national interest assessment of the deal in its totality. Given the improved offers we've received from the Europeans, the timing and the need to send a message together that we still believe in free trade over protectionism, now was the time to sign this agreement. And here's the rub: the trade agreement the Europeans have just signed with India has no agricultural access at all. No future agreement that the EU enters into will achieve that agricultural access, so this is a good agreement. 11:29 Mr VENNING 315434 Grey I stand here today to speak for the pastoralists and broadacre farmers in regional, rural and remote Australia—the hardworking men and women who wake up before the sun to feed this nation and, indeed, the world. Right now, those farmers are feeling a deep sense of disappointment. Actually, let's call it what it is: they feel betrayed. The government has sold out Australian agriculture with this unfair deal with the European Union. It says in front of me and behind me that this is an EU free trade deal. What is free about quotas, tariffs and other trade restrictions? Remember that in the EU they subsidise their farmers. This agreement was pushed through during a crisis and it is a missed opportunity. As I said last week, it's a dog's breakfast. But, for variety today, I'll call it a dog's dinner. The EU continues to protect its own interests while Australia's left picking up the tab once again. Our trade minister gave up too easily. He stayed at the table when he should have walked away. No deal would have been better than this bad deal. Instead, we have a lopsided arrangement that treats world-class producers as second-class citizens. It's not just me and the coalition howling at the moon; this is coming from industry, the very people we should be listening to. Meat and Livestock Australia said: Australia's red meat sector has been profoundly let down by this outcome. … … … To land a deal so far below what other suppliers have secured is genuinely bewildering. The Australian Meat Industry Council said: The meat industry has worked tirelessly and been very clear with the Australian Government about the importance of a meaningful outcome in an agreement with the European Union. This outcome is worse than those achieved by Australia's competitors, and it caps and restricts Australia's trade. The NFF said: … farmers will rightly be concerned that after years of negotiations this deal hasn't delivered commercially meaningful access for Australian agricultural exports. They will now pay the price for this subpar EU deal for decades to come. Australian wine grape growers said that, after years of negotiation, they 'expected better'. Let's look at the numbers, because the maths simply does not add up for our regions. Let's consider the beef sector. This agreement allows just over 30,000 tonnes of access over the next decade. Our industry experts were crystal clear that 50,000 tonnes was the absolute minimum required to stay competitive. This is stark reading. On sheepmeat the result is just as insulting. We got 25,000 tonnes, while New Zealand sits on over 160,000 tonnes. How does the government explain that? Did our negotiators forget how to use a calculator or did they just stop caring? Our sheep farmers continue to take blow after blow—first the killing of the live meat trade and now this. It's just like how this Labor government is putting further restrictions on our law-abiding gun owners. The member for Hunter has again drawn the short straw, having to bring up this deal in parliament on behalf of his constituents as a regional MP. Who gave him his script? Who put the poor bloke up to this? Because I can tell you that it certainly wasn't farmers. If the member for Hunter, who I have a great deal of respect for, thinks the industry likes this deal, he's been spending too much time in the cafes and not the paddocks. Every major red meat group in this country is devastated. Asking the member for Hunter to defend this deal is like asking a vegan to promote a steakhouse; it's awkward for everyone involved. The truth is that the government signed off on this deal far too easily because they desperately wanted a distraction. They wanted a shiny headline to hide the fact that the economy is weak and that fuel supplies are under threat. They wanted to pretend everything is fine when we all know that it is not. But their plan has backfired. We had a real chance to make trade fair, and we totally blew it. We need to start putting Australians' interests first. Our farmers deserve a government that fights for them, not a government that signs every piece of paper that is put in front of it. 11:33 Ms SWANSON 264170 Paterson This Australia-European Union free trade agreement—let's face it—has been 10 years in the making. I sit in this place today and hear those opposite bemoan this deal, but they couldn't get one. They couldn't ink a deal with the Europeans. We have. In what could have been a glorious, magnificent Team Australia moment, once again the coalition are carping and being negative. They just can't come to the Team Australia party, and what a shame it is for our farmers. This is a once-in-a-generation opportunity. As Chair of the House of Representatives Standing Committee on Primary Industries, which until this term was known as the ag committee, I'm constantly reminded of the strength, resilience, ingenuity and grit of our ag sector. I spent the weekend with my friends in western New South Wales. I went to farewell an old friend, but spent a lot of time with very long-time friends, who are all in the ag sector. They are some of the best people. They produce some of the highest quality food, produce and fibre the world knows. They're efficient, sustainable and innovative. But for too long many of them have faced a simple reality: no matter how good their product is, some of the world's most valuable markets have been effectively out of reach. That's what makes this agreement so significant. For decades, the European Union has been a market that was, in practice, closed to many Australian ag exports. High tariffs and restrictive quotas limited our ability to compete. This agreement changes that. It opens the door to a market of about 450 million high-income consumers—people who value quality, provenance and sustainability, which are all the hallmarks of Australian agriculture. Importantly, it gives our producers a fairer chance to compete. The agreement will eliminate the vast majority of EU tariffs on Australian ag products. That includes key exports such as wine, most dairy and rice products, tree nuts, horticulture, honey, olive oil, processed foods and cereals, like wheat and barley. Removing these tariffs is not just a technical change. It has real, practical consequences. It reduces the price of Australian products on the shelf in European markets. It makes our exports more competitive. It helps level the playing field with other countries that already enjoy preferential access. For some products, it will open the European market to Australian exporters for the very first time. It means new customers for our producers. It means greater confidence to invest, expand and innovate, and it means more jobs and stronger economies in our regional communities. Of course, not every product will immediately benefit from full duty-free access. But, even in these areas, the agreement delivers meaningful gains. For products such as beef, sheepmeat, rice and sugar the agreement locks in new and improved access through expanded tariff rate quotas. That is important, because it means increased volumes that can enter the EU market under more favourable conditions—again giving our producers greater opportunity to grow their presence in that market over time. These are practical, tangible outcomes that will make a difference on the ground. The agreement is also about diversification. In the increasingly uncertain global trading environment we are witnessing at the moment it is more important than ever that Australia broadens its export markets. By strengthening our access to the European Union—the world's second-largest single economy, interestingly—we reduce our reliance on any single market and build greater resilience in our ag sector. For our farmers, diversification isn't an abstract concept. It's about managing risk. It's about ensuring that, when conditions change in one market, there are opportunities to turn to. This agreement helps deliver that security. It also reinforces Australia's reputation as a trusted supplier of high-quality agricultural products. European customers are discerning. They care about where their food is produced. They care about traceability, animal welfare and sustainability, and these are areas where Australia really excels. By improving access to this market, we're not only increasing exports but showcasing the very best of what Australian ag has to offer. I do want to send a quick shout-out to the prosecco producers, because I know prosecco was one of the really important points of this negotiation. We've kept that very important Italian heritage here, in Australia. We know that it's a really important part of what you do. Thank you for doing it. 11:38 Ms ALDRED 11788 Monash I'm proud to represent a region that grows, makes and manufactures things the rest of our country rely on. From protein to pellets, our products—and they are world-leading products made by world-leading people—are sought after from the Middle East to South-East Asia. I'm proud that our region produces 23 per cent of Australia's milk output. I'm proud that our region produces about 26 per cent of Victoria's beef production. These are very high-quality products. I also believe that opening access to international markets is good for my region because it gives it access to countries around the world. We just can't eat everything we produce in my region. We export about two-thirds of what we produce in this country, and that's a good thing. I belong to a coalition that have a proud record of winning free trade agreements, from India to Japan, Korea, China and the United States. I commend Prime Ministers Howard, Abbott, Turnbull and Morrison. In fact, before entering this place, I was in New Zealand and I listened to a speech by the then opposition leader and now prime minister of New Zealand, Christopher Luxon. He said that, through COVID, what Australia did so well was go around the world—and that was under a coalition government—and sign up to free trade agreements. He said to the audience I was in that, if he were elected to government, that is something he would very much want to do on behalf of New Zealand, and I note that he's going ahead and doing that very, very well. But I have a few issues with this free trade agreement. I was at Farm World on the weekend, which is one of Australia's best agricultural field days, and I said to my dairy farmers, 'What do you think of this free trade agreement?' They said: 'Mary, it's no good for us. Mary, we've been sold a pup.' It is no good for dairy farmers in Monash. It's no good for dairy farmers in the Gippsland region, and I dare say it's no good for dairy farmers across Australia. For regions like ours, dairy is the backbone of industry and it really matters. It's not just an industry, though; it's jobs, it's families, it's small businesses—it is an ecosystem that's interconnected, and they are all relying on our dairy farmers to do their very best. This free trade deal is a bad deal dressed up as progress. I've got a number of issues with it. A lot of dairy farmers will say to me, 'We are not price-makers; we are price-takers on the international market,' and this deal puts them at a significant disadvantage. The government are calling this a win for beef, but for Monash farmers it doesn't stack up. The 35,000-tonne beef quota falls well short of expectations and is less than what other countries have secured. I've got to ask: Why has the Prime Minister allowed that to happen? Why has he put dairy and beef farmers at a disadvantage to other farmers around the world who seem to have gotten a far better deal? This is a big issue for my electorate. It's a big issue for South Gippsland, where there are seven dairy cows to every one resident, so you can see just how much of a significant issue this is. But I did speak to my dairy farmers at Farm World on the weekend, and they are dealing with rising fuel costs, with fertiliser pressures and with increasing imports that are squeezing margins that were already compressed. Their concerns go to farm profitability, processors and regional jobs. On fertiliser, I've got to say that we had the opportunity to have a coal-to-fertiliser project in the Latrobe Valley, but what has taken six years to get up in Victoria, under the Victorian state Labor government, took six months in New Zealand. That project proponent said: 'You know what? Victoria and Australia are just too hard to do business with, so we'll go somewhere else that will welcome us with open arms and that wants to welcome jobs and investment and sovereign capability.' They've just done that in New Zealand. When we're looking at free trade, sovereign capability or jobs and investment in Australia, it is not a good deal that the government have cut here with the EU, and on a day-to-day basis they are not doing a good deal in the interests of dairy farmers, beef producers and small businesses right across our economy. Australians deserve better. 11:44 Ms BELYEA 309484 Dunkley Last week I had the honour of being in this chamber to hear Ursula von der Leyen, President of the European Commission, speak about the importance of alliances in a world that is becoming more uncertain day by day. Her message was clear, and it is one Australians understand instinctively: strong nations are built on strong partnerships. At a time of growing global instability, deepening our ties with trusted allies isn't optional. It is essential to our prosperity, our security and our future. That is why the agreements signed just last week, after eight long years of negotiations, matter. These agreements include a comprehensive free trade agreement, a new security and defence partnership, and Australia joining Horizon Europe, the world's largest research and innovation program. These agreements will help shape Australia's future, but they are not abstract ideas. They have real meaning for real communities, including Dunkley and the greater south-east region of Victoria. So, what does the EU free trade deal mean for Dunkley? It means opportunity. It means backing 'made in Australia'. It means making sure what we produce here can be sold, can be scaled and can succeed globally. Dunkley is built on small businesses, skilled workers and growing industries. For my community, this deal is about jobs that last, investment that sticks and growth that benefits local families, not just balance sheets. Earlier this month, I met with the Greater South East Melbourne manufacturing network. GSEM represents manufacturers across one of the fastest-growing regions, a region that contributes around $85 billion in gross regional product. The south-east of Victoria is Australia's manufacturing powerhouse. It employs more manufacturing workers than any other region in the country and supports thousands of local businesses, and, the truth is, we are only just scratching the surface of what is possible, particularly in advanced manufacturing and highly skilled, well-paid jobs. That is why a strong trade deal with the European Union matters. It opens the door to one of the world's largest markets. It attracts new investment and it helps local businesses adopt the technologies they need to grow and compete. In my role as the MP for Dunkley, I also work closely with the Committee for Frankston and Mornington Peninsula. Through the committee, I see firsthand the opportunities across our region for everyone from food producers to winemakers to local agribusiness. This agreement helps unlock the investment our region deserves—investment that matches our ambition and our potential. There is no doubt this deal will deliver growth and opportunity in Dunkley and across Australia, but this agreement is about more than growth. It's about resilience. The world is changing fast. Supply chains are shifting. Strategic competition is intensifying. Australia must be smart and deliberate about how we protect our economic strength and national sovereignty. One of the clearest lessons from the pandemic was the risk of relying on too few partners. When global systems failed, Australians paid the price. We learned a simple lesson: diversification is not ideology; it is insurance. That is exactly what these agreements deliver. They reduce risk, they strengthen resilience, and they ensure Australia is not dependent on a single market but connected to a network of trusted partners. Importantly, these agreements are built on relationships this government has worked hard to rebuild. Turning inward does not make us safer. Cooperation does. Trust does. Partnerships do. For the people of Dunkley, this is about being part of a future where local businesses grow, innovation thrives and workers have secure, well-paid jobs. It's a future where Australia stands strong—not alone but alongside partners who share our values and our ambitions. 11:49 Mr WILLCOX 286535 Dawson The member for Hunter stood before this House and painted a picture of promised lands and open doors, but, for the farmers of North Queensland, the reality is that they've been left shivering on the welcome mat. We're told that this agreement opens a $30 trillion economy. Yet, when you look at the fine print, the only thing that's been opened is our own flank, to heavily subsidised foreign competition. This is not a free trade agreement; it is a national surrender. And to call it success is to deliberately ignore the pain that it will inflict on regional Australia. In my electorate of Dawson, sugar is the lifeblood of our towns. We are the largest cane-growing region in the country and we expected that our government would fight for the people who feed this nation. Instead, we've watched as the Labor government walked into a room with professionals and behaved like amateurs. CANEGROWERS CEO Dan Galligan said that to only secure an additional 35,000 tonnes of sugar quota, which is less than two per cent of Europe's import requirement, is 'laughable'. He was right to call this 'a horrendous outcome'. When Brazil and its partners walked away with a deal four times larger, it was clear that this Labor government has locked our growers into a subpar deal for the next generation. The National Farmers' Federation has been crystal clear, saying, 'Our producers will be paying the price for this capitulation for decades.' Look at the red meat sector. Cattle Australia chair Gary Edwards described this EU trade deal as an 'appalling result'. It is an insult to the hardworking cattle men and women of Dawson, who have been asked to compete with one hand tied behind their backs. It gets even more absurd when you look at the trade imbalance being forced upon our dairy industry. Australian Dairy Industry Council chair Ben Bennett has pointed to the stark reality: we are looking at nearly a billion dollars of subsidised EU imports flooding into our shelves while we struggle to scrape together $29 million in exports to them. How is that free and how is that fair? It is a one-way street that leads to the destruction of our local producers. We are giving up established commercial freedoms for the sake of a diplomatic trophy, and it is our farmers who are forced to pay the price. Then we come to the arrogance of geographical indicators. Labor has decided that a bunch of bureaucrats in Brussels should have the power to dictate what we will call our food in our own country, so we will lose the rights to names like feta, gruyere and romano and to accept a measly 10-year reprieve for prosecco. It's a total betrayal of our culinary industry. It sets a dangerous precedent—that Australia is a nation that can be frankly bullied into anything. Perhaps the most sinister part of this motion is the hidden green tape. The Albanese Labor government has allowed this trade deal to be used as a back door for climate activism. By making binding commitments to the Paris Agreement within this free trade agreement, Labor has given the EU a lever to interfere in our sovereign affairs. They now have the power to suspend trade preferences based on their own arbitrary definitions of environmental standards. It is a sell-out of our national interest to allow foreign entities to police our land management and our resource use. The member's motion talks about strengthening partnerships in turbulent times, but a partnership built on capitulation is no partnership at all. We are told that no deal would have been a failure, but VFF president Brett Hosking said it best when he said 'no deal would have been better' than this embarrassment and that 'we've been hung out to dry' for the sake of a photo opportunity. This government has chosen ideology over image, over the prosperity of our people who actually feed and clothe this nation. A partner that demands our names, limits our growth and controls our environment is not a partner; they are a predator. This government should have demanded a deal that respects the hard work of the Australian people. I will never accept a future where our producers are forced to beg for scraps at a table that they built. 11:54 Mr SOON 298618 Banks It is my pleasure to rise in support of the motion of my friend the member for Hunter. Building on the long history of cooperation between Australia and Europe, we are taking our relationship to the next level and creating significant benefits for our economy. With the visit last week of the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, this Labor government has done what Australian governments of both persuasions have been trying to finalise for more than a decade—that is, to conclude negotiations for a comprehensive, balanced and commercially meaningful free trade agreement. This is a-once-in-a-generation deal that opens the doors of the EU's 450 million consumers and $30 trillion economy to more Australian businesses and producers that have effectively been closed for decades. As a former diplomat who worked on international trade agreements in my career prior to coming to this place, I can confidently say: this is a landmark deal in the history of trade for our country. The Australia-EU free trade agreement will strengthen our economic and strategic partnership with the EU—a global power that shares our values while bringing significant economy-wide benefits to Australia. It will help diversify our trade relationships, unlocking a massive high-income market. It will eliminate EU tariffs on Australian goods, benefiting our exporters. It will lower the cost of input sourced from the EU, benefiting our manufacturing sector. And it will create new opportunities for our services sector to do more business in Europe. I want to look at some of the sectors of our economy that are set to benefit the most from this free trade agreement. Firstly, this deal is a win for our farmers and our agriculture industry. As the beneficiary of an agricultural education and as someone who has spent plenty of time with the sheep farmers in my partner's family, I'm pleased to see the Australian farmers and producers being able to access new opportunities for many of their products. The agreement will eliminate EU tariffs on agricultural products, including wine, tree nuts, horticulture, honey, olive oil, wheat, barley, cereals, processed foods and most dairy and rice products. For Australian beef producers, it means up to half a billion dollars of new access per year; $218 million of new access for our lamb producers; and our fishers will see the removal of tariffs on various products, some as high as 26 per cent. This deal is a win for farmers and our agriculture sector. Secondly, this deal is good for our energy and resources sectors, eliminating tariffs on our exports and giving greater certainty for investors. EU companies, including battery manufacturers, have indicated that removing tariffs on our critical minerals will make Australian exports more competitive and increase demand. Attracting foreign investment is critical to the success of our energy transition, and this deal opens the doors with modern investment rules providing certainty for investment in both directions. Finally, our service sector is the biggest winner as well. In 2024-25, our services exported to the EU were valued at $9.7 billion. By making it easier for Australians to travel and move within the EU, by creating new opportunities in financial services, education, tourism and communications, and, by streamlining the process for recognition of professional qualifications, this agreement will further build our service sector presence in Europe as access becomes easier for Australian service suppliers, investors and professionals. It seems, though, that not everyone in this place recognises the value of this deal to our nation's economy. Not everyone can see the value of hundreds of millions of dollars for agricultural products, nor the value of critical minerals exports. But, on this side of the House, we have put in the work to close a deal that has been in the works for more than a decade, unlocking billions of dollars to the benefit of our economy. This government is focused on building income for our country. The DEPUTY SPEAKER 299498 The time allotted for this debate has expired. The debate is adjourned, and the resumption of debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting. BILLS 33 BILLS Treasury Laws Amendment (Doubling Penalties for ACCC Enforcement) Bill 2026 33

Treasury Laws Amendment (Doubling Penalties for ACCC Enforcement) Bill 2026

Returned from Senate 33 BUSINESS 33 BUSINESS Consideration of Legislation 33 11:59 Mr BURKE DYW Watson I move: That so much of the standing and sessional orders be suspended as would prevent the following from occurring on Monday, 30 March 2026: (1) the following bills being presented and after the second reading speech of the Minister on each bill, debate being adjourned until a later hour: (a) Export Finance and Insurance Corporation Amendment (Strategic Reserve) Bill 2026; (b) Appropriation (Fuel Security Response) Bill (No. 1) 2025-2026; and (c) Appropriation (Fuel Security Response) Bill (No. 2) 2025-2026; (2) when the order of the day for the resumption of debate on the Export Finance and Insurance Corporation Amendment (Strategic Reserve) Bill 2026 is called on, a cognate debate taking place with Appropriation (Fuel Security Response) Bill (No. 1) 2025-2026 and Appropriation (Fuel Security Response) Bill (No. 2) 2025-2026; (3) immediately following questions without notice and any documents presented by the Speaker or Leader of the House, if the Export Finance and Insurance Corporation Amendment (Strategic Reserve) Bill 2026, Appropriation (Fuel Security Response) Bill (No. 1) 2025-2026 or Appropriation (Fuel Security Response) Bill (No. 2) 2025-2026 have not passed, debate to resume immediately; (4) at no later than 5.30 pm, any questions necessary to complete the remaining stages of each bill being put, with any message from the Governor-General under standing order 147 being announced, and any detail amendments circulated being treated as if they had been moved [together] by the Member proposing them; and (5) any variation to this arrangement being made only on a motion moved by a Minister. For the information of members, these are the bills that were announced over the weekend to be introduced by the Minister for Climate Change and Energy and the Treasurer. There will be a cognate debate on all three bills together. Once they're introduced, we'll go straight to the debate, obviously with the relevant representative of the opposition speaking first. We are not curtailing individual speaking times; we're leaving them as they would ordinarily be. But, to make sure that we can get legislation across to the Senate for tomorrow, the bill will go through all remaining stages in consecutive votes at 5.30 pm. If amendments have been circulated, they will be taken as though they have been moved and voted on as well. I commend the resolution to the chamber. 12:00 Mr TEHAN 210911 Wannon The opposition will support this motion to suspend standing orders, but I would say a couple of things, if that's okay. First of all, it's good to see the minister here, and it's good to see the minister actually moving to do something. The only trouble is it's taken over one month since the Iran war started for him to finally realise that we have a national crisis and to start moving, to start pulling his finger out and doing something. That is why we're happy to agree to this. I would say also that we appreciate that this is the parliament working as the parliament should work. We were offered a briefing. We had a briefing. We were able to consider what had happened. We'll have a proper debate of these three bills here today. That's how the parliament should work, especially when we're dealing with a national fuel crisis. So we're happy to support this, but we say to the government that you should follow the precedent that you have followed today on all bills in this House, because this is the way proper government should work. You have made a complete hash and mess of this national fuel crisis. It is a complete hash and mess. Australians are hurting. They can't get fuel, and they are paying through the roof for fuel. It's good to see that, finally, the penny has dropped—one month too late. We're hoping that National Cabinet and the states and territories will be able to help the government again with some announcements after that. Because this is the government actually doing something, having realised this is a national crisis, we are happy to support this suspension of standing orders. Question agreed to, with an absolute majority. BILLS 34 BILLS Export Finance and Insurance Corporation Amendment) Strategic Reserve) Bill 2026 34 First Reading 34 Second Reading 34 12:03 Mr BOWEN DZS McMahon I move: That this bill be now read a second time. The events of the past few weeks have been a reminder to us all that while Australia is an island, we are not removed from the world. Right now, a war being fought on the other side of the world is having a real impact on Australians here at home. No country will be immune from the impacts of this conflict. But what governments can and must do is act. That's exactly what this government has done. Acting decisively and planning for new challenges that might arise. We have boosted fuel supply by releasing up to 20 per cent of the baseline Minimum Stockholding Obligation for petrol and diesel. Those stocks are now flowing across the country to the areas that need it most. We've acted to get more fuels into the Australian market by temporarily amending the fuel standards. We've fixed refinery support to underpin the important role these facilities play in domestic supply. We've appointed Anthea Harris as Fuel Supply Taskforce Coordinator to support coordination across governments and sectors. And we are working directly with international suppliers to keep scheduled arrivals on track. The longer this war goes on, the more severe the impacts will be. This global crisis continues to present new national challenges, which is why we'll continue to take new national actions. Today we take the next step to ensure Australia remains prepared. Our focus is on acting now to insulate Australians as best we can from what lies ahead. The fact is that the broader international environment is becoming increasingly volatile. Cargo is available on the international market—but it's becoming more expensive and riskier to secure commercially. Oil prices are moving sharply. The risk premium for purchasing discretionary cargoes is rising. Work to scope deals and secure additional fuel is already underway. That's why today's bill is so urgent. This bill creates a strategic reserve to secure the supply of strategic materials that are vital for Australia's economy. These include fuel, critical minerals, and other goods and materials that may be impacted by disruptions to supply chains. The Export Finance and Insurance Corporation Amendment (Strategic Reserve) Bill 2026 will ensure Australia's preparedness to address supply chain disruption of materials, goods or things. This includes fuel and other commodities such as fertiliser, experiencing disruption as a result of market volatility and geopolitical events including the current conflict in the Middle East. Specifically, through this bill, the Albanese government is taking steps to shield Australians from potential future fuel supply chain disruptions. This bill establishes a new fuel security trading power to acquire additional fuel in the international market for domestic use. This fuel security support from the government will not be business as usual. It must be additional supplies that are available on the international market. It will underwrite the purchase of shiploads of fuel to get here to Australia. Export Finance Australia will have a very flexible suite of measures to work with companies. It can provide insurance, derivatives, loans and other arrangements to make sure those companies can go and get those cargoes for Australia and for Australians. These new fuel security powers will put Australia in a strong position, securing fuel supply where it may be cost prohibitive for private suppliers to source on commercial terms, without government support. Building on Export Finance Australia's expertise as Australia's export credit agency, the bill provides Export Finance Australia (EFA) with the commercial and financial functions necessary to deliver on the strategic reserve's objectives. The legislation will give EFA a broad financial toolkit to use on the national interest account (NIA) that will go beyond the debt and equity tools it currently has available on the national interest account. I want to thank and acknowledge Minister Farrell for facilitating the use of Export Finance Australia, who are well suited to the task ahead of them. I've already met with EFA, and I thank them for their work. On behalf of, and at the direction of the government, the EFA will have the ability to secure supply, sell, and selectively stockpile fuel, critical minerals and other strategic materials. These powers will help secure Australia's fuel supply, address regional fuel shortages or supply gaps impacting critical services, and position Australia as a trusted and stable partner in high-value, vulnerable supply chains. As outlined, this bill responds to the immediate challenge of fuel security. But it will also include measures to strengthen Australia's economic security in the medium to long term. This bill also gives legislative effect to the government's election commitment to develop and implement a new $1.2 billion critical minerals strategic reserve. This will cement Australia at the forefront of global efforts to stabilise critical minerals markets and shore up reliable access to critical minerals vital for Australia's economy, national security and our Future Made in Australia ambitions. At this point, I want to pay tribute to the Minister for Resources for all her work in making this policy a reality, including her deep engagement with nations in our region and the United States. This is a signature achievement, to the great credit of the Minister for Resources. Australia has some of the largest deposits of critical minerals in the world—minerals vital to renewable energy and defence technology supply chains. This bill provides Export Finance Australia with the commercial and financial functions necessary to construct complex financial arrangements that deliver on the objectives of the reserve. These new tools will allow the EFA to construct financial arrangements via: offtake agreements with fixed or floating prices; trading in forward offtake contracts; intermediary demand and supply aggregation; physical stockpiling, and; contracts for difference. This bill will ensure that the reserve can help meet critical minerals demand, support offtake, stockpile critical minerals, if needed, and help to provide price certainty. As the government announced in January, the reserve will initially focus on antimony, gallium, and rare earth elements. The Minister for Resources is more versed in these terms than I am. The integration of critical minerals into today's strategic reserve builds on the Albanese Labor government's work to secure investment in Australia's critical minerals sector. I want to acknowledge, again, the work of all involved, particularly the Minister for Resources. This will create more high-paid jobs for Australians and deliver resilient and sustainable critical minerals supply chains. In addition to safeguarding Australia's economic and national security, the reserve will position us to collaborate even more closely with key international partners to develop integrated, end-to-end critical minerals supply chains. Further development of Australia's abundant supply of critical minerals will diversify global supply chains and strengthen economic partnerships with other nations. We look forward to working with the United States, Japan, the Republic of Korea, Europe, Canada and the UK as we implement the critical minerals strategic reserve. The fact that these new fuel security measures build on the government's existing commitment to create a critical minerals strategic reserve is not insignificant. It reflects the fact that our focus on building Australia's economic resilience and resource security predates this crisis and will continue after it. Our government is undertaking every practical measure to shield our nation from the worst of this global uncertainty. While Australia continues to receive sufficient fuel overall, this bill will help position us to manage fuel supply chain disruptions and ensure we have a wider range of tools available to respond to Australian's everyday needs. Establishing this strategic reserve is in our national interest, now, and in the future. We will not wait for a crisis to deepen before we act. We will prepare for what may come, and we will act ahead of the curve. What we do today will shield Australians from the challenges of tomorrow. Debate adjourned. Appropriation (Fuel Security Response) Bill (No. 1) 2025-2026 36 First Reading 36 Second Reading 36 12:12 Dr CHALMERS 37998 Rankin I move: That this bill be now read a second time. Today, the government introduces the 2025-26 fuel security response appropriation bills. These bills are: Appropriation (Fuel Security Response) Bill (No. 1) 2025-2026; and Appropriation (Fuel Security Response) Bill (No. 2) 2025-2026. These bills are all about ensuring we are prepared and best positioned to deal with the very real challenges we are facing. The war in the Middle East is causing huge disruptions to global fuel supply chains. Australians are seeing the consequences of this foreign war here, with high oil prices flowing through to the bowser and localised shortages, especially in regional, rural and remote areas. The bills I am introducing today are about giving government the flexibility to continue addressing these challenges in a timely way over the coming months. They will establish a new $2 billion advance to the finance minister provision to enable funding for fuel security response measures that are urgent, unforeseen, and unable to be funded through existing funding. Bill No. 1 seeks an appropriation authority of $800 million, and bill No. 2 seeks an appropriation authority of $1.2 billion. These are not commitments to new expenditure. Instead, they establish a safety net for the next three months until the end of the current financial year, in case specific government departments require urgent funding to deal with fuel security challenges. This new provision will only be available to the following entities: Department of Industry, Science and Resources; Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry; Department of Climate Change, Energy, the Environment and Water; Department of the Treasury; Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade; and Department of Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development, Communications, Sport and the Arts. Like existing AFM arrangements, funds will only be allocated if the Minister for Finance is satisfied applications meet strict criteria—including that there is an urgent need and that this need was previously unforeseen. We are living in extremely uncertain times, and, from an economic point of view, it's clear that this war cannot end soon enough. But until that happens, we have a responsibility to take measured and mature steps to shield our economy and the Australian people. These bills are an important part of that. The new steps announced today are in addition to all of the action we are already taking to address the impacts of the war, including: adding hundreds of millions of litres of diesel and petrol by releasing some of our minimum stock obligations; temporarily reducing the sulphur content standards to ensure more fuel can be sold here in Australia, and providing more support to our domestic refineries; providing more certainty to the private sector by underwriting fuel imports where appropriate; empowering the ACCC to crack down on misconduct, including by doubling penalties up to $100 million; our work with the ACCC to authorise major suppliers to get fuel where it's needed in the regions and ramp up fuel price monitoring; and engaging with international partners to strengthen supply chains and fuel security. I commend bill No. 1 to the House. The DEPUTY SPEAKER 299498 In accordance with the resolution agreed to earlier, the debate is adjourned and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for a later hour this day. Appropriation (Fuel Security Response) Bill (No. 2) 2025-2026 37 Second Reading 37 12:17 Dr CHALMERS 37998 Rankin I move: That this bill be now read a second time. I commend Appropriation (Fuel Security Response) Bill (No. 2) 2025-2026 to the House, based on the same reasons I have just outlined a moment ago. The DEPUTY SPEAKER 299498 In accordance with the resolution agreed to earlier, the debate is adjourned and the resumption of the debate is made an order of the day for a later hour this day. Export Finance and Insurance Corporation Amendment (Strategic Reserve) Bill 2026, Appropriation (Fuel Security Response) Bill (No. 1) 2025-2026, Appropriation (Fuel Security Response) Bill (No. 2) 2025-2026 38 Second Reading 38 12:17 Mr CHESTER IPZ Gippsland I say at the outset: Australians are hurting. And, after four years of this Albanese government, Australians are worse off, and they know our country is heading in the wrong direction. The Iran war may have started four weeks ago, but Labor's war on fossil fuels started four years ago. What we have seen in this crisis is a government which has been slow to act. Just three weeks ago, we had the Minister for Climate Change and Energy standing opposite us here and telling Australians, and telling the opposition, that we, the opposition, were scaremongering when we were raising concerns about the lack of fuel supply to key industries around the nation. The shadow energy minister and I and my colleagues stood to ask questions about Australians who were experiencing a lack of fuel supply in their communities which was impacting their families, impacting their jobs, impacting their small businesses and impacting their farms, and the minister said that we were scaremongering. These were legitimate supply-chain issues being raised by members on this side of the chamber. Australians were feeling insecure—and they are still feeling insecure, because they don't believe this energy minister is doing his day job. Then, after accusing the coalition of scaremongering, the minister came into the parliament, just two days later, and announced a national fuel crisis. So on the Tuesday we were scaremongering, but by Thursday there was a national fuel crisis! From where I sit on the front bench here, I get a very good view of the government backbench. What I've noticed in the last couple of weeks is, every time the energy minister gets to his feet, out come the phones. They look very closely at their phones—look at my Facebook; look at my Instagram. Whatever you do, don't engage with the energy minister because he is making a fool of you. He is making a fool of you because he can't do his day job. The national fuel crisis, which the minister denied existed, is now very apparent. Mr CHESTER IPZ If the aged-care minister wants to start having a chat, he can have a chat straight after me and he can explain to me— The DEPUTY SPEAKER 299498 Order, please. Mr CHESTER IPZ If the Minister for Aged Care and Seniors wants to make a contribution, he can stand up and explain what he's doing to ensure fuel is reaching its rightful destination—the people who are trying to provide care for older people in Australia. Mr CHESTER IPZ Okay, so, the aged-care minister wants to keep intervening. Now, Minister for Aged Care and Seniors, when you do stand up and make a speech, perhaps you can tell Australians about the 100,000 people who are waiting to receive the care-at-home packages. Perhaps you can tell Australians about the 4,000 people who have died waiting for a care-at-home package. Mr CHESTER IPZ Now, the aged-care minister keeps chipping away. He should focus on his day job as well. The Prime Minister finally convened a national cabinet meeting after knowing we had a problem, but the minister didn't bother going. So Australians are saying to this minister: simply do your day job and ensure the flow of fuel reaches the communities which need it most. Now, going to this crisis, the minister had two important jobs. He had to secure supply and get it to the critical industries that need it the most, primarily in regional Australia, and he had to prevent price gouging. If we look at the evidence over the last three weeks, we can see, once again, this minister has failed at both of those jobs. The coalition will be supporting the legislation before the chamber today with some of our own amendments, because we will always act in the national interest, particularly in the interests of those small-business people, those farmers, those fishermen, the foresters and the miners who rely on a stable supply of fuel to create the wealth that our nation relies upon. But I would urge the minister, going forward, to start listening to himself and to some of the contributions of peak bodies around Australia on this critical issue. Just this week, the National Farmers' Federation put out a media statement calling on the national cabinet to prioritise food supply. Now, Deputy Speaker Boyce, you understand, I understand and the regional members understand that fuel supply is food supply. The NFF has said that they want to see agriculture-specific plans to secure fuel supply for farmers and fishers, including clear trigger points for government action. They also want to see a clear direction on fertiliser supply into the medium term, including the establishment of a dedicated fertiliser roundtable and the government underwriting the purchase of fertiliser by the private sector, as it does for fuel. And they want to see targeted small-business support for those across the supply chain facing acute financial pressure. The president of the NFF, Hamish McIntyre, has made it very clear why this is important, saying: Farming is always a gamble, but right now too much is out of farmers' control. Our reliance on imported inputs is again being exposed, and it's putting farm businesses under serious strain. … … … At the end of the day, if farmers can't access fuel and fertiliser, they can't produce food. It's as simple as that. So I do urge the minister to listen to the peak bodies, particularly around regional Australia, when he seeks to deal with the issues going forward. Obviously, everyone in this chamber hopes the war in Iran ends quickly and supplies are restored. But if the situation deteriorates further, Australians have a right to know what the government is planning. We want to see more openness and transparency in this place when it comes to the plans the government is making. Is it looking at demand management? Is it looking at fuel rationing? Is it looking at fuel mandates? We believe it should be focused on supply, but we want to know what other plans the government is looking at may look like in the weeks and months ahead if this situation deteriorates. We would be concerned that demand management measures might have a further chilling effect on the economy. We're already seeing our farmers and others making decisions on their business structure to try and accommodate the increased cost of fuel and the infrequency of supply. So we do want to know whether the government has plans, if conditions deteriorate, to prioritise our critical industries, such as agriculture, fishing, mining, the transport sector, health and emergency services and aged-care services. What is the government planning if this situation deteriorates further? The opposition would argue that we are facing this fuel crisis at the worst possible time. After four years of economic mismanagement by the Albanese government, households are already poorer and they are already more exposed. They can't afford more price shocks like this. Australians, as all the economic evidence points to, are already working harder. They're paying more and they're getting less. And now this supply shock is compounding that pressure right across our nation but particularly in the outer suburbs and in rural and regional areas, where liquid fuels are a vital part of the social and economic life of our communities. This is not an abstract issue. I'm sure everyone in this chamber is beginning to understand that fuel adds to the cost of everything. When the fuel supply is disrupted and prices rise, it immediately flows through to prices that our families are paying at the grocery check-outs in the middle of a cost-of-living crisis. It impacts on our freight. It impacts on farming. Obviously, we want to see the government taking action that actually makes a difference to get the fuel to where it's needed and to take those price pressures off Australian families and business people and our farming sector. What makes this situation worse, though, is that Australia entered this crisis in a weaker position than it should have. After four years, Labor have failed to build our sovereign fuel capability. Instead, they now want to fund imports of the very fuels that they have restricted here at home. If these fuels are important enough to stockpile, they are important enough to support domestically. There needs to be recognition in this place and throughout the nation that the world has changed dramatically in the past 10 years but even more so in the last four or five years. Our sovereign capability to make more things in Australia, whether it be fuel, fertiliser or other critical inputs, has become more and more exposed when the just-in-time supply chains are disrupted, as they have been by the war in Iran. The contrast here is very clear. The former coalition government took practical steps to strengthen our fuel security—securing our last refineries, legislating the Fuel Security Act and establishing minimum stockholding obligations. We focused in government on capability, resilience and making sure Australia could stand on its own two feet. Let's be clear, though. We will support practical measures that improve supply in a crisis, including this bill. But also it's important to reinforce a simple fact. This is not a silver bullet in terms of a legislative response to the crisis Australians are facing. It won't get the fuel to empty service stations today and it won't bring down prices for families tomorrow. That is why we encourage the government to continue to act in the interests of our industries and the interests of Australian families. It should remove the barriers it's put in place on domestic production. It should back Australian energy supply and ensure fuel can get to where it's needed across the country. Most importantly, it should immediately implement cost-of-living relief measures by halving the fuel excise and the road user charge, which the coalition proposed to fully and responsibly offset, to avoid any inflationary pressures. The government could take that action today. The government could provide immediate cost-of-living relief by reducing the fuel excise, halving it, and halving the road user charge in the interests of Australian families and the Australian transport sector. I think the government probably will act in relation to those levies. I urge them to follow the approach of the coalition by fully offsetting those reductions that we have proposed. When fuel costs rise, that flows straight through to our groceries, to our freight, to our farmers and to our small businesses. At a time when Australian living standards are going backwards, this is applying enormous pressure on families as they try to manage their household budgets. The coalition will always support practical, targeted action that helps secure supply and stabilises critical supply chains. This bill is designed to do that. It allows Export Finance Australia to step in during extraordinary disruptions, supporting the financing, insurance and logistics needed to secure essential imports like fuel and fertiliser. We believe it's a sensible objective. In a crisis, the government should be prepared to act quickly to keep supply chains moving and to ensure essential goods can reach Australians quickly. That is why we have supported the bill. The member for Wannon will be moving amendments to it at a later time in the House today. I would also point out that there are risks in the supply chain that are not covered by this bill. While this bill will seek to underwrite the risks faced by major fuel companies, there are small-business owners and independent fuel distributors in our nation who are saying: 'What about our risk? What about our risk if we're buying fuel at these inflated prices?' If the war ends, which we all sincerely hope it does, and prices drop quickly, what about the risks they are carrying terms of the fuel in their tanks, having bought at an inflated price and then having to sell into a market that is cheaper? You might say that's a good problem to have and that Australian consumers will benefit from those lower fuel prices, and I hope that day comes sooner rather than later. But if we're going to be in the business of underwriting these major fuel companies through legislation like this, the independent suppliers and the retailers, those mum and dad operators, are right to be raising their concerns. 'What about the small-business viability of the operation I'm running in rural and regional Australia?' Perhaps you're the sole operator. When you're already doing it tough, you ask, 'Is the government aware of the risk we're exposed to?' In the past we have seen governments provide direct financial support after crises, when there is a natural disaster or tourism related incident, and those businesses are now saying, 'What does it look like for our business going forward if the government is prepared to make decisions like this, through legislation, to underwrite the risk of these major suppliers?' I will finish where I started, and just make the very simple point that Australians are hurting. Australians are feeling the pain of the insecurity surrounding the fuel crisis and fertiliser crisis. They want to see coordinated national leadership by this government. And they want the government to understand that when the opposition raises concerns in relation to fuel supply, don't say we're scaremongering. Acknowledge that we are here to do our job, on behalf of rural and regional Australians, to make sure the fuel gets to where it's needed to the most at a time of critical importance for our nation. 12:33 Ms MADELEINE KING 102376 Brand Australia is stepping up to lead globally on critical minerals and rare earths. I fully support the Export Finance and Insurance Corporation Amendment (Strategic Reserve) Bill, which gives legislative effect to the Albanese Labor government's landmark commitment to implement the national Critical Minerals Strategic Reserve, as well as the strategic reserve for other fuels and critical supplies. I want to speak mainly about the Critical Minerals Strategic Reserve. This is a $1.2 billion commitment that will form a core component of this government's determined and consistent efforts to position Australia at the forefront of global efforts to bolster the world's reliable and trusted access to critical minerals and rare earths. In an uncertain world, our resources are instruments of economic resilience and a source of strategic strength and relevance. My department has been developing the Critical Minerals Strategic Reserve, its structure and what is required to get the best outcomes for Australia. This bill before the parliament today was originally designed to enable the Critical Minerals Strategic Reserve. The work that the government has been doing to adjust the financial tools available to Export Finance Australia for the reserve are eminently suitable to be applied to other commodities where supply may be constrained. Adjustments made to this bill to address issues caused by conflict in the Middle East that are affecting Australian supply chains demonstrate how ministers and departments of this government are working together to squarely meet the challenges the nation is facing. While those opposite simply never miss a moment to politicise a national challenge, this government gets on with the job of securing strategic materials where needed for the benefit of the Australian people. I heard the comments from the leader of the National Party in the House of Representatives. He spoke about the need for fuel-refining capacity in this country. Well, I couldn't agree more. But I also did not see the member for Gippsland or the now leader of the Nationals in the House of Representatives be so keen to support Western Australia's fuel security when BP announced its closure in 2020, in Kwinana. So maybe that reflects on their record in government, where they saw four fuel refineries in this country go out of business. This government, this Albanese Labor government, is taking immediate steps to address the immediate challenge of fuel security. I want to take this moment to thank my friend and colleague the Minister for Trade and Tourism, Don Farrell, and his whole team, for his cooperation on the amendments to the EFA bill and also my friend and colleague the Minister for Climate Change and Energy and his team for the work they have all done to make sure this important national action is taken. In relation to the critical minerals part of this reserve, it reinforces Australia's role as a trusted supplier of the commodities the world needs, and it signals Australia's clear eyed intent to forcefully step-up to diversify global critical minerals supply chains. Critical minerals are vital for Australia's economy, for its national security and for a future made in Australia. But Australia knows, as our friends and partners across the world also know, that the playing field is not fair. Australia has some of the largest deposits of critical minerals in the world, and it is a conundrum that substances we talk about so often are not well understood. They exist in most products that we use every single day and nearly every moment, and they are essential to our national defence. Yet many do not perform well in what commentators refer to as the open market. That is because an open international market for low-volume rare earths and critical minerals is a mirage. Market dominance, opaque trading arrangements and trade bans make for uneven playing fields. It's a field so uneven it is unplayable. As the US vice-president said at the Critical Minerals Ministerial convened by the Secretary of State in Washington in February, which I attended: … the international market for critical minerals is failing. … … … … consistent investment is nearly impossible, and it will stay that way so long as prices are erratic and unpredictable. Supply chains are brittle and are driven by forces beyond any individual country's control. This bill that we bring to the House today is an important step to take back some of that control. The bill gives Export Finance Australia new tools to deliver the Critical Minerals Strategic Reserve, including offtake agreements with fixed or floating prices, trading in forward-offtake contracts, intermediary demand and supply aggregation, physical stockpiling and contracts for difference. These tools will ensure the reserve can meet demand, deliver offtake, virtually or physically stockpile critical minerals and provide some price certainty. Importantly, the reserve gives Australia the tools to construct financing arrangements between Australia's strategic partners and the private sector to build out critical minerals supply chains. We undertook to establish the reserve by the second half of this year, but the bill is now before the House to address the immediate challenge of fuel security and our future economic and industrial security as well. This demonstrates our government's commitment to building a strong critical minerals industry and meeting the challenges facing the sector. The reserve will operate imminently, but its start date is in the hands of this parliament. I encourage the opposition and the crossbench in the other place to work with this government to get it up and running as soon as possible. I know the opposition has, this morning, agreed to support this bill. I'm yet to hear comment on the critical minerals part of that, so we will surely get comment on that soon. Critical minerals are vital inputs for defence technologies on which our security depends. As the government announced in January, the reserve will initially focus on antimony, gallium and rare earth elements. They are also essential to clean energy technologies and advanced manufacturing. Secure supply of these minerals will support not only the development of our own capabilities but also our close partners. But these minerals are just the starting point. The government will update the reserve's target minerals over time as market dynamics, strategic interests and geopolitical situations evolve. The reserve builds on the work this government has done to secure investment in our critical minerals sector from day one. Since June 2022 this government has supported the industry to create more secure jobs here in Australia and to bolster our economic resilience. We have invested more than $28 billion in critical minerals and rare earths, including $7½ billion for production tax incentives to encourage onshore processing, $5 billion for the critical minerals facility to help get projects off the ground, $1 billion for critical minerals investments by the National Reconstruction Fund and $500 million earmarked for such projects through the Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility. We've also, very importantly, provided $3.4 billion to Geoscience Australia for the Resourcing Australia's Prosperity program to find the next generation of critical minerals deposits, more than $150 billion in various grants programs and also funding to investigate really important common-user critical minerals processing facilities with state and territory governments. The Critical Minerals Strategic Reserve positions Australia to collaborate even more closely with our key partners around the world. Over the last four years, we have worked with our counterparts internationally to advance our shared interests in these commodities. This is a global challenge, and Australia is at the forefront and playing a leading role. Australia's landmark framework on critical minerals and rare earths with the United States will unlock a $13 billion pipeline of projects. I want to take this moment to acknowledge the work of the president and chair of the US export-import bank, John Jovanovic, who works with our CEO of the EFA, John Hopkins. Together, they are collaborating and cooperating on these projects and doing excellent work to grow this industry. Our agreement with the United States is in addition to agreements with Canada, Japan, Germany, the United Kingdom, France and the European Union as well as our formal membership to the Quad critical minerals initiative and, very importantly, the G7 critical minerals production alliance. We remain committed to working with our international partners to diversify global supply chains and devise joint solutions to the challenges facing critical minerals markets. This is not only in the world's interests but also in the interests of industries and workers here in Australia. Both our deposits of traditional commodities, such as iron ore, coal and gold, and our deposits of critical minerals and rare earths are the envy of the world. The resources sector of Australia has delivered security, prosperity and strategic relevance in a difficult world. That was built through sheer hard work and commitment by generations of Australians. Despite what some might say when they miss the point of Donald Horne's now immortal words, it sure wasn't luck. Australia will continue to mine our traditional commodities and our strategically important critical minerals and rare earths. This government, through the strategic reserve and our extensive work, is ensuring we match our geological advantage and our enormous capability in the resources industry with a strategy fit for a changing world—one that builds our industrial and strategic capability while strengthening our communities. We will capitalise on this opportunity to create secure jobs at home here in Australia and to take a global lead in diversifying the world's supply chains. I support all aspects of the strategic reserve within this bill. It ensures our fuel security as well as security of other strategic materials and will ensure our security of strategic critical minerals and rare earths. Australia, under the leadership of this government, is stepping up to take responsibility to lead globally on critical minerals and rare earth elements, and I commend the bill to the House. 12:43 Mr TAYLOR 231027 Hume When I first came into this role, I made the point that Australians want to see their standard of living restored and want to see their way of life protected. Nothing threatens their standard of living or their way of life more than not having access, at an affordable level, to the energy and fuel they need. We're seeing right across this great country now the fear and the concerns that Australians have about whether they're going to get fuel and what they're going to pay for that fuel. After four years of an Albanese government curtailing investment support for our endowment of natural energy resources, today we're presented with the Export Finance and Insurance Corporation Amendment (Strategic Reserve) Bill to help fuel suppliers acquire the fuel we need as we stare down this energy crisis. We are, of course, supportive of emergency measures to secure our fuel supply. But make no mistake: this is happening at the worst possible time. The economic situation Australians are facing in their household budgets and in their businesses is dire. It is absolutely dire. Australians are feeling as though this is the straw that is breaking the camel's back. That is how they feel right now because this government has let them down time after time over recent years. They were promised that inflation had been beaten. They were promised that prices would go back to that comfortable range of between two and three per cent that the Reserve Bank targets. They were promised that interest rates were coming down and that they would stay down. The Treasurer sacked and stacked the Reserve Bank board. He got rid of the old board and stacked it with his appointments. That's a statement of fact. Then, lo and behold, there was an interest rate cut during the election campaign. We were told during that election campaign that that was it. Interest rates were down; inflation was down. It was all beaten. They'd beaten the beast. Mr Tim Wilson IMW Tamed the dragon. Mr TAYLOR 231027 The dragon, exactly—they'd beaten the dragon! Well, what do you know? It didn't take long before inflation started to surge again. As they pour out money, with record levels of government spending from those opposite, we know that that has been quite literally pouring fuel on the fire. Inflation continues to surge. It would be hard to find an economist right now that doesn't think that inflation will continue to surge in the coming months, not just because of what Labor was already doing but because now we have an additional disruption. Of course, many smart economists across the world were saying, 'The reason why you have to get inflation and interest rates sustainably under control without a resurgence is that a disruption might come along.' Many across the world were saying this. John Cochrane, one of the world's leading experts on inflation, has been saying this for years. You've got to beat it. It can't start to resurge. The moment it does, if a disruption arrives, then you're in trouble. That is exactly what's happened. They got the warnings. The result of this is that we have the highest inflation of any developed country in the world. We have the highest inflation and rising interest rates. Australians are now paying $28,000 on a typical mortgage, after tax. With having to find $28,000 that they didn't have to find before, it is no wonder they are angry and frustrated. They are confused by this government. They've been told so many things by the gaslighting prime minister, the gaslighting Treasurer, the gaslighting energy minister—that's for sure. This has gone on and on from those opposite, yet what they're experiencing is entirely different. The economy isn't working for them, and that extends beyond just inflation and interest rates. It's not growing in any meaningful way for households. There has been 7½ per cent aggregate growth in the economy since Labor came to power, but population—mostly immigration—has grown by exactly the same number, 7½ per cent. That means that, from a household perspective, there has been no growth for four years. I think this is how they were going to try to beat carbon emissions. The problem was that carbon emissions haven't come down. They have completely failed in their no-growth economy mission. Well, sorry, they've succeeded in achieving no growth for households; they just haven't seen out the green dream they were trying to achieve. This is the context in which we look at this fuel crisis right now. With National Cabinet happening today, there are four imperatives for the government. I went out to petrol stations on Friday and on the weekend to make the point that Australians are suffering. We paid $3.16—$3.159 to be exact—for diesel, two days in a row. That was the leader of the National Party and me. He makes the point that the National Party paid for the fuel both times. For once, the National Party's paid for something! It's wonderful! We are a happy coalition though, aren't we! Opposition members: Hear, hear! Mr TAYLOR 231027 We are a happy coalition. But, the truth is, to pay $3.16 a litre for diesel is absolutely extraordinary. That's why we said last Friday that it was time to slash the tax. I've just received a note to say that the Prime Minister has, under pressure from us, followed our lead. Opposition members: Hear, hear! Mr TAYLOR 231027 He didn't want to go into question time and get asked questions about why he wasn't prepared to take 26c a litre off the price of fuel for Australians. An opposition member: Who's running this agenda? Mr TAYLOR 231027 Who is driving the show here? The first objective—this is the right outcome for Australia. Let's be clear: this is the right outcome for Australians. We have led the way. We have set the agenda. We are showing leadership, and those opposite are following. Look at $16 million a day—the delay. It's $16 million, every day that he's delayed, for Australians in the hip pocket. But we are pleased to see this outcome. We'll work in a bipartisan way to make sure this is put in place as quickly as possible. That's No. 1: slash the tax. No. 2: move the fuel. Now, it's pretty simple. The energy minister stood up in this place each day last week and told us that there are more stocks than there ever were—more stocks than before the crisis began. Well, if there are more stocks than there were before the crisis, and yet there are 600 or more service stations without fuel, it doesn't seem to me to be too complicated. The common sense of Australians would say: move the fuel to the service stations. It's there; move it. Move the fuel. There's a second part of moving the fuel, which is to make sure fuel from offshore gets to our country. This bill is playing a role in supporting that. We do support that part of what this bill is doing. I think this is an important initiative, and we will absolutely support that, but it has taken too long. They were moving the fuel. They were moving all of the petrol, from one of our two remaining refineries, offshore. They were exporting it. They needed to move that fuel not off to Asia or wherever it was going but to regional communities and those 600 servos that didn't have fuel. The third thing this government needs to do is make the situation transparent. Why is it that we have to walk into this place each day and ask the energy minister how many servos are without fuel before he actually answers the question? He should be putting this out every day. He should be telling us where the stocks are, where there are shortages and what he is doing to fill those shortages. That will give Australians the confidence they need to know that this situation is under control. This energy minister has spent most of this crisis telling Australians that it's their fault, that it's a jerry-can-driven demand surge. Frankly, this bloke will look for anyone he possibly can to blame. But, the truth is, it's been his fault for not moving the fuel to where it needed to go and not being transparent about what the situation is. We need real-time data coming in and him explaining to us where the gaps are and how he is moving with the oil companies, the energy companies and the fuel companies to get that fuel to where it needs to go. The fourth thing this government needs to do is tell us where this is going to go from here. We've seen reports of all sorts of secret plans to ration—do we go back to the odds and evens? I'm old enough to remember that—Christmas 1973—and it was a pretty tough Christmas. Are we going back to that? Is there going to be a limit of $40 when you go to the bowser? What is this government planning to do? They keep telling us there's enough fuel, so I don't know why they would be going down that path, but what we need is an energy minister and a Prime Minister who are prepared to be upfront, and they need to do that straightaway. We've got one out of four so far. They've slashed the tax. I'm delighted to get a note to say that they've come on board on that. They have three to go: move the fuel, make the situation transparent and explain to Australians—front up to Australians—where you're going from here. I should be clear about that final point. We do not support heavy handed mandates. We don't want a situation where Australians are feeling like they're back in a COVID-like situation and the government is telling them what to do. It's got to be supply driven. We want to see it supply driven. Labor loves demand management. They've been trying to push this through in the electricity sector, saying to people, 'Just use less.' Well, if that's what's necessary, explain it to us; be transparent. But, in the absence of that, they keep telling us that the fuel is there and is coming onshore, so we don't need those heavy handed mandates. This is part of a longer term issue with this government: their complete and utter failure to get oil and gas and other resources, for that matter, out of the ground. We need a government that is absolutely focused on that, but in bill after bill that has come through this place—existing bills and past bills—we have seen, time and time again, exclusions for oil and gas and other sources of energy in this country. We've seen it with the EPBC, the environmental planning act. We have seen this government exclude oil and gas reserves from the accelerated process that applies to other parts of our economy. An opposition member: The national interest test. Mr TAYLOR 231027 The national interest test—exactly right. The government has done it with EFIC as well. They've excluded oil and gas until now. This bill is actually going part of the way to addressing that, but it's only through the national account, not through the commercial account. The government will have to explain why it is they're not extending it to the commercial account. What that means is every single one of the transactions that EFIC engages in has to be approved by the minister. I guess this minister wants to do as little with fossil fuels as he can possibly do. That seems to me to be his sentiment, and it has been all the way along. But it is also true that, across large swathes of programs that this government has in place, it has excluded oil and gas. We need our oil and gas in this country to be not sitting in the ground but coming out of the ground to serve Australians—to make sure we have the crude oil we need to keep the wheels of industry moving, to make sure that farmers can plant their crops and harvest their crops, to make sure that truckies in this country can keep moving food to our supermarkets and doing all the other things that they do and to make sure families across this great country are able to get to where they want to go on their Easter holidays and can take the kids to sport and to school. We need we need a government that recognises that we're not all driving EVs. If people want to buy an EV, knock yourself out—great. But that is just not a feasible proposition for Australians in many cases, and so it is so important we continue to see oil and gas coming out from under the ground. We need to dig and drill in this country. That's how we will make sure Australians are able to get what they need. It is also how we will make sure we have a strong economy. You dig, you drill and you can pay down the bills that way, and that is exactly what we need to see as soon as possible. We do commend the changes being made in this bill, but we do think they should go further. We do think the government should, having made progress on one of the four focuses that I've laid out, get on with the other three. 12:58 Mr ABDO 316915 Calwell One thing we have made sure is that our strategic reserves are here in Australia and not in Texas, where the now leader of the opposition had them. Those opposite carry on as though only they understand what Australians feel, but I represent a community in Melbourne's outer suburbs and I understand what communities are going through at the moment with this global disruption. We're living through a period of profound global instability, and events unfolding in the Middle East, far from our shores, are having real and immediate consequences here at home. Australians are seeing it and Australians are feeling it at the petrol pump, in industry, across small businesses and across family budgets, which are under pressure. That is the reality all across the world. A conflict thousands of kilometres away can disrupt global supply chains overnight. It can drive volatility in global energy markets, which can place real pressure on households. So we should be clear. This is not theoretical; it is real and immediate and requires a serious, calm, measured approach. In moments like this, governments have a choice. They can stand back and hope markets adjust, or they can step up calmly and with purpose to protect everyday people right across the country, including industry and business. This government has chosen to step up, not with panic, not with slogans, but with practical, coordinated action, because Australians expect leadership. As the Prime Minister has said, we are working around the clock to make sure we deal with the fuel security issues, to keep our people, our economy and our nation moving. That's the task before us, and that's exactly what this legislation supports, working in our national interest. Let me start with what we've already done, because this bill is not an isolated measure. It is part of a broader coordinated response. As we've also seen, they've just come out of National Cabinet. We have empowered the ACCC to protect motorists from unfair price rises, we have boosted supply by releasing additional fuel into the market, we have acted to increase supply by temporarily amending fuel standards and we are working closely with industry and with states and territories to ensure that fuel gets where it's needed most, particularly in regional communities—because supply is only part of the story; distribution also matters. When demand spikes, some communities feel that pressure first and most acutely. That's also why the government has strengthened national coordination through the establishment of the Fuel Supply Taskforce, working across the Commonwealth, states and territories and with industry. It's about acting as one country in response to a challenge—not fragmentation, not delay, but coordination because, in a strategic environment such as this, cooperation is essential. We must also be honest about what recent events have shown us. While Australia continues to receive sufficient fuel overall, recent events have shown how quickly global pressures can translate into local disruption. That's why preparedness matters and that's why flexibility and action matter. In an increasingly uncertain global environment, Australia must act decisively to protect its sovereign capability and secure the essentials that keep our economy moving. And, when we speak about sovereign capability, we mean it with each letter of the words—not just being sovereign, like those opposite, but being capable. That's what sovereign capability is about. We are evolving our approach, moving along a critical minerals strategic reserve to consider a broader, more responsive national interest framework. This includes the potential to secure critical fuel supplies as well as other essential imports that underpin construction and housing. Through Export Finance Australia, we are establishing mechanisms to finance the import of fuel and other necessary goods and to provide financial derivatives and price support to purchase, sell and stockpile fuel and other necessary goods to ensure domestic availability, as and when directed by government, and to financially hedge resulting exposures as appropriate. This would ensure government has sufficient flexibility to deal with the current fuel crisis now and into the future. Right now, the challenge is about affordability and volatility, with prices surging and smaller importers facing the potential of being priced out altogether. It creates a real risk, and that's why this government is acting. While Australia continues to receive sufficient fuel overall, through recent experience we have identified some structural vulnerabilities in our fuel security framework that we should act now to address and that we are addressing. These will help position us to manage supply chain disruptions and ensure we have a wider range of tools to respond proactively and without needing to resort to emergency powers. It's a time for national unity, not a time to play politics. This is not about also subsidising business as usual. It's about targeted, temporary intervention, supporting contracts that would otherwise not proceed, particularly where they fill urgent gaps in local supply, including in regional areas. If companies can demonstrate that a shipment is essential but commercially unviable under current market conditions, we will step in, ensuring those cargoes come here and do not go elsewhere. This is a supply-side measure designed to get fuel into Australia, and fast. Importantly, this builds on work already underway to strengthen sovereign capability. We're not starting from scratch. We are extending a framework developed through our strategic reserves policy to meet today's challenges. I want to take this opportunity to thank the Minister for Climate Change and Energy, the Minister for Resources and the Minister for Trade and Tourism for their round-the-clock work in dealing with this global crisis. This legislation is vital, it is timely and it is ready to move quickly. Addressing supply chain risks allows us to provide confidence to the market and ensure continuity of supply. It's about getting ahead of the curve. We are responding to global disruptions with practical, outward-looking solutions that strengthen our resilience while engaging with global markets from a position of strength. While others deal in hypotheticals and political instability, we are focused on delivery and focused on working to secure Australia's future. The Prime Minister has just announced, coming out of National Cabinet, that we've halved the fuel excise and we will reduce the heavy vehicle charge to zero for three months. That is a practical, coordinated approach—a national approach, an Australian approach—to a global crisis. This bill matters because it fills strategic gaps. It gives the government the ability to act early, to act proportionately and to stabilise the system before a situation escalates. It is about the risk-mitigation factors, adding supply here in Australia. Getting fuel where it needs to be in this country is not a simple task. In Australia it means moving across thousands of kilometres, from ports to depots, from depots to distribution centres and from distribution centres to towns, farms and worksites and then further still, out to the edges of our economy where fuel is not just important but essential. Fuel keeps machinery running, it keeps trucks moving and it keeps businesses open. When that supply is disrupted, even briefly, the consequences are immediate. Shelves are not stocked, work is delayed and costs rise, and communities feel it straightaway. When it hits, it often also does not land evenly in a country as broad and vast as Australia. When it travels from international markets to shipping routes to domestic supply chains and ultimately to Australian households and businesses, it often hits hardest in places that are furthest away—in regional communities and in our outer suburbs, which I am proud to represent, and in the logistics networks that hold this country together. It's why the actions that the Albanese Labor government is taking are fundamentally important. We recognise that, in a country like ours, fuel security is not just having supply somewhere. It's about getting that supply everywhere reliably, as affordable as can be in the global markets and conditions that we see today, and when it is needed most. This legislation gives the Commonwealth the ability to step in early through Export Finance Australia to temporarily derisk the acquisition and delivery of fuel—to step in before disruption becomes crisis, to act before shortages begin to bite hard and to stabilise the system when pressure builds, particularly in regional markets, particularly in moments of volatility like now and particularly where the consequences of inaction would be felt most sharply. It does this by expanding the powers of Export Finance Australia, allowing it to provide loans, guarantees, insurance and financial arrangements to support price stability and, where necessary, purchase, sell or stockpile fuel and other essential goods. This is practical, it is targeted and it leverages expertise we already have thanks to the work the Albanese Labor government has already done on our strategic minerals reserve. Let us be clear about what this intends to achieve. It intends to stabilise supply, keep fuel flowing, support businesses to keep operating, support communities such as mine and many right across this country to keep functioning and reduce the likelihood that we will need to resort to emergency interventions. Good policy is about acting in the national interest and acting early, it is about recognising risk before it becomes crisis and it is about putting in place the tools that allow us to respond calmly, effectively and with the confidence that this country deserves. Fuel security, in an economic sense, is not just about supply. It is also about fairness to the everyday Australian. When global shocks hit fuel prices, the impact does not fall evenly, and nowhere is that more obvious than in our road transport sector. I also want to recognise a group of Australians who are absolutely central to this discussion: our truck drivers and transport workers. When fuel prices spike, they don't just feel it; they carry it up and down our highways and through our supply chains—and, ultimately, they carry it into the cost of everything Australians rely on. In communities like mine, in Melbourne's outer north, across Calwell many workers are part of that supply chain. They are the drivers; they are the warehouse workers; they are the logistics operators; they are the people who keep goods moving every single day. When pressures hit this sector, they feel it first. This is not abstract policy discussion; it is affecting people's livelihoods right across my community. That's why this government is acting. We are amending the Fair Work Act to allow truckies and transport operators to seek urgent relief through the Fair Work Commission—because fairness matters. Costs should not simply be pushed down the chain; they should be shared fairly. This ensures that the independent Fair Work Commission can act quickly, because, in a moment like this, speed and timeliness matter, responsiveness matters, and fairness will always matter and be at the forefront of the Albanese Labor government's agenda. This legislation also looks to allow Australia to operate strategically—through long-term agreements, through participation in markets, through targeted supply acquisition and through mechanisms that provide certainty in uncertain times. If we are serious about a future made in Australia, we cannot leave critical supply chains to chance. We must be deliberate, we must be prepared and we must always act in Australia's national interests—and today's measures are targeted. In moments like these, tone matters. This is a global crisis, not a political opportunity or a time for shouting and theatrics, like we saw from the Leader of the Opposition just before. It is not a time for noise or to spread confusion or contradictions in words and policy. The Prime Minister put it plainly: we will do whatever is necessary; it is about being overprepared. That is the leadership and the responsibility that drives the work of this government each and every day. Our approach to strategic reserves couldn't be more different than that of those opposite. We recognise that resources that will power the next generation of industry are of national importance. We believe in sovereign capability—not just putting it in titles. It is not just about acting sovereign; it is also being capable. Australians understand something simple: they need coordination and they need a government that acts. This bill is about energy sovereignty, it is about Australia's economic resilience and it is about preparing Australia for an increasingly uncertain world that we've heard about from our partners who have addressed the parliament most recently. In communities like mine, where people rely on transport to work, where businesses depend on supply chains and where logistics underpins local jobs, this bill matters. It is practical reform, it is forward looking and it is exactly what this moment demands. We cannot wait for crisis to arrive before we act. We must be ready, we must be resilient and we must strengthen Australia's sovereign capability in the things and areas that matter most. I commend the bill to the House. 13:13 Mr TEHAN 210911 Wannon Can I say that, fortunately, through this national fuel crisis, the opposition has been able to lead. We've seen that quite clearly because the government, right through the last month, since the Iran war began, has put its head in the sand and pretended that absolutely nothing is going on—nothing is happening with regard to Australia's fuel security and the price of diesel and petrol that Australians are paying at the bowser. Finally, it seems like the penny has dropped. The sad reality is that we're in this situation today where it does seem that the penny has dropped for the government, yet it's far too late for Australians. They're really, really hurting. I hope that when the Prime Minister comes into question time today the first thing he does is apologise to the Australian people. You need to apologise to the Australian people, Prime Minister, because you have messed this up. It's been a catastrophe. Your minister should go, and you should apologise to the Australian people. The fact that we're here today with this rushed legislation coming through, which the opposition have been happy to support because we were given a briefing at seven o'clock last night, shows that the government is literally chasing its tail in trying to deal with this national fuel crisis. I'll give you the most classic example as to why they're doing that. We're making changes to the Export Finance and Insurance Corporation Act so that they can deal with getting oil here to Australia. Guess what they did last year? They sent a message to EFA, a statement of expectations, saying: 'You're not to touch oil. You're not to touch gas. You're not to touch coal.' And, yet, here we are today, and they've finally realised that oil's important. They had no idea that diesel powers 50 per cent of our energy in this nation—50 per cent! Fishing, farming and mining are all dependent on diesel. They had no idea about the importance of diesel and no idea about the importance of coal and gas to our nation, especially when you have something like a war taking place. The government had to be led kicking and screaming to admit there was a national crisis going on. Now, finally, they seem to be taking some measures to deal with supply. I hope they're successful, and that's why we're happy to support it. But the other thing the government has to be able to do is identify where the supply shortages are in the nation and get the fuel there. They've had rain in Western Australia. They're out in their tractors sowing. Have they got enough diesel to make sure they can get those paddocks sowed? They're about to do the same thing in Victoria. Have they got enough diesel to make sure that can happen? New South Wales, South Australia and Queensland—you name it—they need that diesel. The government have to make sure that they know where the shortages are and that they can get the fuel to them. So far, there is no sign whatsoever of them being able to do that even though we've been calling for it for over a month. There's no sign of it whatsoever. The other thing that, once again, the coalition has led on is cutting in half the fuel excise. The government has finally realised that people are hurting. There's an example that we've been given of a service which takes kidney patients to get dialysis and the people who drive those patients so that they can get that treatment. They're now wondering whether they'll be able to keep that service going, because they can't afford the fuel. We obviously were out on Friday calling for a halving of the fuel excise. It's funny—the Prime Minister did a press conference afterwards and he pooh-poohed the idea. Once again, hopefully he's got the dignity to come in here and apologise and say to the Australian people, 'We messed up on the supply and we've messed up on the price, and I'm sorry.' We'd all say, 'Okay, fair cop,' if he would come in and do that. We'd say, 'There's a prime minister who admits he's been absolutely incompetent with the way he's handled this whole thing, but at least he's big enough and honest enough to be able to admit that's the case.' I'll be very, very surprised if we get that apology. But we over on this side all live in hope. But the sad reality for the Australian people is that they're living in hope but with a huge financial penalty. They're hurting all because of the cost of fuel in this nation. I wonder what the Prime Minister will say to them, because since we said what we thought should happen on Friday, carving out the fuel excise, and today—this will get higher by Wednesday, when I understand they are going to introduce the legislation—the government has raked in another $50 million through the excise just in that space of time. I wonder whether there will be some sort of asking for forgiveness with someone saying: 'Sorry, we messed up again. We should have acted when the opposition said'. They could have said, 'Great idea opposition,' on Friday and, bang, Monday we'd be here introducing that legislation along with these other three pieces of legislation. Wouldn't the Australian people welcome that? If we had the fuel excise bill cutting it in half and the road user charge bill in here today, wouldn't they like that? The government wouldn't be raking in maybe another $10 million today, another $10 million tomorrow and another $10 million on Wednesday—and who knows when all of these will get royal assent. We don't know that. We do not know that. We are going to put forward some amendments this afternoon on this bill. We think that if you are going to let Export Finance Australia start dealing with oil, with diesel, with petroleum, with coal, with gas, then you should be able to do it not only on the national interest account but on the commercial account as well. We'll be pushing that forward; it's very good and sensible. In a national crisis, Export Finance Australia should be given all options, so we will be making sure we do that. Then we will be looking to make amendments to the EPBC Act. One of the things that deeply concerns us at the moment—just say the government needed to build a brand-new storage facility to get the diesel or the oil or the petrol here, do you know what? They'd have to go through the full rigmarole of the EPBC changes, thanks to Labor and the Greens and their little grubby deal on the EPBC Act. We want to get rid of that because in a national emergency we need all the options on the table. This will be a good test for the Prime Minister. He could say: 'Yes. Six months ago we completely messed this up. We got carried away on ideology, not on practicality.' He could say: 'You know, I'm going to change it. We've realised this isn't good. Governing through ideology doesn't work for anyone. What the Australian people want is governing through practicality.' We will be looking at those amendments, and we will be circulating them later this afternoon. It's good the government is listening to the Australian people. It's good the government is listening to the opposition. I hope the government will continue to act, and I hope the government understands the pain they have caused, the worry on supply and price. I conclude with this: I really do hope we will see the Prime Minister come into this chamber this afternoon and the first thing he does is apologise to the Australian people for the pain he's caused them, the worry he has caused them, the concern he has caused them due to his complete incompetence in dealing with supply, and also apologise for the fact that his and his government's incompetence has led to a dramatic rise in fuel prices, which is hurting Australians beyond their budget like they never, ever could have imagined. 13:23 Ms LANDRY 249764 Capricornia Australia is facing a serious fuel supply shock, and it's hitting at the worst possible time. Families in my electorate and right across regional Australia are already under enormous pressure. They are working hard, doing their best to get ahead, but every month it feels like they are falling further behind. Groceries are up, power bills are up, rents and mortgages are up and now fuel, one of the most essential costs in daily life, is becoming harder to access and more expensive. In regional communities, fuel is not an option. It is not a discretionary cost. It is how you get to work. It is how you take your kids to school. It is how small businesses operate. It is how farmers move goods. And it is how communities stay connected. When fuel supply is disrupted and prices rise, it hits everything. It hits the price of food on the shelf. It hits the cost of getting goods to market. It hits the viability of small businesses already running on tight margins. Right now, that pressure is real. We are seeing service stations running dry. We are seeing prices at levels many Australians have never experienced before. We are seeing families forced to rethink everyday decisions—whether they can afford to travel, visit family or even take their kids to sport. Let me give you a real-world example from a pineapple farmer in Yeppoon. Normally, this farm relies on 1,500 litres of fuel every week. Right now, it's been rationed to 1,000 litres, only around 60 per cent of what it needs. In the short term, this is a small buffer, but, if this rationing continues for two weeks, pineapple farming operations will stop. The farm will still pick fruit, but it will not plant new crops. That means that, in two years time, there'll be no fruit to harvest. This is not just a supply issue; this is an economic warning sign. It shows how quickly a fuel disruption today becomes a production crisis tomorrow and a cost-of-living hit down the track. That is the reality on the ground. But at a time that calls for leadership and urgency, what Australians have seen from this government is delay and denial. For weeks, concerns about fuel supply were dismissed. Australians were told there was no problem. Then, when the situation worsened, the messaging changed, and then, when the crisis became unavoidable, the government acted. This is not leadership. In a crisis like this, Australians expect the government to be across the details, to be prepared and to act early. In that context, we are debating this bill. Let me be clear, the coalition will support it, because this bill does something practical. It allows Export Finance Australia to step in during extraordinary disruptions to help secure essential imports like fuel and fertiliser. That is a sensible measure. In a crisis, governments should be able to act quickly to support supply chains to ensure that essential goods can reach Australia. We will always support practical steps that help keep the country moving, but we also need to be honest about what this bill is and what it is not. This bill is not a silver bullet. It does not get fuel to empty service stations today. It does not bring down prices at the bowsers tomorrow. And it does not fix the underlying problem that left Australia exposed in the first place. The deeper issue here is one of preparedness. Australia is entering this crisis weaker than it should be. After years in government, Labor has failed to strengthen our domestic fuel capability. Instead, we are now more reliant on overseas supply and more vulnerable to global disruptions. What matters, especially for a country like Australia, where distance and logistics are everything, is that there is a clear contradiction at the heart of the government's approach. On one hand, they are asking taxpayers to underwrite imported fuel during a crisis; on the other hand, their policies are restricting investment in the very industries that underpin our energy security here at home. That simply does not make sense. If fuel is important enough to import and stockpile, it is important enough to support domestically. National security starts with domestic capability. The coalition's approach is straightforward. We support practical measures to improve supply in the short term, like this bill, but we also believe in building long-term resilience. That means backing Australian production; it means removing barriers to invest in oil, gas and critical resources; it means ensuring our institutions, including Export Finance Australia, can support the industries that keep our economy strong; and it means rebuilding sovereign capability so that in times of crisis Australia can stand on its own two feet. We cannot keep lurching from crisis to crisis, relying on emergency measures to paper over deeper structural problems. But supply is only part of the equation. The other part is cost. Right now, Australian families and small businesses need relief immediately. This bill helps finance supply, but it does nothing to ease the immediate cost pressures people are facing at the bowser. That is the gap that needs to be addressed. The coalition is pleased that the government has taken our advice and cut the fuel excise in half for three months, because this is the fastest, most direct way to deliver relief. It works immediately at the point of sale. It does not rely on complex systems or delayed reimbursements. It does not require small businesses to wait months for the BAS cycle to see any benefit. It puts money back into people's pockets straight away. The difference it will make is real, around 26c per litre off fuel prices and $20 off a typical tank—real savings for households already under pressure. For small businesses, whether it's a tradie, a delivery driver, a florist or a cleaner, it means lower operating costs straight away—no delay, no paperwork, no lag, just relief when it is needed most. For the transport sector, it is just as important. Truck drivers and freight operators are on the front line of this crisis. They are facing rising costs, tight margins and increasing pressure. Reducing the road user charge alongside the excise ensures that relief flows through the entire supply chain. It's not just about fuel prices that come down; it's about the cost of goods as well. Australians are facing a perfect storm of global supply shocks on top of domestic cost pressures. Families are stretched. Small businesses are under strain. 13:30 The DEPUTY SPEAKER 248181 The debate is interrupted in accordance with standing order 43. The debate may be resumed at a later hour and the member will have leave granted to continue speaking when the debate is resumed. STATEMENTS BY MEMBERS 49 STATEMENTS BY MEMBERS Taxation 49 13:30 Ms SPENDER 286042 Wentworth As of this morning, 5,841 Australians have taken the time to send an email to their own MPs through the Tax Reform Now campaign, asking for responsible tax reform. They've written to every single MP in this House. In the top 20 electorates receiving emails, 16 are Labor, three are Independents and one is Nationals held. But this is more than a set of numbers. This is Australians in their own time sitting down and writing to their local representatives, asking them to take this conversation into their party rooms, into caucus, into this House and into the media. They're asking for something tangible. They're asking for a tax system that works again, where the hard work you put in pays off. Regardless of generation, Australians across the country are asking for a future where younger working Australians have a real chance to get ahead off their own backs. This campaign has not asked constituents to agree on every detail. It is about Australians saying that we need to act, that we need to rebalance the tax system instead of tinkering around the edges, and we need to give the next generation back something that feels increasingly out of reach—that is, hope Easter 49 13:31 Ms FERNANDO 299964 Holt I rise today as Christians in Holt and across Australia prepare to mark Easter, the most sacred time in the Christian calendar. Easter is a time of deep faith, reflection and hope. It reminds us of the suffering, sacrifice and the resurrection of Jesus Christ, and the enduring message at the heart of the gospel—love, mercy, forgiveness and new life. For many families in my electorate, Easter is a time to gather with family, attend church services, pray and reflect on the meaning of Christ's journey to the cross. It is also a time to renew our commitment to kindness, compassion and service, and to carry the spirit of Easter into our homes and our communities. Above all, Easter reminds us that even in darkness there is light, even in suffering there is grace, and even in sorrow there is a promise of renewal. I look forward to attending the Good Friday service at Saint Agatha's in Cranbourne and joining my community in reflection. To all those celebrating Easter across Holt and right across our nation, I wish you and your family a blessed Easter. God bless you all. Fuel 50 13:32 Mr WILLCOX 286535 Dawson Thud—well, that is the sound of my jaw hitting the floor of this chamber because, for the first time this year, the Labor government has actually listened. We went from an energy minister who claimed there was no crisis to a government that has finally listened to the coalition. Finally, sense has prevailed over madness, because when fuel prices soared, they told struggling families to buy a $60,000 electric car. When power bills increased by 40 per cent, they told families to spend a lazy 20 grand on a battery. But today the brutal reality of a family budget has finally smashed through the Canberra bubble. I'm proud to be part of a coalition that refused to back down. We stood firm. We held this government to account and we forced those opposite to do the right thing for the Australian people. The fuel excise is halved. Well done to the coalition. This is the power of strong opposition. I'm proud to be part of a coalition that is restoring our standard of living and protecting our way of life. The coalition has turned the tide, resulting in actual action at the bowser. We have secured a fair go for Australians. We've slashed the tax and we've given our families back their Easter holiday they so much deserve. Thanks for finally listening Labor, and thanks so much to the coalition for holding this Albanese Labor government to account. Caritas Australia: Project Compassion 50 13:34 Mr GOSLING 245392 Solomon These are challenging times for many people in our communities around our country, in our regions and around the world, so thank God for great organisations, like Caritas Australia. It is a Catholic NGO that offers practical, hopeful solutions in the face of conflict, climate change and poverty, including in the Northern Territory. Through Project Compassion, which is one of Australia's largest annual charitable appeals, more than 1,700 schools and 1,200 parishes walk alongside those in need each Lent. They unite against poverty and empower communities to build safer, more hopeful futures. During this Easter, at my parish, St Mary's cathedral, our Agape Youth group has held very successful fundraising events for Project Compassion. Well done to them. And, now that we have entered Holy Week, please consider a donation to Project Compassion so that Caritas can continue its work for Australians and for humanity. This is the heart of Caritas—bringing light to dark places and being grounded in dignity, solidarity and hope. Caritas and Project Compassion show us that transformation is possible whenever we stand together. So this Easter may hope, faith and love reign. Bradleys Head Naval Memorial 50 13:36 Ms STEGGALL 175696 Warringah Today, I acknowledge the dedication of Bradleys Head Naval Memorial in Warringah as Australia marks 125 years of Royal Australian Navy service. This is a remarkable honour for our community, with Bradleys Head now recognised as one of just nine military memorials of national significance in Australia. It recognises a place that is not only beautiful but sacred in what it represents: service, sacrifice and remembrance. HMAS Sydney was the first Australian ship to engage an enemy at sea in the First World War. It defeated the German cruiser SMS Emden near the Cocos Islands in November 1914. Four Australians lost their lives. Bradleys Head is home to the mast of HMAS Sydney, and all passing naval ships still render a ceremonial salute. Bradleys Head holds deep meaning for Warringah, for the Navy and for our national story. It honours Australian sailors, including those lost in later ships that bear the HMAS Sydney name. I'd like to acknowledge the incredible work of the HMAS Sydney Association, the Bradleys Head management committee and the many in our community that have worked hard to see this nomination achieved. May it remain a place of remembrance and reflection for generations to come. Fuel 50 13:37 Ms MASCARENHAS 298800 Swan We're halving the fuel tax for three months, and that's to save people 26c a litre every time they fill up. Conflict overseas is pushing up prices at home, and we know that Australians have been feeling the pressure. Whether it's getting to work, dropping the kids off at school or running a small business, every trip counts. People have been facing pain at the pump. Every litre counts; every cent counts. That's why the Albanese government is making every litre of petrol and diesel 26c cheaper. That's right. It is the Albanese Labor government that is implementing this. This is policy that will be in place from April to June, and this is real relief for every household at the bowser. We have been doing not just that but also more. We have also boosted fuel supply by releasing reserves. We've amended the fuel standards to get more product into the market. We've also appointed a Fuel Supply Taskforce, and we've empowered the ACCC to protect motorists from unfair price rises. Australians always look out for each other, and right now everyone can do their part too. Only buy what is needed so the benefits can be shared fairly across the country. These are uncertain times, but we are responding the Australian way by looking after each other and looking after each other's backs. Passover, Easter 51 13:38 Mr TIM WILSON IMW Goldstein This is the time of year for hope. Passover tells the story of liberation of a people freed from slavery in Egypt, and, of course, Easter and Passover are inextricably linked. The Last Supper was a Passover Seder, and Christ's crucifixion took place during the Passover festival. This is a powerful reminder of not just the Jewish tradition but also the Christian tradition, and they did not emerge in isolation. They are bound together by history, by faith and by a shared spiritual lineage. But, more than history, these occasions speak to something universal. It's about human dignity, about compassion, about justice and about love. Yet this season is not only about the history and tradition. It's also a time for pause and reflection, because at its heart this season is about renewal not just of faith but of purpose as a people. As was written in Galatians: It is for freedom that Christ has set us free. Stand firm, then, and do not let yourselves be burdened again by a yoke of slavery. That message of freedom, of responsibility and of hope is one that transcends faith and speaks to all of us. So, for those who are honouring Passover, chag sameach, and, for those that are honouring the passing and the resurrection of Christ, have a happy Easter. To all members of parliament and to all communities: may there be peace on earth. Cricket 51 13:40 Mr BURNELL 300129 Spence The summer of cricket may finally be over, and what a summer it was. The Australian women's cricket team got an incredible tri-format series victory over India, which is never an easy feat. The men's team retained the Ashes and put Bazball to the sword with a resounding 4-1 win. Now the cherry on top is the South Australian Cricket Association have gone back to back in the Sheffield Shield. The Redbacks, the pride of the state, were guided to a 56-run victory; a well-deserved man of the match went to Nathan McAndrew; and a classy ton in the second innings came from none other than Alex Carey. They didn't even need the pride of the north, Travis Head, which is maybe for the best for my Victorian colleagues, as this game would have been wrapped up well before the fifth day if he was in the side. What makes it even more impressive? The Redbacks won it away from home in difficult conditions—the first Sheffield Shield final away win since 2019. Congratulations to all involved. I'm looking forward to SACA going for the three-peat next season, but in the meantime I'm sure there are a few red tins deservedly being emptied around the state. Well done, the Redbacks. Berowra Electorate: Fuel 51 13:41 Mr LEESER 109556 Berowra In the Berowra electorate families, tradies, truckies and small businesses are being hit from every direction. They've already been battered by Labor's inflation, high interest rates, rising grocery bills and soaring power prices. Now they're confronting a fuel supply crisis and a fuel price crisis at the same time. People are pulling up to the bowser shocked by the price, and too often they're finding there's no fuel at all. The Prime Minister still has no plan—no urgency—and has provided no leadership. Only days ago, his part-time energy minister was assuring Australians there was no fuel crisis at all. We might not be able to control the war, but we can control how we respond. The Prime Minister needs to get the petrol to hundreds of stations that have run dry and deliver relief for Australians who can't afford to fill up even when they can find fuel. About 50 minutes ago, the Prime Minister announced he will introduce our policy of halving the fuel excise for the next three months. Our policy will cut prices by 26c a litre and save Australians around $16 million a day. That's an important step. This afternoon the Prime Minister needs to focus on three more of our calls: introduce a detailed plan to distribute fuel supplies to where they're needed most, be transparent in providing daily updates on where the fuel shortages are occurring and introduce a longer term plan to address the petrol crisis which is occurring on his watch. Easter is only days away and motorists, communities and businesses in my community need certainty now. Housing 51 13:43 Ms KARA COOK 316537 Bonner Can I start by acknowledging my beautiful kids in the gallery today and welcoming them to Parliament House. To improve housing and housing security, governments must listen to those on the front line. That's why the Minister for Housing and Minister for Homelessness, Clare O'Neil, and I recently held the Bonner housing and homelessness roundtable, bringing together 19 local organisations, from housing providers and builders to crisis support services and not-for-profits. We discussed how we can unlock more housing, especially for those most vulnerable and for first home buyers. During the roundtable we also heard from local organisations already making a difference, like the IJ Group in Hemmant building modular homes; from charities like Beyond DV, with their Hope Hub in Carindale, who support women and children escaping family and domestic violence to find safe housing; and from community housing providers such as Gateway Housing in Murarrie, who are crucial in delivering homes under the Housing Australia Future Fund. Only Labor is backing the first home owners five per cent deposit scheme. Already, 458 people in Bonner have bought their first home with a five per cent deposit or less. Only Labor has strengthened housing by increasing the Commonwealth rent assistance by almost 50 per cent, and 6, 785 people in my community of Bonner have already benefited. Labor is delivering housing for all Australians. Easter 52 13:44 Mr YOUNG 201906 Longman This weekend is Easter. Of course, way too much chocolate will be consumed, camping trips will probably be rained out in Queensland and the kids will be excited about the Easter bunny, which is all a bit of fun. However, for those of the Christian faith, I would say that this is the most important event on the calendar. Without the death and resurrection of Jesus, there is no Christian faith. So many Christians that I speak to love the fact that, unlike in so many other religions, the God in the Bible actually got off the throne and came and helped humanity in the form of Jesus Christ. Rather than throwing orders and condemnation at the very people he created for being imperfect, he came to rescue humanity, who really didn't deserve it. The whole gospel message, contrary to popular belief, is one of love, not of judgement. It's a message of hope, not fear. In these tumultuous times, hope is definitely what people need. If you don't go along to a church regularly or at all or if you are feeling despondent, anxious or run out of hope with what we are currently experiencing globally, locally and as a nation, I encourage you to visit a church this Easter and hear for yourself the message of hope in these very challenging times. What have you got to lose? There is a list of Easter services in the Longman community. If you can't afford to get there, I'm sure if you call one of the churches they'd find a way to get you there. Happy Easter, everyone! Fenton, Mr John 52 13:46 Ms TEMPLEMAN 181810 Macquarie I rise to honour John Fenton, vice-president of the City of Penrith RSL sub-Branch, who recently died with his family by his side. John was a highly dedicated and respected veterans advocate who supported thousands of New South Wales veterans over many years. I first got to know him more than a decade ago as an active member of the Blue Mountains Vietnam Veterans and Associated Forces group. John was an Army officer, a Vietnam vet himself, commanding the 17th Construction Squadron Workshop, and a formidable veterans volunteer. John's aim was to drive improvements and support for the benefit of others. Among many roles in his Army career, John was posted to the Territory of Papua New Guinea for two years to train Pacific soldiers. I know he derived satisfaction in playing a role in bringing that nation to independence. Having visited PNG recently, I know how highly regarded Australia's service was at that time. We were able to honour John recently with a beautiful quilt presented by the New South Wales Governor at the unveiling of the Penrith war memorial plaque honouring women who have served Australia in both peace and war, which John of course had a role in making happen. I will miss this lovely but determined gentleman, John Fenton. Thank you, John, for your service. May you rest in peace. Fuel 52 13:47 Ms ALDRED 11788 Monash Australians are doing the right thing, but this government is not. Australians are watching what happens at the bowser, and they are rightly concerned. But let's be clear: not every Australian is panic buying fuel. Most people are doing the right thing. They are getting on with running their businesses, getting to work and keeping their farms going. I'll give you an example. Over the weekend I was at Farm World, the best agricultural field days in Australia, and I had a farmer come up to me and say: 'Mary, I'm about to get on with sowing. I took a fuel can to my local petrol station so I could fill up my tractor, and I was actually turned away because they thought I was panic buying that fuel.' It's an important message. A lot of our farmers are struggling right now, and they need the benefit of the doubt, which this government's not giving them. But that is the reality of regional Australia right now. It's not the behaviour of Australians. It's a failure of leadership. If this government is serious, then it needs to act to move fuel to servos where it's needed and provide immediate relief by slashing the petrol tax. The Victorian government's announced free public transport. That's great if you live in the city, but you can't get a train to your tractor and those people that are doing it tough in towns like Wonthaggi are cross-subsidising that relief. The Hairy Scotsman and Hailee Barber 53 13:48 Mr REPACHOLI 298840 Hunter I want to recognise a remarkable local success story in Cessnock: the Hairy Scotsman and Hailee Barber, who recently celebrated one year in business. Starting a small business is never easy. It takes courage, resilience, long hours and no shortage of determination. The early mornings and the late nights are moments where you wonder if it's all going to come together. Yet, as the Scots would say, 'Nae pain, nae gain,' and this past year proves exactly that. In just 12 months, Hairy and Hailee have built more than a barber shop. They've created a community hub, a place where locals can walk in a bit rough around the edges and walk out feeling like a new person, often with a fresh fade, a cupcake and perhaps even a cold beer in hand. And of course, it wouldn't be complete without mentioning Hairy himself—a proud Scotsman, often in a kilt, piercings on display, bringing character, humour and a touch of Scottish spirit to the Hunter. As they say: 'Aye, he's no backward in coming forward.' This milestone is a testament to their hard work and the support of the Cessnock community. It shows what can be achieved when passion meets perseverance. So I congratulate you, Hairy and Hailee, on your first year and a great success story. I wish you continued growth in the years ahead. And lang may yer lum reek, which means, 'Long may your chimney smoke.' Cheers. Fuel 53 13:50 Mr BATT 315478 Hinkler Right now, the cost of diesel in my regional Queensland electorate of Hinkler is sitting at levels above $3.20 per litre at many local fuel stations. Prices are visibly hitting Hinkler households in real time. Farmers can't get fertiliser, or, if they can, the price is doubled. Cafes are reducing shifts for workers as trade slows. Transport operators are hiking fuel levies to record highs. Many are cancelling what they consider non-essential expenses. Taxi operators tell me that the uncertainty is crippling. And, just days out from Easter and school holidays, tourists—the drive market bound for my region—are cancelling tours and holidays altogether. The Lady Musgrave Experience usually takes close to 150 people each day out to the southern Great Barrier Reef. Owner Brett Lakey said that they're getting cancellations daily and people are putting their bookings on hold because visitors can't afford the fuel to travel or they're worried the fuel will run out before they drive home after their holiday. Just to top it off for Brett, he's paying $2,500 extra every day for fuel for his boat. They put a small levy on passengers, but it doesn't even begin to cover a cost that has more than doubled. The ripple impact is real, and it's being felt now. Hinkler is hurting. Regional Australia needs urgency and leadership. Move the fuel to the servos. Let's get Australia moving. Let's breathe some life back into regions like Hinkler. Strathmore Football Club, Albanese Government 53 13:51 Ms BRISKEY 263427 Maribyrnong On Saturday, I was with the volunteers at the Strathmore footy club for their season launch. Their new president, Ben, and his team weren't just kicking off the season; they were also seizing the opportunity to raise funds for the Royal Flying Doctor Service, based out of Essendon Fields. That's what community sport is all about: people stepping up for each other. Ben and his committee are working hard, and, like all Australians, they deserve a government that works just as hard for them. That's exactly what we're doing. On this side of the House, we are focused on delivery. That's why, today, we've moved to halve the fuel tax for three months, to put more money in people's pockets. That's why, from July, every taxpayer in Maribyrnong and across the country will receive a tax cut. For people in Flemington, Moonee Ponds, Gladstone Park and Airport West, that's real money back in their pockets—not a promise; not a headline; delivered. To ease pressure on families when they get sick, we've doubled the number of fully-bulk-billing GP clinics in Maribyrnong, so more people can see their doctor and walk out without paying a cent. Cost-of-living relief that's real and targeted; healthcare that's there when you need it—that's Labor delivering. But, in these uncertain times, global instability demands serious, steady leadership, focused on the national interest not the next headline. What do we see from those opposite? No plan; no policy; just noise and opportunism. Australians deserve better than that. They deserve a government working every day to make their lives easier. That's what Labor is doing. And that's what we'll keep doing. Fuel 54 13:53 Mr BIRRELL 288713 Nicholls Well, the good news today is that the government has finally decided to take the fuel crisis seriously, and do what the coalition advised last week, and cut the fuel excise and the road user charge. This is a positive outcome. But the seriousness of the situation needed to be hammered home by many stories of real hardship across Australia—especially in regional areas, from dairy farmers to grade 6 students. I'll give just one more example. I was contacted by a husband-and-wife team who run an owner-driver transport business in my electorate, delivering grain and—when they can find it—fertiliser, across northern Victoria and southern New South Wales. Today, at $3.29 per litre for diesel, they are paying $1,320 for the 400 litres they use every day. That's an increase of $620 to fill their truck. They told me: 'We work hard and we love keeping Australia moving, but we cannot continue to operate very long if this continues.' It shouldn't have taken sustained pressure from the opposition for the government to finally see sense and act on cutting petrol tax and the heavy vehicle user charge, but it is good that it has happened. But there is more to do on delivery to farming areas. And wheat in the ground and milk for lattes needs diesel to get to the regions. Bendigo Easter Festival 54 13:54 Ms CHESTERS 249710 Bendigo This weekend in Bendigo CBD we close our roads and the street becomes alive. It becomes alive with the Bendigo Easter Festival. It's been running for over 150 years in our town and finishes with the grand finale, the grand parade that we have on Easter Saturday, and the main event, led by the Bendigo Chinese Association, which draws so many people to our town, our imperial dragons that take to the streets. The entire festival runs for three days in our town, but across the region there are many reasons why people should come to Bendigo this Easter. On Thursday night we also celebrate 100 years of the Bendigo Easter Fair Society, the organisation that's been charged with running the festival now for over 100 years. It is a great opportunity. We always encourage people to come to Bendigo over the Easter Festival. Now, with free public transport available to people in Victoria, people in Melbourne can come for the day to be part of the fun. Our cuts to the fuel excise announced today are even more reason for people to travel to Bendigo this Easter. It is a fun time to be out, with lots of free activities on offer for families. It's a great time to be in central Victoria and a great time to celebrate our culture and our heritage. And we're always looking for extra legs to help carry our dragons through the streets of Bendigo. Fuel 54 13:56 Ms BELL 282981 Moncrieff Australians have been under enormous pressure every time they pull up to the bowser, and, after months of delay, the Prime Minister has finally acted to halve the fuel tax. But—let's be clear—this announcement, while welcome, has come far too late and has only done half the job, because cutting the tax means very little if Australians can't access affordable fuel in the first place. Right now, the real concern is supply. Families, tradies and small businesses don't just need cheaper fuel; they need certainty that, when they turn up to the servo, the fuel will actually be there. This is where the government is still falling short. There has been no clear plan to ensure fuel supply or to ensure that supply gets where it needs to go, Prime Minister. This government has shown no urgency in strengthening fuel security and no leadership to address the pressures in distribution that are already being felt in communities. When supply is tight, prices rise, and that means any benefit from a tax cut can, and will, quickly disappear. Australians deserve more than a headline announcement. They deserve a government that understands the reality. This is not just about price. It's about access, it's about reliability and it's about leadership, Prime Minister. Australians deserve better. Fuel 54 13:57 Ms SWANSON 264170 Paterson The world is in a state of flux, and, while we can't change what's happening in the Middle East, we can impact how it hurts Australian households and how we help them. I've just gotten back from farewelling a friend out west, and I was talking to farmers, truckies, business owners and workers. I heard 'fertiliser' and 'fuel' in many conversations. Everyday costs are rising and hurting people at the pump. That is why this Albanese government is acting. We are halving the fuel excise—cutting 26.3c per litre—and we are doing that from 1 April. It is practical relief. We're doing it in partnership with the states. I want to thank the states. I want to thank the Prime Minister, the Treasurer and the cabinet for taking this action. We haven't forgotten our truckies. Our heavy vehicle industry is under real strain. These are the people who keep the shelves stocked and our economy moving. In my own electorate, we've got businesses like Hills Tankers, a small, family-run business that is supplying fuel to all the coal mines in the Hunter and keeping them going. They're doing it tough, but they're showing up day in, day out. Who is this for? This is for people in Australia who are under strain. For the next three months we'll reduce the heavy road user charge to zero. We'll keep backing those people who keep us moving. We're going to ease pressure on households. We hear you, we see you and we are delivering. Fuel 55 13:59 Mr TEHAN 210911 Wannon (—) (): Australians are hurting. They don't know whether they're going to get the fuel that they need. They look at the petrol pump every time they go to fill their cars up and the price is extraordinary. It's causing them an enormous amount of pain, and what they want to see is leadership. The Prime Minister has not been leading. The first thing the Prime Minister should do today is get to that dispatch box and apologise to the Australian people for his failure of leadership. We haven't seen a failure of leadership like this since December. That's twice now, in a national emergency— (Time expired) The SPEAKER 53517 In accordance with standing order 43, the time for members' statements has now concluded. DISTINGUISHED VISITORS 55 DISTINGUISHED VISITORS Acknowledgement 55 14:00 The SPEAKER 53517 I'm pleased to advise that in the gallery today is a group of constituents from the member for Eden-Monaro's electorate who are participating in 86K for a Cure, a fundraiser for the Children's Cancer Institute in honour of the 86 kids who are diagnosed with cancer every month in Australia. QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE 55 QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE Fuel 55 14:00 Mr TAYLOR 231027 Hume My question is to the Prime Minister. On fuel, first the Prime Minister said there was no problem. Just days later, there was a crisis. Last week, the Prime Minister refused to cut the fuel excise in response to our call to slash the tax. Then, just one hour ago, the Prime Minister finally announced a fuel excise cut. Why is the Prime Minister always the last to lead in a national crisis? 14:01 Mr ALBANESE R36 Grayndler I thank the latest leader of the opposition for his question. The question began by saying that somehow the government, and I as Prime Minister, didn't say there was an issue with fuel, like we didn't know that there was a war that had impacted the entire global fuel supply network. It's just beyond comprehension. The same group that came in here and actually asked the question one day, 'When will the war end?' which they thought through in tactics, now pretends that somehow we on this side didn't acknowledge that there was a war and that it would have an impact, which it is having right around the world. Leadership is about responding in a coherent, strategic, orderly way, and that is precisely what we have done. We are working with industry and with state and territory governments, working through all of the issues, concentrating on the first issue, which is supply, and making sure that we work with our international partners in the region. There was the announcement that we made on Sunday about shoring up supply. We are changing the standards of both petrol and diesel so there is increased supply there as well. We are releasing, in a coherent, orderly way, 20 per cent of the reserves, making sure that it gets to where it is needed. We are also working through on price. It's not an ill-thought-out proposal that says, 'We're going to actually increase electricity prices by somehow doing something on fuel,' but we're working it through so that, as well as the Commonwealth taking action, state and territory governments are taking action. We are making sure that we deal with the issue of the road user charge, reducing that to zero in recognition that particularly heavy vehicles are under enormous pressure. That is what good government looks like: orderly, coherent and making sure we look after our national interests. That's precisely what we will continue to do. Fuel Security 55 14:04 Mr ROB MITCHELL M3E McEwen My question is to the Prime Minister. Can the Prime Minister update the House on the outcomes agreed to at today's National Cabinet meeting and explain how those measures contribute to boosting Australia's fuel security and supply? 14:04 Mr ALBANESE R36 Grayndler I thank the member for McEwen for his question and for his ongoing assistance in everything to do with fuels and motor vehicles as well. Today, I convened—after we had an NSC meeting and a cabinet meeting—our National Cabinet meeting. There we endorsed the National Fuel Security Plan that we've been working on with states and territories in a coherent way across the board—both Labor and Liberal-National governments working in the national interest in a strategic way. Making sure that we plan and prepare was the first stage. The second stage is keeping Australia moving, because we don't want to find ourselves in a similar situation to what happened with COVID, with restrictions that are unnecessary. What we want to do is make sure that the economy continues to function and make sure that people act responsibly. We repeat the message that people should only buy the fuel that they need, making voluntary choices to use less and avoid the impact of higher fuel prices. We are at level 2. It's been agreed; the Commonwealth and states have set up the Fuel Supply Taskforce, with representatives from all state and territory governments working through the bureaucracy. The Minister for Climate Change and Energy is working through with his counterparts. The Treasurer is working through with his counterparts, as are the Minister for Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry and the Minister for Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development and Local Government. All are working to make sure that the very real global challenges that are there as a result of a war that can't be wished away—and that should be above some of the petty politics that we've seen across this chamber—are worked through in the national interest. Today, we agreed that the Commonwealth would take immediate action to halve the fuel excise on petrol and diesel for three months, starting this Wednesday. We'll reduce the heavy-vehicle road-user charge to zero for three months—something that was not proposed by those opposite. In addition to that, the fuel price will be reduced by more than that half reduction, because we acknowledge that the GST would have produced a windfall gain for the states and territories, and they were cooperative about that as well, having been brought together through the National Cabinet process. The National Fuel Security Plan that has been established is important. We know this is a global crisis, but we also know that families, businesses and farmers are feeling and seeing the impacts at their local petrol station, which is why we continue to act on supply. Today, we have made these cost-of-living measures. Economy 56 14:08 Mr TIM WILSON IMW Goldstein My question is to the Treasurer. An hour ago, the government followed the coalition and announced a fuel excise cut. Can the Treasurer confirm that, unlike the coalition's plan, there is no inflationary offset to the government's excise cut? The SPEAKER 53517 Order! The Minister for Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development and Local Government is now warned. The continual interjections when anyone's speaking is highly disorderly. I'm asking for her help and everyone's help to make sure that we show everyone respect. The Treasurer has the call. 14:08 Dr CHALMERS 37998 Rankin You'd think, with how long they gave him to come up with his first question in quite a while, that he'd come up with a better question than that. Let me tell the shadow Treasurer the key difference between the approach that we announced today and the letter that they wrote the Prime Minister on Friday. The main difference is that, in the plan that we announced today, we didn't forget the heavy-vehicle users like those opposite did. Those opposite called for a $1½ billion change which completely ignored the fact that heavy vehicles were paying 34c a litre. That's how they came up with the costing of 1½ when the costing is a bit more like 2½. Opposition members interjecting— Dr CHALMERS 37998 If they're saying now, as they're interjecting across the table, that they included that, then they got their costing wrong, and it's not the first time that they have done that. The shadow treasurer asked me about the key difference. The key difference is that we are providing more relief. Now, when it comes to the budget position, again, another key difference between this side and that side is that the underlying cash position that the member for Hume took as shadow treasurer to the last election had an $11 billion bigger deficit this year than what we had. He's now pretending— The SPEAKER 53517 Order! The Treasurer will now pause— The SPEAKER 53517 The member for Lingiari is now warned also. The Manager of Opposition Business on a point of order. Mr Tehan 210911 It goes to direct relevance. The question was straightforward. Are there offsets or not? That was the question. The SPEAKER 53517 Resume your seat. I'd like to hear from the Leader of the House. Mr Burke DYW The Manager of Opposition Business should know what was asked. This question specifically asked about coalition policy. We don't often get a question from that side that refers specifically to coalition policy. This one did. The SPEAKER 53517 I want to uphold what the Leader of the House has said. I've got a direct transcript here of the question. It is about the government following the coalition. If you're going to ask about coalition policy in your question and whether the government has followed it, it is obvious. I'd just asked the Manager of Opposition Business in the future to make sure he's also listening to the question. The Treasurer is going to respond to the question. He's being directly relevant, so he'll continue. Dr CHALMERS 37998 I'm asked about the differences between the two approaches. We're providing more relief, and, because we've got a much better budget position than those opposite took to the election, we're providing it in a more responsible way. We've found $114 billion worth of offsets in less than four years which is the kind of responsible economic management which would be unrecognisable to those opposite. When it comes to additional savings in the budget—we're at the end of March now, and the budget is in the second week of May—we'll continue to work through all of those decisions and deliberations in the considered, methodical and decisive way that has been the hallmark of the responsible economic management under this government for some years. What this is really about—this is about providing temporary and timely and responsible cost-of-living relief to people who are doing it tough. We know that this war in the Middle East is having extreme consequences for the global economy, and Australians are paying a hefty price for that at the bowser. We're doing what this government always does which is to try and help where we can, to try and provide cost-of-living relief in the most responsible way that we can. If those opposite really cared about cost-of-living relief, they wouldn't have opposed our tax cuts or said that they'd repeal them if they won the election. Fuel Security 57 14:13 Ms TEMPLEMAN 181810 Macquarie My question is to the Minister for Climate Change and Energy. With the war in the Middle East impacting global supply chains, how is the Albanese Labor government taking further action to strengthen Australia's fuel security? 14:13 Mr BOWEN DZS McMahon I thank my honourable friend for the question and for the wonderful work she does for the people of Macquarie on so many levels. On Saturday, as I do on every Saturday now, I released the minimum stockholding obligation updated figures so the Australian people can see how much petrol, diesel and jet fuel we have in Australia. Those figures show 39 days' worth of petrol at 1.6 billion litres, 30 days of diesel at 2.7 billion litres and 30 days of jet fuel at about 800 million litres. What that tells me is that although our refiners and our importers are delivering fuel to regional Australia in particular at record levels, the fuel also continues to arrive in Australia and be refined in Australia. Viva, for example, which is the refinery in Geelong has advised me today that their deliveries to regional Australia in the last week are 55 per cent higher than normal. That's a good thing. They are prioritising deliveries direct to distributors who go to farmers and who go to those who are involved in agriculture, and that's a good thing. There's a lot more work to do. Opposition members interjecting— The SPEAKER 53517 Order! Mr BOWEN DZS I would have thought members opposite would welcome 55 per cent higher deliveries to regional Australia, for example. But we know that there's more to do. Last week several companies raised with me the fact that the volatility in the oil market was getting worse, that purchasing spot cargoes was getting riskier and that they were finding those transactions increasingly hard. So the government very quickly worked through those issues last week, and on Saturday the Prime Minister and I announced a major intervention to put Export Finance Australia to work to enable them to finance and to work with importers to ensure they can get those cargoes, those spot cargoes that are available in the world—they are available. We want them to come to Australia for Australians. Export Finance Australia will be able to enter into insurance, hedging, loans, guarantees and direct purchases, whatever it takes, to work with those companies to get those types of fuel into Australia—but not just fuel. The legislation which I introduced into the House today makes clear it is also available for any good that is suffering under supply chain disruptions, and the government make it clear we regard fertiliser as a key priority there, and I thank the Minister for Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry for all her work there with the sector. This is being ahead of the curve to make sure that we are helping companies before the problems arise. The companies told us that they were finding this increasingly difficult, so we announced the legislation on Saturday, introduced it on Monday and will seek to pass it this evening, and we'll seek to pass it through the Senate tomorrow, so Australia's importers are able to get that fuel—that fuel that is available around the world—for Australians in good time, in good order, so we can ensure that our fuel supply remains as secure as it can be. DISTINGUISHED VISITORS 57 DISTINGUISHED VISITORS Acknowledgement 57 14:16 The SPEAKER 53517 I have a few acknowledgements to do today of guests in the gallery. I'm pleased to inform the House that present in the front row of the gallery today are hardworking firefighters from the great state of Victoria joining us today. I'm also pleased to inform the House that in the gallery today is Mr Alex Volkanovski, the current and two-time UFC featherweight champion and the first Australian born fighter to win a UFC title. We also have some of the brand-new members of the National Youth Parliament; Councillor Matt Burnett, Mayor of Gladstone Regional Council; and members of the Local Government Association of Queensland. I'm also pleased to inform the House that present in the gallery today is Ms Karen Lloyd AM, the executive officer of Deaf Australia from 2000 to 2013. Honourable members: Hear, hear! QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE 58 QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE Fuel 58 14:17 Dr RYAN 297660 Kooyong My question is to the Treasurer. Treasurer, you've directed the ACCC to crack down on fuel price gouging, but price gouging is not illegal in Australia. Prices are set by retailers, and drivers are still angry about getting ripped off at the bowser. You're cutting excises, but how can drivers be sure that retailers will cut prices? 14:18 Dr CHALMERS 37998 Rankin I'll come to the member for Kooyong's question. But the Deputy Prime Minister's from a fighting family, and he'll want me to say hello to the Volk, who's up there in the crowd. Thank you for joining us today. This is obviously a very important question that the member for Kooyong asked, because it goes to our efforts to make sure that fuel suppliers and retailers aren't doing the wrong thing by Australian motorists and Australian truckies, and that's why we have substantially increased the powers of the ACCC and the penalties of the ACCC—so that they can come down like a tonne of bricks on anyone who is doing the wrong thing in our fuel markets. In doing that, we're coming after the sources of some of that gouging that the member is right to be concerned about. When we came to office, we increased the penalties. We allowed the ACCC to issue on-the-spot fines. Just recently in the parliament we increased penalties further, to up to $100 million, and that's because we share the concerns which are legitimately raised that, at a time of extraordinary price volatility in global oil markets and Australian petrol markets, the onus is on us to prevent the kind of gouging that the member for Kooyong is talking about. Similarly, I've just actually signed a letter in the last half hour or so to make sure that the ACCC is particularly attentive to the change that we announced this afternoon to make sure that the benefits of the change to the fuel excise are passed on to Australian motorists and truckies and to make sure that they're doing the right thing there as well. So it's an important question and a big part of the work that we're doing, but not the only part of the work that we're doing, to make sure the ACCC can look after the interests of our motorists and truckies. Road Transport Industry 58 14:20 Mr BURNELL 300129 Spence My question is to the Minister for Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development and Local Government. What is the Albanese Labor government doing to support the transport industry and address fuel disruptions? 14:20 Ms CATHERINE KING 00AMR Ballarat I thank the member for Spence for his question and also for his continued advocacy for transport workers. We do understand that Australians are doing it tough right now, and we're working around the clock to address domestic fuel disruptions that are occurring because of the war in the Middle East. This morning, led by the Prime Minister, National Cabinet met again to ensure a nationally coordinated approach to these fuel disruptions. Following this, the government has announced that we are reducing the heavy vehicle road user charge to zero for three months to help ease costs for truck companies who are carrying essential supplies right the way across the nation. This is something that they have called for, and it is an important measure alongside the cuts to fuel excise. If we had just reduced fuel excise, as those opposite proposed, without the road user charge, it would have had a significant and material impact on our trucking and supply companies. That is what they did last time, and they left a significant mess for us to clean up in relation to that. These measures will, of course, complement changes to the Fair Work Act to ensure truck drivers can quickly renegotiate their rates with Australia's major retailers. The government will also defer the next scheduled increase in the heavy vehicle road user charge by six months. We also raised with states and territories that they could also consider their charges around registration. We know transport operators are feeling the pressure of rising fuel prices, and they have told us that they're struggling at the moment to absorb that cost. Heavy vehicle operators will see a direct reduction at the bowser and cash flow relief through full access through the fuel tax credit. We of course have also halved the fuel excise on petrol and diesel for three months, and halving that will reduce the cost of fuel by 26.3 cents per litre. These changes in road user charging in particular have been called for by the Australian Trucking Association, the Australian Livestock and Rural Transporters Association as well as the Bus Industry Confederation, which does so much work in our public transport system. Our government is taking strong action to secure our fuel supply, help people with cost of living and keep Australia moving. Just today we've introduced legislation to underwrite the purchase of fuel, fertiliser and other essentials by the private sector so we can secure more cargo coming to Australia. Of course this builds on the work we're doing right the way across government, such as releasing more petrol and diesel onto the market, working with our regional partners to shore up supply and trade of essential goods, and getting fuel into regional and agricultural communities that are facing fuel disruptions. We are working right the way across government and across governments to get bipartisanship and a united approach to address these fuel disruptions. We are working with industry and unions and supporting businesses, workers and their suppliers. Fuel 59 14:23 Mr KENNEDY 267506 Cook My question is to the Prime Minister. Can the Prime Minister confirm that 10 per cent of service stations in New South Wales currently have no diesel? How many service stations in Australia are currently without fuel? 14:24 Mr ALBANESE R36 Grayndler I thank the member for Cook for his question. Indeed there are supply issues for select petrol stations around Australia. We've acknowledged that. We've acknowledged that that's the case. I will ask the minister to add, but what we're doing is actually constructively working through everything that is possible to increase supply—everything that is possible, whether that be what we did with changing fuel standards for both diesel and petrol, whether it be making sure that the 20 per cent that we released goes to petrol stations particularly in regional Australia or whether it be the measure that we announced on Saturday with the energy minister. Not everyone on that side has been critical of it, it must be said. There are some that have recognised that there is a war going on and that there's an impact of that war, as most Australians understand directly. For example, one said about the measures that we've taken—Andrew Hastie, the Liberal Deputy Leader in the House of Representatives—there's a title for you! The SPEAKER 53517 Order! The manager on a point of order. Mr Tehan 210911 Direct relevance, Speaker. This was a very specific question. It didn't ask for a compare and contrast with the coalition—nothing like that. It wanted confirmation about 10 per cent of fuel stations in New South Wales not having diesel, as well as other service stations across Australia. It was a very specific question. The SPEAKER 53517 Yes, it was specific. You're asking for facts and figures, and you'd like a yes/no and all of that. Order! The SPEAKER 53517 Order! The Leader of the Opposition is not helping. The Prime Minister was asked specific questions about facts and figures. It was a narrow question. I can't compel him, under the standing orders, to answer those. We're just going to continue on. Mr ALBANESE R36 I was asked a question about supply, and that's what I'm talking about. I know the Manager of Opposition Business might object to me positively quoting the Liberal deputy leader, but I will. He went on to say yesterday, 'I think we need to be doing whatever we can to make sure that we have sufficient supply in this country.' He went on to say: In principle, this makes sense … these are big and extraordinary powers, but we are in extraordinary times … I welcome the fact that there's someone over there who does recognise that these are extraordinary times and therefore there are challenges. This sort of question from the member for Cook—when you have supply pressures, there will be impacts of those supply pressures. That is what is there, and that is what we are dealing with. But it isn't just some of those opposite who recognise the challenges which are there; many in the business community that we're working with do the same. Andrew Mackellar, the chief executive of ACCI, said yesterday, We think it's a very positive step. It sends the right signal. It will ensure that we can … stand in the international marketplace and bid to get those stocks when they're available. And that's a critical part of the supply challenge at the moment. So we're working on supply in order to deal with the challenge which not just we are facing but the entire globe is facing out of the fact that there is a war in the Middle East. (Time expired) Cost of Living 59 14:28 Ms COKER 263547 Corangamite My question is to the Treasurer. How is the Albanese Labor government responding to the pressures Australians are facing as a consequence of the war in the Middle East? 14:28 Dr CHALMERS 37998 Rankin A big thankyou to the member for Corangamite, not just for the question but also for the great job she does representing the people of the Surf Coast and the Bellarine in Victoria, a beautiful part of Australia. The war in the Middle East is doing a great deal of damage to the global economy. Australians are paying a hefty price for that, at the petrol bowser and beyond, when it comes to the upward pressure on prices. What we've announced today are additional steps to try and ease some of the pressures that Australians are feeling as a consequence of that war in the Middle East. We have announced that we'll halve the fuel excise for three months from April and cut the heavy vehicle road user charge to zero. That's all about helping with the cost of living in a timely way, in a temporary way and in a responsible way. It will reduce the excise on petrol and diesel by 26.3c a litre. People are under cost-of-living pressure. We acknowledge that. But, more than acknowledging that, we're acting on it today. We know that that pressure in this instance is coming from the war in the Middle East. We can't end that war. Obviously, from an economic point of view, the end of the war can't come soon enough. But, in the interim, we're taking a series of responsible, decisive steps to help Australians through a particularly difficult period. What we're announcing today will reduce the cost of a 65-litre tank by around $19. When it comes to the heavy vehicle road user charge, that will save drivers about $130 on a 400-litre tank and will help take some more of the pressure off the supply chain for food and other essentials. This government will always do what it responsibly can to help people with the cost of living and to recognise the pressures that they're under. This is a really important part of our plan to respond to the impact of the war in the Middle East, but it's not the only part of our plan. I commend my ministerial colleagues for the work that is going into boosting supply and making sure the distribution networks are as strong as they can be and making sure that our domestic refineries are encouraged to create more fuel here. The work that we're doing on ACCC and monitoring and all of the work that's happening when it comes to engaging with our international partners is a really important part of our plan, and so is particularly the leadership that the Prime Minister showed today in bringing the state and territory leaders together to agree on the plan for fuel security, which was released in the last hour or two. I thank the state and territory premiers as well for the indications that they have given on GST relief. We will get through this, but we all need to work together and do our bit. The announcements we've made today are all about that. Fuel 60 14:31 Mr WILLCOX 286535 Dawson My question is to the Prime Minister. The Kidney Support Network in Mackay says volunteer drivers are being forced off the road by the national fuel crisis, putting renal patients at risk of missing dialysis. Why is this Prime Minister always last to lead in a national crisis? 14:32 Mr ALBANESE R36 Grayndler I thank the member for Dawson for his question. I want to acknowledge the work that our volunteers do, including the ones that he referred to. One of the things about our country is that we're defined by the way that we look after each other, and that's nowhere clearer than in the example that the member for Dawson gave. That's one of the things that will get us through the pressures that are on right now—Australians looking after each other. That was one of the key elements of the National Fuel Security Plan—not seeking to impose solutions on people but saying that people should only take what they need so that fuel is available and so that people are able to continue to keep our economy going under what are global pressures. We understand, and I certainly understand, that people are doing it tough at the moment and that this is creating a great deal of anxiety out there. If you go to a petrol station and you can't fill up, it makes you anxious. In a country like ours, we rely so much upon our motor vehicles to get around, which is why we're saying in the fuel security plan, for example, that if you can get to work on a train or a bus and that's convenient and therefore leave more fuel around then that's a good thing. But we understand that not everyone in our country can do that, particularly in regional communities. That's precisely why we are doing that. We're working across the board as well. I note this. Someone was talking yesterday and they said: … there is very extensive coordination between business and government. There is a graduated approach that has been adopted and we've seen government acting quickly to implement appropriate arrangements, including standing up the National Coordination Mechanism, meetings of the NOSEC— National Oil Supplies Emergency Committee— starting the National Cabinet process, the appointment of Anthea Harris as the Fuel Supply Taskforce Coordinator, changes to fuel standards, release of reserves … … … … … these are all important and very worthwhile steps and business is being closely consulted as government works through the options … That was Andrew McKellar, the head of ACCI. What is happening is that overwhelmingly, with a few exceptions that I can think of, we are working together in the national interest. That's what we'll continue to do, including in the interests of the constituents of the member for Dawson, because we understand these difficulties, which are global. We are not immune to the impact of this war in the Middle East, which is why we will continue to take strong action, as we have already. Fuel Security: Australian Defence Force 61 14:35 Dr REID 300126 Robertson My question is to the Deputy Prime Minister. What action has the Albanese government taken to secure fuel for our Australian Defence Force? 14:36 Mr MARLES HWQ Corio I thank the member for his question, and I acknowledge the incredible work he is doing on behalf of his community on the Central Coast. The National Fuel Security Plan, which the Prime Minister has just announced, is a critical step in meeting this moment. Australians are rightly anxious about the war in the Middle East, the impact that it is already having on fuel prices and supply, and what it might mean for the future. This is a challenge for Australia, as it is for the world. This plan addresses both price and supply. Last week the opposition was suggesting that, because of a lack of fuel, the Australian Defence Force was not able to train, to exercise and to hone its war-fighting skills in the way it normally would. I would like to assure you that this is absolutely not true, and obviously now is not the time to be scaring people for partisan objectives. The Australian Defence Force is training, as it always has, and in part because of the decisions that our government has taken. When we came to office, back in 2022, we inherited from the coalition a plan to invest $1 billion in our strategic fuel reserves for the Defence Force over the next 30 years—a plan that was wholly inadequate. Well before the events of the last month, very early on, we tripled this investment; we brought the spending into the decade. This means that as of today the strategic fuel reserves for the Defence Force are double what they were when we came to office back in 2022. As a result, right now Exercise Kakadu is underway. This is the largest maritime exercise that our Defence Force undertakes every two years. It involves five Navy ships, 700 personnel and 18 other partner nations. I can assure you that this exercise is absolutely in full swing. The National Fuel Security Plan is absolutely vital to meet the challenge of this time. And because of the decisions of our government, we've been able to secure strategic fuel reserves for our Defence Force so that the men and the women of the ADF remain absolutely prepared to keep Australians safe. Fuel Security 61 14:38 Mr CHESTER IPZ Gippsland My question is to the Prime Minister. Victorian Farmers Federation president, Brett Hosking, has just released a statement in relation to farmers access to fuel. He said: … today's announcements contain no clarity on how fuel will be prioritised if the crisis deepens. Why is the Prime Minister always the last to lead in a national crisis? The SPEAKER 53517 The member for Solomon and the member for Bendigo are now warned. 14:39 Mr ALBANESE R36 Grayndler I thank the leader of the National Party in the House—I think is the title at the moment. I thank him for his question. The national fuel security plan outlines very clearly the stages that we're at. We're at stage 2, 'Keeping Australia moving', and that's where we want to stay. But that doesn't mean that you don't plan for contingencies and that you don't be overprepared for what may occur in the future. As we have said very clearly, 20 per cent of our reserves have been released, and they've been prioritised into those regional areas. The decision that we made on Saturday, which will allow for the purchase of additional fuels and will, in addition to that, allow for the potential purchase of fertilisers, should they be available anywhere, making sure that private sector operators can invest over the odds effectively in what they would have had before this war began on the international market. I know the member really does know that there is an impact from the war in the Middle East and that that has led to an increase in prices, not just for oil but for fertiliser and other products as well, including PVC piping. There are a range of things that are related. This will allow for the purchase to occur. That's why it has been welcomed so strongly. The issue of your leader in the other place—the actual leader of the National Party, who's in the Senate, said, 'Obviously our fuel prices will be impacted by the world price.' That's what Senator Canavan, the actual Leader of the Nationals, had to say. The former leader of the Nationals had this to say: 'People just need to calm themselves down. Yes, there's an issue with supply and distribution, but certainly we don't want to see a toilet roll situation, because it's one thing to hoard toilet rolls; it's another thing to hoard petrol.' I want to give credit and a shout-out to the member for New England. He contacted me constructively on Friday. We had engagement on Saturday as well about actually coming up with solutions. I give credit where credit's due. My door is open and my phone is on for people who actually want to be constructive and work on the national interest—and I think that contrasts with the party that he used to belong to. DISTINGUISHED VISITORS 62 DISTINGUISHED VISITORS Acknowledgement 62 14:42 The SPEAKER 53517 Before I call the member for Blair, I'm also pleased to inform the House that present in the gallery today is the delegation from the Milano Cortina Paralympic Winter Games, including Ben Tudehope, the dual medallist, winning silver in the snowboard cross and bronze in the banked slalom; Grant Mizens OAM, the Paralympics Australia president and three-time Paralympian; and, Ben Troy, Australian Paralympic team Chef de Mission. Welcome to you all. Honourable members: Hear, hear! QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE 62 QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE Road Transport Industry 62 14:43 Mr NEUMANN HVO Blair My question is to the Minister for Employment and Workplace Relations. How is the Albanese Labor government continuing to back Australia's trucking industry? 14:43 Ms RISHWORTH HWA Kingston I thank the member for Blair for his question and for his ongoing commitment to Australia's trucking industry and, of course, many of the truck drivers as well. Our road transport industry is vital to keeping our nation's economy moving. Without trucks and their drivers, the movement of essential supplies across Australia would stop. We know that the conflict in the Middle East is putting pressure on Australians, including on Australia's transport industry and Australian truck drivers. Our government is taking practical measures to shield Australian households and Australian businesses from the worst of the impacts of the war in the Middle East, including our truck drivers. This, of course, includes National Cabinet's national fuel security plan, the announcement that our government will reduce the heavy vehicle charge to zero and halve the fuel excise for three months, along with deferring the next scheduled increase in the heavy vehicle road user charge for six months. These measures are important to help reduce the cost for the trucking industries and owner-operators around the country. The Albanese Labor government is also taking action to ensure the cost pressures in relation to fuel are shared fairly throughout the transport industry supply chain. That's why we have amended the Fair Work Act to enable the Fair Work Commission to respond more quickly to contract chain order applications in time-sensitive circumstances. This is to ensure that trucking companies and owner-operators are not left to absorb the cost pressures on their own. This measure delivers a fair go for our transport industry. This has been widely welcomed by transport industry representatives along with unions. This important legislation is currently before the Senate, and I would urge all senators to listen to the calls from truck drivers and the trucking industry, and pass this legislation as a matter of urgency. Peter Anderson, CEO of the Victorian Transport Association, who is in parliament today, has called for support for this legislation and said that this amendment will bring certainty and direct support to all road freight operators throughout Australia. Bikram, an owner-driver from Brisbane, said that we need this legislation. Australian Trucking Industry CEO Mathew Munro said: The Senate must pass the bill as it stands before it rises for … Easter … Our government is taking urgent action to support Australia's trucking industry, and our government will continue to take practical action for our trucking industry. Housing 62 14:46 Dr SCAMPS 299623 Mackellar My question is to the Treasurer. For too many young people and families, the dream of owning their own home has become nothing more than a pipedream. Housing tax concessions have tipped the playing field against first home buyers, causing growing intergenerational inequity. YouGov polling done in my electorate of Mackellar and released today shows 62 per cent support for reform of these housing tax concessions. Will the government commit to reforming our housing tax concessions to address worsening intergenerational inequity? 14:47 Dr CHALMERS 37998 Rankin Thank you to the member for Mackellar for her question about a really important issue. The government hasn't changed its policy or position on the policies that the member raises in her question, but we do acknowledge there are intergenerational issues in our economy and in our society, including in the housing market and in the tax system. That's why, when it comes to housing, we're spending so much time and money and effort trying to build more homes. We're playing catch-up after a decade of neglect, through the good work of the housing minister, to try and build more homes so that there are more options for young people in the housing market. Also the five per cent deposits are about trying to make sure that more people can get a toehold in a difficult housing market. In the tax system as well, one of the reasons why we have provided the three tax cuts that we are providing in the way that we are is so that younger workers, who are often on lower incomes at the start of their career, get a tax cut. That wouldn't have been the case had we left those original tax cuts undisturbed, and it wouldn't have been the case if those opposite had won the election and repealed our tax cuts. Also, when it comes to the intergenerational issues, that was one of the motivations behind the changes that we made to superannuation. Making superannuation fairer from top to bottom was all about making sure that the tax concessions were fairer for people who already had tens of millions of dollars in super, and we use some of the proceeds of that to boost the superannuation balances of people on lower incomes. I acknowledge the work of the Assistant Treasurer in that regard as well. We are working to address some of the intergenerational issues in the budget, in the economy and in our society more broadly. I agree with the honourable member who identifies housing and tax as two of the most important areas where those intergenerational issues are most easily observed. When it comes to further steps in tax policy or housing policy, the budget is still a little ways away yet, and any further changes would be a matter for cabinet in the usual way. Ex-Tropical Cyclone Narelle 63 14:49 Mr FRENCH 316550 Moore My question is to the Minister for Emergency Management. How has the Albanese Labor government been delivering support to communities impacted by Ex-Tropical Cyclone Narelle? 14:49 Ms McBAIN 281988 Eden-Monaro I thank the member for Moore. I know he's been watching the impacts of Ex-Tropical Cyclone Narelle closely as it's impacted his home state of WA. Ex-Tropical Cyclone Narelle has, for the first time since 2005, impacted all three jurisdictions across the tropical north. For a number of communities, particularly Queensland and the Northern Territory, Narelle has been a very unwelcome visitor in what has been a relentless season, with repeated major floods already impacting a number of communities. Narelle first made landfall near Coen in Queensland on the eastern side of the cape as a category 4 system, and of course that followed weeks of flooding across the north and north-west related to a monsoon trough and Ex-Tropical Cyclone Koji. It follows extensive flooding in Daly River and Katherine, which is still ongoing. Our government has worked really closely with both the Northern Territory and Queensland governments to activate disaster recovery funding arrangements really quickly to get support where it needs to go. Personal hardship payments are available in Queensland and the NT across a number of areas. But over the weekend Western Australia felt the brunt of Ex-Tropical Cyclone Narelle. The system made its way down the Pilbara coast, bringing wind gusts of 250 kilometres an hour and over 350 millimetres of rain in Exmouth. We know already a number of homes are without roofs in Exmouth, power is intermittent, lines are down and trees have been uprooted. The impacts to the Ningaloo Reef are also devastating. But clean up is under way and further impact assessments are being made. Learmonth airport remains restricted to emergency services only, and the ADF through RAAF Bass Learmonth is supporting those operations due to damage and debris to the civilian aerodrome. My colleague the member for Fremantle and the Assistant Minister for Emergency Management will be on the ground today with Premier Cook. We've been working closely with the WA government as this event unfolded. I've been in contact with my WA counterpart, Minister Papalia, to offer support and assistance, and I've also been in contact with the member for Durack to offer support as well. Today we have enacted our disaster recovery funding arrangements with the WA government to provide support to those impacted communities. The shires of Exmouth, Carnarvon and Shark Bay will be eligible for recovery assistance measures, including emergency assistance for eligible individuals and families to meet their immediate and essential needs, including to replace essential household items and to support minor repairs to their homes. Residents will also have access to wellbeing services, and we stand ready to assist further following additional impact assessments. The impacts of Ex-Tropical Cyclone Narelle have been incredibly destructive across Australia's north and west coasts. We will continue to work closely with all state and territory governments as we move through response to the recovery phase. And Mr Speaker, can I just add my sentiments to yours? There are some legends in the gallery today, such as Ben Tudhope, who give Australia hope on the world stage; the group at Tribe Breweries, who are a corporate company providing support to families when they need it most, and to our firefighters from Victoria first responders, who go in to assist communities when they need it most. The SPEAKER 53517 To associate with the minister, the member for Maranoa. 14:53 Mr LITTLEPROUD 265585 Maranoa On behalf of the opposition, can I genuinely thank the minister for her efforts in coordinating across three jurisdictions, across my home state of Queensland. I know both the Queensland government and Northern Territory government, from contact I've had, genuinely appreciate your forward-leaning attitude towards making sure that the disaster has been appropriately dealt with. I know in Western Australia, from talking to the member for Durack, how quickly we were to reach out on that. And to our first responders who are here today, we should never forget that in a society where we always talk about heroes being on social media. Let me tell you, the men and women who put uniforms on and who are prepared to defend us and protect us and our hour of need are the real heroes. I thank you. Fuel 64 14:54 Ms ALDRED 11788 Monash My question is to the Prime Minister. The CEO of Ageing Australia, Tom Symondson, has said that due to the national fuel crisis, we are seeing an increase in workers not taking up shifts. Why is the Prime Minister always the last to lead in a national crisis? The SPEAKER 53517 Order! The member for Bowman. Order! The Minister for Social Services. When the House comes to order, Prime Minister will have the call. 14:54 Mr ALBANESE R36 Grayndler I thank the member for her question. What we have done is to convene National Cabinet for a second time today. We'll continue to meet. We've agreed a national fuel security plan with premiers and chief ministers. We've announced halving the fuel excise for three months, reducing the cost of fuel. We've announced a reduction in the heavy-vehicle road user charge to zero and deferred the next increase by six months. We've introduced new legislation today so the Commonwealth can underwrite shiploads of fuel, fertiliser and other essentials. This is something that is an unprecedented action which we have taken, and that comes after the other measures that we've taken—the Fair Work Commission laws that the minister just spoke about, demanding that companies pay truckies fairly when fuel prices spike, and the new laws to double penalties for petrol companies for price gouging. We've begun the release of 20 per cent of Australia's fuel reserves. We've changed petrol and diesel standards so there can be more fuel flowing into our market. We appointed a national Fuel Supply Taskforce coordinator. That group, with state and territory equivalents, has met twice and will meet twice weekly. We've tasked the ACCC to ramp up fuel price monitoring and to issue on-the-spot fines. We've made it easier for Australia's refineries to access government funding when they run at a loss. We've engaged with international partners to keep supplies flowing—including the joint statement I made with Singapore, but we've also engaged with leaders in Singapore, Malaysia, Korea, China, all of our international partners. We've engaged with states and territories on supply and distribution, including through the energy ministers meeting that's been convened. We've activated the National Coordination Mechanism, which has met twice. We've unlocked $2 million in financial counselling funding for impacted farmers. We'll continue to do what we can in circumstances which are real. You can't just wish away the impact of a war in the Middle East that has seen global fuel supplies be reduced. But we've continued to act each and every day, and some have been cooperative and supportive. I want to give a shout-out to industries in particular that we've worked with, and state and territory governments across the political spectrum today were productive as well. Had we not had the largest fuel reserves in 15 years, and had we continued to have our fuel reserves in the United States rather than here, the predicament would have been far worse. (Time expired) Critical Minerals Strategic Reserve 64 14:57 Ms LAWRENCE 299150 Hasluck My question is to the Minister for Resources and Minister for Northern Australia. How is the Albanese Labor government delivering on its commitment to implement a critical minerals strategic reserve to create secure jobs and to diversify our global supply chains? 14:58 Ms MADELEINE KING 102376 Brand I want to thank the member for Hasluck for her question. Just like everyone on this side of the chamber, the member for Hasluck knows the very real value of critical minerals to our national resilience and our national prosperity. These are minerals that are vital for renewable energy, defence technology and advanced manufacturing—not just EVs and iPhones and laptops but also radar systems, night-vision systems, submarines and advanced weapons. From day one of this government, the Albanese Labor government has been cementing Australia at the centre of global efforts to diversify critical minerals supply chains. As the true party of the Australian resources sector, we are developing our resources, developing our regions, building a future made in Australia and creating secure jobs here at home. Today the Albanese Labor government is delivering the election commitment to deliver a landmark $1.2 billion Critical Minerals Strategic Reserve. The bill that was introduced earlier today will make the critical minerals reserve operational well ahead of schedule, while at the same time securing the all-important liquid fuel and other commodities in that wider strategic reserve. I thank the Minister for Climate Change and Energy for the work he and his team have done in relation to the strategic reserve. For the critical minerals part of this reserve, it will allow us to immediately bring forward the great body of work we have commenced with partners like the United States, Japan, the Republic of Korea, Canada and the European Union. Export Finance Australia will have a suite of new financial tools, including offtake agreements with fixed or floating prices, to enable new projects to get off the ground, providing much needed price certainty and, really importantly, more jobs right across the country in critical minerals. This government is making the most of our amazing geology, and our committed resources workers and our committed resources sector, by making more things here. This will strengthen our ability to collaborate with international partners and the private sector to diversify global supply chains. We are using our unique geology to advance the national interest. We will initially focus on antimony, gallium and rare earth elements, which are all needed for our national resilience and national security. I agree with the United States Vice President, who said: … the international market for critical minerals is failing … driven … by forces beyond any individual country's control. The Critical Minerals Strategic Reserve helps us take back control of Australia's critical minerals so we can construct deals and trading arrangements in the national interest from a position of strength. I know the opposition have said they will support the strategic reserve. They failed to support production tax credits for critical minerals, so I hope their support of this really important initiative holds. Aged Care 65 15:01 Ms SHARKIE 265980 Mayo My question is to the Minister for Aged Care and Seniors. Recent Senate estimates revealed that, between 1 November 2025 and 23 January 2026, 414 older Australians appealed their Support at Home package. The department then advised at estimates that just two of those 414 appeals were reviewed over a seven-week period. Does the minister believe that completing just two reviews over that timeframe is acceptable? 15:02 Mr RAE 300122 Hawke I thank the member for her question. I believe it relates to the integrated assessment tool and the process of review that is in place, and I'd like to take the opportunity to clear a couple of things up for the member. Firstly, all of the assessments that are completed using the integrated assessment tool under the single assessment system are completed by qualified human assessors, with clinical input documented from start to finish. It's about making sure that we've got an assessment process that is efficient, accurate and fair so that, no matter where you live in Australia or who comes to do the assessment, everybody is treated equitably. Since November, we've completed 180,000 assessments. In terms of the review process that is in place, there have been requests for review of less than half a per cent of those 180,000 assessments. Again, when we have a system that needs to be accurate, efficient and fair, we need to make sure that we can complete those assessments in a reasonable amount of time. Under the old system, people were in some cases being left to wait for up to 10 months to get their assessment completed. By the time the old system finished up, we had about $4 billion in unspent funds sitting within people's accounts. We now have median assessment times consistently under a month. Again, at every turn, we have sought to implement a system that is fairer for older people, that is accurate and that is efficient. We will continue to do so. Agriculture Industry 65 15:03 Ms SWANSON 264170 Paterson My question is to the Minister for Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry. What actions is the Albanese Labor government taking to support our farmers and producers to help manage the disruption from the conflict in the Middle East? 15:04 Ms COLLINS HWM Franklin I want to thank our fabulous member for Paterson, who—for those of you that don't know—did chair a critical report into our food security, which is really coming to the fore in the current climate in which we find ourselves dealing with the impact of this conflict in the Middle East. She understands just how important it is. We, the government, have been laser focused on helping our farmers, our fishers and our producers to manage the impacts of the conflict in the Middle East. As we've heard, this conflict is impacting globally, and that includes here in Australia. Of course, front of mind for industry here in Australia has been the inputs of fertiliser and fuel, which we know are critical to our food production. We know there have been challenges around the demand of these, which of course come on top of some of the difficult weather conditions that our farmers have been dealing with in some parts of the country. But today's endorsement of a national fuel security plan by National Cabinet will deliver a coordinated and consistent response across the country to support all Australians, including our farmers, fishers and producers. We've also heard, from our prime minister and the Minister for Climate Change and Energy, that we'll work with industry to help to underwrite the purchase of fuel and, importantly, fertiliser by the private sector, to deal with some of these challenges. This will support our suppliers to secure additional supply. There was the announcement today in terms of the fuel excise reduction and the heavy-vehicle road-user charge reduction, and that builds on our appointment of the Fuel Supply Taskforce and its coordinator to drive fuel distribution, which we know has been impacted in the regions. We're releasing up to 20 per cent of our fuel reserves to help address this regional shortage and are adjusting fuel and diesel standards to help bring more fuel into the market, particularly into regions. We've also tasked the National Food Council to concentrate on the conflict in the Middle East, and we've commissioned a national food supply chain assessment, with the initial report on diesel supply due to me within the month. We know that a large portion of our fertiliser supply, including urea, comes from the Middle East. That's why we're working with Fertilizer Australia, the National Farmers' Federation and other industry bodies and right across our government to closely monitor fertiliser supplies and to coordinate alternative supply options. We're working right across government but also with countries in our region to help secure additional supply of fertiliser. We're also strengthening our biosecurity processes to manage the risks and allow the prioritisation of fertiliser cargoes at our border, to make sure that, if we're getting it from alternative places, we get it into the country quickly. We're using all of the levers available to us to help shield our farmers, our fishers and our regional communities from the impact of the conflict in the Middle East. I'm continuing to meet with farmers, fishers and producers to manage this, and I particularly want to thank them for how constructive they've been in engaging with the government and for their suggestions and the work they're doing with us. Fuel 66 15:07 Mr VENNING 315434 Grey My question is to the Prime Minister. Farmer Josh from Elliston, in my electorate, has texted me in desperation. He told me, 'I'm still currently waiting on fuel, and if I don't get some in the next 10 days, with the growing season approaching and rain forecast, it will cost our business in the long run.' Will the Prime Minister be upfront with the Australian people and inform them on how many service stations are out of fuel? 15:07 Mr ALBANESE R36 Grayndler I thank the member for his question. The first thing I'd do is say to the member that, if he gives me Josh's number—he's just texted you—I'm happy to personally have a discussion with him and do what I can to help him, because that's what we do and that's what some members opposite have done, it must be said. We're a government that get things done and want to make a difference. Your current leader says, 'They've suffered enough.' Either you want to help this guy, or you don't, and, if you want to help him, give us the info; we'll follow it up and do what we can. Give us the number, and we'll follow it up. I want to make this point as well. I've been asked about leadership by those opposite all during question time, and there's a big difference between what those opposite have suggested and what we have done today. We've worked constructively on supply with states and territories. We've worked constructively with industry. We've put out a national fuel security plan. When it comes to the measures to assist with the cost of living, by doing it through the National Cabinet process we've ensured that states and territories have agreed they shouldn't get a windfall gain, and what that will mean is a further reduction in the price of fuel. The SPEAKER 53517 Order! The Prime Minister will pause. The manager on a point of order. Mr Tehan 210911 The Prime Minister is now answering a question which—it goes to direct relevance. The SPEAKER 53517 Order! You need to state the point of order quickly. Mr Tehan 210911 It goes to direct relevance. The Prime Minister is answering a question which was asked two or three questions ago. This was about how many fuel stations are currently out of fuel. Why won't you be upfront about it? The SPEAKER 53517 The Prime Minister was asked a question about a number, and I can't compel him to do that. What I can compel him to do is to be directly relevant. Half of the answer has been about the person individually involved regarding a text message, and the Prime Minister being upfront to that member is pretty direct and pretty relevant. I don't think it could be any more relevant. I'm just going to make sure, if he's answering the question and reading quotes, he's going to be directly relevant to what he was asked about. Mr ALBANESE R36 I'm asked about supply for this individual, and I've asked for the number that so that we can engage with the person concerned, Josh. On supply, the Australian Institute of Petroleum's Malcolm Roberts—not the senator, the other one, the CEO—said this on Saturday in response to our initiative: 'While the flow of fuel into Australia continues uninterrupted, it is prudent for industry and government to secure additional medium-term supply in the event that the conflict in the Middle East continues for weeks or even months. Support from Export Finance Australia will help secure more spot cargoes for Australia as added insurance in uncertain times. The changes announced represent sensible risk sharing between industry and government. They will strengthen medium-term fuel security.' That's an example of the response of industry, who know something about these issues, when it comes to the measures that we have taken to secure supply into Australia in the context of a Middle East war. (Time expired) Child Sexual Abuse 67 15:12 Ms BRISKEY 263427 Maribyrnong My question is to the Attorney-General. How is the Albanese Labor government working to keep our children safe from child sexual abuse and strengthen justice outcomes for victims and survivors? 15:12 Ms ROWLAND 159771 Greenway I thank the member for her very important question. Every child has the right to be safe from sexual abuse. There wouldn't be a member of this chamber or a decent Australian who is not sickened by reports of horrific crimes against our children. The perpetrators of this abuse are despicable, and they must be stopped. Preventing child sexual abuse and protecting our most vulnerable requires a collective effort, and our government is tackling this issue on a number of fronts. Last week, the Assistant Treasurer introduced landmark law to help those who've experienced child sexual abuse to access the compensation they deserve, preventing convicted abusers from hiding their assets in superannuation. I thank the victims-survivors who advocated so strongly for these protections. They played a critical role in shaping this legislation. In my portfolio, we are delivering reforms to working-with-children checks so that our systems are stronger, more reliable and more consistent across the country. If you're banned from holding a working-with-children check in one jurisdiction, you are banned in all. I am pleased to update the House that seven out of eight jurisdictions across Australia have now legislated these reforms, and the final one jurisdiction has introduced legislation that is expected to pass in the coming months. Thirty years ago, the nature of matters prosecuted by the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions was very different. Today, concerningly, the most prevalent offences are for child sex exploitation, with 1,500 proven offences in 2024-25. Every member of this House would agree that the best outcome is to prevent abuse and stop it before it occurs. 'One Talk At A Time' is Australia's first national awareness-raising campaign aimed at preventing child sexual abuse. It encourages adults with young people in their lives to learn about the issues and have ongoing, proactive, preventative conversations. Where abuse does occur, we must ensure that offenders are caught and convicted. This means backing our law-enforcement agencies and the CDPP with the tools that they need to do their jobs. That's why the Albanese government has delivered $35 million in increased funding for the CDPP, enabling more successful prosecutions to occur. And we must support victims, which is why we've delivered a $12.2 million grant program to organisations that support children who've suffered sexual abuse and who are themselves displaying harmful sexual behaviours. Whether it's strengthening deterrence and offences, or backing our law enforcement agencies and responding to new online harms, we'll keep working to protect children from this abhorrent behaviour. The SPEAKER 53517 I give the call to the— The SPEAKER 53517 The difficulty I have with that is: people from the opposition were interjecting right throughout that answer. So, in this time, I'm not inclined to grant indulgence. The member for Fisher was interjecting non-stop during that answer. I didn't want to interrupt the minister, due to the sensitive topic. That is not how indulgence works. The member for Maranoa showed how that worked. And, in this case, I'm not prepared to offer that to the House. Mr Albanese R36 I ask that further questions be placed on the Notice Paper. STATEMENTS 67 STATEMENTS Personal Explanations 67 15:16 Mr TAYLOR 231027 Hume Speaker, I wish to make a personal explanation. The SPEAKER 53517 Does the Leader of the Opposition claim to have been misrepresented? Mr TAYLOR 231027 I do seek leave to make a personal explanation. The SPEAKER 53517 You may proceed. Mr TAYLOR 231027 In question time today, the Treasurer stated that the coalition's proposal to provide urgent fuel excise relief to Australians did not include a reduction in the heavy vehicle road user charge. Mr Burke DYW A point of order— The SPEAKER 53517 A point of order, the Leader of the House? Mr Burke DYW Mr Speaker, this standing order can only be used where you are personally misrepresented. What has just been described is a party position. It's not— Mr Burke DYW No—please. The Leader of the Opposition is not describing anything where he was personally referenced. Unless he is personally referenced in what was said in parliament, the standing order for a personal explanation is not activated. The SPEAKER 53517 We had this issue with members of the crossbench, the member, the week before last. I'll give everyone a fair go. We'll invite the Leader of the Opposition to explain to the House, because the standing order does intersect with: when someone, an individual—not the party or the coalition—has been mentioned. Otherwise, we would be here, as we indicated to members of the crossbench, all day, if we did this. So, if the leader can explain to the House where he has been personally misrepresented—because that's the key: personal representation. Mr TAYLOR 231027 Correct, Mr Speaker, and the Treasurer stated that our proposal, written in my letter to the Prime Minister—my personal letter to the Prime Minister—to provide an urgent fuel excise relief to Australians, did not include a reduction in the heavy vehicle road user charge. This statement by the Treasurer is incorrect. In the letter I wrote to the Prime Minister—I personally wrote to the Prime Minister last week—I outlined our proposal to slash the road user charge. I seek leave to table my letter—my personal letter—to the Prime Minister, which will show the lengths this government will go to, to mislead Australians on their fuel security failures. Leave not granted. Opposition members interjecting— The SPEAKER 53517 Alright. The leader has taken his personal explanation, as he is entitled to do—a little on the edges there, but we got there in the end. AUDITOR-GENERAL'S REPORTS 68 AUDITOR-GENERAL'S REPORTS Report No. 26 of 2025-26 68 15:18 The SPEAKER 53517 I present the Auditor-General's performance audit report No. 26 of 2025-26, entitled Defence's procurement of infantry fighting vehicles (Land 400 Phase 3): Department of Defence. Document made a parliamentary paper. DOCUMENTS 68 DOCUMENTS Presentation 68 15:18 Mr BURKE DYW Watson This document is tabled in accordance with the list circulated—it's hardly a list, if there's only one! Anyway, this document is tabled as advised and circulated to honourable members earlier today. Full details of the document will be recorded in the Votes and Proceedings. BILLS 68 BILLS Export Finance and Insurance Corporation Amendment (Strategic Reserve) Bill 2026 68 Second Reading 68 15:19 Ms LANDRY 249764 Capricornia This is in continuation from earlier. Regional communities are feeling it first and worse. This is not an abstract policy debate. This is about whether people can afford to live their lives. The coalition's position is clear. We will support this bill because securing supply matters, but we will also continue to call on the government to do more—to act with urgency, to back Australian production and to deliver immediate cost-of-living relief, because restoring fuel security is not just about imports and financing; it's about protecting living standards, it's about supporting small businesses and it is about making sure Australian families can get ahead, not fall behind. Australians deserve a government that is prepared, responsive and focused on their needs. Right now they are looking for leadership, and they need action. 15:20 Dr WEBSTER 281688 Mallee I want to congratulate the government and the Prime Minister for today doing precisely what the coalition recommended, on Friday, that he do. It only took four days, after four weeks of not a lot happening—a lot of meetings, but not a lot happening. We called for the halving of the fuel excise and the reduction of the heavy-vehicle road user charge. In fact, this last week I've spoken with the Trucking Association and I've also spoken with the bus industry; both were very concerned about the costs that they were incurring. In my electorate, nine earth-moving employees have found themselves without a job this week because the employer cannot pay what he's being required to pay for fuel. Twenty-six cents a litre—yes, we suggested it; we think it makes a difference. Removing the road user charge for heavy vehicles impacts the trucks on the road. Earth moving, basically, as far as I understand, is on land; therefore, it won't incur that cost. I'm happy to be corrected on that. But these are still very difficult times for businesses and companies. We have citrus growers who are really thinking twice about whether they will harvest their citrus, because it uses so much fuel to do so, and then to get it to market—the agents down there are saying, 'We can't afford to buy it at that price because we can't sell it afterward.' So we have fruit, we have vegetables and we have crops at risk. And this is a time of great difficulty for Australia. Not only are we going through a cost-of-living crisis but inflation continues to rise and we expect another couple of rises, potentially, in this next month. Australians are doing it tough. Mortgages continue to increase—$28,000 on an average mortgage. How do people get through this? This is not about politics. This is about how Australians are finding life right now, without a clear message of hope in front of them. The Albanese government, by contrast, have accused Australians of panic buying—and they were still doing it today—while they have been panic legislating. We can only say that this Export Finance and Insurance Corporation Amendment (Strategic Reserve) Bill 2026 is another piece of 'quick, let's get it out the door by tonight'. The Prime Minister said, 'Let's just get it moving.' Hardly any Labor members are speaking on it because of the urgency. This is the pattern that we are seeing time and time again from this government—lost in the waves in the ocean of despair because it really doesn't know what it's doing. We will see a shortened debate today, for sure, and the bill sent to the Senate so that we have laws passed by Good Friday. Today's measures, we hear, will come at a $2.55 billion cost for three months. Let's not forget that the Commonwealth and, in turn, the states have gained $300 million in GST receipts since the crisis began, and it's pleasing that the states are considering what they're going to do about that. But we have meeting after meeting— Mr Small 291406 Roundtables. Dr WEBSTER 281688 roundtables, summits. 'Anyone for a forum? Anyone for another meeting? How about we have a phone hook-up? Let's see if we can make a decision to improve the lives of Australians!' The Albanese Labor government is asleep at the wheel and out of gas—unnecessarily so. As we have seen all too well this week, the Albanese Labor government has been gaslighting Australians and blaming the Australian public, particularly farmers, for buying fuel—fuel they need because unseasonably wet conditions mean that crops need to go in or weeds need to be sprayed. Once again, we see the government blaming the victims of this crisis when they should be taking responsibility, gaslighting Australians that there was no such supply crisis—even at the beginning of last week there was no supply crisis, apparently—and then being dragged kicking and screaming to acknowledging, actually, there is a crisis. Australia has immense reserves of oil and gas—and, I might say, coal and uranium. Geoscience Australia estimates that we have over 100,000 petajoules in proven and probable resources. That's around 17 billion barrels. The US Energy Information Administration estimated 13 years ago that we have a further 403 billion barrels of shale oil, with around 17½ billion barrels deemed recoverable at that stage. Theoretically, based on a daily oil consumption of over one million barrels a day, we could use our recoverable shale oil for around 42 years. That's just a starting point. Australia also has an incredible capacity to produce biofuels, such as ethanol and biodiesel, but stocks on hand at present are not being brought into the mix. Take, for example, biodiesel. Australia produced 2.14 million tonnes of canola in 2019 and more in recent years, and we could have used that to produce 5.5 million barrels of biodiesel. Instead, 70 per cent of that canola, or carinata, went to the European Union for them to make into biodiesel. This is a crisis that was entirely foreseeable. The late former senator Jim Molan was saying as much—that our fuel security was at risk and we needed domestic, sovereign capacity. Mr Small 291406 Good man. Dr WEBSTER 281688 He was a very good man. I've been saying similar for some time now as well, as has most of the coalition. The world has changed. The international security context has changed, perhaps for a generation. We hope not, but we must take the world as we find it, not as we hope it would be. Australia is blessed with every energy resource under the sun, including not only the sun but also oil and gas and coal and uranium. It's time to stop the self-inflicted harm of anti-Australian political ideologies and tap into our enormous energy reserves. These bills are about reconfiguring Export Finance Australia to become a body that invests in imports for fuel security, not just our export capacity. Let's look at the numbers. Over 50 per cent of Australia's total energy demand is from liquid fuels. Cars and passenger vehicles make up just 30 per cent of our liquid fuel demand; the other 70 per cent is freight, aviation, mining, agriculture, manufacturing and construction. Liquid fuels make up 60 per cent of our total imports by volume. It is actually insane in a country blessed with the resources that we have. The USA, Brazil, Norway, Iran, Venezuela, Russia, China and India—most of them large countries—considering their onshore and offshore reserves, have been pursuing energy independence. Australia's refinery capacity meets just 20 per cent of our demands. Over 95 per cent of our liquid fuel supply depends on ships arriving at our ports, which in this time, with the war in Iran occurring, is incredibly risky business. Mr Small 291406 All foreign owned, all foreign owned. Dr WEBSTER 281688 All foreign owned. In government, the coalition spent over $260 million, adding 40 per cent to our diesel storages. We created the minimum stockholding obligation—not Labor, as the minister likes to claim. Labor was mugged by reality on the role of gas in the energy transition. High costs of doing business and the cost of living due to Labor's renewables-or-bust approach drove Labor to accept reality. So too, the Iran war has forced Labor to accept the reality that we need fuel security. Labor had all their eggs in the renewables basket. They proposed that everyone own electric vehicles, despite the geographic realities in regional Australia, and that all our electricity would be from intermittent solar and wind. As I said, 50 per cent of Australia's total energy demand is liquid fuels. Labor have been dragged kicking and screaming by the realities of global geopolitics to do what the rest of the world was already doing: build up energy capacity on fossil fuels and renewables. Labor was pursuing Greens votes in inner cities and throwing families and our economy under the bus. Part-time Energy Minister Bowen has been preening and posing on the international stage as COP31 president in charge of the COP31 negotiations. This is a government more focused on looking good on the international stage than on Australian national security. Minister Bowen spoke today about being ahead of the curve. That word 'curve' might be triggering for some—tired old Labor dusting off the old playbooks. This is a government that has been behind the curve since it took office four years ago. The dog didn't eat their homework; there was no homework to eat. The dog is innocent. Here are some potential solutions to this fuel security crisis from a party of government: prioritising and investing in Australian exploration and drilling for oil, gas and unconventional petroleum; exploring options to produce more liquid fuels from our coal reserves; further building up the in-country fuel reserves the coalition bolstered in government; investing in our refining capacity; supporting complementary fuel streams; and establishing a dedicated fuel security budget. I look forward to seeing what the Labor government does with that. 15:32 Ms PENFOLD 248895 Lyne I move: That all words after "That" be omitted with a view to substituting the following words: "whilst not declining to give the bill a second reading, the House: (1) notes: (a) the Government spent three weeks denying the existence of a fuel crisis—first dismissing concerns, then blaming consumers, and only acting once the problem became unavoidable; (b) that after four years in office, the Government has failed to strengthen Australia's sovereign fuel capability, and now proposes to fund imports of the same resources it has banned funding for domestic production; and (c) that Australia enters this crisis weaker, with higher debt, higher taxes, persistently high inflation, and falling real wages as a direct consequence of the Government's economic mismanagement; and (2) recognises that the former Coalition Government took decisive action to strengthen fuel security, including establishing the Minimum Stockholding Obligation, legislating the Fuel Security Act, and securing Australia's last two refineries". The DEPUTY SPEAKER 249710 Is the amendment seconded? Mr Small 291406 I second the amendment and reserve my right to speak. Ms PENFOLD 248895 Australia is facing a fuel crisis at the worst possible time. After four years of economic mismanagement under the Albanese government, Australian households are already under immense pressure, working harder, paying more and getting less. Now a fuel supply shock is compounding that pressure across every corner of our economy. Fuel is not just another expense; fuel is the cost of everything. While I welcome the government's move to finally listen to the Australian people and the coalition to halve the fuel excise for six months, this is a short-term measure when we undoubtedly require both immediate relief and long-term vision and action. When fuel prices rise, it flows through to groceries, freight, farming, tourism and small business. Right now Australians are seeing the consequence in real time. We're seeing petrol prices nearing $2.60 a litre and diesel climbing above $3.30 a litre. We're seeing service stations running dry, both in regional communities and in our cities. Independent service stations in my electorate are on the verge of collapse and indeed some people have stopped filling their tanks because they simply can no longer afford it. Businesses in Lyne that rely heavily on diesel for their operations, such as the Dorney family in Bulahdelah, are having to sell off their own assets to keep the business afloat to pay their fuel bill in the face of surging fuel prices. Their fuel bill was typically around $200,000 a month. It's now at $400,000 a month. This is a business, a sawmill, that has also been smashed by the decision of the New South Wales government to create the Great Koala National Park and to put a moratorium on native harvesting. So, at the same time that they are having to deal with these rising fuel prices, they're not getting the throughput in timber to be able to offset the costs. We're seeing families rethink everyday decisions—whether they can afford to drive their kids to sport, visit loved ones or take a planned holiday. I spoke to one junior rugby league club only recently. This was a club that I worked with during the May floods last year. They've got young players who can't afford their registration. I've offered to help because I want these kids not to miss out. These are the sorts of decisions that families are taking. I respect—and I'm sure—that these are the conversations that all members, regardless of where they sit in this chamber, are having with their local communities. As we're seeing, these are not theoretical problems. These are issues that are happening right now. What's been the government's response? From our perspective, there's been delay. I felt, in that sitting week when these issues first arose, that there was certainly denial about the impacts on regional Australia. I think out in the community there's certainly confusion. For weeks, Australians were told that there was no problem—until, suddenly, we're told it is a national crisis; we have a fuel supply crisis. I know the Prime Minister's view is very much that he's shown leadership. I have to question that, because what many people have said to me is that they've seen a government asleep at the wheel. Now we have before us this legislation. Let me be clear; the coalition will always support practical measures that improve supply in a crisis. This bill will enable Export Finance Australia to step in during extraordinary disruptions and to finance and ensure the import of essential goods like fuel and fertiliser. This is a sensible and necessary step, but we must also be honest about what this bill actually does—because this bill does not get fuel to empty stations today, it does not bring down prices tomorrow and it does not fix the structural weaknesses that have left Australia exposed. But there's an even deeper problem here. The bill exposes a fundamental inequity in the government's approach. Who is this support really for? This legislation effectively underwrites the purchase of fuel by major corporate importers—large, well-capitalised players who already dominate the supply chain. But what about the rest of the supply chain? What about the wholesale distributors? What about the independent operators? What about the small, family-run service stations in regional Australia? They are the ones on the front line of this crisis. They are the ones struggling to secure supply. They are the ones facing skyrocketing wholesale prices and tightening credit, and they are the ones who are least capable of carrying—but are expected to carry—the risk. The government is stepping in to support the top end of the market but is leaving the little guys to fend for themselves. It's forgetting the small-business service station owners who are trying to find the capital to fill their tanks. It's forgetting the independent distributor who's being squeezed between rising global prices and limited access to supply. I believe, and I've said in this chamber, that there has been hoarding happening during this crisis. It's a matter that I have written to the Treasurer about—to request that the ACCC have an antihoarding power that it currently does not have. The government is forgetting the small operators who are quite literally trying to keep fuel flowing to their communities. Here is the reality: you cannot have fuel at the bowser if small operators can't afford to put fuel in the tank, and, right now, many of them are struggling to do exactly that. This is a government who talks about resilience but is ignoring the very part of the supply chain that delivers fuel to Australians. It's underwriting imports but not supporting distribution. It's backing the majors but forgetting the small businesses that keep regional Australia moving. That is a fundamental flaw, and it's compounded by the government's broader policy settings. While they're now stepping in to underwrite imported fuel, they've actively restricted investment in Australian energy production. Through changes to the statement of expectations last year, the government removed Export Finance Australia's ability to support coal, oil and gas projects. They told the agency to prioritise a narrow ideological agenda and, in so doing, they weakened Australia's economic and energy security. So we now have a situation where the government is funding imports of fuel while restricting support for producing it here. If these fuels are important enough to stockpile, they're clearly important enough to produce. If energy security matters, domestic capability must come first. Under the coalition, Export Finance Australia supported Australia's national interest. It backed exporters, it backed jobs and it backed the industries that underpin our economy. Coal, oil and gas are not abstract industries. They are the backbone of regional economies and a key source of national wealth. But, under this government, Export Finance Australia has been repurposed to fit an ideological agenda, one that excludes the very industries we now depend upon in this crisis. So I'm calling on the government to remove the restrictions that prevent Export Finance Australia from supporting coal, gas and crude oil. I'm calling on the government to back Australian production, not block it. Importantly, I'm calling on the government to recognise the full supply chain, not just the major importers at the top, because if the government is serious about fuel security, it must support production, importation, distribution and retail, not just one part of the system. We must also address the immediate cost pressures Australians are facing because this bill does nothing to reduce prices at the bowser today. That's why the coalition called for immediate, targeted relief through a temporary halving of the fuel excise, which would deliver around 26c per litre in savings, providing immediate relief to families and small businesses who are struggling right now. I thank the government for the announcement today, which I'm sure will be welcomed by Australians. This crisis is exposing the consequences of four years of poor decisions. There has been a failure to build domestic capability, a failure to support key industries and now a failure to support the small businesses that keep fuel flowing across this country. The government is underwriting the majors while leaving small operators to carry the risk. It's backing big corporate importers while forgetting the independent service stations and distributors who are the backbone of regional fuel supply. If this war does come to an end and we have a situation where we see prices for fuel drop substantially, what we will have is a situation where the government will cover the difference in cost for the major players but leave small service station operators with fuel in their tanks for which they've paid substantially more than market price. It's going to be a significant issue for many small service station operators around the country. While I support the decision and the bill that's before us today, my concern remains that there is still a matter of the availability of fuel right now, because if small operators cannot afford to buy fuel, then there'll be no fuel at the bowser. It's that simple. Yes, we will support this bill as a necessary step. But I want to say to the government: please do not stop here. Fix the underlying policy settings. Restore support for Australian energy production. Support the entire fuel supply chain, not just those at the top end, and deliver real immediate relief to Australians doing it tough. Restoring fuel security is not just about imports, it's about ensuring that every part of the supply chain, from producer to distributor to small service station, can keep Australia moving. My constituents, and all Australians, deserve nothing less. 15:43 Dr RYAN 297660 Kooyong This morning, the government introduced this emergency legislation aimed at ensuring Australia's continued fuel supply during the ongoing war in the Middle East. I support emergency measures around fuel supply, especially where Australia's reserves sit well below the International Energy Agency's 90-day mandate and are, in fact, amongst the lowest in the OECD. But reactive emergency legislation can only go so far. This is the second piece of legislation in just the last week that we've seen for the first time on the day that it has been brought forward for debate. The war in Iran is more than a month old. While we're all glad that the government has finally realised that we are—as we were in the pandemic—in a race to secure sovereign access to fuel and other substances, we have to ask why it's taken the government so long to act and why it is acting in such a piecemeal fashion. We know how that ended in COVID. The Australian people can't afford for our government to lose the race again. We need to know that the government is going to hold a hose and not just line up for a photo at a bowser in a service station. What the Australian people need is not another emergency measure rushed through in a day. They need assurances that we have a long-term plan to ensure Australia's energy sovereignty. It's only through a genuine commitment to the renewable transition that we will become less vulnerable to the next crisis—knowing that there will inevitably be another crisis. As to this legislation, Export Finance Australia is an agency of government which has a clear mandate. The agency's powers are currently limited to financing eligible export transactions, overseas infrastructure development and supporting the Future Made in Australia agenda by delivering finance under its national economy and net zero functions. This legislation will give the EFA the additional powers to provide loans, guarantees, equity, insurance, derivatives and price support arrangements. Beyond that, it will have powers to buy, sell and stockpile fuels and other goods and to hedge the exposures that follow. That is a significant expansion of its scope at very short notice and with minimal opportunity for this House to scrutinise the legislation. The government is claiming that this legislation is about derisking the acquisition and delivery of fuel from international markets—in particular, for regional communities—and avoiding the need for more disruptive emergency interventions down the track. But the mechanism for ensuring this additional supply, which was introduced via this legislation just this morning, raises real concerns. Price support arrangements and government backed supply interventions can distort the very prices that they are designed to stabilise. If the EFA is buying, stockpiling or underwriting fuel supply, it signals to the market that the Commonwealth is willing to absorb risk. This will inevitably change supplier behaviour. The outcome at the bowser might paradoxically be even higher prices. We have received no assurances from the government that this intervention, which is meant to protect consumers against supply shortages, won't end up working against them on price. The government also says that these measures are temporary, but they can create dependency amongst suppliers, within regions and amongst consumers, which could render their future withdrawal politically difficult. Regions that come to expect stable, supported supply will likely push back hard if that supply is wound back during what could prove to be a long, protracted and difficult war. We've seen that before with the withdrawal of household energy rebates during an ongoing cost-of-living crisis. I'm worried, again, that this government, through its potential short sighted implementation of reactive measures, can only provide a temporary prop-up to Australia's energy markets. It's also a concern that fuel markets are volatile. Prices move quickly, sharply and often without warning. Giving the EFA authority to enter derivatives and hedging arrangements means that the Commonwealth will now be exposed to those movements. If markets turn, those losses won't disappear; they'll land on the Commonwealth's balance sheet. They'll land on the taxpayer. In effect, the government could be stepping in on national interest grounds to take on projects that private markets have looked at and chosen to walk away from. We should ask ourselves: if the private sector won't touch cost- or risk-prohibitive projects, why should the Commonwealth? This brings me to the questions that this bill has not answered: what savings or offsets have been identified by the Treasurer, and what fiscal guardrails are in place around this measure? We know that the government is appropriating $2 billion to respond to fuel security during the remaining three months of the 2025-26 financial year. But what happens beyond that? The government has not answered these questions. Until it does, Australians are being asked to approve a permanent and significant expansion of Commonwealth risk with no clear account of the ongoing cost. There's also the question of oversight. The instruments that this bill authorises—derivatives, hedging, guarantees and price support mechanisms—are complex. They carry real tail risk and require active expert governance, but the government does not anticipate a review of these measures before 2029. At a time where the EFA could be actively hedging, stockpiling and extending guarantees across international supply chains, the parliament's primary safeguard is a report that may well not land for three years or more. If something goes significantly wrong in year 1, there will be no circuit breaker, no sunset clause. By the time the review arrives, the damage may already be done. The concerns I have around this bill bring me back to my main point: the need for structural reforms and for some difficult conversations. We can't debate this legislation without saying the quiet part out loud. The real answer to Australia's energy security crisis is not stockpiles. It's not hedging arrangements. It's not a government agency buying and selling fuel for us on international markets. The real answer is reducing our dependence on international energy markets and improving our sovereign capacity to produce energy. Every dollar that we spend securing fossil fuel reserves is a dollar that we do not spend accelerating the renewable transition that would make these conversations and this legislation unnecessary. A country that's able to generate its own clean energy at home will not be and cannot be held hostage by wars in the Middle East, by volatile and unsafe shipping routes or by the pricing decisions of international fuel corporations. That is what Australia's genuine energy security future looks like, and this bill must not become a distraction from that goal or an excuse to delay it. For every dollar put forward into securing additional fuel supply under this legislation, the government should reduce the fossil fuel subsidies received by major industries through the fuel tax credits scheme. While everyday motorists and small businesses are struggling with the cost of diesel, the government's fuel tax credit scheme is costing us $10.8 billion per year. That's $300 million a day or over $200,000 by the time I finish this speech. Fuel tax credits make diesel fuel use artificially cheap for offroad users, such as in mining. Fossil fuel companies themselves—coal miners like Glencore, Peabody, Yancoal, Mitsubishi, Whitehaven and Anglo American—are significant, large and ongoing beneficiaries from fuel tax credits. We have the wicked paradox in which Gina Rinehart's Hancock Prospective is receiving a 52.6 cents per litre subsidy for its offroad use of diesel while truckies today are struggling to deliver groceries to our supermarkets and are still, until the bill passes the House, paying the heavy vehicle road user charge of 32.4 cents per litre. The full picture of this legislation is that the government is proposing to use taxpayer money to secure more fuel supply, supply that will then flow to the same fossil fuel giants who are already receiving billions of Australian dollars in taxpayer subsidies. Ordinary Australians are underwriting both ends of the supply chain, and when those same Australians ask why prices remain high, I'm sure the government will point to the ACCC. Last week the government rushed legislation which increased the maximum penalties for breaches of competition and consumer law. The problem with that is that the former head of the ACCC Allan Fels has said that the commission actually has no real power to do anything. Price gouging is not illegal in relation to fuel. It is only illegal in relation to supermarkets, and even that ban hasn't yet come into force. Under our current laws, successful prosecutions of price collusion are rare because evidential barriers appear too difficult to overcome, especially when retailers don't have to provide reasons for raising their prices. It's simply not good enough. While the government has moved to halve the fuel excise and is lauding their national fuel security plan, we have no real security right now that this will translate into lower prices at the bowser because fuel price gouging remains completely legal and the government and the ACCC have no control over it. So I call on the government to act quickly and with authority to give the ACCC real powers to prosecute price gouging across our whole economy, to legislate a whole-of-economy price gouging offence, to cut the mining and coal industry's fossil fuel subsidies dollar for dollar with what this legislation will cost taxpayers and to move to incentivise industry to decarbonise, not continue its dependence on diesel, oil and gas. I ask the government to accelerate the energy transition, to end our dependence on imported fuels and to increase our ability to capitalise on renewable energy from our sun and wind. 15:55 Ms SPENDER 286042 Wentworth When markets seize in moments of heightened risk, there is a clear and legitimate role for government to step in and stabilise outcomes in the national interest. That is why I support the use of Export Finance Australia's deal-making powers to secure fuel supplies from international markets. Australia imports around 90 per cent of its liquid fuels, so, amidst global uncertainty, risk mitigation is essential to maintain supply continuity. The Export Finance and Insurance Corporation Amendment (Strategic Reserve) Bill 2026 provides Export Finance Australia with new powers to enter into contracts for the purchase and sale of fuel and critical minerals for domestic availability. In doing so, EFA can underwrite fuel purchases during periods of volatility. It also provides a mechanism to establish the $1.2 billion Critical Minerals Strategic Reserve. This is a broadening of the EFA'S remit, but one that leverages existing capability. Although EFA will participate in commercial transactions, this bill does not ensure a public return or guarantee sovereign capability. It does not control fuel prices or prioritise who gets fuel. It does not define what is critical, enabling this to change with circumstances. It does not specify a cost. Exposure to losses will be assessed on a deal-by-deal basis, with the Minister for Trade and Tourism able to direct EFA to act through the National Interest Account. This is a broad bill with some broad powers, so I support a review. It's currently scheduled for 2029. I would see value in bringing that in earlier. This bill sits alongside a number of sensible steps already taken by the government. Right now, locally, there is a significant demand shock alongside the supply shock the world is facing. Fuel is continuing to arrive, with cargoes at or higher than levels originally contracted and with around 30 days of forward visibility in the system. But, as people worry about availability and respond to a price shock which they cannot necessarily afford, many have filled up early and stored additional fuel. That means more fuel is sitting in car tanks and jerry cans and less is available at service stations. While we do have aggregate supply holding, this is why there are shortages in petrol stations across the country, including in my electorate in the middle of Sydney. That is why public confidence matters so much. So I welcome the public and up-to-date National Fuel Security Plan announced today. Other announcements following National Cabinet, like the temporary halving of the fuel excise and the elimination of the heavy vehicle road user charge, are popular but will add a $2.55 billion expense to a budget that is already under significant strain. I was particularly supportive of the elimination of the heavy vehicle user charge. I think that is important. But we do need to consider how we manage this. That is why I believe we should implement an urgent windfall tax on war-driven profits in the gas industry. War should not be a windfall. The $40 billion in additional LNG export revenue during the 2022 price spike was not the result of innovation or productivity. It was a consequence of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Other jurisdictions acted. The European Union raised 26 billion euros through a temporary levy on extraordinary profits. A targeted, temporary tax relief on supernormal war-driven revenues would strengthen the government's fiscal position without undermining long-term investment. It would provide the fiscal space to enable targeted support for households. I think this is really important because I take the concerns about sovereign risk and investment certainty really, really seriously. I think about this in relation to how we create an environment where we can attract investment into this country and we can give investors certainty that their investments will pay off in the way that they expect them to. But there should be an exception for war. I don't think this is unreasonable. When there is a war, when it changes the game, it is appropriate to reflect that in our laws. I think it is up to the government to act, this time, in a way that it didn't in 2022 and put in an appropriate series of changes; for instance, adding a sliding scale based on how high the price of gas gets, related just to the war. You could actually bring in significant revenue but also do it in a way that doesn't hamper investment, which I think is critical. I also think that right now we need to move beyond short-term responses and towards preparation for the next time we have a similar kind of attack on global supply chains. If we look at fuel, and energy in particular, Australia is in a stronger position than many countries. While we import most of our liquid fuels, we are a net energy exporter, with net exports equivalent to 67 per cent of production in 2023-24. Countries we import liquid fuels from, such as Japan and South Korea, depend on our gas and coal exports. That gives Australia strategic leverage in securing supply, but we cannot insulate ourselves from global prices. Those costs will flow through supply chains and into the cost of living. We are better positioned than we were in 2022, particularly because of progress on electrification, but we are not as prepared as we should be. First, we need to build a detailed assessment of energy system supply chain risks aligned with stockpiles and sovereign capability. That capability should be disciplined; guided by a resource endowment; and used only where fuel switching, stockpiling and friendshoring are insufficient. Fertiliser meets those tests; refined fuels likely do not. We do need to make sure that we do have longer-term positions in place to give us greater resilience. We know that stockpiling is expensive. Returning to our IEA compliance, holding 90 days of fuel reserves could cost around $20 billion, but fuel security is a form of national insurance and that cost should be shared. That brings me to my second point. We must reform fuel tax credits. Large diesel users currently receive around $10 billion annually in credits. If the government cannot afford its stockholding obligations—if it's already investing billions of dollars in holding these stockholdings in Australia—it makes little sense to return this sum each year to fuel-dependent users. It dampens the incentive to switch to cleaner domestic energy sources and prolongs our reliance on imported fuels. Third, over time, we do need to reduce our dependence on liquid fuels altogether. Electrification is not just climate policy; it is also energy security policy. Those Australians who feel most secure right now are those with rooftop solar, batteries and electric vehicles. Renewable energy does not depend on global shipping lanes or geopolitical chokepoints. The economics are clear: renewables get cheaper each year, while remaining fossil fuel resources are deeper, more complicated to extract, more expensive and more vulnerable to global shocks. And those fossil fuels are finite. Geoscience Australia estimates that our crude oil reserves will last around seven years at current production rates. Seven years. For those people saying that the answer is, 'Drill, baby, drill,' just be aware that it's seven years of resilience that this has. The answer to our future fuel resilience or our sovereign capabilities is not just more liquid fuel extraction here. Even if subcommercial resources were developed, it could sustain less than a decade of consumption. Renewables, by contrast, are effectively inexhaustible, so calls of, 'Drill, baby, drill,' are not a serious response to an immediate crisis. Even known reserves take around five years to bring online. These are the challenges here. This is where the government has, I think, exhibited a lack of real drive in trying to support electrification. I'm going to use the example of electric trucks and freight. This is an area where we are still extremely dependent, particularly on diesel. Other countries around the world move much more freight than we do. We as a country, because of our size, move a lot of freight on roads, but the truth is that we haven't got the systems in place to electrify our trucks as fast as other countries have. We don't have the coordination between the states. We haven't agreed on how we're going to work across the trucking industry and the energy sector in terms of the appropriate rollout of recharging stations. This does require a degree of coordination and does require a degree of focus, and I don't believe that the government has shown this, particularly in the sense of electric trucking. I believe that one of the lessons from this particular crisis should be to not leave this another 10-odd years. Fourth, I think we need to address the structural deficit because, in difficult times, you need to be able to pull on your reserves. When you've got 10 years of deficit, as we currently do, your ability to be flexible and support people as needed is reduced. With high inflation, persistent deficits projected for the next decade and debt approaching $1 trillion, there is limited fiscal space to respond to this crisis, let alone the next. We must make room for disciplined decisions, review spending and ensure programs deliver real value for Australians. Finally, let me turn briefly to critical minerals, which this bill also contemplates. I recognise the opportunity in this sector, but I do not see the urgency of attaching it to an emergency bill. The government has committed significant funding to critical minerals, including the $5 billion Critical Minerals Facility and a production tax incentive expected to cost around $7 billion over 10 years. But important questions remain. First, on its impact, a strategic reserve will only strengthen resilience if we build downstream capability in Australia and can process minerals in high-value products, not just extract them. Second, there's the public return. Critical minerals are finite resources owned by the Australian people. If public funds are supporting industry development, then the public must receive a fair share of the benefits. Otherwise, we risk repeating the experience of gas, where significant profits are generated but the public return is limited and reform is politically difficult. We need to get the balance right from the start. That means stable, durable and predictable tax settings and structural reform to ensure Australians share in the upside from their natural resources and the risk they take in industry development. This is work I will continue to develop, including through a forthcoming white paper, because, ultimately, energy security, economic resilience and fiscal responsibility are not separate challenges. They are deeply interconnected, and it is our responsibility to address them with seriousness, discipline and fairness. This work is urgent now, but better preparation for the next crisis should be as urgent, for a forward-looking government. 16:07 Ms STEGGALL 175696 Warringah The Export Finance and Insurance Corporation Amendment (Strategic Reserve) Bill 2026 is not the solution to Australia's energy security. It is a necessary short-term circuit breaker during a fuel shock, but it's a loud admission that our national resilience remains dangerously dependent on legacy fossil fuel markets. I support the intent of this legislation to keep Australia moving, prevent regional communities from running out of fuel and prevent a short-term supply squeeze turning into a broader economic hit. But I will say the quiet part out loud: underwriting extra fuel cargoes does not address the structural problem. If we only do more imported fuel faster, we'll be right back here at the next geopolitical flashpoint. Climate resilience is national resilience and economic resilience; we've been saying this for years in this place. When climate hazards worsen, supply chains and essential services get hit. When fossil fuel markets spike, households and businesses get hit. The lesson is that genuine resilience means reducing long-term exposure to these kinds of disruptions. If we're serious about fuel and energy security, we must accelerate electrification—and fast. Electric transport is not an extra; it's a strategic shield against imported oil volatility. What is driving this bill is not a theoretical risk. It's an active disruption in global oil markets, with sharp price volatility and supply uncertainty tied to the conflict involving the US and Israel's actions in Iran and the resulting disruption around the Strait of Hormuz. Many experts predict that the disruptions will continue to expand, and the conflict may well last for a lot longer than hoped. Australia is structurally exposed because we import most of our fuel and rely on international shipping arriving on schedule. When ships cancel or prices jump, we feel it at the bowser and then in freight, groceries and inflation. The government's immediate crisis settings have already included temporarily releasing up to 20 per cent of the minimum stockholding obligation for petrol and diesel, freeing up to 762 million litres targeted to relieve regional pressures; and actively monitoring stocks and arrivals while warning against panic buying and unsafe stockpiling. Australia also has international obligations. Under the international energy program treaty settings, member countries are expected to hold oil stocks equivalent to at least 90 days of oil reserves and be ready for collective action during major disruptions. Australia has not met this goal, and I don't understand that it's one of the government's intentions. Australia briefly leased space in the US Strategic Petroleum Reserve in 2020 and then sold that oil in 2022. Angus Taylor, Leader of the Opposition, was the minister responsible for that decision to lease space and then subsequently sell it off on the international market. Even when that arrangement existed, it was a small volume and slow to access and it was crude, not ready-to-use fuel. Fuel security policy in recent years has focused heavily on stockholding obligations and supporting our remaining domestic refineries, but this treats supply as the only lever while underinvesting in the long-term demand solution, which is electrifying transport. It was the Morrison coalition government that helped lead us into this mess. Its scaremongering campaign that electric vehicles would ruin the weekend was not just silly politics; it was short sighted and really reckless. It was a symptom of a deeper failure to plan for the economic and energy transitions already underway. If the major parties had got with the program earlier and engaged seriously with the needs of a 21st century economy, Australia could have built far greater economic resilience by now. The central idea in this legislation is sound, and I will support it to address a temporary emergency situation. It gives Export Finance Australia a flexible set of tools—insurance, derivatives, loans and other arrangements—to derisk additional cargoes to encourage suppliers to bid for discretionary shipments. But these laws need guardrails to ensure these powers are temporary and not used to finance fossil fuels for any longer than would address the immediate fuel security crisis. To that end, I would urge the government to consider a much earlier period of review for this legislation. Food security and regional resilience are directly affected in the current crisis. When the diesel price spikes or supply tightens, there is no doubt that farmers and freight feel it first and then everyone pays at the check-out. That is exactly why fuel security is not just an energy policy; it's a cost-of-living and national resilience policy. Underwriting fuel cargoes must be paired with an explicit funded electrification plan where possible. Otherwise we'll just keep paying to delay our own economic and national resilience. If we are to achieve genuine resilience, our transport sector must be electrified. That means buses, fleets, charging infrastructure and heavy vehicles. In fact, for the naysayers who don't think it's possible, just today the Parliamentary Friends of Electric Vehicles and Future Fuels are hosting the Freight Forward summit, with incredible advances and amazing technology and options when it comes to electric heavy vehicle freight options. The impacts of climate change will multiply these risks. Geopolitical instability and wars get magnified by further events. Australia's own National Climate Risk Assessment identifies climate risks across essential goods and services, the economy, infrastructure and national security systems. Resilience that ignores climate change is short lived. Countries that electrify faster are less exposed to oil price shocks in their day-to-day economies. China's transformation is the obvious example for all the naysayers who, again, always want to point to the negatives. China has pushed electrification hard. Electric cars were almost half of all car sales there in 2024, with over 11 million cars sold, and electrification across the broader economy is proceeding faster than in the US or the EU by the International Energy Agency's measures. That is a structural buffer against oil price shocks because a bigger share of mobility and industry runs on domestically generated electricity instead of imported oil. China has been investing in renewable energy independence at scale since the early 2000s. Whilst it's not immune to this fuel shock, China is actually less exposed than many nations on the transport side because it has electrified more of its economy. That's allowing the Chinese government to introduce fuel price caps, cushioning consumers from price shocks. So it's really important that we look around to see how Australia can do better. We have to treat EV uptake as a fuel security program, not just a culture war as many in this place like to do. Keeping Australians off imported petrol is a strategic objective. It also reduces household exposure to global price spikes permanently, not temporarily. This includes keeping the fringe benefit tax exemption for EVs. Treasury forecasting shows that EV uptake has exceeded early expectation. EVs rose from under two per cent of new sales when the policy began to around 10 per cent of new sales now, with Treasury estimating almost 100,000 vehicles benefiting from the exemption—faster than expected. By all accounts, sales of EVs are now booming as people realise the only way they can in fact inoculate themselves from fuel price shocks is by choosing that, not hybrid and not something that continues to rely on imported fuel. On public transport, again China demonstrates the scale question too. It has the world's highest stock share of electric buses. The international energy agency puts it at around 30 per cent of bus stocks, built over years of industrial policy and procurement. Meanwhile, Australia is still overwhelmingly running diesel fleets, and even recent reporting puts our electric bus share at about one per cent. So, the fuel crisis demonstrates exactly what we need to urgently electrify our economy and end our dependence on legacy fossil fuels. The other component of this legislation lays the groundwork for a critical mineral strategy reserve by giving Export Finance Australia new powers to enter offtake arrangements, facilitate contracts and stockpile key minerals. These are mechanisms that can give emerging projects commercial certainty, attract investment and increase Australia's involvement in clean energy supply chains. For too long we've been comfortable digging up strategic materials while allowing refining, processing and high-value manufacturing to happen elsewhere. That needs to stop. So I can support emergency underwriting to keep Australia moving through this short-term shock, but we can't remain complacent while dependent on legacy fossil fuel energies. Those in this place who want to continue the culture wars about this are simply reckless and negligent to what Australians are going to face in the future. The strategic reserve that matters most is the one that reduces oil dependence. Keep the EV FBT exemption, accelerate charging and public transport electrification, and treat climate resilience as a foundation of national and economic resilience. I welcome the announcements today from the government in relation to the assistance to Australians when it comes to the fuel excise, the halving of the excise, and in relation to freight. But, again, these are going to come as massive hits to the budget. There is no doubt that budget repair is needed. That's why I urge the government to look at the fuel excise rebate. Over $10 billion going to mining has to stop. It simply cannot continue that we have the budget in the state that it's in with the consequences and the crisis we have now. Finally, there is no doubt that it's just unconscionable that we can continue to have excess wartime export profits by the gas industry. The government just needs to admit that it got the settings of the PRRT wrong. Either change those settings or introduce a 25 per cent export tax. We have to balance the budget. We have to build resilience and domestic energy security and, to do that, it will cost. We need to ensure that is done in a balanced and measurable way. So to all those in this place who want to continue culture wars about the risks and the very serious consequences for the future, I would say get with the times. 16:18 Mr JOYCE e5d New England I move: That all words after "whilst" be omitted with a view to substituting the following words: "not declining to give the bill a second reading, the House calls on the Government to initiate a review of this Bill for any potential areas of conflict with other legislation, including but not limited to the Safeguard Mechanism". I'd like to acknowledge that what we have got to understand is that—I heard the previous speaker, the member for Warringah. With all due respect, electric trucks are absolutely ridiculous. A Toyota Land Cruiser weighs a little less than three tonnes. One of those trucks has more than four tonnes of batteries. Of course that means its capacity, its range is not comparable to being able to deal with Australia. And you haven't got the roads, if you're fully loaded, to be able to take it on the number of axles they provide. It's just this mythical thing. What I have put forward here is this: we've got to move away from the climate change department. One of the big issues, after all the work of bringing fuel into Australia, is it runs into a thing called the Safeguard Mechanism. The Safeguard Mechanism is precisely there to push the fuel back offshore again. So we're on both the clutch and the brake and also the accelerator all at the same time and wondering why the engine's not going well and why we're not going anywhere. What we have to do as we move this legislation is clearly look at other things that impede us from the greatest efficacy possible. The safeguard mechanism for the emissions of carbon dioxide over 100,000 tonnes is precisely that. If we go to electrification, then we will have a huge problem, because our electricity grid has been destroyed by our desire to somehow change the temperature. There's this idea that Australia will change the climate. We actually, insanely, have a climate change department—a department with thousands of employees to change the climate. I don't know when you get to sack them if the climate hasn't changed appropriately. El Nino is coming. If we had efficacy, then I would want it stopped. That's the thing we should be doing. Stop it now so that it starts raining. People say, 'Well, that's an absurdity;' well, the whole department's an absurdity. If we go to electrification, we will go from the highest fuel prices to the highest electricity prices in the OECD. And the area with the greatest amounts of intermittent power is not renewable. That's just the nomenclature of those who want to rip you off. If you go to the place with the highest amount of intermittent power, it's South Australia. And guess what? It's got the highest price. It's the highest price in the country with highest price. And you want to strap your nation to that? If we talk about culture wars, there seems to be a culture war against the internal combustion engine. If you really don't believe them, go to the next election and say you want to ban internal combustion engines, and I'll see you in opposition. It will be quite simple. We have to have an epiphany here. We have to start thinking about Australia and how to strengthen it. What is happening now in the Middle East is merely a minor play for the big one, which is the Taiwan crisis. When the Taiwan crisis happens, it won't just be fuel that shuts down; it'll be everything. President Xi says he's going to take Taiwan back by 2027. We live in 2026. We should have every minister on their pegs, saying what their plan is, saying how we're going to get alternate supplies and saying what the contingency plans are. What's happened with this is something that we should have been planning for at the start of the year. I mentioned at the start of the year in interviews what the biggest issue is for us: the potential of a Taiwan crisis. Why? Because of the restriction on supply lines and the calamitous effect that it could have on Australia. Well, I didn't get the predicament wrong; I just got the war wrong. The war ended up being in the Middle East. But that's just part 1. This amendment talks to how we should look at what we're about to do, which I commend—in fact, I work with the government to do it, which I commend—but we've got to make sure that it doesn't start running into further obstacles the moment the fuel starts arriving in Australia. If we don't have fuel, then we don't have food. It's a pretty simple equation. If we don't have the reliability of fuel, then the first question people will ask in the country is: can I plant? And is the cost of planting so excessive that it's not worth planting, so should I reduce how much and reduce the risk? The next question will be: do we have fertiliser so that we get a fair return from planting? The next question will be: do I have security of fuel throughout the term of the crop? The last question will be: do I have the fuel to take the crop off, and do people have the fuel to take the crop away? That's whether it's carrots, barley, wheat or cattle. It doesn't matter. I don't think this nation has properly addressed that issue. I heard from the minister for agriculture, Minister Collins, in the last sitting, and I did not get an answer that left me with any confidence whatsoever that the government had a plan or the foresight to see what is happening with regard to food security. Today, when you turn on the television, the issue they're talking about is food security. It's a ripple-through effect of the fuel crisis. The reality rather than the fantasy is that we're still using, and will continue to use in the long term, internal combustion engines. The reality is that you cannot move to electric vehicles, and to suggest that in the middle of a crisis is just oblivious to the circumstances that Australia is currently in. We've had electric vehicles for a very long time; they're called golf buggies. They've been around for a very, very long time. If there had been a buck in them, they would have expanded them. It's a wonderful thing called the marketplace. What we're trying to do is to legislate ourselves into alternative forms of energy—to just put aside all sense of physics and economics and believe we're going to arrive at this energy nirvana. Today is the wake-up call. So what we should be doing, in this parliament, is this. We're on the way. We've got half of us that don't believe in net zero—great! The next step is to get out of the Paris accord, because that's just net zero with a French accent. And the next step after that is to just get to rid of the climate change department completely—remove it; get rid of it. I'll tell you right now: if you want to get a cheer when you're out talking to a room, tell them you're going to get rid of the climate change department—that's the one they react to the best. They're way ahead of us. They're vastly more enlightened and vastly more perceptive about trying to get this place back to a sense of reality and away from the fantasy that we currently live in because certain people, who have very loud voices and very small constituencies, take you out to dinner on the weekend. If you just forget about them and start thinking about the people you meet at the bowling club, you're probably going to go a lot better electorally. What we have to do is: be honest, and understand, first and foremost, that we need fuel. Where are you going to get it from? And the legislation talks to that. In very simple terms, there is a spot market out there. It's just that it's the price you want to pay. And people aren't really concerned, to be quite frank, about the price going up. Say you're bringing in a tanker—and the biggest tanker is about 250 million litres, so let's say you're bringing in that. So, if you're making a play for a hundred million litres at—I don't know—$2.20, it's 220 million litres that you're out there for. And you're terrified of downside risk. So the best thing is, if you can, to get yourself a cap-and-collar arrangement and offload your risk to someone else. But no-one's going to take that risk at the moment, so there's a role for the government to come in and take that risk. Now, if you want to have a discussion later on about a cap arrangement, I think that's a viable thing to have a discussion about. With that, when they say, 'Oh, well, this is going to help the miners,' that just shows no understanding. Miners are on contract; they go on contract for megalitre buys. It's not that there's an option out there with magical fuel. There's a financial instrument and that offloads their risk. So they don't care about the spot market. This is talking about securing up the spot market, which is vitally important. If we don't do that, it's going to exacerbate the problem. I might say that, from talking to independent distributors before coming into this chamber, they still don't have access to product; there are legal issues, where it can't be delivered. But their frustration is that they hear us, with this, saying, 'Oh, well, this will fix it.' I might say, in a sobering form, 'No, it won't.' This assists. It doesn't fix it. The problem is still there, and it's there in an incredibly substantive way. We have to be able to acknowledge that. Tomorrow I'll have some of those independents in the building. They're having a meeting with the energy minister. The Labor Party is the government, so that's where they've got to go; that's who they've got to meet. And then, later on, they'll be meeting in the Treasurer's office. I think it's incredibly important that the government understands how this is working on the ground in regional areas, because that informs the decision process. If we have an informed decision process, we cannot get ourselves out of the crisis but we can mitigate it. The longer-term plan, though, has to be for Australia to have a wake-up call and clearly understand that you are not going to change the weather. Forget it. That's fantasy. I might be an apostate as to the whims of this chamber, but it is absolute fantasy. You are not going to change the weather. You're not going to make it hotter. You're not going to make it cooler. You're not going to make it windier. You're not going to make it drier. You're not going to make it wetter. But you will make Australians poorer; you will do that. And you will put our country at risk; you will do that. And you will spend, absolutely, over 10 years, hundreds of billions of dollars, trying to achieve the impossible; you will do that. The only way we can stop doing that is to get rid of the department. That's its whole purpose. Its whole modus operandi is to change the climate, as absurd as that idea is—that a department on the continent of Australia can change the weather. So I put forward this amendment. It just asks for you to consider. If you don't consider, well, I suppose then you're ignorant to the facts. And if you don't consider, it means generally that you know what needs what is going to be said and you don't want it to be heard. I move: That all words after "whilst" be omitted with a view to substituting the following words: "not declining to give the bill a second reading, the House calls on the Government to initiate a review of this Bill for any potential areas of conflict with other legislation, including but not limited to the Safeguard Mechanism". 16:30 The DEPUTY SPEAKER 201906 Is the amendment seconded? Mr Boyce 299498 I second the amendment and reserve my right to speak. The DEPUTY SPEAKER 201906 The original question was that this bill be now read a second time. To this, the honourable member for Lyne moved as an amendment that all words after 'that' be omitted with a view to substituting other words. The honourable member for New England has now moved as an amendment to that amendment that all words after 'whilst' be omitted with a view to substituting other words. The question now is that the amendment moved by the honourable member for New England to the amendment moved by the member for Lyne be agreed to. 16:31 Mr BIRRELL 288713 Nicholls I rise to speak on the Export Finance and Insurance Corporation Amendment (Strategic Reserve) Bill 2026. Australia is facing a serious fuel supply shock at the worst possible time, and we have spent the last two weeks trying to explain to the government, particularly the minister for Energy and Climate Change, how serious this problem is. We've been called scaremongers. We've been accused of causing people to panic buy. But the reality is that our constituents, many of them in regional Australia—for whom diesel is not a nice to have; it is an absolute necessity for their business—have been telling us about price shocks and supply issues. What you do when your constituents tell you there is a serious problem with the way they go about their business, which keeps Australia running and keeps Australia paid for, is you bring it up in the chamber; you bring it up in question time. So we make no apology for trying to get the Minister for Energy and Climate Change to understand the severity of the problem by bringing these examples in. Even last week I said that I had just spoken to a group of grade 6s. One young girl told me, 'Dad ordered a load of diesel three weeks ago and it hasn't arrived yet, and we need diesel to start putting our crops in.' I made the comment that the grade 6 student understood the severity of the issue better than the Minister for Energy and Climate Change. Diesel is absolutely essential to the operations that we have, particularly in regional Australia, particularly around the industries that pay for Australia, and those industries are mining and agriculture. Now, there's a lot of other very important, great industries going on in Australia but they're underpinned by our resources and our agricultural industries, and they rely on diesel. When the fuel prices rise or there's a supply disruption, that flows on to the price of groceries—I think we're about to see that, unfortunately—freight and logistics, household budgets. This crisis risks the homegrown cost-of-living crisis that we already had because of the mismanagement of the Labor Party and because of the government not taking seriously the concept of increased government spending without productivity dividends leading to inflation. I would have thought that was pretty obvious. But the fact that we already had that uptick means that this comes at a terrible time. The government's response has been, I think it would be kind to say, chaotic and complacent. For weeks, there's been the denial of a problem, the dismissal of legitimate concerns, with Australians being blamed and us on this side being told we were not serious people. We were seriously laying bare the problems in our electorates. It's nice to see the government actually take it seriously and not only move on a couple of issues, including the fuel excise cut that we suggested last week but also this Export Finance and Insurance Corporation Amendment (Strategic Reserve) Bill that we will be supporting. My portfolio is agriculture, so I would like to talk a bit about how critical diesel is for agriculture and how time sensitive that is. We are about to go into the winter cropping period, which means that farmers will be sowing seed. In the old days, you had to wait for a rain—the autumn break, whenever it arrived—and then you'd put your seat in. But, now, with new technologies which have seed protection, we can put seed in dry soil, and it will stay there without being attacked by pests and diseases so that, when the rain does come, the seed will come up. That cropping window pretty much starts now. It'll go through, probably, till the end of April and maybe into May, depending on the hectares that people decide to sow. The supply of diesel right now to the farming areas is absolutely critical. A group of Western Australian wheat and barley farmers told me that they'll probably need 35 litres of diesel a hectare for the entire crop cycle. That's the sowing, the spraying of the weeds, the top dress of urea and then the harvest, so it's significant. They're wanting to know that there is going to be security of supply and that cost is going to be under control, because the cost of that 35 litres and whether you can get it in the first place is part of the decision-making process for how much crop you put in and whether you'll have the margins to make it a viable exercise. It's absolutely critical for agriculture. The coalition's position on this bill is that it will support it. We think this is a sensible measure. In a crisis, the government should act to keep supply chains moving and ensure essential imports like fuel and fertiliser can reach Australia. This bill allows Export Finance Australia to step in during extraordinary disruptions. It's a sensible objective, and we support practical, targeted action in a crisis. What it does show—and many people before me who have come into this place have been saying this for a number of years—is that Australia is an island continent in a world that has become, over the last four years in particular, more sensitive to geopolitical shocks. The old world order doesn't seem to be holding as much as it used to. Australia has become incredibly reliant on inputs from overseas that come to us via ship. Those shipping lanes could close down because of conflict, and we're already seeing that as a result of the disruption to freight out of the Strait of Hormuz. That freight, critically, for us, has crude oil going to refineries, in particular, in Asia, so that's what is contributing to our current crisis. But the lack of sovereign capacity in relation to those issues should give us all cause for concern. Let's be clear about what this bill does not do and what it is not. It will not get fuel to empty service stations today. That requires a distribution plan led by the minister, and we've been harping on about wanting to see that over the last two weeks. Whilst there is more fuel moving, and I acknowledge that, there are still issues with fuel getting to regional service stations and regional businesses, including farms and mines. This bill does not reduce prices at the bowser tomorrow. It does not fix the underlying problem that Australia is less prepared than it should be. So this is not a silver bullet. The deeper problem is one of economic management and national capability. After four years in office, Labor has failed to build sovereign fuel capability and has left Australia more exposed and more reliant on overseas supply, and now they want to fund imports of the very fuels it restricts at home. So I think what this whole crisis lays bare to us—if I could paraphrase and call it an inconvenient truth—is that we do rely on fossil fuel liquid fuels a lot more than we, as a nation, and in particular the government, have wanted to make out. There have been comments that we can just electrify everything. There's been discussion of biodiesel, and I'm not against biodiesel, but it can't ramp up to deliver what is required in the industry at this point. I think, in combination with the general wishful thinking that renewable energy and electrification can get us where we need to go, this type of utopia—it's not in anyone's interest to pretend that things are something when they're not. Many of us are very concerned about the impacts of climate change, but pretending there are solutions out there, when they simply won't work in the real world, could, as I said in my maiden speech, move the problem of emissions offshore, make us poorer and reduce the standard of living of our people. That's not leadership. Wishful thinking is not leadership. Leadership is about saying, 'This is a really wicked problem,' and not pretending that there is some sort of solution out there, one that we would like to work. I would love it if wind turbines and solar panels could solve the problem, but the reality is that they can't. There's the problem with, as I've said before in this place, base-load power. I was having a debate on Sky News with one of the crossbenchers, and she was saying that base-load power is an antiquated notion and a thing of the past. I was standing in an apple orchard, and I said, 'How are we going to refrigerate these apples when they're harvested if we don't have base-load power—that is, power that's going to be reliably on for 24 hours a day, seven days a week?' This conflict in the Middle East and this global supply shock are a wake-up call that we're a lot more reliant on liquid fossil fuel, particularly on diesel, than we have been prepared to make out. What is diesel? I think a lot of us know it. I put it into my tractor and I put it into my vehicle. It's a critically important fuel for the world because most heavy machinery relies on diesel, whether it's on a farm, in a mine site or to get the goods that go from those mine sites or farms to the consumers. Whether it's taking iron ore to the port, taking bananas from North Queensland to the people who enjoy those and need healthy fresh fruit in supermarkets across Sydney and Melbourne or taking apples from my electorate to the markets, it's all done with diesel. Diesel is a refined product and the most effective and efficient and the cheapest way to make it is out of crude oil, but a lot of the crude oil comes out of the Middle East, so we are reliant on the Middle East. We are going to have to look at whether there are other products—feedstocks, if you like—that have a calorific content that enables us to create diesel from not just crude oil. We need to look at those potentials. I acknowledge that across the parliament we're starting to look at some of those, such as biodiesel from canola, and it's been talked about with ethanol. There have been a lot of contributions on what we can do, but we need to go back and say: 'We need diesel. What would happen if there were some supply shocks even worse than the ones we're having now that meant we couldn't get the crude oil to the refinery to make the diesel?' Whether the refinery is in Singapore or Australia, it doesn't matter. If the crude oil doesn't get there, diesel can't be manufactured. Are there other calorific products in Australia, as part of our resources, that we could use to manufacture diesel? I think we need to really look into that. The irony of this legislation is that it amends the Export Finance and Insurance Corporation Act 1991 and the Export Finance Australia mandate. Export Finance Australia's own statement of expectations said, when it was first put in, that it restricts Export Finance Australia from supporting oil, gas or coal and prioritises a renewable-only agenda. I think that goes to the heart of the contradiction that is this whole piece of legislation. As I said, we're supportive of it, but the fact that it's necessary is because, as I said before, I think we wished that things were, when they were not. Under the coalition, Export Finance Australia backed Australia's national interest—whatever that was. But under Labor it's been repurposed to enforce a type of ideology. We are going to move amendments to this. I support the government in its intent to underwrite companies that want to bring necessary fuels, including petrol and diesel, into Australia. The object of it is good. The coalition will work constructively on this legislation, and we are proposing amendments. We want to remove restrictions on domestic oil, gas and crude production because that just makes sense. If we're getting crude, and it's out of the Middle East, and it's being refined in Singapore, those are global emissions; why not have them here? We will ensure that Export Finance Australia can support the industries that underpin energy security, because resilience cannot be built by blocking investment at home and funding imports offshore. In closing, it's important, and Australians need immediate relief. I do congratulate the government on moving on the fuel excise; I think that was important. It came as a result of a call from the opposition last week. I think it's good that the government responded to that call in a positive way. We are supporting this bill. I think this is another good initiative by the government. Again, it will be made stronger if the government could look at this amendment and, in the same way they said that fuel excise from the coalition is a good idea, say that these amendments are a good idea too. Let's agree to them and make this legislation stronger. 16:46 Mr McCORMACK 219646 Riverina When the government follows the coalition in policy, you know you're on a good thing. Certainly with the halving of the fuel excise, that's what was called for last week, and that's what's been done. And the road user charges—there's some relief there. To be fair, let's applaud the government for that, but it took them to be dragged kicking and screaming to the table, albeit the National Cabinet table, to do this. But credit where credit is due; there will be some relief at the bowser. Again, as has been said, will it solve the issues of accessibility and availability of supply to regional petrol stations? That remains to be seen. Is there a credible, workable plan going forward? That remains to be seen. I do worry about the workload that the government has put on Anthea Harris. Already she has been given the task of reviewing the Water Act—no mean feat; it's a big job. Now she's been tasked with the role of doing the job of the Minister for Climate Change and Energy. She has been given his job, and being the Fuel Supply Taskforce Coordinator is going to require a lot of her time. She's going to have to balance her water responsibilities with her fuel responsibilities, and, as the member for Nicholls knows, fuel and water doesn't always mix. I'm sure she's very qualified, but the Minister for Climate Change and Energy has, in so many ways, abrogated his responsibility. Here is a minister who just keeps getting it wrong. He got it wrong when he allowed 800 boats and 55,000 illegal arrivals on these shores. He got it wrong when he, some might cruelly say, cost the now government the opportunity to get in earlier when he brought in those franking credits, which was going to be a tax on ordinary everyday Australians. They rejected what the opposition had to say at the time, and of course, he famously said, 'Well, if you don't like it, don't vote for us,' and they didn't. That was the 2019 election. We're at a crisis at the moment, and that has finally been acknowledged by the government. I will say that it's not just a national crisis; it is an international crisis. I listened closely to the Prime Minister in question time when he said, 'We do have a war in Iran, and we acknowledge that.' But we've also got, as the member for Nicholls quite correctly pointed out in his excellent contribution, farmers who are in the sowing season. It is the start of an important part of their yearly cycle; that time of year where they either direct drill seeds straight into the ground—dry ground in many parts—or start scarifying their paddocks in order to sow. Unless they can get diesel in their big heavy farm machinery, they don't sow. Our farmers are not only the best stewards of the environment; they are the biggest risk-takers in this nation, and we cannot do without them. If they don't get to sow now, if they don't get their crops in by the end of April or early May, then we are going to be in a world of trouble come harvest time—traditionally around October, November and December for those dryland crops—and it is going to cause an issue of food security. We have a fuel security crisis now. We will then, in six or so months time, be in a food security crisis. And what a food security crisis leads to is a national security crisis. I'm not being melodramatic. I am just being absolutely truthful. I heard the member for Nicholls talking about biofuels and biodiesel and the difficulty of getting that online straight up, and I realised that this is something that does take years. It does take long-term planning, but we have to, as he would acknowledge, start now. I know that Tim Rose, in my hometown of Wagga Wagga, has Southern Oil Refining. It's been there for some time. It now produces 20 million litres of very fine oil and, along with his plant at Gladstone, the Northern Oil Refinery, which produces 50 million litres of oil, it converts sump into 70 million litres of oil a year. Now, in the scheme of things on the national fuel front, they are small numbers, but that can be upscaled. He has had a plan on the desk of the Minister for Climate Change and Energy for at least two years, if not a lot longer, to see what can be done to upscale the southern and northern oil refineries. We could call them re-refineries because what they're doing is converting sump into usable oil. More than that, his plant at Gladstone has the potential, with a bit of engineering and some political will, to convert old tyres into usable oil and prickly pear, acacia into oil. This must be considered. We have to get sovereignty in our fuel reserves, in our oil stocks. We must. That particular proposal that Mr Rose has had on the table, in the inbox of the minister, must be retrieved, dusted off and examined thoroughly. As part of the oil product stewardship program and the role of the minister, we have to have some political will in this space. Eromanga, since 1986, has produced mining-grade oil. Let's see what we can do there. You only have to recall COVID—it wasn't that many years ago. We were apparently going to be out of sanitiser. Well, we looked at what we could do. We got our manufacturing online, and within days, not weeks, we were able to produce the hand sanitiser that the nation needed at an affordable rate, and accessible and available. We can do the same. We have the know-how, we have the skills, we have the expertise. This government must be pulling every lever to make sure that we've got available fuel, available oil, available diesel. We need it. As I say, National Cabinet will work with the Prime Minister of the day. I know, when we had COVID and we had issues around transport, some of the finest ministers, would you believe, came on board when trucks were taking hours upon hours to get over the border. Having had that meeting of the ministers that night—and I specifically refer to Rita Saffioti and to Jacinta Allan, Labor ministers in Western Australia and Victoria—they were able to work with me to ensure that we were able to get trucks across the border in next to no time. That relationship worked well, and I have to say that it provided the difference between trucks being able to deliver groceries and medical supplies in a matter of minutes and what we were encountering, which was a matter of hours. It wasn't going to work, and we knew that. So I know it can be done. I know it can be achieved. It just takes the political will, the courage, the know-how and the bipartisanship to make it happen. The situation with our liquid fuels is that 50 per cent of the nation's imports by weight are liquid fuels. You can add another 10 per cent on top of that with petrochemicals. We need to do everything we can to ensure that those ships continue, that those contracts are met. We also need to make sure, as the member for Nicholls said, that the Export Finance and Insurance Corporation Amendment (Strategic Reserve) Bill 2026 takes into account the absolute need to ensure that oil, gas and coal are part of this government's deliberations and regulations and legislation. Export Finance had this mandate not that long ago, under this government, to reject and rebuff those fossil fuels. Haven't we been caught with our pants down. Haven't we been caught short when it comes to ensuring that we have ready-made Australian supplies on hand and available. I know the Minister for Climate Change and Energy has been going on and on about the fact that supplies are okay—nothing to see here. Well, I'm sorry, but there is a big issue, and it's not just about affordability of prices. I saw the other day, in the Northern Territory, a report of diesel prices of $4.25 a litre. Certainly, across my electorate, diesel is now selling at $3.30 a litre. That's if you can get it. So it's not just about affordability; it's about accessibility and availability. The supplies just aren't getting out to regional stations. Then you've got farmers putting their tanks down under lock and key, and there are reports of farmers being charged. This is not just now; this is just a week or a fortnight ago, when the crisis first started. They were only able to get their tanks half filled. Then they were paying $3 a litre and then they were having to pay cash. I've got to tell you those sorts of reports are alarming. The Australian Competition and Consumer Commission needs to investigate all of those allegations, because, obviously, if it's only a cash system, then somebody is pocketing that money, and I dare say that that money wouldn't be going through the ATO. But, anyway, I digress— Mr Birrell 288713 You would think. Mr McCORMACK 219646 You would think it might be, member for Nicholls, but I suspect not. The difficulty there is the fact that farmers are only able to half fill their tanks. They need full tanks. Then, of course, they're having to put their tanks under lock and key—that situation is alarming too—because there have been widespread reports of theft. The member for Sydney is coming in to listen to my contribution, giving me a little wave there! She would know too how important regional Australia is. She would know how important it is to make sure that we absolutely get the fuel and, particularly, the diesel to our farmers. As I said before, they are the greatest risk takers in this nation, and, if they don't get their fuel stocks in time for planting season, then we are going to be in a world of hurt—not only for our exports but for our food security. The government has finally decided that urgent action is necessary. After days and days of procrastination and delay and saying that there was no issue here, they finally realised that there was an issue and they have done something about the fuel excise and done something about road user charges. I would say it's not too little, too late, but there are other measures that this government is going to have to urgently adopt, and it's going to be a continuous thing to ensure that our regional people get access to fuel, particularly before Easter, which is largely a time when people like to travel from the city to the country. When it comes to the cities, there was all this talk about using public transport. We saw the reports only this morning of how infrastructure broke down and Sydney trains ground to a halt. We can't always rely on that, particularly with the Labor government in Macquarie Street. This is an urgent issue. It needs to be addressed. It needs to be addressed better by this government, which has been asleep at the wheel. 17:01 Ms CHANEY 300006 Curtin I rise to speak on the Export Finance and Insurance Corporation Amendment (Strategic Reserve) Bill introduced today. This bill reflects the seriousness of the moment that we're in. Escalating conflict in the Middle East is once again placing strain on supply chains and driving sharp price spikes in materials vital to Australia's economy—most immediately, fuel. As I understand it, this bill was originally conceived to establish a strategic reserve for critical minerals. But, in response to the unfolding international crisis, the government has hastily redrafted it, expanding the scope of Export Finance Australia's powers so that it can enter into and support transactions to shore up fuel and other strategic supplies. When supply chains are under stress and prices are spiking, Australians expect the government to act. For that reason, I will support this bill to enable the government to respond quickly to the current crisis. But this bill also asks parliament to place a great deal of trust in the executive, trust in the breadth of the powers being granted, trust in a new and expanded role for EFA and trust that taxpayers will be adequately protected when public money is used to underwrite private risk, and it's those issues that I want to focus on today. But, first, let's look at what the bill actually does. The bill gives EFA new tools to address supply chain disruption affecting strategic materials. That includes fuel, critical minerals and any other materials, goods or things determined to be vulnerable to supply disruptions. Under these amendments, EFA may insure or indemnify importers, provide guarantees, make loans or enter into other arrangements designed to encourage additional supplies of strategic materials into Australia. In the case of fuel, while the government has been clear that it does not intend to pay upfront for fuel purchases, public funds will underwrite the risk faced by importers when buying at today's or tomorrow's extraordinary prices. The rationale is straightforward. Importers are concerned that, if they purchase fuel now at very high prices and the conflict driving those prices ends suddenly, they may be left with significant losses when shipments arrive, potentially eight weeks later. Given the uncertainties surrounding geopolitical developments in the Middle East, fuel importers are understandably reluctant to carry that risk. The concern is that this could reduce willingness to purchase additional supply when Australia needs it most. This bill seeks to remove that disincentive so that fuel continues to flow. Fuel security matters to Australians. Our freight and agricultural sectors run on diesel, and households rely on petrol to get to work, to school and to essential services. But our reliance on these fuels also makes us vulnerable. Every global shock, every geopolitical flare-up, every supply chain disruption hits us hard, and that vulnerability is in itself a compelling argument for accelerating decarbonisation. The faster we transition to cleaner, more resilient energy systems, the less exposed we'll be to the volatility of global oil markets. The appropriation bills introduced concurrently today underline the scale of the challenge. The government is setting aside $2 billion over the next three months to respond to fuel security pressures—an extraordinary sum of money. The way this will work is that this taxpayer money will only need to be spent if prices drop and fuel importers are making a loss. Then taxpayers will foot the bill for the gap between what fuel importers thought they could sell the fuel for and what they can actually sell it for. I have some concerns about how broad the powers in this bill are. This bill does more than respond to the immediate crisis. It grants EFA expansive and ongoing powers to contract on behalf of the Australian government and commit public funds not just for fuel but for critical minerals and any other materials, goods or things that are vulnerable to supply chain disruptions. These powers can be activated whenever a minister determines it's in the national interest to do so. That's a very broad test. The strategic material definition is effectively unlimited in scope. It means the strategic reserve powers could be extended to almost any traded good at ministerial discretion, including in circumstances where the assessment of a supply disruption may be highly subjective. I understand why broad powers are required at this time of uncertainty. We're hearing alarming forecasts of all the industries that could be affected by the conflict in the Middle East. There is a level of trust involved in times of crisis, and I'm prepared to extend that trust. But I urge the government to make good on it by using these powers carefully, proportionately and transparently. This bill also makes significant changes to EFA's mandate. EFA's core mandate has traditionally been export focused. Underwriting import transactions across a broad range of goods marks a substantial departure from that mandate. Yet we have limited clarity about how these new functions will be integrated into EFA's existing governance structures or what additional expertise and oversight arrangements will be required to manage this risk appropriately. The appropriation bills introduced today impose a $2 billion ceiling on actions that government can take over the next three months to respond to fuel security challenges, but we don't have certainty as to the proposed scale of the Commonwealth's total exposure under this bill in relation to fuel imports. I acknowledge that these are extraordinary times, and I welcome the fact that further legislation will be needed if the government seeks to go beyond this $2 billion ceiling. One major concern I have about these new powers is that we may end up with one-sided contracts. For example, if an importer pays $3 a litre for a fuel shipment expecting to sell it for $3.10, I understand that the government could be on the hook if the importer can only sell it for $2.90 because the worst of the price pressure is over by the time it gets here. But, if the importer actually sells it for $3.20, above the expected price, because the war goes on, will the importer reap the full benefit of the upside, or will that benefit be shared with the taxpayer? Today I asked the government about this. The government said the powers would be structured in a way that would allow sharing in the upside, and it would be up to the EFA to determine contractual terms. I strongly encourage the EFA to treat upside sharing as a core negotiating objective to ensure that we're not giving out free insurance. If the worst happens and prices keep going up, some of that increase should be returned to the taxpayer. Of course, fuel importers won't want to sign contracts covering this possibility if they can help it, but urgency should not be used as an excuse to agree to one-sided contracts that are bad for taxpayers. How protected taxpayers are will depend on the contract negotiating skills of EFA staff. In order to maintain public trust in this power, it will be important to ensure that there is transparency about the contracts that are being signed on behalf of taxpayers and whether they address potential upsides as well as potential downsides. In the time available, I've not been able to investigate how this sits with our international trade obligations. The strategic reserve may raise a WTO direct subsidy question, but I suspect we will not be the only country putting in place these types of measures in the current context. These are broad and effectively permanent powers. They span fuel security, critical minerals, supply chain resilience, national security and the broader Future Made in Australia agenda. Yet the next statutory review of the act will not be tabled until after 31 December 2029. That's a very long time to wait for a comprehensive assessment of how these powers are being used and whether they remain appropriate. So my support today comes with clear expectations. We need robust safeguards to ensure public money is used responsibly and to ensure that, in exchange for providing this insurance, taxpayers benefit from any upside should the worst happen and prices continue to rise. We need transparency around the criteria relied on in activating these powers and how taxpayers are protected in contracts. We need confidence that parliamentary oversight will be meaningful, not symbolic, and we need assurance that any ongoing use of the strategic reserve will not distort markets in ways that undermine our international obligations or disadvantage Australian businesses. Australians deserve fuel security. They also deserve accountability when government assumes financial risks on their behalf. This bill moves us towards the first goal; it's our job to ensure it does not compromise the second. 17:10 Ms SHARKIE 265980 Mayo The Export Finance and Insurance Corporation Amendment (Strategic Reserve) Bill 2026 provides new powers to do, I think, two very important things—(1) finance the import of fuel and other necessary goods and (2) provide financial derivatives and price point support to purchase, sell and stockpile fuel and other necessary goods to ensure domestic availability only on government direction and to manage exposures as appropriate, providing flexibility to deal with the current fuel crisis now and to stabilise supply and avoid escalation and destabilisation in the future. It will help the government to manage Australia's exposure to risk around acquisition and delivery of fuel in the unpredictable and destabilised global environment that we're currently in. I would like to thank Mr Farrell for the very early morning detailed briefing on this legislation. I'd like to talk about a couple of issues that surround this issue and really look at how we've got to this place. I do, of course, welcome the government's announcement today on halving the fuel excise to 26.3c per litre for three months and also the cut to the heavy vehicle user charge. This will be very important for the trucking industry. Australia will also adopt a national fuel security plan that has been finalised with the support of the states and territories, which have been collaborating with government over the past couple of weeks to ensure the delivery of a consistent plan. This is absolutely good news. However, to get to this point, there has been enormous pain for motorists and families for weeks, and that damage can't just be undone. Even with the halving of the fuel excise, we're still going to be looking at around $3 a litre for diesel, which is prohibitively expensive. Talking with many small businesses in my electorate that are in the tourism industry, they've already seen a lot of cancellations over Easter, where people just can't stretch the budget to book and stay and do that travel in their car. Filling up the car is becoming a luxury. There are also hundreds of petrol stations across the country that have run out of different types of fuel or diesel. If I look at my electorate today, unleaded petrol is on average $2.59 a litre, diesel on average is $3.25 a litre and many, many service stations are out of stock. Let's look at oil prices. Oil prices have risen sharply since the start of the Iran war. Australia uses Singapore refined product benchmark prices. Oil prices had been around US$72 a barrel before the US strikes on Iran. They're now sitting at around US$112 or US$113 a barrel, and the Commonwealth Bank says there is a strong likelihood of the oil price lifting to between US$120 and US$150 a barrel if this conflict continues. Tied very closely to Australia's sovereignty and, I think, Australians' confidence in fuel security is our fuel reserves. Australia is not compliant and, in fact, hasn't been compliant since 2012 with its obligation to hold 90 days worth of fuel reserves under the International Energy Agency treaty. If I say nothing else in this place, surely we can learn from this current crisis that we must be keeping a minimum of 90 days worth of strategic reserves on shore? The government has said just today that we have 39 days of petrol reserves, 30 days of diesel reserves and just 30 days of jet fuel reserves. That's a third of what our obligations are under that treaty. In contrast, it's been widely reported that the reserves of some other member countries are far higher than ours. Let's look at New Zealand, our close neighbours. They have 49 days worth on land. Japan has 254 days; South Korea, 208 days; France, 108 days; and Spain, 113 days. Due to, I think, a complacency from extended peacetime, we have made our risk and exposure so great. It was just over 20 years ago that Australia had eight oil refineries, and most of our demand for our fuel was managed domestically. Now we just have two that remain, in Geelong and Brisbane, and neither of them is really fit for purpose. Neither of them, to my understanding, is able to process and refine diesel, which is the bulk of the fuel consumed in Australia. So now Australia imports around 90 per cent of its refined fuel. How crazy is that? If we learn nothing else from this crisis, we as a nation must truly take sovereignty as a serious issue. As the Canadian prime minister said, 'A country that can't fuel itself, feed itself or defend itself has very few options.' I urge the government not only to have a minimum of 90 days of fuel on Australian shores—I must say, this is a problem that was created by both governments. I remember that the previous government had tickets in Texas, which was just a ridiculous idea. We didn't have fuel onshore. We also must look to re-establish our refineries. The fact that we just have two refineries on the east coast of Australia is deeply concerning. It's actually farcical. It's unbelievable that a nation as large as Australia would have that. Anyone with an interest in geopolitics can see the vulnerability. If China decides that they're going to go into conflict with Taiwan and somehow Australia is involved in that, the shipping lanes will stop. This will be nothing compared to that as an issue. We need to be drilling more of our own domestic product, we need to be refining this product and we need to take Australian sovereignty seriously because we need to fuel ourselves and we need to be able to feed ourselves; otherwise, we as a nation can't defend ourselves. 17:17 Mr WALLACE 265967 Fisher At the outset I'd like to say that this bill, the Export Finance and Insurance Corporation Amendment (Strategic Reserve) Bill, is welcome. But, as with just about everything this government does, it had to be dragged, kicking and screaming, to ultimately get around to doing it. The concept of liquid fuel security is so incredibly important in this country. You didn't have to be a brain surgeon to work out that a war in the Middle East, or a war just about anywhere in the world right now, was going to place significant pressure on our supply chains—but particularly a war in the Middle East. This didn't just happen. Donald Trump didn't just wake up one morning and say, 'We're going to join forces with Israel and attack Iran.' These things were signalled for weeks, if not months. The US president moved a carrier battle group to the Middle East. He moved significant naval and air force assets into the Middle East. Yet this government continued to sit on its hands. This prime minister continued to sit on his hands in the same way that he refused to do anything in relation to social media, for example. Now, to give this prime minister his dues, he is unbelievably excellent at taking credit for someone else's idea. The social media ban was Peter Dutton and David Coleman's suggestion. Yet you listen now to the Prime Minister, and it was all Labor's idea. There's nothing about the inquiry that the member for Flinders and I did going back several years, nothing about Peter Dutton's idea and nothing about David Coleman's idea. It was all his idea! The old phrase, 'Success has many fathers, but failure is an orphan,' is personified by this Prime Minister. Then, of course, there was antisemitism. The Prime Minister sat on his hands for several years. There was the calling for a royal commission after Bondi. For 25 days the Prime Minister pushed back against the Australian community—it didn't matter whether it was the coalition, the business community, former attorneys-general, former governors-general or former chiefs of the Defence Force. It was Dawn Fraser, at the end of the day, who stood up and said, 'The government must call a royal commission into the Bondi attacks,' and, the very next day, the Prime Minister stood up and said: 'Australian people, I've got a great idea. I'm going to call a royal commission into Bondi.' That's the unbelievable guile of this Prime Minister. He has no shame. He stood up in parliament today—in fact, before parliament—and said he's going to halve the excise and remove the heavy vehicle road user tax. What a brain surgeon! What a great idea! It is unbelievable that this prime minister continues to be dragged, kicking and screaming, on every important issue that faces this country. Deputy Speaker Young, the Prime Minister and those opposite must live in a different country to you and me in South-East Queensland. You and I both know our constituents, whether they be mums and dads who want to get their kids to school, people who want to get to work, tradies or farmers—you and I share a boundary, Mr Deputy Speaker. You've got plenty of strawberry growers, as do I. Our country's agriculture runs on diesel. My primary producers were telling me three weeks ago, four weeks ago, that we were heading into serious issues, and I've spoken about this nearly every day in parliament since then. I talked about our fishermen in Mooloolaba and how they couldn't get diesel. I went and saw the energy minister and I spoke to him about this, and, to his credit, he assisted my fishermen to get some diesel. So thank you, Chris Bowen. But they're out of diesel again. They're out of diesel again, and there's no sign of it coming back any time soon. When they do get it, they are paying north of $3.15 a litre. My fishermen are telling me that it's got to a point where there's actually no point in going to sea because the catch that they get will be so expensive that people won't be able to afford their seafood. I want to send a shout-out to all my fishermen. They want to make it very, very clear—and for me to express—that, for those people who want Mooloolaba prawns at Easter, those Mooloolaba prawns are already in their freezers. They've got the seafood for Easter. Make sure you line up for it. Don't think that there's no seafood. There's going to be seafood for this Easter time. Please support your local fishermen. But the problem will be, Member for Goldstein: what happens after that? What will happen in April and May to my fishermen—and not just to my fishermen in Mooloolaba but to the fishermen up and down the eastern seaboard of Australia and, no doubt, on the western seaboard as well? My farmers are also telling me that they are having immense trouble securing diesel. I spoke with a concreter the other day. He was telling me that, as a result of the inflationary crisis this government has brought on—the member for Goldstein is not required in relation to that, but thank you very much—the price of steel has gone up some 25 per cent and will potentially go up to around 45 per cent. There's the price of plastic pipes. Poly piping, sewer piping, and stormwater piping are all constructed and manufactured with petrochemicals. So, when the price of fuel goes up, the price of plumbing fittings and pipes will go up. That means the price of housing will go up. I gave the minister a shout-out just a moment ago, thanking him for his efforts, but they're out of fuel again. I appreciate the efforts that you've made, but this is a real problem for the construction sector now. The construction sector is the largest employer in the country. Where steel and concrete and those costs rise exponentially, there will be significant problems for the construction sector. We could potentially see lay-offs of apprentices and tradies. I prefaced my speech by saying that I thought this was a useful contribution on the part of the government, albeit too little, too late. The cost of energy in this country has absolutely skyrocketed under this government over the last four years, and that is not just as a result of the war. The inflation rate that is now 3.7 per cent in this country is not just because of the war. This government was mismanaging inflation long before the war. This government promised us $275 price reductions. We have seen increases in energy costs of around 30 per cent under this government. Finally, I want to raise the issue of liquid fuel security for our military. The defence minister stood up in question time and answered a question on this. He basically said, 'Nothing to see here; there are no problems about liquid fuel security for our military.' Well, I'm having a little bit of déjà vu here, because that's what they told civilians about our liquid fuel security. The minister, the Prime Minister and all those on the opposite benches stood up here and said, 'Nothing to see; there are no problems'—they're still saying it—despite the fact that some 600 service stations in this country now either have no fuel or have at least a fuel or type of fuel that they've run out of. Excuse me for my cynicism when I say to the defence minister: I don't believe you; I don't believe you that this government has sufficient fuel stock for our ADF if the worst situation were to arise. I did an inquiry in relation to fuel security for our ADF. That demonstrated to the defence committee and me that we have significant problems with our liquid fuel security for our ADF. If Australians think they're doing it tough now on fuel—if there were a war involving Taiwan directly and involving Australia, this country would not know itself in relation to the problems that we would experience with our fuel security. The DEPUTY SPEAKER 201906 Order. In accordance with the resolution agreed to earlier, the time allotted for this debate has expired. The original question was that this bill be now read a second time, to which the honourable member for Lyne moved as an amendment that all words after 'that' be omitted with a view to substituting other words. The honourable member for New England has moved as an amendment to that amendment that all words after 'whilst' be omitted with a view to substituting other words. The SPEAKER 53517 The question before the House is that the amendment moved by the honourable member for New England be agreed to.

The House divided. [17:34]
(The Speaker—Hon. Milton Dick)

43 AYES Aldred, M. R. (Teller) Batt, D. J. Bell, A. M. Birrell, S. J. Boele, N. Boyce, C. E. Buchholz, S. Caldwell, C. M. Chaffey, J. L. Chester, D. J. Conaghan, P. J. Hamilton, G. R. Hastie, A. W. Hawke, A. G. Hogan, K. J. Joyce, B. T. G. Kennedy, S. P. Landry, M. L. (Teller) Le, D. T. Leeser, J. Littleproud, D. McCormack, M. F. McIntosh, M. I. McKenzie, Z. A. O'Brien, E. L. O'Brien, L. S. Pasin, A. Penfold, A. L. Pike, H. J. Rebello, L. S. Ryan, M. M. Scamps, S. A. Sharkie, R. C. C. Small, B. J. Steggall, Z. Tehan, D. T. Venning, T. H. Wallace, A. B. Webster, A. E. Wilkie, A. D. Willcox, A. J. Wilson, R. J. Young, T. J. 91 NOES Abdo, B. J. Albanese, A. N. Aly, A. Ambihaipahar, A. Belyea, J. A. Berry, C. G. Bowen, C. E. Briskey, J. L. Burke, A. S. Burnell, M. P. Butler, M. C. Byrnes, A. J. Campbell, J. P. Chalmers, J. E. Chaney, K. E. Charlton, A. H. G. Chesters, L. M. Clare, J. D. Claydon, S. C. Clutterham, C. L. Coffey, R. K. Coker, E. A. Collins, J. M. Comer, E. L. Conroy, P. M. Cook, K. M. G. Cook, P. A. Doyle, M. J. J. Dreyfus, M. A. Elliot, M. J. Fernando, C. J. France, A. A. Freelander, M. R. French, T. A. Garland, C. M. L. Georganas, S. Giles, A. J. Gorman, P. P. Gosling, L. J. Gregg, M. J. Hill, J. C. Holzberger, R. A. V. Husic, E. N. Jarrett, M. L. Jordan-Baird, M. A. M. Kearney, G. M. Keogh, M. J. Khalil, P. King, C. F. King, M. M. H. Lawrence, T. N. Laxale, J. A. A. Leigh, A. K. Lim, S. B. C. Marles, R. D. Mascarenhas, Z. F. A. McBain, K. L. McBride, E. M. Miller-Frost, L. J. Mitchell, R. G. Moncrieff, D. S. Mulino, D. Neumann, S. K. Ng, G. J. O'Neil, C. E. Payne, A. E. Plibersek, T. J. Rae, S. T. Reid, G. J. Repacholi, D. P. Rishworth, A. L. Roberts, T. G. Rowland, M. A. Ryan, J. C. Scrymgour, M. R. Sitou, S. Smith, D. P. B. (Teller) Smith, M. J. H. Soon, X. Spender, A. M. Stanley, A. M. (Teller) Swanson, M. J. Teesdale, J. A. Templeman, S. R. Urquhart, A. E. Watson-Brown, E. Watts, T. G. Wells, A. S. White, R. P. Witty, S. J. Zappia, A. 0 PAIRS

Question negatived.

17:42 The SPEAKER 53517 The question now is the amendment moved by the honourable member for Lyne be agreed to.

The House divided. [17:42]
(The Speaker—Hon. Milton Dick)

38 AYES Aldred, M. R. (Teller) Batt, D. J. Bell, A. M. Birrell, S. J. Boyce, C. E. Buchholz, S. Caldwell, C. M. Chaffey, J. L. Chester, D. J. Conaghan, P. J. Hamilton, G. R. Hastie, A. W. Hawke, A. G. Hogan, K. J. Joyce, B. T. G. Kennedy, S. P. Landry, M. L. (Teller) Leeser, J. Littleproud, D. McCormack, M. F. McIntosh, M. I. McKenzie, Z. A. O'Brien, E. L. O'Brien, L. S. Pasin, A. Penfold, A. L. Pike, H. J. Rebello, L. S. Sharkie, R. C. C. Small, B. J. Tehan, D. T. Venning, T. H. Wallace, A. B. Webster, A. E. Willcox, A. J. Wilson, R. J. Wilson, T. R. Young, T. J. 96 NOES Abdo, B. J. Albanese, A. N. Aly, A. Ambihaipahar, A. Belyea, J. A. Berry, C. G. Boele, N. Bowen, C. E. Briskey, J. L. Burke, A. S. Burnell, M. P. Butler, M. C. Byrnes, A. J. Campbell, J. P. Chalmers, J. E. Chaney, K. E. Charlton, A. H. G. Chesters, L. M. Clare, J. D. Claydon, S. C. Clutterham, C. L. Coffey, R. K. Coker, E. A. Collins, J. M. Comer, E. L. Conroy, P. M. Cook, K. M. G. Cook, P. A. Doyle, M. J. J. Dreyfus, M. A. Elliot, M. J. Fernando, C. J. France, A. A. Freelander, M. R. French, T. A. Garland, C. M. L. Georganas, S. Giles, A. J. Gorman, P. P. Gosling, L. J. Gregg, M. J. Hill, J. C. Holzberger, R. A. V. Husic, E. N. Jarrett, M. L. Jordan-Baird, M. A. M. Kearney, G. M. Keogh, M. J. Khalil, P. King, C. F. King, M. M. H. Lawrence, T. N. Laxale, J. A. A. Le, D. T. Leigh, A. K. Lim, S. B. C. Marles, R. D. Mascarenhas, Z. F. A. McBain, K. L. McBride, E. M. Miller-Frost, L. J. Mitchell, R. G. Moncrieff, D. S. Mulino, D. Neumann, S. K. Ng, G. J. O'Neil, C. E. Payne, A. E. Plibersek, T. J. Rae, S. T. Reid, G. J. Repacholi, D. P. Rishworth, A. L. Roberts, T. G. Rowland, M. A. Ryan, J. C. Ryan, M. M. Scamps, S. A. Scrymgour, M. R. Sitou, S. Smith, D. P. B. (Teller) Smith, M. J. H. Soon, X. Stanley, A. M. (Teller) Steggall, Z. Swanson, M. J. Teesdale, J. A. Templeman, S. R. Urquhart, A. E. Watson-Brown, E. Watts, T. G. Wells, A. S. White, R. P. Wilkie, A. D. Witty, S. J. Zappia, A. 0 PAIRS

Question negatived.
Bill read a second time.
Message from the Governor-General recommending appropriation announced.

Consideration in Detail 90 17:48 The SPEAKER 53517 In accordance with the resolution agreed to earlier, I will now put the question that the amendment as circulated by the Manager of Opposition Business be agreed to.

The House divided. [17:48]
(The Speaker—Hon. Milton Dick)

38 AYES Aldred, M. R. (Teller) Batt, D. J. Bell, A. M. Birrell, S. J. Boyce, C. E. Buchholz, S. Caldwell, C. M. Chaffey, J. L. Chester, D. J. Conaghan, P. J. Hamilton, G. R. Hastie, A. W. Hawke, A. G. Hogan, K. J. Joyce, B. T. G. Kennedy, S. P. Landry, M. L. (Teller) Leeser, J. Littleproud, D. McCormack, M. F. McIntosh, M. I. McKenzie, Z. A. O'Brien, E. L. O'Brien, L. S. Pasin, A. Penfold, A. L. Pike, H. J. Rebello, L. S. Sharkie, R. C. C. Small, B. J. Tehan, D. T. Venning, T. H. Wallace, A. B. Webster, A. E. Willcox, A. J. Wilson, R. J. Wilson, T. R. Young, T. J. 97 NOES Abdo, B. J. Albanese, A. N. Aly, A. Ambihaipahar, A. Belyea, J. A. Berry, C. G. Boele, N. Bowen, C. E. Briskey, J. L. Burke, A. S. Burnell, M. P. Butler, M. C. Byrnes, A. J. Campbell, J. P. Chalmers, J. E. Chaney, K. E. Charlton, A. H. G. Chesters, L. M. Clare, J. D. Claydon, S. C. Clutterham, C. L. Coffey, R. K. Coker, E. A. Collins, J. M. Comer, E. L. Conroy, P. M. Cook, K. M. G. Cook, P. A. Doyle, M. J. J. Dreyfus, M. A. Elliot, M. J. Fernando, C. J. France, A. A. Freelander, M. R. French, T. A. Garland, C. M. L. Georganas, S. Giles, A. J. Gorman, P. P. Gosling, L. J. Gregg, M. J. Hill, J. C. Holzberger, R. A. V. Husic, E. N. Jarrett, M. L. Jordan-Baird, M. A. M. Kearney, G. M. Keogh, M. J. Khalil, P. King, C. F. King, M. M. H. Lawrence, T. N. Laxale, J. A. A. Le, D. T. Leigh, A. K. Lim, S. B. C. Marles, R. D. Mascarenhas, Z. F. A. McBain, K. L. McBride, E. M. Miller-Frost, L. J. Mitchell, R. G. Moncrieff, D. S. Mulino, D. Neumann, S. K. Ng, G. J. O'Neil, C. E. Payne, A. E. Plibersek, T. J. Rae, S. T. Reid, G. J. Repacholi, D. P. Rishworth, A. L. Roberts, T. G. Rowland, M. A. Ryan, J. C. Ryan, M. M. Scamps, S. A. Scrymgour, M. R. Sitou, S. Smith, D. P. B. (Teller) Smith, M. J. H. Soon, X. Spender, A. M. Stanley, A. M. (Teller) Steggall, Z. Swanson, M. J. Teesdale, J. A. Templeman, S. R. Urquhart, A. E. Watson-Brown, E. Watts, T. G. Wells, A. S. White, R. P. Wilkie, A. D. Witty, S. J. Zappia, A. 0 PAIRS

Question negatived.
Bill agreed to.

Third Reading 91 17:52 The SPEAKER 53517 The question now is that this bill be now read a third time. Question agreed to. Bill read a third time. Appropriation (Fuel Security Response) Bill (No. 1) 2025-2026 91 Second Reading 91 17:52 The SPEAKER 53517 In accordance with the resolution agreed to earlier, the time allotted for this debate has expired. The question is the bill be now read a second time. Question agreed to. Bill read a second time. Third Reading 91 17:53 The SPEAKER 53517 The question now is that this bill be now read a third time. Question agreed to. Bill read a third time. Appropriation (Fuel Security Response) Bill (No. 2) 2025-2026 91 Second Reading 91 17:53 The SPEAKER 53517 In accordance with the resolution agreed to earlier, the time allotted for this debate has expired. The question is the bill be now read a second time. Question agreed to. Bill read a second time. Third Reading 91 17:54 The SPEAKER 53517 The question now is that this bill be now read a third time. Question agreed to. Bill read a third time. COMMITTEES 91 COMMITTEES Economics Committee 91 Report 91 17:54 Mr HUSIC 91219 Chifley On behalf of the Standing Committee on Economics, I present the committee's report entitled Review of Australia's four major banks: First report of the 48th Parliament, together with the minutes of proceedings. Report made a parliamentary paper in accordance with standing order 39(e). Mr HUSIC 91219 by leave—Australia's major banks are central parts of our national economy. They support Australian businesses to invest, innovate and grow, while also helping millions of Australians pursue their personal ambitions—whether that's buying a first home, keeping their finances secure or planning for long-term financial stability. Because of that role, the decisions made by our largest banks matter. When they get it right, households and the broader economy benefit. But when decisions go wrong, the consequences can be serious, and they are often felt by customers and communities first. That is why the House of Representatives Standing Committee on Economics has maintained its program of annual public hearings with the major banks in this new term of parliament. These hearings ensure that we continue to fix a strong public spotlight on bank conduct, culture and governance. In the aftermath of the Royal Commission into Misconduct in the Banking, Superannuation and Financial Services Industry, these hearings are one of the few remaining public forums that provide transparency and accountability for the decisions made by the nation's largest financial institutions. A critical recommendation embedded in the heart of the final report of the royal commission was recommendation 5.6. This recommendation requires all financial services entities to frequently assess their culture and governance, identify problems, address them, and determine whether changes made have been effective. Commissioner Hayne made it clear that to ignore the recommendation would be 'foolish and ignorant because those who will not learn from history will repeat it.' He continued: Above all, it demands recognition that the primary responsibility for misconduct in the financial services industry lies with the entities concerned and with those who manage and control them: their boards and senior management. Crucially, he also made clear that this responsibility is not a one-off exercise—and our committee takes this point very seriously. Banks must apply, reapply and keep reapplying the lessons of the royal commission over time. That principle of continuous reflection and improvement underpins the committee's work today. Nearly a decade on from the royal commission, the evidence examined in this review shows why sustained scrutiny of the banking sector remains essential. For example, the ANZ was recently subjected to the largest-ever fine, levied against a single entity by ASIC. This follows misconduct linked to a major government bond deal and separate failings affecting tens of thousands of retail customers. Nearly a decade later, considering the behaviour referenced above, we're reminded of Commissioner Hayne's words: 'foolish, and ignorant'. ANZ's $250 million fine follows repeated regulatory interventions against the bank over the past decade. These actions point to deep-seated governance and cultural issues. While senior management assured the committee that improvements are being made, the committee will monitor this closely to ensure promises match experience, and we will seek further reporting from regulators to ensure those commitments translate into real change. Evidence from the Commonwealth Bank raised different, but equally troubling, concerns. In particular, the bank's treatment of low-income and concession customers highlighted the gap that can exist between technical compliance and community expectations of a 'fair go'. Around 2.2 million low-income customers were wrongly placed in high-fee accounts and charged approximately $280 million in excessive fees by CommBank. While remediation has begun, the bank has imposed tight eligibility rules and complex refund processes that make it unnecessarily harder for affected customers to recover what they are owed. During the hearing, there was a suggestion that returning this money might be something shareholders object to. Frankly, that should never be a consideration in circumstances where customers have been charged fees that should not have been paid. The bank has profited from what's akin to an ill-gotten gain. If the situation were reversed, there is absolutely little doubt that the bank would recover the money quickly. The CBA is urged in the strongest terms to resolve this promptly—and fairly. These examples reinforce a fundamental point: banks must be able to demonstrate that customer interests are genuinely embedded in decision-making at every single level. Through the Review of Australia's four major banks, the House of Representatives Standing Committee on Economics examines not only bank conduct and governance but also the insights banks can offer into the financial wellbeing of households, the pressures facing businesses and the performance and resilience of the Australian economy more broadly. The report reflects evidence received during the committee's hearings with the major banks held on 18 and 19 November 2025. It considers how banks are responding to economic pressures, regulatory expectations and technological change, while remaining focused on customer outcomes and systemic stability. Finally, I'd like to acknowledge the contributions to this review by committee members and the entire secretariat. I also want to thank the deputy chair for the collaborative, thoughtful approach he employs in complex examinations such as this. These combined efforts have been instrumental in ensuring that the committee is able to discharge its accountability role effectively and in the public interest. 18:02 Mr KENNEDY 267506 Cook by leave—I fully endorse the committee chair's comments. The governance and culture of the major banks need to be continually put under the microscope to ensure they're fulfilling their standards to customers and to suppliers and their social licence to the community abroad. I'd really like to thank the chair, for the bipartisan way in which he ran the committee, and the full secretariat. I think it was a very good report of a very good inquiry, and, hopefully, is the first of many to come. I think ensuring competition is at the heart of our banking sector. It needs to be part of the relentless focus of this committee's work. The banks hold a privileged position in Australia's economy, and we need to ensure they discharge that privileged permission, putting Australians—and, particularly, Australian businesses and customers—first. I think we also need to ensure there's appropriate competition in the sector, whether that's through new entrants in the payment space or through stable coins and other financial products. We need to ensure Australia stays at the forefront of innovation in the banking sector. This inquiry examined the performance of the banking sector and the pressures Australia faces across housing, the cost of living, business conditions and financial access. It's important to acknowledge at the outset that Australia's banking system remains resilient. The major banks are stable; they continue to lend and are supporting households and businesses through a somewhat challenging economic period—even during this fuel crisis. But the evidence also made clear that the system is operating under strain. Yes, we heard from the chair on the governance strains—that I fully endorse. We heard about the cultural strains. But a consistent theme also emerged across the inquiry: that regulatory settings are very focused on managing risk and not sufficiently focused on enabling growth. Now, we heard clearly that this is not accidental. Following the global financial crisis, financial systems, appropriately, around the world, shifted towards regulatory regimes primarily focused on managing risk. Australia did the same. This contributed a lot to stability and is a big reason for how resilient and stable our banking system remains. However, globally, this shift is now moving back towards an approach which balances growth against this risk. The United States has already moved in this direction. The regulators in the UK are now explicitly stating the need to move from managing risk towards balancing risk and growth. Australia as a country has not yet made that regulatory shift. This matters because access to finance is central to economic expansion. When settings are overly cautious, lending becomes constrained, investment slows and productivity suffers. We are seeing this play out in real time. Small business lending is subdued and has largely been flat for much of the last decade. There's a growing sense the system is calibrated towards avoiding risk and supporting expansion. This creates a drag on both growth and productivity at a time when the economy needs it the most. We need to get banks growing their small business books and growing them aggressively. Australia is also facing a structural imbalance between demand and supply, not only in the overall aggregate demand of the economy but also in housing. Demand continues to be driven by strong population growth and policy settings while supply has not kept pace. This gap is placing sustained upward pressure not only on inflation and on interest rates but also on rents and house prices, making it harder for Australians, particularly first homebuyers, to enter the market. Policies such as low deposit schemes, including the five per cent deposit pathway, were raised as part of this discussion. While intended to support access, in supply constrained environments, they risk increasing purchasing power without increasing the number of homes available. That dynamic does not improve affordability. It drives prices higher, increases the size of mortgages, and the size of mortgages is correlated to the size of banking profits. The long-term cost to the economy is significant. Analysis from Cotality shows that, for a median dwelling of $850,000, a buyer entering with a five per cent deposit would pay approximately $850,000 in interest over a 30 year loan. By comparison, a buyer with a 20 per cent deposit would pay $130,000 less in interest alone. These policies don't just affect access; they are locking Australia into higher debt burdens and they are fuelling banks' profits. Migration was also a key factor raised throughout the inquiry, and there's broad recognition, including voiced by bank CEO Matt Comyn, that a more sustainable migration intake would help balance housing. Mr Comyn referenced the figure of 180,000 and the need to align population growth with housing supply, infrastructure and services. When that alignment is not achieved, the pressure shows up in higher housing costs, congestion and broader impacts on the cost of living. We also heard clearly from the banking sector about the importance of policy certainty, particularly in relation to energy and investment. We all want Australia to be a country of low energy prices and a strong economy. We heard from the CEO of ANZ, Nuno Matos, who warned that we can't let the medicine kill the patient in our approach to energy. The inquiry also examined the payment system and broader financial infrastructure. Australia is undergoing rapid change in how payments are made and processed. There's clear innovation underway. However, the regulatory framework is struggling to keep pace. Costs remain a concern, competition is uneven and there are questions about whether innovation is being fully supported. I'd like to congratulate the chair on bringing on a payments inquiry that we look forward to reporting on soon. In addition, issues such as debanking have emerged as a persistent barrier to competition and growth in the economy. Businesses and individuals are being excluded from financial services due to risk settings and compliance pressures. This has real economic consequences and it affects Australia's competitiveness. It limits participation, restricts growth and reduces confidence in the financial system at a time when access to finance is essential to economic activity. Taken together, the evidence points to a broader conclusion: the banking system is operating within economic conditions that are placing increased strain on the economy, households and businesses. High demand without sufficient supply is driving up household pressures and business pressures. Inflation and interest rates are reducing household capacity and business capacity, and policy uncertainty has the effect of affecting investment decisions. Banks can respond to these economic conditions better. We must ensure they are acting in customers' and the national interests but we recognise that policy settings influence this as well. This responsibility sits with government. If demand continues to outpace supply, affordability will not improve and neither will interest rates nor inflation. We need to avoid policy settings that create uncertainty, otherwise investment will not accelerate. If we continue to prioritise risk without appropriately enabling growth, the economy will continue to underperform—banks included—making Australians poorer. The central issue identified through this inquiry is now where we are looking for banks and regulators to address their focus. Again, I would like to thank the chair and the secretariat for a great bipartisan approach to this important issue. 18:10 Mr HUSIC 91219 Chifley I move: That the House take note of the report. The DEPUTY SPEAKER DZY The debate is adjourned and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting. Reference to Federation Chamber 94 18:10 Mr HUSIC 91219 Chifley I move: That the order of the day be referred to the Federation Chamber for debate. Question agreed to. BILLS 94 BILLS High Seas Biodiversity Bill 2026 94

High Seas Biodiversity Bill 2026

Second Reading 94 18:11 Dr SCAMPS 299623 Mackellar I rise to speak on the High Seas Biodiversity Bill 2026 and welcome this legislation to ratify the United Nations high seas treaty, the Agreement on the Conservation and Sustainable Use of Marine Biological Diversity of Areas Beyond National Jurisdiction. It has been more than four decades since the last major global agreement on ocean protection, so this is a significant moment. It won't solve everything overnight, but it is a clear step forward. For the many people who care deeply about our oceans and who have worked on this issue for years, it represents real progress. I want to speak a little about why the high seas matter and why ratifying this treaty is such a milestone. Australia signed this global ocean treaty in 2023, and this bill is about turning that commitment into action. This is one of the most important nature protection agreements we have seen in a long time. For the first time, there is a global legal framework to protect marine biodiversity in areas beyond national jurisdiction—in other words, the vast parts of the ocean that no one country owns but that all of us depend upon. It also establishes a system to ensure that benefits from marine genetic resources are shared more equitably between nations. Beyond that, the treaty does a number of things. It creates a pathway for establishing marine protected areas on the high seas, it introduces requirements for environmental impact assessments before large-scale activities like deep-sea mining can proceed, and it includes provisions to build scientific capacity and support the transfer of marine technology so more countries can properly understand, manage and protect these environments. The ocean is an important part of everyday life in coastal communities like mine, on the northern beaches of Sydney in Mackellar. In Mackellar, the ocean is a part of the rhythm of the day. It is the early morning surf or the walk along the coastline. It brings a sense of perspective. People value it for those reasons, but there is also a broader understanding that a healthy ocean underpins so much of what we rely on, from biodiversity to climate stability. The high seas cover around two-thirds of the global ocean, with the deep sea making up the majority of that area. These are rich, biodiverse, complex environments. Underwater features like seamounts support dense and diverse ecosystems which serve as important feeding grounds for migratory species such as whales and sharks. The high seas also play a critical role in regulating the climate, absorbing heat and carbon and helping to buffer the impacts of global warming. Organisations like the Australian Marine Conservation Society and the World Wide Fund for Nature have consistently made the point that ocean health and climate action are closely linked. You cannot address one without addressing the other. One of the most important features of this treaty is that it finally creates a pathway for establishing marine protected areas on the high seas. Until now, governance of these areas has been fragmented with no clear global mechanism to create large-scale ocean sanctuaries in international waters. This agreement changes that. It provides the legal foundation for countries to work together to establish protected areas where ecosystems can recover and biodiversity can be conserved over the long term. However, there is a significant gap to close. At present, less than one per cent of the high seas is highly or fully protected. The global goal is to protect 30 per cent by 2030, which will require action at a scale and speed we have not seen before, protecting vast areas of ocean within a relatively short timeframe. This treaty will be essential to achieving that goal. The treaty also addresses marine genetic resources, ensuring that the benefits derived from their use are shared fairly. This is an important principle, particularly for countries that have not historically had the same access to these resources. It also introduces tools to safeguard against the threats of deep-sea mining, including marine protected areas and environmental impact assessments. This is especially relevant as countries like Australia expand into critical minerals and deep-sea mining. We have seen in the past how resource booms can deliver economic benefits but also leave lasting environmental damage when they are not properly managed. This is an opportunity to take a different approach and avoid the mistakes of the past. It is an opportunity to set clearer rules from the outside, grounded in international law, including international human rights law, and to implement the precautionary principle. As new industries develop, including in the deep sea, we need to make sure that we are not trading long-term environmental health for short-term gain and that the protection of these ecosystems remains front and centre. The agreement has been designed to sit alongside existing arrangements such as regional fisheries management organisations. In practice, the interaction between these systems is likely to be complex, and there will be questions about how decisions align and how disputes are resolved. That is something governments will need to manage carefully to ensure that conservation objectives are not undermined. And while this treaty is a landmark step, it is not the only step we must take. I would also encourage the government to continue strengthening protections within our own marine parks, including reviewing existing arrangements, expanding highly protected areas and ensuring that our domestic efforts reflect the ambition we are supporting internationally. Alongside this, there are other pressures on our oceans that we need to deal with, particularly plastic pollution. Our oceans are under strain from the sheer volume of plastic waste entering the system every year. This is something where there is a large degree of agreement about what needs to happen next domestically. Environmental groups—organisations like the Boomerang Alliance and Clean Up Australia, as well as the Australian Packaging Covenant Organisation, which is the peak body for the packaging industry—have all called for a mandatory extended producer responsibility scheme for packaging. Put simply, this would mean making companies that produce plastic packaging responsible for what happens to it, including how it's designed to be reused or recycled and contributing to the cost of collecting and processing it. It's a practical reform, one that would make a real difference. The government has already done the consultation work on plastics policy, revealing widespread support for the extended producer responsibility. Now it's a matter of just getting on with it. Returning to the bill before us, the high seas treaty provides an opportunity to better manage existing and emerging risks in the deep ocean, such as bottom trawling, deep-sea mining and other activities where the environmental impacts are still uncertain. Having a framework that supports precaution and proper environmental assessment is essential, and this legislation is an important step. It establishes the framework we need to better protect the high seas, and ratifying it positions Australia to play a constructive role in that effort. I commend the government for bringing this bill forward, and I support its passage. I also acknowledge the work of the Australian environmental and conservation organisations, scientists and advocates who have contributed to this outcome over many, many years. Their efforts have been critical in getting us to this point. I commend this bill to the House. 18:20 Ms COFFEY 312323 Griffith Our waterways tell a story about connection. What flows through our creeks does not stop there; it moves through wetlands and mangroves into the bay and out into wider marine systems that sustain biodiversity, livelihoods and communities far beyond our shoreline. When local habitat is degraded or pollution is allowed to build up, the consequences travel. When communities come together to restore creek banks and care for catchments, the benefits travel too. In Griffith and surrounds, we see that every day through the work of groups like the Norman Creek Catchment Coordinating Committee, the Bulimba Creek Catchment Coordinating Committee, OzFish and the many volunteers who give their time to restoring habitat, improving water quality and caring for the places that connect our suburbs to Moreton Bay. That local understanding helps frame the significance of this bill, the High Seas Biodiversity Bill 2026, because the health of our local waterways is inseparable from the health of the global ocean. The ocean does not divide neatly according to national borders, and the pressures facing marine environments do not stop at the edge of a map. Species migrate, currents carry pollution and damage in one part of the world's ocean can affect conditions somewhere else entirely. Protecting marine biodiversity requires a wider view, one that recognises we are all dealing with one deeply interconnected marine system. I can get seasick in a bathtub, so it is with some apprehension that I venture mentally onto the high seas—but here we go. The high seas are the international marine waters beyond the jurisdiction of any country. These waters and the seabeds below them are essential to biodiversity, climate regulation and the overall health of marine ecosystems. Yet only around one per cent of them is currently protected. That is the gap this legislation helps address. First, it regulates the collection and use of marine genetic resources in areas beyond national jurisdiction, including related digital sequence information, reporting and benefit sharing. The language is technical, but the principle is straightforward. Marine genetic resources can hold enormous scientific and commercial value, including in medicine, biotechnology and research, so access to them should sit within a framework that supports transparency, accountability and fairer sharing of benefits. Second, it creates a framework for Australia to recognise area-based management tools established under the treaty, including marine protected areas on the high seas. That means international conservation decisions under the treaty can be reflected in Australian law and observed by Australian entities. Third, it establishes an environmental impact assessment process for certain planned activities by Australian entities in areas beyond national jurisdiction where there is a risk of harm to the marine environment. When an activity could cause substantial pollution or significant and harmful changes to marine ecosystems, there should be a proper process to assess those impacts before the damage is done. That is a sensible safeguard and an essential part of responsible environmental management. Together, these measures allow Australia to ratify the treaty with integrity and play a meaningful role in its implementation. For Australia, this legislation carries particular significance. We are an island continent with one of the largest maritime jurisdictions in the world. Our prosperity, resilience and way of life are closely tied to the ocean. Fisheries, tourism, marine science, conservation and coastal communities all depend on healthy marine systems, and the condition of our oceans does not stop at the edge of our exclusive economic zone. Australia comes to this work with credibility. More than half of our ocean is now protected in marine parks and around a quarter of our marine estate is in highly protected areas. We have committed to protecting and conserving 30 per cent of Australia's land and 30 per cent of Australia's marine areas by 2030. This bill builds on that strong domestic foundation and extends our contribution into the international sphere. It also has particular importance for the Pacific. Australia and the Pacific island countries are connected by the Blue Pacific, and that idea reflects a lived reality as much as a diplomatic one. Across our region, the ocean is central to food security, livelihoods, culture, identity, resilience and sovereignty. Questions of marine biodiversity and ocean governance go directly to the long-term wellbeing of communities and nations across the Pacific. When we talk about what stronger international ocean governance means for our region, we are talking about tuna stocks, coastal fisheries, local nutrition, sustainable livelihoods and resilience in the face of climate change. We are talking about countries already carrying immense environmental pressure and whose futures are tightly bound to the health of the ocean. This bill also speaks to something we understand deeply in Griffith: stewardship works best when it is practical, shared and sustained. The high seas do not belong to any one country, but their future will be shaped by the choices countries make together. 18:25 Ms CHANEY 300006 Curtin I rise today to speak to the High Seas Biodiversity Bill. Australia is an island continent with one of the world's largest maritime jurisdictions and bordered by three major oceans. Our economy, our environment and our way of life are strongly shaped by the sea. For the people of Curtin, this connection is deep. The Indian Ocean shapes our ecosystems and is part of our daily life, whether through recreation, tourism, science, culture or livelihoods. Just off shore from my electorate runs a major migratory corridor for humpback and blue whales. These species move between Australian waters and the high seas along ancient pathways that are critical for feeding and breeding. These so-called blue corridors extend well beyond national jurisdictions. The oceans are critical to our way of life in Curtin and in Australia, but they're under threat from climate change, pollution, exploitation and extraction through bottom trawling, mining and drilling. Too often the natural world is overlooked in exchange for near-term profits. Here in parliament, we must fight for our oceans and the infinite intrinsic wealth they provide to us all. So it's with great pleasure today that I support this bill which ratifies Australia's international commitment to global protection of international waters under the high seas treaty. It provides the first legal mechanism to protect our oceans beyond national jurisdiction. The high seas cover two-thirds of our planet's surface, yet less than one per cent are protected. This bill and this treaty enable more comprehensive ecological protection of biodiversity hotspots by creating an interconnected network of protected zones. The bill allows Australia to demonstrate regional leadership in the Indo-Pacific, and it demonstrates respect for First Nations philosophies towards sea stewardship. There does, however, remain a responsibility on Australia to exhibit strong leadership in implementation, particularly when it comes to funding enabling institutions as well as continued action to support Indo-Pacific neighbours and climate mitigation. The bill represents the domestic legal ratification of all elements of the biodiversity beyond national jurisdiction agreement, commonly referred to as the high seas treaty or global oceans treaty. The agreement does three things to promote marine conservation in these important oceanic zones. Firstly, it establishes a legal framework to designate marine protected areas on the high seas. No legal mechanism to protect international waters existed prior to this treaty. With this new legal pathway, the international community can set aside areas of the open ocean for protection—no fishing, no mining and no exploitation—to allow marine ecosystems to recover and fulfil their ecological functions. This is the ocean equivalent of creating a national park. Secondly, it requires stringent environmental impact assessments be undertaken by corporations and states that plan to conduct activities on the high seas. Such assessments involve considering how adverse impacts can be prevented, mitigated and managed to best support biodiversity and ecosystem health. The provision is strengthened by the requirement to evaluate cumulative impacts, which enables a comprehensive appraisal of the potential harmful effects of activities on complex, interconnected ecological systems. Thirdly, the bill establishes transparency and reporting arrangements for marine genetic resources, recognising the growing scientific and commercial interest in biodiversity found on the high seas. These mechanisms represent a fundamental shift in the legal governance of the ocean. I've taken a consistent stance on global ocean protection in this parliament. In August last year, I wrote to Minister Watt and called for immediate ratification of this treaty. That letter was a direct call on the executive to stop delaying and to honour the spirit of leadership Australia had shown in the treaty's negotiation. I reminded the government of our 30 by 30 commitment—the pledge made by the international community, including Australia, at the Convention on Biological Diversity in 2022—to protect 30 per cent of the world's land and oceans by the year 2030. The high seas treaty is an essential mechanism for delivering on the ocean component of that commitment. I've also spoken in this House about the overwhelming concern for this issue that has been expressed to me by 500 constituents from my electorate of Curtin. This showed that my community was really concerned about the lack of protection for the high seas globally. The potential to create a global interconnected network of marine protection areas, MPAs, across the high seas has long been called for by conservation experts and may now be a reality. A network of high seas MPAs would function as the connective tissue for global ocean protection. Huge areas of ocean which are essential for regulating climate, providing fish stocks and supporting biodiversity are now essentially eligible for protection from habitat destruction, exploitative fishing practices—including those with high bycatch rates of non-target species and bottom trawling—and disruption of biological carbon sequestration processes. The ecological benefits are huge. Our oceans do not respect national boundaries. The currents that flow through Australian waters connect to every ocean on Earth. The humpback and blue whales that use blue corridors parallel to my electorate of Curtin also rely on international waters for migration and reproduction. Protecting isolated patches of domestic waters can only go so far to ensure sustainable and holistic protection of interconnected marine ecosystems. Furthermore, this extension of MPAs would amplify the effects of Australia's own domestic marine protection efforts as well as provide the economic co-benefits of improved long-term fish stock viability and protection of marine industries, such as tourism, fishing and aquaculture. Australia now has an opportunity to demonstrate strong leadership in the Indo-Pacific region through implementation of this treaty. Our relationship with other nation states across the Pacific, South-East Asia and the Indian Ocean is defined, in large part, by the sea—that is, by fisheries, shipping lanes, shared ecological systems and the existential threat posed by climate change to low-lying nations. Especially for those Pacific neighbours for which the health of the ocean is not an abstraction but a foundation of national survival, our leadership sends a powerful message: we hear you, and we're willing to back our words with legal commitments. For many First Nations communities across this continent and its islands, ocean protection contains strong cultural and spiritual dimensions. The concept of sea kin, which is the understanding that humans are in a relationship of kinship and obligation with the sea, is central to cultural identities and practices for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. The migratory pathways of marine species are cultural highways and storylines that connect people to country. Harms posed by exploitative fishing, destructive mining and pollution are cultural as well as ecological. They sever connections and silence stories that have existed for tens of thousands of years. The high seas treaty's framework for environmental impact assessment must, as it's implemented, incorporate Indigenous knowledge, perspectives and voices. Australia's leadership in implementation should be guided, in part, by those who have been stewards of this ocean for the longest time. I also want to acknowledge something that is too rarely celebrated in this place, which is multi-partisan collaboration. Australia has spearheaded treaty negotiations over nearly two decades under both Labor and Liberal governments. Throughout multiple rounds of intergovernmental conferences at the UN, evidence based diplomatic dialogue and the final agreement reached in New York in March 2023, sustained Australian engagement from both sides of politics has helped to shape one of the most significant ocean governance agreements to date. I commend the opposition's support for the ratification of the treaty today. Conserving our oceans and our natural world should be a fundamental pillar of our conservative parties. Australia has shown that environmental leadership does not have to be a partisan cause. I hope that this spirit of cooperation can continue to guide environmental and climate reform in this place. While I wholeheartedly welcome this treaty into domestic law, Australia's ratification is seriously overdue. Despite being a champion in the negotiating room, as well as being one of the first countries to sign the treaty in 2023, we were not among the first 60 nations to ratify the agreement. Our absence from this group of first-movers is significant, as their support was required to trigger the actual entry into force of the international commitment. We may have missed out on a valuable opportunity to shape the norms and operating institutions of the treaty body. Our slowness to approve created a confusing, indefensible position in which we'd helped to write a treaty that we'd not ourselves agreed to be bound by. The Australian people do deserve more decisive, clear leadership on environmental protection. Passing this bill is an essential next step in Australia's continuing commitment to responsible ocean governance, so where do we go from here? I believe there are three critical ways forward. Firstly, there's leading on implementation as we initially led on negotiation. Australia must now invest the resources, the institutional capacity and the political will to ensure that this treaty delivers its intended outcomes. The upcoming federal budget must include dedicated resourcing for Australia's obligations under this treaty, including for the regulatory frameworks needed to conduct environmental impact assessments. The Department of Climate Change, Energy, the Environment and Water; the Australian Maritime Safety Authority; and scientific agencies must be properly equipped to act. Playing a leading role in implementation also means identifying priority areas for protection. Australia is particularly well placed to work with others to advance proposals for high-seas marine protected areas in regions of clear ecological significance and connectivity to our own waters. These include areas such as the South Tasman Sea and the Lord Howe Rise, between Australia and New Zealand, which are recognised biodiversity hot spots and have been identified by scientists and conservation experts as strong candidates for high seas protection. There's also a compelling case for cooperation with neighbouring states to progress protection of key areas in the eastern Indian Ocean, where high seas waters connect directly with Australia's marine parks and support migratory species including whales, turtles, sharks and seabirds. Establishing well-designed science-based marine protected areas in these regions would support biodiversity, safeguard migratory pathways and strengthen the ecological resilience of ocean systems that flow directly into Australian waters. Secondly, there's committing to ongoing climate action to underpin biodiversity protection. The high seas treaty is a powerful tool, but it cannot succeed in isolation. Marine biodiversity is under threat not only from direct exploitation but from the cascading effects of climate change. No marine protected area can fully insulate its ecosystems from a warming ocean. If we're serious about the goals of this treaty, then we must also be serious about reducing our emissions. Thirdly, there's sustained leadership for Oceania neighbours. Leadership in this context means more than showing up to international conferences such as the Pacific Islands Forum. Instead, it's capacity building, technology and information sharing, and maintaining open and inclusive channels for dialogue. We must prove that we're a leader in ocean governance, not the reluctant, delayed signatory we've sometimes appeared to be. I'm proud to advocate for and support this bill. It's a significant step in the right direction, providing a strong legal foundation for responsible stewardship of our global high seas. I commend the bill to the House. 18:38 Ms BRISKEY 263427 Maribyrnong When people around the world talk about Australia, they often talk about our oceans. They talk about our beaches, our reefs, our wildlife and our identity that is shaped by the sea. From the Great Barrier Reef to the Twelve Apostles and from the Ningaloo Coast to the Southern Ocean, many of our most treasured natural wonders are defined by water. Eighty-five per cent of Australians live within 50 kilometres of the coast. The ocean is not just a feature of our geography; it is fundamental to who we are as a country. But being so deeply connected to the ocean gives Australia a responsibility not just to look at what lies within our borders but to look beyond them. For too long, the high seas, the 60 per cent of the world's oceans that sits beyond national jurisdiction, have been treated as a lawless frontier, a place of unrestricted extraction, exploitation and neglect. Today, only around one per cent of the global ocean is fully protected. Imagine if we treated our forests or our wetlands with the same disregard. We would never accept it, yet the high seas regulate our climate, store vast amounts of carbon, sustain global biodiversity and generate around half the oxygen we breathe. Before speaking about the high seas though, it is important to acknowledge the credibility Australia brings to the table. You cannot lead globally if you are failing locally. Under the Albanese Labor government, Australia's environmental record has shifted decisively from a decade of denial and drift to ambition, action and leadership. Labor has protected more than half of Australia's domestic marine environment, making our marine park system one of the largest and most comprehensive in the world. Just last year Labor expanded the Macquarie Island Marine Park, an area roughly the size of Germany, placing vast ecosystems under high level protection, safeguarding critical habitats for seals, albatrosses and countless other species. We have committed to the global 30 by 30 target, protecting 30 per cent of oceans by 2030, and Australia is well on track. But the ocean does not recognise jurisdictional boundaries. Migratory species do not stop at maritime borders. If we protect our waters but allow ecosystems beyond them to collapse, our domestic conservation efforts will ultimately fail. That is why the high seas biodiversity treaty and the legislation before the House today is so important. This treaty has been more than 20 years in the making. For decades scientists and diplomats pointed out that while international law governed navigation and seabed resources it failed to adequately protect life itself beyond national borders. In June 2023 the world finally acted. The biodiversity beyond national jurisdiction treaty was adopted, a landmark achievement for multilateralism and environmental governance. Australia was there on day 1. We were a founding signatory when the treaty opened for signature, and in January this year the treaty formally entered into force after reaching the necessary number of ratifications. This bill provides the domestic legislation required to give effect to this international commitment. It does three critical things. First, it establishes clear rules around marine genetic resources, ensuring transparency and fair benefit sharing so that discoveries of the deep ocean benefit all humanity, not just the most powerful nations. Second, it creates a pathway for establishing marine protected areas on the high seas, giving the global community the ability to say that some places are simply too precious to be exploited. Third, it requires environmental impact assessments for activities undertaken by Australian entities beyond our borders, applying the same rigour offshore that we expect here at home. This bill also reflects Australia's commitment to regional leadership. For Pacific Island nations, the ocean is not just an environmental asset. It is culture, food, security and identity. They have been among the strongest advocates for high seas protection, and this legislation ensures Australia continues to stand with them, not speak past them. Australia currently co-chairs the preparatory commission for the first Conference of Parties later this year. If we want to shape the rules that will govern the global ocean, we must be a full participant, not an observer. This bill ensures Australia has a seat at the table. It is also about economic responsibility. Our fisheries, tourism and coastal communities all depend on healthy functioning oceans. Protecting the high seas is an investment in Australian jobs, long-term sustainability and economic resilience. This bill is about the future. It is about ensuring that our children grow up in a world where wilderness still exists, not only on land but in the deep and distant parts of our oceans. There will always be those that say we should wait or do less, but climate change is not waiting, biodiversity loss is not waiting and ocean degradation is not waiting. This bill is a statement that Australia has turned a corner and that under Labor science, evidence and responsibility guide our environmental policy, not denial or delay. The High Seas Biodiversity Bill is Australia's contribution to a nature positive future. It strengthens our standing as a global environmental leader, a reliable regional partner and a nation willing to act when the moment demands it. I proudly commend the bill to the House. 18:44 Dr RYAN 297660 Kooyong On 17 January 2026, the high seas treaty—formally known as the Agreement under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea on the Conservation and Sustainable Use of Marine Biological Diversity of Areas Beyond National Jurisdiction, or the BBNJ—entered into force, providing a framework for the common global governance of roughly half of our planet's surface and 95 per cent of the ocean's volume. The High Seas Biodiversity Bill of 2026 is Australia's legislative response—the mechanism by which we will enshrine our obligations under that treaty into domestic law. For most of modern history, the open ocean has been treated as a place apart—governed by custom, fragmented rules and the assumption that what lay far offshore was too vast to manage and too resilient to exhaust. But, with the high seas and seabeds beyond national jurisdictions making up 40 per cent of the surface of our planet, they're much too important to remain unprotected and unregulated. Currently, only 1.45 per cent of areas beyond national jurisdiction of the seabed and the high seas are included in marine protected areas. As a result, much of our oceans remain exposed to overfishing, pollution, deep-sea mining and the escalating effects of climate change. They're also potentially exposed to overextraction, bioprospecting and deep-sea exploitation in the absence of robust regulation. This bill addresses obligations under three parts of the BBNJ agreement. It establishes a notification based regime for Australian entities collecting and using marine genetic resources in areas beyond national jurisdiction; it establishes a framework to recognise area based management tools, such as marine protected areas; and it establishes an environmental impact assessment regime for some undertakings within Australian jurisdiction, or by Australian entities in areas beyond national jurisdiction, that may result in impacts on the marine environment. These three pillars are complementary. The marine genetic resources regime ensures that, when Australian scientists or companies harvest biological material from the deep ocean—material that could one day underpin new medicines, materials or agricultural technologies—there is transparency about these activities and benefit sharing built in. Marine genetic resources are biological material from marine plants, animals and other organisms with actual or potential value. The ocean contains the highest functional biodiversity on earth, much of which remains unstudied and as yet misunderstood. Marine genetic resources have huge economic, commercial, academic and research potential. Deep-sea organisms often survive under extreme pressure and low light, producing unique enzymes and bioactive compounds that are increasingly being harnessed for medical breakthroughs, such as new antibiotics and new anti-cancer compounds. Marine genetic resources are also supporting innovations in biotechnology, pharmaceuticals, industrial processes, new diagnostic techniques and research innovations. Given Australia has one of the largest maritime jurisdictions in the world, we have both an interest in and a responsibility to steward sustainable management. Australia currently has no legal framework governing marine genetic resources taken from areas beyond our national jurisdiction. Without this legislation, Australian researchers and institutions face uncertainty about compliance and face significant risk when participating in international marine science. This bill will provide clarity, certainty and alignment with our treaty obligations. The area-based management tools framework creates a pathway to establishing proper marine protected areas in international waters. The environmental impact assessment regime should mean that, before activities begin, harm must be considered and, where possible, minimised. The high seas treaty will play a pivotal role in advancing the global commitment to conserve at least 30 per cent of the world's oceans by 2030. Australia is an island nation—a maritime nation. The First Nations peoples of this continent have maintained deep and enduring relationships with sea country for tens of thousands of years. Our fisheries, our tourism and our shipping all depend on a healthy and functioning ocean. This bill is, at its heart, an act of national self-interest as much as it is an act of international responsibility. The bill has attracted broad bipartisan support, but there are some concerns with it. The Senate's scrutiny of bills committee raised concerns with the bill relating to its reversal of the evidential burden of proof, significant matters being placed in the delegated legislation, the bill's broad delegation of administrative powers, the section 96 grants to the states, and fees being in delegated legislation. The committee has sought advice from the minister on these matters, but much of the advice remains outstanding at this point. Significant matters relating to part 2 of this bill are left to delegated legislation, and that includes rules around ministerial exemptions. These are not trivial concerns, and they do remain unresolved. Firstly, the reversal of the evidential burden of proof—in plain terms, requiring individuals or companies to prove their innocence rather than having the government need to prove their guilt—is a fundamental departure from principles that underpin our legal system. When penalties exist, as they do under this bill, this matters enormously. The government owes the parliament a clear and satisfying answer on why this has been put in place. Secondly, this bill has not yet been referred to a Senate committee for inquiry. Complex legislation—especially legislation that creates new criminal offences or new administrative regimes and which interacts with multiple existing frameworks, including the EPBC Act and the UNCLOS—benefits enormously from the scrutiny that committee inquiry provides. I suggest to the House that this bill deserves that scrutiny. Thirdly, the environmental impact assessment regime has structural vulnerability. It largely relies on self-assessment. The first step in the process is essentially a self-assessment of whether a referral is required—whether a person proposing to carry out an activity must refer that activity to the minister if they think or believe that the impacts of the activity have resulted or may result in substantial pollution. It's pretty clear that corporate actors faced with costly assessments that may delay or prevent profitable activities have an obvious and pretty significant incentive to believe that those impacts will be minor. We've seen this dynamic play out across environmental regulation globally. Self-referral without independent screening mechanisms is a known weakness in environmental governance, and it's really disappointing to see the government, in this bill, committing a mistake that we've seen far too many times before. Fourthly, the ultimate test of this legislation will be what happens next internationally, not domestically. This agreement will not by itself reverse decades of damage. Whether or not governments are prepared to accept real constraints on their activities in international waters will determine whether this agreement marks a turning point or merely another broken promise. Proposals for area based management tools—the most powerful tool in this framework, namely marine protected areas—are unlikely to be considered until the second COP at the earliest. In the meantime, what the BBNJ does not do is replace existing bodies. Regional fisheries management organisations and the International Seabed Authority will continue to regulate their respective sectors. How the new treaty's conservation ambitions will mesh with those institutions remains unclear, and it seems pretty likely that we're going to have at least some disputes over authority. Finally, the bill explicitly excludes Antarctica and the convention area from key provisions. Parts 2, 3 and 4 all contain this carve-out. While there is a legal basis for this in Australia's obligations under the Antarctic Treaty System, its practical effect is that some of the most biologically important and ecologically fragile waters on Earth could well receive less protection under this framework. The High Seas Biodiversity Bill 2026 establishes a long-overdue framework for protecting marine genetic resources, strengthening Australia's compliance with our international obligations and providing certainty for our scientific, commercial and research communities. It will contribute to advances in understanding and sustainable use of one of the largest and least understood parts of our beautiful planet. If properly enforced, it should ensure that Australia plays its part in safeguarding biodiversity and share in the benefits of those resources. I commend the bill to the House. 18:55 Ms CLAYDON 248181 Newcastle I am delighted to raise my voice in strong support of the High Seas Biodiversity Bill 2026 that speaks not just to policy but to purpose. This is about leadership—leadership that respects science, leadership that values our natural world and leadership that acts with urgency, because the decisions we make now will echo for generations. At its core, this bill enables Australia to protect biodiversity beyond our national waters and across the vast, fragile ecosystems of the high seas. And these oceans cover more than half the Earth's surface. They regulate our climate, sustain global fisheries and support extraordinary life, yet they remain amongst the least protected. The legislation before the House this evening will ratify the high seas treaty, embed it in Australian law and establish frameworks to regulate damaging activities like unregulated fishing, seabed mining and pollution. It will also support the creation of marine protected areas where ecosystems are most at risk, guided by science and international cooperation. The stakes could not be higher. Without action, we face collapsing fish stocks, disrupted carbon cycles and irreversible damage to marine ecosystems we are only just beginning to understand now. For Australia, an island nation and steward of extraordinary marine environments, inaction is not neutral. It's a choice that actively accelerates the degradation of ecosystems. It's a choice against our climate goals, our regional leadership and future generations. In Newcastle, my home town, the ocean is central to our way of life. From Stockton Beach to Nobbys Headland and all the way down to the gorgeous Glenrock Lagoon, from our ocean baths to the surfers up and down our coast, across to the whales, travelling the Humpback Highway every year, our connection to the sea runs deep. It shapes our identity. It supports local jobs. It underpins tourism and small business. When oceans suffer, so too do our communities. Labor has a strong record of environmental protection. We rejected the PEP11 exploration permit off the coast of Newcastle. Listening to both the science and the people of Newcastle, and since coming to office in 2022, Labor has protected more than 100 million hectares of land and sea. We've strengthened emissions reduction mechanisms, invested in renewable energy and backed scientists and traditional owners to deliver real environmental conservation outcomes. This is what effective environmental leadership looks like. It's not slogans but decisions that stand up. They stand up in our communities. They're going to stand up in our courts. It puts us on a secure footing. In contrast, we've got members in this House who often opt to delay denial and go for short-term thinking. When science calls for urgency, they offer hesitation. When the moment demands action, they fall back on politics. Well, this bill is a test of whether we are serious about protecting our environment or content to just fall behind. Importantly, this legislation is backed by a broad coalition of scientists, environmental organisations and community advocates. Groups like Surfers for Climate, Greenpeace, the Australian Marine Conservation Society, the World Wide Fund for Nature and Save our Marine Life are united in calling for stronger ocean protections. They represent Australians who see firsthand the impacts of warming waters, pollution and biodiversity loss—and they are clear: the science is settled, the need is urgent and the time to act is now. This bill reflects that consensus. It demonstrates what is possible when we listen to the evidence, to the experts and to our communities and when we match that with the will to act. It also reflects Australia's role on the global stage. Oceans do not recognise borders, and protecting them requires cooperation. This legislation positions Australia as a constructive partner, working with our Pacific neighbours and international community to safeguard the health of our shared seas. If we fail to act, the cost will not be abstract. It will be borne by future generations, through environmental decline, economic loss and diminished global standing. Not a single law will solve this crisis overnight, but this is a critical step towards healthier oceans, stronger ecosystems and a more sustainable future. In this place, we can choose to lead. We can choose to act with courage, guided by science and responsibility. That's why I commend this bill to the House. 19:00 Mr FRENCH 316550 Moore I rise to speak in support of the High Seas Biodiversity Bill 2026. This bill concerns areas beyond national jurisdiction, but its consequences are not distant. It goes directly to the health of the ocean systems that sustain Australia's environment, economy and coastal communities. For my electorate of Moore, that connection is immediate. From Trigg through to Iluka, our coastline is central to how people live, work and engage with their community. Clean beaches, healthy marine life and a stable coastline are not abstract environmental outcomes. They are the foundation of local recreation, small-business activity and community life. This bill gives effect to Australia's obligations under the high seas treaty, which was signed in 2023. It establishes the domestic framework required for Australia to ratify the agreement and participate in its implementation. Around 60 per cent of global ocean lies beyond national jurisdictions, yet only a very small portion of this is currently protected. These areas are not separate from us. Ocean systems are interconnected, and what occurs beyond our borders ultimately affects our coastline. That reality is evident in Moore. Pressures such as pollution, changing marine conditions and impacts on fish stocks do not originate solely within Australian waters. This bill responds to that challenge by establishing a regulatory framework across three areas. The first is marine genetic resources, which are biological materials from the ocean with scientific and commercial value. The bill introduces a notification regime requiring Australian entities to disclose their collection and use. This promotes transparency and ensures that access to these resources is managed responsibly within an international framework. There is a clear local connection. Western Australia is home to significant marine research capability, and that work is increasingly translating into practical outcomes. In Moore, projects such as Uluu, at the Indian Ocean Marine Research Centre, demonstrate how marine research can support sustainable industry, including alternatives to plastic. This legislation supports that work by providing a consistent framework for how marine resources are accessed and utilised. Second, the bill enables Australia to participate in the creation and management of protected areas on the high seas. This contributes to the global objective of protecting 30 per cent of the ocean by 2030. Australia already has a strong domestic record in marine protection. This bill extends that approach beyond our jurisdiction. That matters in Moore. Marine ecosystems do not operate in isolation. The effectiveness of protections within Australian waters is influenced by what occurs beyond them. Without coordinated international management, those protections are undermined. Third, the bill establishes a regime requiring activities undertaken by Australian entities in areas beyond national jurisdiction to be assessed for their environmental impact. This ensures that risks are identified and addressed before activities proceed. It is a familiar regulatory approach, but its extension to the high seas represents a significant development in global environmental governance. For coastal communities like Moore, this is a practical safeguard. Environmental harm in international waters does not remain contained. It ultimately affects our shoreline. The bill also embeds a precautionary approach, ensuring that uncertainty is not used as a reason to delay action where there is a risk of environmental harm. In addition, it establishes a compliance and enforcement framework, including strengthened civil penalties to ensure the regime is effective in practice. There is also a strategic dimension to this legislation. The high seas are governed through international cooperation, and, without ratification of the agreement, Australia would not participate in decisions that shape how those areas are managed. This bill ensures that Australia has a voice in those processes and can contribute to outcomes in our region. There is also a clear economic interest. Coastal economies depend on the long-term health of marine environments. In Moore, local businesses, tourism operators and community organisations rely on access to a clean and stable coastal environment. Protecting that environment is not only an environmental objective; it's an economic one. The bill ensures that activity is conducted responsibly, transparently and in accordance with agreed international standards. This legislation reflects a straightforward principle: the condition of our coastline is shaped by not only what we do within our borders but what occurs beyond them. For the people of Moore, this bill is a practical step in protecting the environment they rely on every day. It supports sustainable industry, sustains international cooperation and ensures Australia is contributing to the responsible management of the global ocean. For those reasons, I commend the bill to the House. 19:06 Mr KENNEDY 267506 Cook The coalition proudly supports the High Seas Biodiversity Bill 2026. This legislation is necessary to finally put in place the UN high seas treaty after years of delay under Labor. The people of Cook are huge supporters of the ocean—as am I. Proudly announced as Australia's best beach in 2026, Bate Bay is the pride of the Sutherland Shire, much of Sydney and much of Australia. The coalition has a proud history on seas and marine parks. It was the coalition who created the first marine park, the Great Barrier Reef Marine Park. It was the coalition that created our first national oceans policy. It was the coalition who made the Great Australian Bight Marine Park, in the member for Grey's electorate. It created the framework that allowed the south-east marine parks to be created, and it did the first large expansion of marine parks. So the coalition have a proud history of supporting our seas and the environment, and we're keen to continue that by supporting this bill. Under the leadership of the coalition, Australia was engaged in the UN negotiations on these issues, ensuring that Australia's exclusive economic zone, which is the third-largest in the world, was legally recognised. As a nation, we've benefited enormously as a result of this in terms of protecting our environment and managing our abundant national resources and beautiful oceans. The negotiations for the high seas treaty happened under the coalition government until 2022. The Albanese government became a signatory to the treaty in 2024, and it's taken Labor around two years to get to this point of ratification. Already more than 80 other countries, almost 85, have ratified this treaty. Our understanding is Labor are now only getting to this as there are international meetings later this year. We're getting there late, but it's better late than never—almost the 85th country. It is especially disappointing when the coalition had offered bipartisan support for this legislation throughout the entire process. This bill seeks to create a new regulatory regime and rules to implement obligations under the treaty, including on marine genetic resources and digital sequence information, area based management tools and environmental impact assessments. This should be done in a way that complements and does not duplicate existing global and regional rules and settings. In addition, the government has adopted the global target of protecting 30 per cent of the world's marine areas by 2030. This is a noble idea. We know this Labor government is often big on targets but let's hope they can follow through on the delivery. When it comes to many other targets, they're falling short, but we hope to work with them to ensure that our seas are protected, that it's in the national interest and that it's bipartisan with both. The coalition looks forward to the government's plans in this area, working with them to make it bipartisan. We understand some of the plans to help achieve the target are being reviewed. We look forward to that more detail, and we look forward to working with this government to protect our national oceans, to protect these treasures and to protect the local environment. 19:10 Ms TRISH COOK 312871 Bullwinkel I rise today in support of the High Seas Biodiversity Bill 2026. For a nation like Australia, an island continent defined by its relationship with the sea, this legislation is a historic step towards securing the blue heart of our planet. Beyond our national waters lie the high seas. This vast expanse covers 60 per cent of the global ocean yet currently only one per cent of these waters are protected. Today, the Albanese government is acting on that. This bill implements Australia's obligation under the BBNJ Agreement—the Marine Biodiversity of Areas Beyond National Jurisdiction—also known as the High Seas Treaty. By passing this legislation, we enable Australia to formally ratify this treaty. This will ensure that we remain a global leader in marine protection and a founding party to this landmark international framework. This bill is structured into eight parts designed to provide a robust, transparent and enforceable regulatory regime. At its core, part 1 mandates a precautionary approach. This ensures that, even when scientific data is evolving, we prioritise the marine health of every decision made under this act. Part 2 addresses the frontier of deep sea discovery, marine genetic resources. It enables a notification based regime to ensure that discoveries made in the global commons, such as new medical compounds, are managed transparently, with information deposited and shared in regulated databases for the benefit of all. Parts 3 and 4 provide the practical teeth of the treaty. Part 3 allows Australia to give effect to the International Marine Protected Areas, helping us reach the global 30 by 30 target—30 per cent protecting Australia's land and 30 per cent of its marine areas by 2030. Part 4 introduces a rigorous environmental impact assessment regime and this ensures that any activity within our jurisdiction that might harm the high seas is subject to the same high standards that we demand within our own borders. We're also ensuring that this regime is accountable. Part 5 establishes a public high seas biodiversity register, providing transparencies for certificates and exemptions. Part 6 provides the necessary compliance and enforcement powers, allowing for inspectors, audits and civil penalties to ensure that the rules are followed. Parts 7 and 8 handle the essential administration, including information management and the ability to provide financial assistance to meet our international obligations. Crucially, this act will be subject to 10-yearly reviews to ensure that it remains fit for purpose as our ocean changes. Some people may ask why this matters to the people of Australia. The answer is simple: our marine industries, including fisheries and tourism, rely on a healthy ocean. The fish stocks in our waters do not recognise international boundaries. By protecting the high seas, we are safeguarding the health of our own coastal ecosystems and of course the environment and the creatures that live in these areas, and the thousands of jobs that depend on these industries. The Albanese Labor government is committed to working with our partners in the region and beyond. Ratifying this treaty demonstrates our commitment to international law and our dedication to protecting marine life for generations to come. This bill is about legacy. It's about ensuring that the blue heart of our planet continues to beat for our children and our grandchildren. I commend this bill to the House. 19:14 Ms COKER 263547 Corangamite For my communities on the Bellarine Peninsula and the Surf Coast, the ocean is part of everyday life. From surfers to fishers, from local cafes to tourism operators, the ocean shapes our economy and our identity. As a Surf Coast local for more than 30 years, I know just how deeply our communities care about our oceans and the need to protect them. They want to see marine life thrive. They want to ensure future generations can enjoy our coastlines, and they expect us, as their representatives, to get the balance right. For coastal communities, this is real. It is local and it matters. That's why the High Seas Biodiversity Bill 2026 is so important and much needed. This legislation gives effect to Australia's obligations under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. This bill allows Australia to implement and ratify that global agreement, and, importantly, it will help protect biodiversity on the high seas. To clarify, the term 'the high seas' relates to ocean that lies beyond the national waters of any country. They are not under the direct control of any single nation, and they make up the majority of the world's oceans. They cover roughly two-thirds of all oceans across the globe and around half of the planet's surface. Because they sit beyond national borders, they have historically been difficult to manage. No single country is responsible for protecting them, and yet the health of these waters affects everyone. We know the ocean is one connected ecosystem. Ocean currents move nutrients, fish and pollution across the globe. The health of marine ecosystems far from our coastline can influence our fisheries, our weather patterns and our biodiversity close to home. This treaty is not about just us. It is about global protection of a global asset: our oceans. As the world gets smaller, the need for stronger protection grows. That's why protecting biodiversity beyond national jurisdiction is not simply a theoretical international issue. It is central to the long-term health of the global ocean, and it is firmly in Australia's national interest. The agreement ratified by this bill is built around four key pillars. The first concerns marine genetic resources. Marine organisms often contain unique genetic material that can be valuable for research, medicine and biotechnology. The treaty establishes rules around how these resources are collected and used and how the benefits arising from them are shared fairly. The second pillar relates to area based management tools, including the establishment of marine protected areas on the high seas. These tools will allow countries to work together to protect important ecosystems beyond national jurisdiction. The third pillar focuses on environmental impact assessments. Before activities that could harm the marine environment take place, their impacts must be properly assessed. This ensures that development and research activities are carried out responsibly. The fourth pillar deals with capacity building and technology transfer. Many countries do not yet have the resources or capability to monitor and protect marine biodiversity effectively. The treaty creates mechanisms for sharing knowledge, technology and expertise. Together, these pillars form the first comprehensive international system for protecting biodiversity on the high seas. This bill is about responsibility: responsibility for our environment, responsibility for our communities and responsibility for future generations. The ocean connects us all, and protecting it is a shared task. In my electorate, people understand what is at stake. They see the ocean every day, they rely on it and they can expect us to act. This bill meets that expectation. It strengthens Australia's leadership, it protects our national interest and it contributes to a global effort to safeguard the health of our oceans. If we want our communities to continue to thrive, if we want our environment to be protected and if we want future generations to enjoy what we all enjoy today, then we must act. This bill is part of that action. I commend the bill to the House. 19:20 Ms BERRY 23497 Whitlam I begin by paying my respects to First Nations people as the traditional custodians of both land and sea country in Australia. First Nations peoples have sustainably used and managed coastal land and sea for more than 65,000 years, and many continue to do so today. Their knowledge and stewardship of the marine environment is an essential element in Australia's ocean story. Australia is an island nation, and the ocean is at the heart of our national identity. It is critical to our economic prosperity, health and social wellbeing, and it connects us with our region and the rest of the world. Unfortunately, however, our oceans face substantial threats, including from climate change, overfishing, and plastic and other pollution. I am fortunate to be the member for Whitlam, which is blessed with breathtaking coastal landscapes in the southern Illawarra region, and my electorate office in Shellharbour is not far from the beautiful Pacific Ocean. One of the jewels in my electorate is the Farm at Killalea, which is regarded as the best beach in New South Wales and the second-best beach in Australia. This stunningly beautiful place is one of my favourite places in the world. About four years ago, the local community succeeded in its campaign to save this extraordinary place from development, and today the 260 hectare Killalea state park is managed by the National Parks and Wildlife Service as a regional park. This is a fantastic outcome for all those who spent years campaigning against proposed development, including the 682 surfers who jumped on their surfboards and set a new world record for a paddle-out protest. I'm privileged to be a member of parliament's Standing Committee on Climate Change, Energy, Environment and Water, and I'm also co-chair of the Parliamentary Friends of Ocean and Sustainable Development. I'd like to take this opportunity to acknowledge the vitally important role that Jas Chambers and Dr Lucy Buxton from Ocean Decade Australia are playing in supporting the work of the Parliamentary Friends of Ocean and Sustainable Development. My roles on this group and the relevant committee only intensify my interest in this bill. I'm extremely proud of the actions taken by the Albanese Labor government when it comes to protecting our ocean and marine environments. In 2023, we tripled the size of Macquarie Island Marine Park, which lies between Tasmania and Antarctica and is a critical feeding and breeding ground for millions of seabirds and thousands of seals and penguins. A year later, in 2024, we expanded the subantarctic Heard Island and McDonald Islands Marine Park by almost 310,000 square kilometres, which is an area larger than Italy. As a result, Australia now protects more ocean than any other country on earth and for the first time more than half of Australia's oceans are under protection. Our marine protected areas now cover 52 per cent of Australian waters and a mind-blowing 4.6 million square kilometres of ocean. The objective of the high seas biodiversity treaty is to strengthen the conservation and sustainable use of marine diversity in areas beyond national jurisdictions, and this is critically important. It was adopted at the United Nations on 19 June 2023 and opened for signature on 20 September 2023. Australia signed on day one, making us a founding signatory. The treaty entered into force on 17 January 2026. However, Australia is among a small number of nations that require legislation prior to ratification, which is why this bill is before the House. The treaty focuses on the high seas, which sit outside individual countries, national waters and exclusive economic zones. The high seas cover more than 60 per cent of the global ocean, yet only about one per cent is currently protected. The treaty has four main parts. The first part focuses on marine genetic resources, including the fair and equitable sharing of benefits. The second part focuses on area based management tools, including marine protected areas. The third part of the treaty establishes a regime for the environmental impact assessment of activities. The fourth part of the treaty focuses on capacity building and the transfer of marine technologies. I am proud that the Albanese Labor government is a recognised leader when it comes to the high seas biodiversity treaty. We were one of the first countries to sign it and we have been leading, with Belize, the international negotiations to prepare the treaty for implementation. I support this bill wholeheartedly and am proud to be contributing to its passage through parliament. 19:25 Mr LAXALE 299174 Bennelong Last year, I attended the Australian launch of David Attenborough's Ocean documentary. It was a stark lesson in the scale at which humanity is impacting our blue planet. I was struck by images of the bottom trawlers ploughing the seabed, scars so deep they can be seen from space, ripping coral to shreds and destroying ecosystems that took millennia to form. Every year, 10 million tonnes of marine life are wasted as bycatch. Much of this collapse is invisible to the public, but it's happening on our watch. However, in a way only David Attenborough can, the film also gave us hope. It showed that when we protect, the sea life bounces back quickly and with incredible resilience. The documentary's final plea was simple: protect the high seas; ratify the treaty. With the passage of the High Seas Biodiversity Bill 2026, Australia does exactly that. Our oceans cover 70 per cent of the earth, inhabit over a million species and absorb 90 per cent of the excess heat from greenhouse gas emissions. For Australia, the stakes are even higher. Our marine industries contribute over $200 billion to our economy and support over 700,000 jobs. And whilst we've protected over half of our own waters, globally it's a very different story. Sixty per cent of the world's oceans lie beyond national boundaries, yet currently only one per cent of these waters are protected. Australia cannot secure a positive environmental or economic future while the rest of the world's oceans remain the wild west. This bill allows Australia to ratify the UN's high seas treaty, the first comprehensive legal framework in history designed to protect the oceans. Joining 81 other nations committing to a global 30 by 30 target, this treaty allows us to protect our oceans. It's an operational turning point involving scientific reporting and government systems to protect our planet. It's also further evidence that Labor takes the environment and climate change seriously. Since 2022, we've moved past a decade of political pointscoring and returned Australia to its position as a credible global leader in conservation and climate action. We understand that a healthy ocean underpins everything: our fisheries, our tourism, our coastal economies and our cultural identity. As a government, we are protecting the environment not just because it's the right thing to do but because it's fundamental to our long-term national prosperity. The high seas are a shared global responsibility. By joining with 81 other nations, led by Belize, and by ratifying this treaty, we are demonstrating our commitment to international law and to the health of our planet. I want to thank the advocates who helped get this over the line, including Drew Alsop and Damian Spruce from the Minderoo Foundation, as well as the Parliamentary Friends of the Ocean and the Parliamentary Friends of Sustainable Development. They've all worked really hard to put the environment at the forefront of what a good government does. Be it on this, be it on environmental law reform passed late last year or be it on setting an achievable and ambitious emissions reduction target, I hope that Australians know we have the environment and care for our ecosystems at the centre of what we do. We owe our existence today to a healthy planet, and today, by passing this bill, hopefully we take a step towards ensuring that the existence of this beautiful planet continues for generations to come. We don't have any other option; we need to look after this planet. ADJOURNMENT 106 ADJOURNMENT Fuel, Agriculture Industry: Western Australia 106 19:30 Mr RICK WILSON 198084 O'Connor I rise tonight to update the House on the situation across the agricultural areas of my electorate of O'Connor. It's a case of the good, the bad and the ugly, but I'm going to start with the good. Last Friday, the Leader of the Opposition, Angus Taylor, wrote to the Prime Minister with a suggestion that the government cut fuel excise—or fuel tax—in half, which would immediately put 26c a litre back into the pockets of motorists. He also suggested that the heavy vehicle road user charge be scrapped temporarily, and that would save our trucking industry 32.4c a litre. I'm very pleased to say that the Prime Minister stood up today and announced that he was adopting that policy. So that is a very good outcome, not only for the people of O'Connor and the people of Grey—the member for Grey is sitting with me here tonight—but also the nation more generally. So I applaud the Prime Minister for picking up on a very good suggestion from the Leader of the Opposition. There was another good thing that happened over the weekend. While there was some damage from Cyclone Narelle further north, particularly to the town of Exmouth and down through the Gascoyne, and to Carnarvon and other towns in that area that received some damage—and my very dear friend and colleague, the member for Durack, is back home with her communities as we speak, and I wish them all the best—the good that came out of that cyclone was a significant rain-bearing depression that travelled down through the southern part of the state, bringing some very useful rains across the agricultural region. Across my electorate, Quairading had 26 millimetres, which is a good start for them. Further east it was a little bit drier: Lake Grace had 19 millimetres; Narembeen had 15 millimetres. But the really good rainfall fell down in the western part of the Great Southern, in my home town of Katanning, with 46 millimetres, and Boyup Brook, with 44 millimetres. So it was an excellent start to the season for those areas. Of course, the bad is that fuel supplies are still very, very tight. Most farmers have been gradually filling their tanks. They've been ordering large volumes and getting small increments, and, hopefully, getting those storage tanks full. But, as of today, they'll be going flat out, and those large tractors and sprayers will use a thousand litres a day. Most farming operations would have three or four of them running, so they will plough through a lot of diesel in a very short period of time. Let's hope that they can keep that fuel up and keep the crop going in. But the ugly is very much the fertiliser situation. Seeding fertiliser, for the most part, is on farm—most farmers have received their seeding or planting fertiliser—and I think that the crop will go in in relatively good shape. The really disturbing and worrying situation is the nitrogen component of the crop. The most commonly used nitrogen fertiliser would be urea. Most of it comes out of the gulf, and my intelligence tells me that, of the 800,000 tonnes of urea required for this year's crop, about 100,000 is either here, onshore in Western Australia, or on the water. So that's about 700,000 tonnes of urea short. For those who are not familiar with crop agronomy, as the member for Grey certainly is, urea is what adds to the yield. When you get rain and urea, you grow more biomass—you get more yield, and that's what generates the profit. So, for farmers across my electorate, with such a good start, they would be looking at a similar year to last year, if they can get the urea, and that was a 27 million tonne crop across the Western Australian wheat belt. This year, CBH, the main grain handler in Western Australia, is estimating that, without that urea, the crop will be around 15 million tonnes. That's about a 45 per cent reduction in the crop if farmers can't get hold of that urea. I applaud the government, once again, for taking up the suggestion of cutting the fuel excise and the heavy-vehicle road user charge, but I urge them to take every step to ensure supplies of nitrogen for this year's crop. It is absolutely vital, not just for those individual farm properties but for the economy of the Western Australian Wheatbelt that those farmers get access to that fertiliser. South Australian Election 107 19:35 Mr BURNELL 300129 Spence There are moments in politics that come and go, and then there are moments that shape the direction of a state for years to come. The recent South Australian election was one of those moments. It was about choosing a future, a vision and a belief in the direction our state is heading. The people of South Australia have made that choice clear. They have backed Labor, they have backed stability and they have backed the party with a long-term view for the prosperity of our state. At the centre of that vision stands Premier Peter Malinauskas, who has set out a clear path for jobs, infrastructure skills and growth, and is delivering it with discipline and purpose. This election result is a reflection of that leadership—steady, focused and future orientated. I want to acknowledge my colleague and good mate James Agness, the new member for Light. James is someone who has never lost sight of who he represents. He cares deeply about the community that welcomed him, and that shows in everything he does. His election is earned through hard work, genuine connection and a commitment to standing up for his community every single day. I offer my sincere commiserations to Tony Piccolo. Twenty years of service to South Australia is no small thing. It is a lifetime of contribution, of advocacy, of putting community first in line. And while this election did not go his way in the seat of Ngadjuri, nothing could take away from what he has given to his state. His legacy is one of dedication and deserves to be recognised in this place. Commiserations to James Rothe as well. You ran a strong, determined campaign, taking the fight right up to the opposition leader. That takes courage, it takes resilience and it speaks to his belief in the community he sought to represent. I have no doubt we will see more from him in the future. Nick Champion is my predecessor as the member for Spence. As the now member for Taylor, he is serving as the Minister for Housing and Urban Development, Minister for Housing Infrastructure and Minister for Planning. Nick has always understood the importance of building communities, not just houses; of ensuring growth is matched with opportunity and that more working families are not left behind. His continued contribution to South Australia is significant and deeply valued. Ella Shaw is the member for Elizabeth. Ella is someone who cares deeply about her community, and, more importantly, she fights for it. Day in, day out she is there listening, advocating and delivering. Communities like Elizabeth deserve that kind of representation, and they know they have it in Ella. Zoe Bettison is the returning member for Ramsay, an electorate in the heart of Salisbury. Zoe brings energy, experience and a genuine passion for celebrating what makes South Australia unique. We have Rhiannon Pearce, who is the member for King. Rhiannon becomes the Minister for Emergency Services, the Minister for Local Government and the Minister for Recreation, Sport and Racing. They are three substantial portfolios, but I know the people of South Australia have total faith in Rhiannon—me included. John Fulbrook, the member for Playford, is a great bloke, plain and simple. I cannot think of anyone better to represent his community's interests. He understands the north, he understands people and he brings that understanding into everything he does. You have done it with a lot going on personally, mate, and I wish you all the best for you new term. Finally, I want to acknowledge Matthew Marozzi, my first campaign manager and someone who knows how to run a campaign with precision and the heart. A 10 per cent swing and a victory in the seat of Morialta is no small feat. It's the result of hard work and a great strategy. This election has shown something important: when you put forward a clear plan, when you stay focused on people and when you deliver, communities respond. They are interested in a government that shows up, listens and gets on with the job, and that is exactly what the Malinauskas Labor government has done, and will continue to do. This result is not the end of the work; it is a mandate to keep going. It is a mandate to keep building, to keep investing and to keep delivering from the city to the regions, and especially in communities like those across the northern suburbs. South Australia is moving forward with confidence, with purpose and with a government that is prepared to do the work, and I, for one, look forward to being part of that journey alongside my state colleagues. Congratulations to all new and returning members right across the state of South Australia. You've put on an extremely disciplined campaign over the last six-odd weeks. You deserve to reap the rewards of what you've gone about and delivered. Well done, and keep up the great work. I look forward to working alongside all of you over the coming years. Cybersafety, Child Abuse 108 19:40 Mr WALLACE 265967 Fisher Earlier today, I attended a briefing that every member of this place should take very seriously. It dealt with one of the most urgent issues before us: the safety of children in an online world that has too often been built without proper safeguards. What we saw and heard today was confronting; but it was also clarifying, because the excuse that nothing can be done no longer exists. The technology exists. The capability exists. What matters now is whether this government has the will to act. We heard from the eSafety Commissioner, international experts and frontline advocates, and the message was simple. Real-time child sexual abuse can be prevented. Livestreamed abuse can be stopped. Harmful content can be blocked before it is even seen, stored or shared—not after the harm is done, but before it happens. That is the shift we need, because, for too long, the system has been reactive: content taken down later; investigations undertaken after the fact; support offered after the trauma. When it comes to children, that is simply not good enough. We should not be mopping up harm; we should be preventing it—turning off the tap, not cleaning up the mess. What stood out today is that this can be done without breaking encryption—without compromising privacy. And that matters, because Australians should not be forced to choose between safety and privacy. We can have both: safety by design, built into the device, built into the platform, built into the system, from the very beginning, not bolted on as an afterthought. And yet we heard clearly that many of the world's largest technology companies already have these tools, but they are not using them where it matters most. That is not a technical failure; that is a failure of responsibility. The under-16 social media reforms are important. Age restrictions matter. But they do not deal with what is happening in real time. They don't deal with adult accounts. They don't deal with livestreamed abuse. They don't deal with encrypted messaging being used as crime scenes. That is why the next step must be a strong digital duty of care—a duty that shifts responsibility back onto platforms. If you build it, if you profit from it, you must make it safe. We do not accept unsafe toys. We do not accept unsafe cars. So we should not accept unsafe digital platforms. We warned about these risks years ago, through parliamentary inquiries and reports that I helped lead. We are now finally seeing courts overseas holding platforms accountable for failing to protect children. The direction is clear. The time for delay is over. There is one principle that should guide everything we do in this place. Protecting children must come first—not second, not after consultation, not after harm occurs; it must come first. That principle must apply not just online but in our communities as well. This brings me to an issue that continues to concern families on the Sunshine Coast: the presence of a New Zealand national accused of serious sexual offences involving children. Authorities were reportedly warned about this individual as early as 2024. And yet action appears to have only followed public exposure—and that was by A Current Affair. The Minister for Home Affairs has clear powers under section 501 of the Migration Act—powers that exist for exactly this situation. So the questions are simple: Why has this not already been done? Why is this individual still in my community, when he should have been deported? No community should ever become a refuge for someone seeking to avoid facing serious allegations involving children. Today's briefing shows us something very important. This problem is not unsolvable. Prevention is possible. Technology is ready. The law can be strengthened. The power already exists. What we need is action from this government. Griffith Electorate: Greek Australian Community 109 19:45 Ms COFFEY 312323 Griffith Last Wednesday Greek communities in Brisbane and around the world marked Greek Independence Day. In Griffith that day carries a particular resonance because the story of Greek migration, community and contribution is written into the life of our neighbourhoods. In South Brisbane, West End, High Gate Hill and surrounding suburbs, Greek families helped shape the character of this part of Brisbane, and that legacy remains part of who we are today. Greek Independence Day is a celebration of freedom, courage and national pride. It's a day to remember the revolutionaries who put their lives on the line for liberty. It's also a chance for us all in Australia to reflect on the deep bond between our countries and to celebrate the extraordinary contribution Greek Australians have made to our national story. In Griffith, the contribution of Greek Australians is part of the fabric of everyday life. It is there in the community institutions built over generations, in family businesses created through hard work and persistence and in the culture, warmth and hospitality that has enriched our local neighbourhoods. Greek traditions have not only been preserved here, but also shared, celebrated and woven into the broader story of Brisbane. St George's Greek Orthodox Church stands as an enduring sign of that history, and the Greek Orthodox community of St George, established in 1929, remains the oldest Greek Orthodox community in south-east Queensland. Across the road from Musgrave Park in West End, the Greek Club continues to be one of those gathering places that tells a bigger story about belonging, continuity and community. Of course, culture is carried forward in smaller, everyday ways as well. In Coorparoo, Baked by M&G is a beautiful and delicious example of that. Twin sisters Mel and Georgia have built an artisanal bakehouse around age old family recipes, baking fresh to order and sharing the flavours so many of us love from baklava to kourabiedes and much more. This story of this thriving bakery goes back to 1956, when Mel and Georgia's grandmother from Athens. Surviving the hardships of war, their grandmother taught the sisters some simple but heartwarming lessons: to never take good food for granted, cook with love and care and, most importantly, never leave a crumb sitting on their plates. After graduating from Loretto College, Mel and Georgia opened up Baked by M&G in honour of their grandmother, who sadly passed away in 2017—a truly beautiful story and one that fills my heart every time I drop into the store. In West End, Kafenio Brisbane brings that same spirit in its own way. It is a small Greek and Cypriot cafe on Vulture Street full of warmth and welcoming faces. Petro has built something really special there, a place where people come to play tavli and cards, talking and slowly sipping ouzo. It's no wonder that people describe Kafenio as a place where you feel as though you're sitting in the back of a friend's house somewhere in the Greek isles. And if you are in need of some dried fruits, olives, cheeses or, of course, fresh nuts, I cannot recommend Mick's Nuts on Hardgrave Road in West End enough. It was established in 1972, and it's barely changed since then. My family absolutely loves brothers George and Emmanuel and their family. Paniyiri deserves a special mention because it's one of the clearest expressions of the Greek contribution to Brisbane's cultural life. The Paniyiri Festival is Queensland's longest running cultural festival and the largest Greek festival in Australia. In 2026 Paniyiri will celebrate its 50th anniversary, and organisers have told me that it will be their biggest and most spectacular celebration yet. What began in 1976 as a simple Sunday picnic in Musgrave Park has grown into one of Brisbane's most loved cultural festivals, bringing people together though the heart, soul and spirit of Greece and attracting up to 50,000 people each year. The Paniyiri Festival is also part of the rhythm of South Brisbane and West End. It's the smell of honey puffs and grilled food drifting through Musgrave Park. It's the children learning steps from generations before them. It's families returning year after year and neighbours from every background coming together to celebrate the heart, soul and spirit of Greece. I look forward to joining the Paniyiri Festival in May. My spirit, and if I'm being honest, my stomach can hardly wait for the joyful celebration of culture, community and extraordinary food. Tonight I want to say thank you to our Greek Australian community. On Greek Independence Day, we celebrate a great nation born in freedom. We honour those who fought so bravely for liberty and, really importantly, here in Australia we celebrate the ongoing contribution of Greek Australians to our great nation. The SPEAKER 53517 Efharisto, member for Griffith. Fuel, Hinkler Electorate: National Youth Parliament 110 19:50 Mr BATT 315478 Hinkler Right now the cost of diesel in my regional Queensland electorate is sitting anywhere around $3.20 per litre; unleaded is upward of $2.50. Make no mistake, so much damage has already been done. However, it is pleasing that, after taking the coalition's lead, Hinkler families and small businesses will pay less for fuel because the government finally decided that cutting the fuel tax is a good idea—finally taking this crisis seriously, finally listening to the calls that we were making last week. Finally, this will provide overdue relief and ease some pressures ahead of Easter, but it won't remove uncertainty in my community. Fuel prices are visibly hitting households in real time, a problem right across regional Australia. The reality is that we still do not have a clear plan to get the fuel to the servos that have run dry. Fuel supply is paramount and the question is: can this government guarantee it? All along, those opposite have provided only cold comfort, suggesting Aussies were in a good position to deal with this crisis. Well, try and explain that to grandparents who are questioning if they can really afford that trip to visit grandkids this Easter, or to hospitality staff with reduced hours due to slowing trade. Is it all good if you want to throw a prawn on the barbie on Good Friday? Well, your seafood bill will be up due to the cost of getting a trawler on the water. Seafood supplier and exporter Stephen Murphy from Australian Ocean King Prawn Company in Hervey Bay says the next month is crunch time for the fishing industry. He is worried, especially for the smaller operators. The message ahead of Easter from Stephen is that there is good quality supply for fresh local seafood, so don't buy imports. Support the locals first while you can because, if this crisis keeps up, the industry will be seriously struggling to survive. Meanwhile, try telling the farmers of Hinkler that we are in a good position. They are already changing the way they do business. Our truckies and transporters like Just Freight—a local family owned freight company offering daily services from Bundaberg to Brisbane—owner Aaron Kemp says their biggest concern is passing on fuel costs. The fuel levies they impose are usually locked in. They are now being revised weekly and are at levels never seen before at around 50 per cent. For businesses like Just Freight, all costs of doing business have risen—buying vehicles, maintaining them; paying for and retaining staff. Like a farmer watches every drop of water, transport operators are monitoring every mile and every litre of fuel. Aaron has even enforced new rules to limit truck idling times. While back on the water, for tour boat operators taking visitors to the southern Great Barrier Reef, the costs are skyrocketing by upwards of $2,500 every day. Today I was informed that tourists, the drive market bound for my region this Easter, are cancelling tours and holidays altogether. Visitors simply can't afford the fuel to travel, or they're just worried the fuel will run out before they drive home after their holiday. Meals on Wheels in Bundaberg, where I volunteered at Christmas time, has been forced to increase its fuel reimbursement amount for volunteers, a cost that is extremely tough to absorb for a charity like this. The coalition called on the Albanese government to halve the fuel tax to provide fast hip-pocket relief. Finally, today the Prime Minister agreed. Don't put the blame on Australians; instead, start showing some leadership and get the fuel flowing. Speaker, on a positive note, it's fitting that you're here sitting in this chamber, as I'm pleased to announce Bundaberg State High School's Seth Johnson as the local member for National Youth Parliament 2026 for the seat of Hinkler. The Department of the House of Representatives and Y Australia today revealed the 150 participants for the initiative. As a Bundy high old boy, I'm immensely proud to see Seth represent the youth of Hinkler. Seth is an exceptional young leader and this is just another string to his impressive bow. I often quote the motto of Bundaberg State High: per ardua ad Astra—through hard work, the stars—and that rings true for Seth. I congratulate him on this appointment. Mr Speaker, I'd just like to take these last moments to wish you, all members and parliamentary staff, and all locals and visitors in the Hinkler electorate a blessed Easter. Easter is a time to pause, reset and spend time with our loved ones. To me, it's about family, faith and community. Please remember in these tough times we're experiencing that, if Easter has taught us anything, out of the dark comes light. The SPEAKER 53517 Well said by the member for Hinkler. Fuel 111 19:54 Ms MASCARENHAS 298800 Swan I want to talk about what's been on the minds of many Australians over the past four weeks, and that's the price of fuel at the fuel pump, whether fuel will be there and what it means for the weekly shop, for getting to work, for keeping a small business open or for farmers. These are questions for everyday life, and because of the conflict in the Middle East these questions have become urgent questions. Australians deserve a government that listens and acts, and today the Albanese government delivered. From this Wednesday, 1 April, the fuel excise will be halved. That's 26c off every litre of petrol and diesel. The ACCC will be watching to make sure that these savings reach every single person at the pump, and any retailer who thinks otherwise will need to answer for it. Motorists are not the only ones feeling it. For freight operators keeping food on the shelves and critical supplies moving, the squeeze is just as real. That's why the heavy vehicle road user charge is also being cut to zero for three months. This is so they can keep on doing work for Australia that Australians depend on. I'm particularly proud to be a part of the Albanese government today—a government that has brought every state and territory leader together around a single, unified National Fuel Security Plan. I want to explain what that plan means for everyday Australians because people deserve to understand it clearly. The plan has four levels. The first is around planning and preparedness, the second is about keeping Australia moving, the third is about taking targeted action and the fourth is around protecting critical services for all Australians. For level 1, which is plan and prepare, the government needs to understand and trace the supply chain. Also, there is updated supply and price reporting. We are now at level 2, which is about keeping Australia moving. At this level, supply is still operating, but there are localised disruptions. The government is taking precautionary steps to shore up supply, releasing reserves, working with international partners and asking Australians to make voluntary choices. Take only what is needed. Use public transport where it is possible. If conditions worsen, then we will go to level 3, which is about taking targeted action. This means that the government will coordinate more actively to ensure that fuel gets to where it is needed most and also give people practical measures to help reduce demand across the entire economy. Then we have level 4, which is about protecting critical services. This is the most serious setting, where fuel is directed to essential users, hospitals, emergency services, utilities and life-supporting infrastructure. The Prime Minister has been clear. We hope that we do not exceed level 2, but having levels 3 and 4 planned means that Australians can have confidence that we have planned for every scenario. While we manage the immediate fuel challenges, we're also building for what comes next. The other thing that we need to make sure that we're aware of is what the fuel crisis means for fertilisers. One of the things that the Albanese government has helped support is a new urea plant in Western Australia. This is a $6 billion facility that's under construction right now. Urea is not just a fertiliser for our farmers; it has many uses, including use in modern trucks through the additive AdBlue. Urea is important to the supply chains. It helps modern trucks run and it literally helps food grow. By investing in domestic urea production, we are making sure that the next time the world is hit by a global shock, Australia is not scrambling to secure supply from the other side of the world. That's long-term thinking that our country deserves. That's what responsible government looks like. These fuel and fertiliser actions did not come from nowhere. Over the past four weeks, the government has released 762 million litres from the strategic reserve, changed fuel standards to unlock more supply, doubled penalties for price gouging and secured a supply agreement with Singapore. I know the cost of living is tough, and we continue to work hard on this. House adjourned at 20:00 NOTICES 111 NOTICES Presentation 111

Monday, 30 March 2026

The DEPUTY SPEAKER ( Ms Mascarenhas ) took the chair at 10:30.

CONSTITUENCY STATEMENTS 113 CONSTITUENCY STATEMENTS University of Wollongong, Special Broadcasting Service 113 10:30 Ms LE 295676 Fowler I want to speak to two matters that go to the heart of opportunity and fairness in my community of Fowler, and to the growing gap between the promises this government makes to Western Sydney and the reality it delivers. I recently had the pleasure of attending the opening of the University of Wollongong's new campus at Liverpool Civic Place. Liverpool is already home to UOW's fastest-growing student cohort, with a 134 per cent increase in completed applications now compared to this time last year. These are young people who are able to pursue their education and build their futures close to where they live. I welcome the university's strong commitment to communities like mine in south-western Sydney. For many young people in Fowler, access to world-class education, just a train or a bus ride away, is about far more than lectures, exams or degrees. It represents opportunity. It reflects the hopes of families, many of whom came to Australia, like my own late mother, because they believed in the promise of education as a pathway to a better life. That promise only holds true if it is equitable and accessible to everyone, regardless of postcode, which is why the recent decision by the government to withdraw funding for the promised Western Sydney expansion of the Special Broadcasting Service is quite disappointing. This was meant to be a hub for jobs, skills and opportunities—a pipeline from education into meaningful employment. And now that pathway has been taken away. What is the value of investing in education if this government fails to support the jobs and industries that those students are training to enter? We are told this decision was made in the context of the current fiscal environment, but, once again, it is communities in Western Sydney that are asked to bear the cost. SBS plays a critical role in telling stories of multicultural Australia, and there is no more multicultural region in this country than the communities I represent. The jobs this expansion will have created across the media, communications and creative industries are exactly the roles that students at the University of Wollongong, Liverpool are preparing for right now. Yet, instead of strengthening those pathways, the government has cut them off. This is not an isolated case. We have seen it before with the failure to deliver a proper Western Sydney metro link to the new Western Sydney airport, leaving communities disconnected from the very jobs and opportunities that infrastructure was meant to unlock. The University of Wollongong has shown belief in Liverpool and in Western Sydney communities. It is a shame that this government has not done the same thing. Medicare, Wills Electorate: Coburg Cycling Club 113 10:32 Mr KHALIL 101351 Wills Last week we opened a brand new Medicare urgent care clinic in Coburg, so it's exciting for our constituents. This is what we're here for: to serve and to make sure that our constituents have a better life. I'm pleased to say it's already having great reviews. We've heard from a local dad who took his daughter into the clinic to assist with anaphylaxis, and he let my office know that they received fantastic urgent care—exactly what we want to hear. Opening a Medicare urgent care clinic in Coburg was a key commitment I made to my community ahead of the last election, and it's fantastic to know that the incredible team of staff are already providing top-level care. This is one of the legacy pieces of the Albanese Labor government, and the impact it has on local communities is enormous. The investment in Medicare, the investment in bulk-billing and the investment in these Medicare urgent care clinics is going to be remembered and acknowledged for generations. When I speak to people on Sydney Road—out the front of my office there—and tell them about the clinic, their eyes light up. They say: 'This is fantastic! We need this. We don't have one in this area.' That's why I fought so hard to get it opened in Coburg. Being able to get this kind of non-life-threatening but urgent care late at night or on the weekends is a must for the community. For those in my community who might be watching this online or reading the transcript—I'm not sure how many read the Hansard anymore—here's the info to remember: the Coburg Medicare urgent care clinic is open seven days a week, 365 days a year, from 8 am to 10 pm. You don't need an appointment. You just walk in when you need it, and you don't need your credit card—all you need is your Medicare card because appointments are completely free. Speaking of our investments in Medicare, 55 per cent of GP practices in my electorate of Wills are now fully bulk billing. That's not 55 per cent of GPs; that's 55 per cent of GP practices fully bulk billing. As the Prime Minister said when he came to my electorate of Wills last weekend, there's a reason the Medicare card is green and gold. It's because it's one of the great Australian institutions. It speaks to Australian values of getting a fair go, and that's what Medicare urgent care clinics are about as well. That's why our government has strengthened Medicare by expanding bulk-billing incentives so that nine out of 10 GP visits will be bulk-billed by 2030. Labor is the party of Medicare. Labor will always strengthen Medicare, and only Labor is taking real action to ease the cost of living for families through Medicare. Lastly, I want to give a quick shout out to the Coburg Cycling Club, who celebrated their 130th anniversary last week. It's such an impressive milestone. It's one of the oldest continuous clubs in the world for cycling. It's the sixth oldest running in the world and the second oldest in Australia. The history is not just part of the club; it's part of Melbourne's history. It's an interest of mine too as Assistant Minister for Defence, because 86 club members served Australia in the First World War. Sadly, 16 never returned home. The club has produced elite riders. Some have competed in the Olympics and the Tour de France. Happy birthday, Coburg Cycling Club. Deregulation 114 10:35 Mr WALLACE 265967 Fisher Today, I'm giving a voice to every small-business owner in Australia who is drowning in red tape while this Labor government looks the other way. In the small-business capital of the nation, the Sunshine Coast, a cafe owner can face up to 30 separate licences and approvals before they've poured their first coffee. A local tradie needs to pay hundreds of dollars in permits just to fix a tap. An engineer working across state lines must obtain separate qualifications and pay multiple fees in each jurisdiction just to do their job. Red tape in Australia has become a war on enterprise. The numbers are damning. Compliance with federal regulation now costs Australian businesses $160 billion a year—nearly 6c in every dollar of GDP. That's up from $65 billion a decade ago. Boards are now spending more than half their time, 55 per cent, just managing compliance. That has more than doubled since Labor came to office. That is time not spent on hiring, investing or growing their businesses. While Labor adds layer upon layer of red tape, our competitors are moving in the opposite direction. The UK has committed to cutting its regulatory burden by 25 per cent. Canada has introduced a one-for-one rule—remove a regulation for every one that has been created. The EU—even the EU!—is slashing red tape for small business. And Australia? We have no national target and no plan. The Productivity Commission has confirmed what every small-business owner already knows—Labor's regulatory weight is crushing investment, stifling innovation and dragging down living standards, and capital is going elsewhere. And who could blame it? The coalition has a concrete plan to fix this. We will conduct a full national regulatory stocktake. We will set a target to cut the red tape burden informed by a consultation with business and the community. We'll block the flow of new red tape by requiring regulatory offsets—if you want to add a rule, you have to remove one first. We will strengthen the scrutiny of new regulation so that no proposal passes without a rigorous assessment of its real cost to business, and we'll lift the reporting thresholds that are forcing thousands of medium-sized businesses to spend hundreds of thousands of dollars on compliance that adds nothing to their bottom lines or to the national interest. Labor is choosing complexity. The coalition is choosing growth. Australia deserves better than this hopeless Labor government that just doesn't understand business. Ballarat Marathon 114 10:39 Ms CATHERINE KING 00AMR Ballarat Back in 2021, local dad Adam McNicol came to see me with an idea. Adam had been made redundant through COVID and had taken up running with his neighbour. After a visit to the Great Ocean Road Running festival, he thought, 'What if we could create something similar in Ballarat?' For a lot of people, that would have been the end of the idea, but Adam, frankly, didn't stop. He got City of Ballarat onside, he got local businesses and sponsors on board, and he got Ballarat royalty Steve Moneghetti to be an ambassador and chief problem solver for his idea, which has become the Ballarat Marathon. At the inaugural event, in 2024, there were 4,700 runners. In 2025 there were 9,400 runners. For this year's event, in April, the marathon and half marathon have already sold out, and we're expecting around 12,500 participants to take to the streets of Ballarat. The event now has 35 staff and over 450 volunteers. National and international brands have signed up to support it. Two-time Olympian Genevieve Gregson and her husband, Ryan, are running the half marathon this year. For elite runners, the Ballarat Marathon is a World Athletics ranking event and a qualifying race for the Abbott World Marathon Majors 2027 age group world championships. It's an event for elite athletes, but it's also an event for everyone. In the past two years, we've seen children running with their parents in the five-kilometre or mile sections and then stopping along the route to support others. Last year, an 81-year-old runner was cheered on as they completed the race in six hours and 13 minutes. The marathon is more than just a race. It frankly is a Ballarat extravaganza. The race begins in the front of our stunning 1870s town hall, then goes along Sturt Street, under the Arch of Victory and down the Avenue of Honour before circling Lake Wendouree. The marathon really leans into what Ballarat is known and loved for. The trophies are gold pans crafted at Sovereign Hill, and redcoat soldiers from Sovereign Hill fire the musket at the starting gun to begin the race. The journey to this point, for the Ballarat Marathon, has been a marathon indeed. To Adam and the team: you've created an event in Ballarat that really showcases our city but also showcases the spirit of people working together to make sure that our community is a great place. It's a terrific celebration on the streets. I'll be there yet again to see people running. I'm not going to participate—unfortunately I'm not a runner—but there will be lots of people I know. The joy that you see, particularly in families' faces as they're running with their children, is really a sight to behold. I look forward to a very, very successful Ballarat Marathon here on the Anzac Day weekend in April. Casey Electorate: Country Fire Authority 115 10:42 Mr VIOLI 300147 Casey With the summer weather easing and bushfire risk subsiding, now is the time we are able to thank our local fire brigades and volunteer firefighters for all their hard work on the ground in Casey and across the state of Victoria. The summer season saw many crews from my community tasked to assist brigades in fighting fires in Longwood, Walwa, Harcourt and other areas while also protecting our local area. Without our volunteer firefighters, summer may have looked vastly different. So thank you to each and every single firefighter who volunteered across Casey for your continued dedication to protecting our community. Our local fire brigades are an integral part of our community. Without support, they cannot continue to protect us. Over the weekend the Gruyere Fire Brigade held their annual beef-on-a-spit fundraiser event, which is a favourite amongst the community. This year didn't disappoint, with another great turnout despite the cold weather. The event is more than just a fundraiser. It's a night where we come together with family and friends to share good food and help support one of our local brigades. Well done to the Gruyere Fire Brigade for another successful beef-on-a-spit night. Thank you for all the hard work you do protecting and serving our community. Another two important events occurred in our community over the weekend. The Belgrave South Fire Brigade and the Selby Fire Brigade celebrated 100 years; they were established after terrible bushfires in 1926. It was a privilege to be in attendance for Selby Fire Brigade's centenary celebration on Saturday night. It's an incredible milestone and one that highlights the ongoing dedication of the volunteer firefighters and the ongoing support of their families and the wider community. The celebration was a night filled with laughter, stories of times gone by, reflection and remembrance of the hard work and commitment of all the Selby Fire Brigade volunteers to protecting our community over the last century. It was wonderful to speak to past and present members and their families, and to view the incredible display of memorabilia of the last 100 years of service to the community across the Dandenong Ranges. From photos to uniforms to equipment and medals, each piece and document told a story that made up the last 100 years of the Selby Fire Brigade. It was a privilege to share in and help preserve the history of one of our local brigades, and it was an honour to be involved in the celebration of the centenary of the Selby Fire Brigade. Thank you to all those brigade members for the ongoing dedication that each and every firefighter has to protecting the beautiful Dandenong Ranges, the Yarra Valley, our wider community across Casey, all of Victoria and, when needed, any community across Australia that needs help. Thank you to our CFA. You are there when we need you the most. (Time expired) Blair Electorate: Agricultural Shows 115 10:45 Mr NEUMANN HVO Blair The annual country show season in my electorate of Blair is kicking off with the Ipswich Show in mid-May. We're blessed to have seven country shows in Blair and the City of Ipswich, in country towns like Rosewood, Marburg, Lowood, Esk, Toogoolawah and Kilcoy. The show society movement is the biggest volunteer movement in Australia. Country shows contribute more than $1 billion to the Australian economy every year. Agricultural shows play a vital role in the fabric of regional Australia, including in my electorate, which takes in the rural parts of Ipswich and the rural Somerset region. They provide significant social and economic benefits to regional communities and agricultural industries. In an electorate like mine, which spans urban and rural areas, they help bridge the divide between city and country. Regional communities depend on shows to reconnect with neighbours, build relationships, exchange knowledge and support local businesses. They provide a great way for me to keep connected with my local constituents by having information stalls. I'm having stalls at each and every country show. At Ipswich Show, once again this year, I'll be with the state member for Ipswich West, Wendy Bourne, for three days. I'm proud to support many of the country's shows, for example, by sponsoring prizes at the Toogoolawah show, poultry prizes at the Rosewood, Marburg and Lowood shows and the primary school art prizes at Rosewood. I'm delighted to donate hampers for raffles and print programs for some of the country shows, like the Kilcoy show, and I've done that for a number of years. As well as being used for annual shows, showgrounds are often used as community gathering points during emergency situations and as venues for other events and local festivals, which is why I advocated for and secured funding over the years for buildings in Kilcoy, toilets and sheds in Lowood and lighting at Toogoolawah at all their showgrounds. This is why I was so pleased to secure a 2022 election commitment of $6 million to upgrade the Ipswich Showgrounds, which includes $4.5 million for general upgrades and $1.5 million from the government's Disaster Ready Fund to improve amenities, such as showers and toilets, for use by residents during emergencies. During floods, showgrounds provide emergency accommodation for local residents, including local residents who are cut off from other country towns. When their homes are inundated, those showgrounds provide places of refuge and relief. I want to thank the sponsors, exhibitors and volunteers who assist in all of the country's shows in my electorate. The talent, skills and abilities—from showing cattle and horses to quilting, painting, crafts and crocheting—are all there on display. These local shows and their volunteers are the lifeblood of country communities. I am so pleased to represent a vibrant rural and regional electorate in South-East Queensland. Lyne Electorate: NSW Rural Fire Service 116 10:48 Ms PENFOLD 248895 Lyne I rise today to acknowledge and pay tribute to the extraordinary men and women of the NSW Rural Fire Service, particularly those from the Mid Coast district who were recognised for their outstanding service to our communities at Club North Haven on Saturday. Across regional New South Wales, the Rural Fire Service is not just an emergency response organisation; it is a cornerstone of community wellbeing. It is made up of volunteers who give their time freely, who step forward when others step back and who embody service before self. It was more daunting to speak in front of these men and women than it is to speak in this parliament. Present on Saturday was 1,200 years of courage, commitment and sacrifice—an incredible achievement to say the least. Among those recognised was Brett McMillen, awarded the National Emergency Medal clasp for his service during the devastating 2022 floods, which is a reminder of the extraordinary demands placed on RFS members not only during bushfire seasons but also during a range of natural disasters. We also recognised 14 recipients of the National Medal, awarded for diligent service over many years—people like Bruce Annetts from Tinonee brigade. His leadership, community engagement and consistent contribution, both operationally and administratively, reflect the very high standards of the service. Kevin Thornton's work in communications and aviation has strengthened operational capability and enhanced community safety across the region. Nicholas Wright and Sherrie Gaul from the Kundle Moto brigade have not only served their communities but have invested in training, mentoring and building the capability of others. We also recognise 34 recipients of the long service medal, whose service spans many decades. Jim Blackmore from the Wallaby Joe brigade has 40 years of contribution across operational and leadership roles. Andrew Tulloch from the Lake Cathie brigade has more than four decades of service and leadership. And there are those whose commitment extends even further. Gregory Bannister, Joy Walker, Howard Mitchell and Frank Vumbaca have each contributed more than 50 years to the RFS. This level of service is extraordinary. It reflects not just dedication but a lifelong commitment to community. We also acknowledge the next generation of volunteers, including young member of the year finalists Brock Windsor and Dylan Sheehy, who represent the future of the service and give us confidence that this proud tradition will continue. Importantly, behind every volunteer is a network of support—families, employers and communities who share in the sacrifice and make this service possible. Many were there to support not only their husbands, wives, fathers, mothers and grandparents but all honorary awardees too. The NSW Rural Fire Service represents courage, professionalism and quiet determination. Its members do not seek recognition. On behalf of my community and, indeed, all Australians, I say thank you. Burt Young Leaders Forum, Youth Week WA 116 10:51 Mr KEOGH 249147 Burt Last week I held the ninth annual Burt Youth Leaders Forum, our biggest yet, hosting two student leaders from eighteen high schools from across my community to share the issues that they see as the most important to Australia. From Kenwick in the northern end of Burt out to Piara Waters on the western edge and Byford in the south, students from all over our community had their say. Just because they can't vote yet doesn't mean that their voices shouldn't be heard by the parliament. The students raised important issues that affect all of us, with topics including the cost of living, housing affordability, AI deepfakes, education and innovation, community division, global instability, the importance of the family unit and recognising overseas qualifications, as well as mental health and overdiagnosis. And they didn't just raise problems; they worked through the causes of each issue and how it impacts people, before coming up with ideas for how each issue could be improved or fixed. I'll soon present a report with those findings to the Prime Minister and to Western Australian Premier Roger Cook. Young people aren't always included in the forming of policy and the decision-making that will impact their future. Engaging and consulting with young Australians should be genuine and not an afterthought. Through the annual Burt Youth Leaders Forum, I'm able to elevate the concerns of young people in our community to the federal parliament, sharing what they want to see from us as national leaders. Issues include the cost of living, housing affordability and mental health, which students have raised with me many times before, but also new issues and emerging areas of concern. This year students talked about AI safety and protecting children from exploitation in this evolving technology. This concern isn't unique to young people, and we've already acted, passing the anti-deepfake laws in 2024. However, there clearly is still concern amongst young people in this space. Our young leaders also raised concerns about overreliance on AI and the need to harness AI for our economic future. I also want to take this opportunity to mention that Youth Week WA is coming up from 10 to 16 April. Take part in an event; volunteer; get engaged. This is a chance to recognise the valuable contributions of young people in WA and to be involved at events like Serpentine Jarrahdale's Youth Fest. I can't wait to see the impact all these young leaders make in the future to our community and to our nation. Thank you for your contribution, your time and your sincere engagement in our democratic processes into the future. Our future is in very good hands. Mobbs, Mr William Arthur 117 10:53 Mr PIKE 300120 Bowman Next week I will be launching a new community initiative in the Redlands. There are, of course, some stories that should never be forgotten, but sometimes, sadly, they are. Private William Arthur Mobbs's is one of those stories. Born in Brisbane in 1891, the eldest of 13 children, to a Queensland family defined by service, he stepped forward when his country called. In 1916, at the age of 25, he enlisted in the AIF. He would spend more than three years overseas, including on the Western Front in France, serving with the 3rd Australian Divisional Ammunition Column, doing the hard, dangerous work of keeping guns supplied. When he came home, he, like so many others, got on with life. Then, more than 20 years later, when the world was again at war, he stepped forward yet again. In 1940, at 49 years of age, he enlisted for a second time, not because he had to but because he believed it was the right thing to do. After the war, he settled in Birkdale and he worked as a labourer. He built a quiet life in my community, and, when he passed in 1960, he was laid to rest at Cleveland Cemetery. Here's the part that should give us all pause. Despite serving Australia in two world wars, his grave was never marked—no headstone, no recognition, nothing to tell the story of a man who stepped forward not once but twice when his country needed him. Thanks to the work of the volunteers of the Australian Remembrance Army, this has now been uncovered. In Cleveland Cemetery alone, they have identified 19 unmarked graves of veterans, Private Mobbs being one of them. Next week, I will launch, with the Remembrance Army volunteers, the Redlands Remembers campaign, a community effort to install a proper military headstone for Private Mobbs—something permanent, something dignified and something that says clearly that this man served his country and is remembered. A $620 contribution has been made available through the Australian government's Marking (First World War) Private Graves Grants Program—an initiative of the previous coalition government—but it does not cover the full amount of manufacturing and installing a fitting memorial for this local veteran, so we're asking the community to step in as well. Our goal is simple. We're looking to raise $5,000 to ensure that William Arthur Mobbs is properly honoured. I'll be contributing, and I'll be asking locals to make a small contribution too as we approach Anzac Day because, after serving Australia in two world wars, Private Mobbs deserves better than an unmarked grave. And, more broadly, there are thousands of veterans across the country in the same position. At the current pace, it will take generations to fix that. That is simply not good enough. This is something we can do in my little corner of the country to say that this service matters, that it was recognised and that it is not ever going to be forgotten. Bennelong Electorate: Community Events 118 10:56 Mr LAXALE 299174 Bennelong I rise today to speak about Bennelong's wonderful multicultural communities, what they bring to the Australian way of life and how they continue to build upon and enrich our already unique national culture. In March, in Bennelong, we had the privilege of attending two truly outstanding multicultural events: Eastwood Harmony Day and Nowruz in the piazza in Top Ryde City. Each, in its own way, reflected the strength, vibrancy and unity in our diverse community. Harmony Day reflects a deeply important Australian value that diversity is not something that divides us but something that brings us together. At Eastwood, we saw that firsthand. Representatives from Korean Australian, Chinese Australian, Italian Australian and Vietnamese Australian communities, as well as many others, joined with local community groups to share their cultures through music, dance and traditional performances. I want to extend my sincere thanks to Jimmy Park from Eastwood Koreatown and Joey Chan from the Eastwood Chinese Senior Citizens Club, as well as the many community groups and performers who made that day so special there in Eastwood plaza. Events like these do not happen without the dedication and generosity of volunteers, organisers and community leadership, and their efforts should be recognised. I'm also incredibly proud to represent a very large Iranian Australian community in Bennelong. Nowruz in the piazza was a celebration of Persian New Year. Nowruz means 'new day'. It was a vibrant showcase of the rich cultural contributions they make to our community in Bennelong. This year, obviously, Nowruz carried a deeper meaning. Against the backdrop of war and hardship in Iran and additional trauma arising from conflict in the region, this has been an exceptionally difficult time for many in the Persian community here in Australia. What is traditionally a season of renewal has also become a time of reflection, healing and solidarity. In moments like these, community matters more than ever. Many locals have asked me to raise awareness about these issues and about the Iranian regime's brutal targeting of innocent protesters and to stand in solidarity and support of the protestors. It's important that their voices are heard. At Top Ryde City, we gathered together and we celebrated Nowruz with vibrant stalls, food, art and, importantly, cultural expression. I want to acknowledge the contributions of local stallholders and community members, including Nassim ART, MTC Australia, Hug and Read, Taj Art, Taj Design, Persian Sweets and the Zahra Market. Their presence helped create a joyful and meaningful celebration. This is modern Australia, and I'm proud to have it in Bennelong. The DEPUTY SPEAKER 11788 In accordance with standing order 193, the time for members constituency statements has concluded. PRIVATE MEMBERS' BUSINESS 118 PRIVATE MEMBERS' BUSINESS Fuel Tax Credits Scheme 118 11:00 Ms BOELE 26417 Bradfield I move: That this House: (1) notes that: (a) under the Fuel Tax Credits (FTC) scheme introduced in 2006, Australian consumers can claim a tax credit for certain fossil fuels used in machinery, and for certain heavy and off-road vehicles; (b) the FTC scheme cost the Australian taxpayer $10.8 billion in 2025-26; (c) by 2028-29, the cost of the FTC scheme is forecast to reach $13.1 billion federally, at a rate of growth higher than growth in spending on a range of social services, including disability assistance, childcare subsidies and aged care; (d) the Government has a legislated target of achieving net zero emissions by 2050; (e) the Department of the Treasury's 2025 modelling shows that current government emissions reductions policies are insufficient for achieving that target; (f) Australia's economy continues to be subject to geopolitical shocks which impact the availability and cost of fuel; and (g) the FTC scheme is one of the largest headwinds for the Australian economy to electrify, a critical aim for meeting both our net zero emissions targets and supporting Australia's energy independence and therefore national security; and (2) calls on the Government to: (a) undertake an orderly phase-out of the FTC scheme; and (b) consider, for that purpose, the introduction of a transition tax incentive with the following elements: (i) a cap of $50 million annually, per consolidated corporate entity, to the FTC scheme (so that it will not apply to small users of the FTC scheme, such as farmers and small businesses); and (ii) permit receipts by consolidated corporate entities above $50 million to be retained for capital expenditure in eligible electrification infrastructure and technology investments and to enable an orderly phase-out of fuels eligible for the FTC scheme. The cost of living is hurting people across my electorate and the entire country. So wouldn't many of those hardworking Australians be outraged to learn that last year, while they were struggling to get by, the government was handing out billions upon billions of dollars in fossil fuel subsidies. In the last financial year, the government dealt out almost $11 billion under the Fuel Tax Credit Scheme, which is Australia's largest fossil fuel subsidy. This outdated subsidy is predicted to get even bigger, reaching $13 billion by the end of the decade. Who's paying for these enormous tax breaks? You are; the taxpayer. This scheme is aimed at helping relieve the cost of businesses using petrol and diesel in certain applications in the economy—including miners, who use a lot of diesel on mine sites in machinery and to move materials between mine and port. And transport companies running heavy vehicles over 4.5 gvm are also potentially eligible for the handout. Before I go on, I want to make something very clear. I am in no means proposing that we take away that support, especially now with fuel prices skyrocketing. What I'm proposing instead—and I'll explain the details very shortly—is that we stop giving mining companies, including polluting coal and gas companies, tax breaks that do nothing to sustain their risky reliance on imported liquid fuels. The mining industry receives the lion's share of the fuel tax credits. In financial year 2024 alone, it received almost $5 billion under the scheme, and the total amount received by the mining industry since the scheme began in 2007 is an almost unimaginably large $57.5 billion. Subsidising mining companies like this doesn't seem to make a lot of sense from any angle. Firstly, and most obviously, these companies are doing quite well without it. They don't need our help. They're some of the most profitable companies in the world, and it makes no sense to artificially widen their margins at the expense of other high-value public investments like health care and education. On top of the subsidies these companies receive, we don't tax them heavily, especially our gas industry. So that's a double whammy: handouts in the form of subsidies which keep them addicted to dirty fossil fuels and low tax rates charged. Secondly, by incentivising diesel use, the scheme locks us into continued dependence on imported fuels. The more we need diesel, the more vulnerable we become to global price shocks. And the last few weeks have shown us just how painful those shocks can be. Thirdly, all that money could be spent better. Think about all the things that the government tells us are too hard to fund, too expensive and too impractical—from cheaper health care to more and better paid teachers and nurses; free university degrees; better funded public schools; more energy relief, especially for those who can't access solar, for example, in strata; and more funds for Australian creatives like musicians, actors and writers. The options are practically endless, and, while we can't pay for them all, we could certainly afford more if we spent less on fossil fuel subsidies. How do we do it without hurting farmers and small businesses? Well, our friends at Climate Energy Finance have come up with an excellent proposal for phasing out the fuel tax credits, and that is to cap the scheme at $50 million per business. Most farmers would stay well below that cap. The only ones affected would be the small number of large mining companies currently benefiting from the scheme. These include coal companies like BHP, Glencore and Yancoal. In the 2024 financial year, BHP received over $600 million in fuel tax credits and made a profit of over $10 billion. The motion I've put forward today calls on the government to implement this simple but powerful reform. And, to make the proposal even more palatable, companies would be allowed to keep receiving credits over the $50 million but only if they use that extra money to invest in assets and systems that deliver the shift for businesses and their supply chains to electrify and to decarbonise—things like electric trucks, electric machinery and renewable energy infrastructure. These are great ideas to futureproof their businesses in the mining sector, insulate against fuel shocks and address climate change. To be clear, no-one is worse off from this initiative. This is sensible, smart reform—smart for the budget, for reducing cost of living, for improving energy security and for cutting emissions. The fuel tax credit scheme must be reformed. Every day that the government continues to hand out these tax breaks, it's irresponsible and, quite frankly, it's disrespectful. It's disrespectful to all those Australians struggling each and every day—struggling at the checkout counter, struggling at the bowser— (Time expired) The DEPUTY SPEAKER 11788 Is there a seconder for the motion? Ms Chaney 300006 I second the motion and reserve my right to speak. 11:05 Ms CAMPBELL 312823 Moreton They say that economics is about choices, and right now Australians are staring down the barrel of some pretty challenging choices—choices that no-one should have to make. Australians are hurting when it comes to the bowser, they're hurting when it comes to the checkout and they're hurting when they go to pay their bills. Cost of living is the No. 1 issue in this country. It's the No. 1 thing on people's minds every single day, and this is a government that chooses to focus on cost-of-living relief all the time. It's a government that has its eye firmly fixed on ensuring that everything we do is focused on giving the Australian people the relief that they need at a challenging time. I think it's worth looking at what choices can be made on this side of the chamber and on that side of the chamber, because, while the Albanese Labor government has chosen to make sure that our fuel reserves are here in this country, in Australia—in Brisbane and in Victoria—the opposition chose to send those fuel reserves overseas, over to the other side of the world, on a different continent. While the opposition were in power, they closed down urea facilities. They chose to do that, and this government has chosen to invest in opening a new one. When the opposition were in government, they oversaw the closure of four out of six refineries, and the Labor government is now working to ensure that we underwrite international fuel purchases. We've passed legislation to double penalties for petrol companies for price gouging to $100 million. We've released 20 per cent of Australia's fuel reserves, targeted at the regions where people need that fuel the most. We've temporarily changed petrol and diesel standards to get more supply into the market so that we can ease prices, and we've been engaging with international partners to keep that supply flowing. We've appointed the National Fuel Supply Taskforce Coordinator, Anthea Harris, and that role is to coordinate the federal government and states and territories on security and the supply chain, to update it on supply outlook and distribution, and to support state and territory governments to get fuels to their regions. This is an incredibly serious issue. It's an issue that Australians are feeling every day at their hip pockets, and this government has chosen to have a plan and to take action on that plan to ensure that, when it comes to fuel, we are driving more supply to try and give relief to families who need it most. More recently, we have seen an amendment to the Export Finance and Insurance Corporation Act to enable the government to underwrite the purchase of new fuel from international markets by the private sector. Export Finance Australia will allow fuel suppliers to enter contracts of insurance or indemnity, to give guarantees, to make loans or to enter arrangements needed to help secure supply from those international markets. Commonwealth powers will only be used to help acquire additional supply for fuel security and where cost would be prohibitive for private suppliers to source on commercial terms without government support. There is no doubt that fuel is impacting families. There is no doubt that fuel is impacting the movement of goods that Australians need. And there is no doubt that something needs to be done about it. That is why this Albanese Labor government is focused on getting fuel into the country, on keeping fuel in the country, on driving up supply and on cracking down on those who seek to take advantage of a difficult situation for so many. This Labor government is focused on making that a reality and taking action on that plan. 11:10 Ms CHANEY 300006 Curtin I'm here to talk about the diesel fuel tax credit scheme, which I think the previous member didn't actually mention in her speech. The diesel fuel tax credit scheme is increasingly hard to justify in its current form. This is a policy that affects farmers, miners, transport operators and small businesses but not evenly. There are two main problems with it. Firstly, it discourages decarbonisation. Secondly, when fuel supply is tight, it disproportionately benefits mining companies over farmers. Firstly, on the decarbonisation problem, Australia now has a safeguard mechanism to encourage large emitters to reduce pollution but a diesel fuel tax credit to effectively subsidise pollution, and the incentive to keep polluting is much greater than the incentive to reduce pollution. Under the safeguard mechanism, there's an effective carbon cost of $30 to $40 a tonne, but the diesel fuel tax credit amounts to an effective subsidy of about $190 per tonne of carbon pollution from diesel use. That is more than five times the decarbonisation incentive created by the safeguard mechanism. So, for the very large diesel users, we have a weak incentive to decarbonise and a strong incentive not to. In one year, the diesel rebated under this scheme produced more emissions than the combined emissions from all of Australia's planes, buses and trains. That is extraordinary. The rest of us are working hard to do the right thing, but at the same time we're making it cheaper for big polluters to keep polluting than to decarbonise. Right now, we're seeing another good reason to decarbonise. The war in Iran is demonstrating how exposed we are to volatile and concentrated global fossil fuel markets with geopolitical instability. If we were further on our way to decarbonisation, we would not be so exposed. Continuing to effectively subsidise diesel for mining companies delays investment in electrification and in cleaner alternatives that would strengthen energy security over the long term. The second problem with the current fuel tax credit structure is that the scheme in its current form favours mining companies over farmers, truckers and small businesses when fuel supply is tight, like it is now. A small farmer cannot secure bulk contracts or hedge price risk or stockpile fuel in the same way a major mining company can. When supply tightens, farmers become price takers. Their ability to get diesel at all can depend on what's left. The concentration of this scheme is extraordinary. In the most recent year of available data, just 15 mining and freight companies received almost $3 billion in diesel fuel tax credits. Those companies burned close to six billion litres of diesel in one year, and these 15 companies made up 25 per cent of total fuel tax credit claims. This is in a scheme with over 170,000 businesses buying diesel and claiming tax credits. So, while Australians are doing it tough at the bowser and copping huge prices, BHP is being given $600 million in taxpayers' funds for its use of diesel. Billions of dollars are going to some of the world's biggest companies while Aussies are doing it tough. With diesel supply chains tightening, this policy is actively shaping who gets access to fuel and at what price. Right now, that policy favours the biggest players in the market, and it does so at a time when farmers, truckers and everyday Australians who genuinely depend on diesel and often have no alternatives are under pressure. This motion is not suggesting that we remove fuel tax credit support for farmers or small businesses. Many have no viable alternatives to diesel today. They should not be asked to carry the burden of reform, especially at a time like this. The proposal put forward by the member for Bradfield is modest and targeted. It places a cap on how much diesel fuel tax credit a single company can receive. Above that cap—$50 million—credits are still available but only if they're reinvested in reducing diesel use through electrification or other decarbonisation measures. This change would incentivise mining companies to reduce their reliance on a volatile international diesel market. Decarbonising mining operations would make our economy more resilient to shocks like the Iran conflict. On last year's figures, this reform would affect only about 15 companies. Farmers, small businesses and most regional operators would not be affected. It would make the scheme fairer in a fuel constrained market, reduce pressure on diesel supply chains and bring tax settings into closer alignment with stated climate goals. This is about ensuring that scarce public resources aren't reinforcing outcomes that work against farmers, against resilience and against long-term competitiveness. I commend the motion to the Chamber. 11:15 Mr BURNELL 300129 Spence I want to address this motion before us because, while it may be well intentioned, it risks missing the reality faced by communities like mine in the north. The fuel tax credit scheme is something that keeps trucks moving, farms operating and supply chains functioning across this country. It's worth explaining exactly what the fuel tax credit scheme is, because it is often misunderstood. The FTC allows businesses that use fuel off public roads—a very important piece—or in heavy vehicles and machinery to claim a credit for the fuel tax they pay. It applies to industries like agriculture, transport, mining and construction—sectors that quite literally keep our economy moving. Put simply, it is not a subsidy in the traditional sense; it is about ensuring these industries are not taxed twice for fuel use that does not rely on public roads. When we talk about fuel tax credits, we are also talking about the cost of getting food from paddock to plate, the cost of keeping construction sites running and the cost of ensuring regional Australia stays connected. If we get this wrong, Australians will feel it, not theoretically but at the checkout, at the bowser and in their power bills. This motion suggests an orderly phase-out, but there is nothing orderly about pulling support out from under industries that rely on this scheme to operate day to day, especially in the situation that we find ourselves in nationwide, where, due to unforeseen global circumstances, petrol in some places is hovering around $2.50 a litre and diesel has peaked at above $3. To remove a scheme such as the fuel tax credits, would simply cripple businesses and mean we pay more to get food on our plate. The truth is electrification at scale is not yet a reality for many of these sectors. Heavy transport, agriculture and mining—these are not industries that can simply switch overnight. We all support the transition to net zero. That is not in dispute, but the path to net zero must be practical, it must be staged, and it must bring people with us not leave them behind. To the drivers around Australia who still use fuel, we are providing greater fuel support for those that are doing it tough at the bowser right now. We have taken practical steps to protect Australians from unfair fuel price spikes, because, when global uncertainty hits, it should not be everyday Australians who wear the cost. That is why we have empowered the ACCC to crack down on unfair price rises, ensuring there are real consequences for companies that do the wrong thing by motorists. We have also acted to boost supply, releasing 20 per cent of the base line minimum stockholding obligation for petrol and diesel, getting more fuel into the system when it is needed most. At the same time, we have temporarily amended fuel standards—a sensible, targeted measure designed to increase supply and ease pressure on prices without compromising long-term standards. Importantly, we are working hand in hand with industry and with the states and territories to make sure that fuel is getting to the communities that rely on it most, particularly in regional Australia. For many communities, especially across places like mine in Spence, access to affordable fuel is not a luxury; it is essential to daily life. We know there is more to do, and this government will continue to examine every practical option available to shield Australian households and businesses from the worst impacts of global volatility. That is why the Prime Minister brought together National Cabinet this morning—coordination matters and leadership matter in moments like this. This approach is consistent across the board. On tax, we reshaped the stage 3 tax cuts so that every taxpayer benefited not just those at the top end of town. That is not about ideology; that is about fairness and making sure relief reaches the people who need it most. On energy, we did not offer a promise decades into the future and walk away. We have set clear targets, we backed them with real investment, and we are getting on with the job of building the infrastructure needed. That is how you bring prices down over time—not through slogans but through action. It is about doing the work now, making the investments now and supporting Australians now. 11:20 Mr WILLCOX 286535 Dawson If you wanted to design a policy for deliberately sabotaging the Australian economy, bankrupting our farmers and paralysing our mining industry, you would look no further than this motion. We're currently standing in the middle of a national fuel emergency, yet here we are debating a motion that treats our most productive industries as if they are a problem to be phased out. What we're seeing here today is the height of illogical nonsense, a motion that places ideology above the wellbeing and prosperity of our nation. The member's argument rests on a false premise that the fuel tax credit is a subsidy. Let me be crystal clear—it is not. It is a mechanism to ensure that businesses are not taxed for the road infrastructure they simply don't use. Isn't that fair enough? Why would you ask people who are not using the roads to pay for a tax on the roads? That is just nonsensical—a total false premise. The heavy machinery, the harvesters, the tractors and 400-tonne mine haul-out trucks that power our economy do not drive on our highways. To tax their fuel is like having a double tax on production, a move that would drive up the cost of every single thing that is grown, mined or made in this country. Let us talk about the total fiscal lunacy of this motion. We're talking about the fuel tax credit here, an expense of $11 billion. The FTC is a vital lubricant for a $1.2 trillion industrial engine. To suggest we save $11 billion by handicapping the sectors that return over $60 billion in mining royalties alone is dangerously naive. Is anybody ever going to trip over a dollar to pick up a cent? Furthermore, the environmental logic behind this motion is nothing short of laughable. This motion suggests we will phase out these credits to meet net zero targets. Net zero is killing Australia. All we are doing is exporting our emissions along with our jobs and prosperity. Right now, Australia is forced to have diesel refined overseas because the Albanese Labor government has made domestic production almost impossible. But here's the kicker: when we import fuel, we are adding to global emissions through massive shipping distances and processing in countries with far lower environmental standards than our own. This House is being asked to adopt a not-in-my-backyard attitude, pretending that as long as the smoke isn't coming out of an Australian chimney it doesn't count. It is hypocritical, nonsensical and a betrayal of the national interest. If this Labor government really cared about the environment and our sovereign capability, we would be taking ownership of our own resources. We would be extracting, refining and using our own fuels. We should be encouraging our resource industry, not penalising it. In this motion, the member for Bradfield suggests a $50 million cap to protect small business, but this is a hollow gesture. In my electorate of Dawson, the large-scale mines of the neighbouring Bowen Basin are the engine room of our local economy. They provide jobs that support local grocery stores, our mechanics and our schools. When you penalise the big end of town in the resources sector, you're effectively cutting the throat of every small business that services them. We're also told that this will force electrification. This may shock the teals, but you can't run a D11 dozer or a cane harvester on a battery. The nation's heavy industry runs on molecules not on electrons. To force a phase-out of fuel credits before there is a viable, affordable and proven technological alternative—that's not a transition; that is a shutdown. The net zero fantasy is a tax on the prosperity of every Australian. We need a system that reduces energy costs not one that bankrupts the nation to satisfy a city-centric agenda. We either are to be a sovereign power or an economic disaster. This motion, if supported, will be an economic disaster. The DEPUTY SPEAKER 298800 The time allotted for this debate has expired. The debate is adjourned and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting. Housing 122 11:25 Ms BRISKEY 263427 Maribyrnong I move: That this House: (1) notes that the Government is delivering on its commitments to ensure that more Australians have a safe and secure place to call home by: (a) working with the states and territories to make renting easier, fairer, and more affordable; (b) backing first home buyers with the expanded 5 per cent deposit scheme for first home buyers and the Help to Buy scheme; and (c) building more homes, including more social and affordable homes around the country; and (2) acknowledges that this housing delivery is already changing the lives of Australians who otherwise may not have had an opportunity to access home ownership or put a roof over their head. One thousand and thirty—that's the number of social and affordable houses that this Labor government has helped deliver in my electorate of Maribyrnong. That's over 1,000 vulnerable and low-income Australians who now have a place to call home. That's over 1,000 homes close to the city, to public transport, to bulk-billing clinics and to other services. That's well over 1,000 people who can live and work in the communities that they love, where they are close to family and friends. I've got another number for you: 373. That's the number of social and affordable homes that the coalition built in the nine years they were last in government. Don't let them fool you. There was a housing crisis back then too, yet not a single one of those 373 homes was built in my community—not one. This Labor government has delivered nearly triple the number of social and affordable homes in my electorate alone than those opposite delivered across the entire country in the nine years they were in government. When it comes to housing in this country, there is only one party of government that's serious about tackling this crisis. Labor has 25,000 social and affordable homes either in construction or in planning right now across this country. We have been in government for half the time those opposite were, yet we're already delivering on our ambitious agenda to build 55,000 new homes. Why the stark contrast? As the member for Wright has said in the past, apparently there wasn't a housing problem in this country when they were in government. Seriously? Their heads were so far in the sand that they didn't even have a minister for housing. But this Labor government understands how big the task at hand is. Not only do we have a minister for housing in cabinet, we also have a special envoy for social housing and homelessness. Behind them sits a united caucus focused on delivering real housing reform, delivering for the communities we represent. Our social and affordable housing target sits within a broader housing plan that includes making it easier to buy and making life better for renters. It's ambitious and it's backed by a $45 billion investment. Our Home Guarantee Scheme has been operating for six months and has allowed over 1,200 people in my community to buy their first home with just a five per cent deposit. This scheme is about helping young Australians and single parents enter the housing market that, for too long, they've been locked out of. When I speak to young people in my community, many of them raise the issue of housing. What was once considered an Aussie dream has turned into a living nightmare for them. The reality is that, while this government have taken massive steps to reform our housing sector and deliver real solutions for the housing crisis, there is still a lot of work to do, and we acknowledge this. We also acknowledge that there are a lot of people out there who are still some time away from buying their first home. That is why we are delivering our build-to-rent program to help increase housing options for those who need it most. In my community, close to 2,000 new homes are under construction or in planning stages thanks to Labor's build to rent, and we've delivered the biggest back-to-back increase to the Commonwealth rental assistance in 30 years. This increase has helped over 6,300 low-income households in Maribyrnong to pay their rent. When those opposite inevitably get up to speak, they'll complain and they'll whinge. But what young people, working families, single parents and low-income Australians should be asking them is this: Why did you vote against the help-to-buy scheme supporting 40,000 low-income Aussies into homeownership? Why did you vote against the build-to-rent program building 80,000 new long-term leases? Why did they vote against the five per cent deposits and decry the building of 100,000 new homes? Those opposite have simply given up on homeownership, on renters and on supporting young people. Labor has not given up. We're stepping up. Australia's housing crisis didn't happen overnight, and it won't be fixed overnight either. But this Labor government has made a commitment to an ambitious plan that is aimed at chipping away at the problems that have been left unchecked for generations. Young people deserve a chance at entering the housing market. Working families, especially single-parent households, deserve stability. Renters deserve the rights and freedoms to make the house they live in their home. Labor is working every day to deliver more and more of our massive housing plan, and it's about time that those opposite stop standing in the way of the Aussie dream of homeownership. The DEPUTY SPEAKER 265980 Is the motion seconded? Mr Burnell 300129 I second the motion and reserve my right to speak. 11:30 Ms WATSON-BROWN 300127 Ryan I rise to speak on the member for Maribyrnong's motion on housing this morning. I just heard the member mention renters. Are these better protections for renters in the room with us? It's like this government is allergic to doing anything to help renters, consistently refusing calls to coordinate with the states to stop unlimited rent increases or provide some semblance of security through mechanisms like long-term leases and stopping no-cause evictions. Renting is as insecure as ever. Rents in Brisbane have risen 50 per cent over the last five years while wages have only increased 19 per cent, and renters get punished by rate rises too. 'The unemployment rate will probably have to rise,' says Michele Bullock, the head of the RBA, who herself settled on a $2 million luxury holiday home on the coast on the same day that she hiked interest rates. That's hundreds of thousands more people unemployed. If Bullock gets her way and keeps on hiking interest rates, that's millions more people struggling to pay their mortgage and forgoing a holiday, a present for their kids or a health check-up. For people like Michele Bullock, who has a $1.2 million salary a year, that's just numbers. It's just what the economy needs. But you're not a number. People are not numbers, and the economy doesn't need it. Corporate greed demands it. You didn't cause this latest round of inflation. Trump's war with Albanese's support and corporate profiteering did. Yet we're told we have to pay for it. But the people making the decision to hike interest rates, to support these wars and to let corporations price gouge us are completely exempt from the consequences. Politicians aren't the ones who'll be choosing between buying groceries and paying their mortgage. They make the decisions and are immune to their effects. They don't care about everyday people anymore. They only seem to care about the ultrawealthy and massive corporations. The RBA has only one lever it can use—interest rates. When you only have a hammer, everything looks like a nail, but the government can do a lot more to tackle inflation and tackle rising inequality. The value of housing has gone up astronomically over the past couple of decades, a hugely strong contributor to inflation. A big reason for that is our tax settings, particularly negative gearing and the 50 per cent CGT, capital gains tax, discount. The Greens-led Senate inquiry into the operation of the CGT discount recently released their report that confirmed the extent to which it contributes to inequality in this country. It also heard from a wealth of economists, who agreed that winding back the CGT discount is absolutely vital for tackling inequality and reining in house price growth. A teacher earning $100,000 a year should not pay more tax than someone earning $100,000 from their investment properties. A retail worker earning $70,000 a year shouldn't pay more tax than someone earning $70,000 from shares. We shouldn't tax workers more than asset owners, but that's what the capital gains tax discount enables, quite literally dividing our society between the haves and the have-nots. When the Howard government brought in the capital gains tax discount, a house cost six times the average wage. Now it costs 11 times the average wage. In just 25 years, the cost of buying a house relative to your income has almost doubled. So, at auctions around the country, first home buyers are being constantly outbid by property investors that have more cash to play around with due to the CGT discount. Eighty-three per cent of the benefit of the CGT discount goes to the top 10 per cent of income earners—83 per cent!—and around 60 per cent to the top one per cent alone. Let's be clear: that is literal transfer of wealth from ordinary people to the ultrawealthy. The CGT discount was supposedly introduced to help productivity, but it's having the opposite effect, acting as just a huge government subsidy for the wealthy. It overwhelmingly goes to capital gains on existing housing stock, and business investment has proportionately gone down since it was introduced. The CGT discount is an overwhelming failure that needs to be wound back urgently. 11:35 Ms BYRNES 299145 Cunningham We know that, under the previous government, we saw a decade of inaction on housing. Over that time, the Liberals built just 373 social and affordable homes, a shocking record that Labor is working every single day to turn around. We're investing $45 billion to build more homes to help renters and help more Australians buy their first home, and we are literally changing lives. Under the Albanese Labor government's Crisis and Transitional Accommodation Program, we recently delivered more than $4.6 million to a local organisation, SASSI, to buy and refurbish six homes in the Illawarra. On 20 March, I was thrilled to get a tour of these new homes and hear directly about the impact that they are having. Already, five of the six units are housing women and children fleeing domestic violence, as well as older women at risk of homelessness. SASSI CEO Penny, an incredibly passionate community advocate, has worked tirelessly to deliver not only this project but several others right across the Illawarra and the South Coast. She's not done, either, with more exciting projects in the works, possible only because of the opportunities the Housing Australia Future Fund is providing. When I was chatting with Penny's team, the pride that they felt at delivering this amazing project was so obvious. From dilapidated units that hadn't been touched in decades, they have produced beautiful, comfortable and, most of all, safe places that local women can call home—an absolutely incredible job by Penny's whole team. I really want to give them the credit that they deserve for their passion in working for vulnerable local people. They are amazing. While we were there, we met Monica, a humble woman who generously and proudly wanted to show us her new home. Through a set of unfortunate circumstances, Monica, like so many women over the age of 55, found herself without a home of her own, sleeping on her sister's lounge—a situation she knew couldn't go on. She was really struggling. Her absolute delight at having this new apartment that she could call her own, which was full of her photos and her belongings and was somewhere where she could bring family and friends, was so clear. This little unit had changed Monica's life. Having a safe place they can call their own helps these women and children to regain their dignity and to start a new life. It is just the beginning for them. Whether they stay for a long time or a short time, this is the first step in a brighter tomorrow, and I could not be prouder to be part of the government making this life-changing investment in their future. These were six homes out of 50 in my electorate of Cunningham that our government has proudly invested in, with a total of nearly $19.5 million delivered so far. Penny and her wonderful SASSI team have received another $2,625,000 for eight homes under the Safe Places Emergency Accommodation Program for crisis accommodation for women and children fleeing domestic violence. In October last year, I celebrated the topping out of the Housing Trust Warruya project in central Wollongong. This project received over $10 million under the Housing Australia Future Fund for 27 social and affordable homes for frontline workers, older women and families impacted by domestic violence. The Housing Trust is another incredible local organisation which is working hard every day to support local people in need. Their project Northsea has also received a further $2.15 million under the HAFF for nine affordable rental apartments in Wollongong's CBD. Northsea is one of Australia's first purpose built mixed tenure buildings, with social, affordable and private housing all in the same beautiful building which was opened in December 2024. I really want to thank Housing Trust CEO Amanda Winks and everyone in her team for their work helping vulnerable people across the Illawarra. With the NSW government, we are also delivering 43 new and refurbished social homes in the Wollongong local government area under Labor's Social Housing Accelerator program. On top of this support for more social and affordable homes, we're also delivering for renters and first home buyers. In my electorate alone, more than 1,056 people have bought their first home sooner thanks to our expanded Home Guarantee Scheme. More than 10,000 local people have also received an almost 50 per cent boost in back-to-back increases in Commonwealth rent assistance, and more than 560 local construction trade apprentices have benefited from $5,000 incentive payments. 11:40 Mr SMALL 291406 Forrest This motion suggests that, under Labor, the housing crisis is easing, renting is fairer, homeownership is within reach for young Australians and the government is changing lives. Unfortunately, Australians can't live in Labor media releases. They only live in the real world. In the real world, housing is more expensive, more scarce and more insecure than it was when this government took office. Renting today is not easier, fairer nor more affordable. In fact, renters today face the worst rental affordability in some two decades—worse than at any time during the GFC and worse than at any time under a coalition government. National median rents have risen by more than 30 per cent. Low-income renters are spending more than one third of their income on rent, and, in a majority of Australian markets, less than 20 per cent of rental stock is affordable for someone on the minimum wage. It is abundantly clear to us on this side of the House that you cannot regulate your way out of a supply shortage. Red tape is killing the construction of new housing in Australia, and, until this can be fixed, renters ultimately pay the price. The government claims its five per cent deposit scheme has made a difference to first home buyers, but this scheme hasn't built a single home and hasn't increased or corrected the disparity between supply and demand, and it has pushed housing prices even higher. Without any increase in supply, they have simply poured petrol on the demand fire in Australia, and it is little wonder that the median price of a house in Australia is now some $860,000, or more than eight times the median household. It takes 11 years on an average wage to save a deposit for a home. This government's idea, instead, is that having inflated housing prices with their five per cent scheme—people are now expected to take on a 95 per cent mortgage with interest rates only going up and up and up, with their inflation fuelled spending spree continuing unabated. The scheme's capped at some 10,000 places a year, and less than 300 purchases have been completed nationally, and that leaves Australians to co-own their house with the government. It's effectively having the government as a shareholder in your own home, while you pay all of the maintenance and upgrade costs yourself. It's not structural reform; it is just simply rationed assistance in a truly broken system. Supply targets, as I said, are continually being missed, because this government claims it's building more homes—we all understand that it's actually the private sector that builds homes in Australia. We need some 240,000 of them every year to keep up with population growth. Under the National Housing Accord, we're already tens of thousands of homes behind schedule and going backwards by some 30,000 a year. At the current rate, we are simply going to make this problem worse. Not one state or territory across the entire country is on track to meet its housing targets. As I say, you can't live in a Labor media release. You have to live in the real world. The reality is that, in the real world, housing is more expensive, rentals are more scarce, and affordability is poorer. The supply of housing can't be delivered in isolation, of course, because infrastructure is the missing link, and this government doesn't really have a plan to deal with it. The reality is that road networks, power, sewerage and water connection issues are leaving zoned, approved and otherwise fit-for-purpose development land sitting idle. We have growth corridors. We have developers ready to go. We have obviously huge demand for housing in Australia, and all that we are looking for is leadership from the government to provide the essential infrastructure that turns paddocks into suburban homes. It's one thing to announce housing targets and have glossy brochures, but, without the infrastructure to deliver them, that's all this will be: a glossy brochure. And it won't be restoring the dream of homeownership for Australians. I love the way that the government likes to talk about 'government housing'. That's effectively what social and affordable housing is. It is state housing, and, unfortunately, some 640,000 Australians are languishing on a waiting list, looking for real action from this government, not more media releases. 11:45 Mr GEORGANAS DZY Adelaide During the last election, the Labor Albanese government promised to help more Australians into housing, and that is exactly what we're doing. We spoke about the five per cent deposit scheme, an election promise which we delivered on three months earlier than when it was meant to start. The five per cent deposit helps first home buyers get a home of their own sooner, slashing the amount of time required to save for a deposit. It's interesting listening to those opposite, who've been critical of our policies. I'll just say that, after nine years in government, they took no action whatsoever. In fact, for a large segment of those nine years, there wasn't even a housing minister, and, when questions were asked about housing, they were always handballed to the states. We recall quite clearly the opposition saying: 'Well, that's not an issue for us. That's an issue for the state governments, not for the federal government.' Therefore, we had total inaction for a long period of time, and now we're facing the consequences. But this government has brought the Commonwealth back to the table with the states to try and solve this problem. And it is a problem. Owning a house is so important. For many Australians today that dream feels like it's slipping further and further away. As a nation, we're doing the right thing. People are working, saving hard to try and buy that first home. I see it every day in my Adelaide community; I hear stories from parents about their kids who can't afford a house and from renters who can't afford to pay the rent. The crisis did not appear overnight. I'll make that quite clear: the crisis has been there for a long time, and there was total inaction. It will take time to solve. It will take time to make sure that we get all the things correct, and we're seeing our commitment come into fruition at the moment. I've been to so many sod turning events for projects that are starting to take place, especially in my electorate of Adelaide. We have some magnificent projects that are taking place—for example, the Southwark development down in the western suburbs of Adelaide. Thousands of homes, apartments, are going to go up, especially apartments for low-income earners. And rents will be at low, subsidised prices for those who can't afford the full rent. Just in the past month, I've had the privilege of attending two sod turning ceremonies in my electorate, moments that represent hope turning into reality. One was in Kilburn, where 29 new homes are being built for older women, a group now recognised as the fastest growing cohort at risk of homelessness in Australia. It's so important to see projects like this come to fruition. The other was in Bowden, delivering 24 social housing apartments and six affordable homes right in the heart of a thriving, connected suburb, close to amenities et cetera. And that's only the beginning. We've seen the HAFF coming into fruition, and I've visited many of these projects to see the construction that's taking place. Across the country, ambition is meeting action at a scale. The goal is bold: 1.2 million new homes. Already construction has started on more than 570,000 homes, and there is no slowing down. This takes planning. It takes coordination. And it takes leadership. But, most of all, it takes listening to the communities—including about what's needed and where the at-risk are. The at-risk are renters and first home buyers. They are the people who simply want a fair chance. While building homes is critical, so too is helping people afford them—that is so important. Already, hundreds of thousands of Australians have been supported into their own homes—people who might still be waiting on the sidelines otherwise. Home is not just a building. It's stability for a child going to school. It is dignity for an older Australian who's worked all their lives. It is confidence for a young couple starting life together. Housing in this nation should not be a privilege. It is a foundation for a decent life. Making sure that every Australian has a fair chance at a safe and secure home is not just an economic responsibility; it's a moral one. It is our duty, all of us, to ensure that we do everything we can to ensure that there is housing for Australians. We are a First World country. We should not be in this situation, but, because of the inaction of governments over the years, we are. 11:50 Mr CALDWELL 306489 Fadden It's interesting that we stand up, at the start of another parliamentary week, and Australia is still gripped by a fuel crisis, a cost-of-living crisis and, importantly for today's motion, a housing crisis. The member who moved this motion today, I would expect, should have been reading off the talking points given to her by her own minister, but, instead, I heard some terms that were very familiar to me. It's a message that I have said over and over in this place, and that is that the great Australian dream is turning into a nightmare under this Labor government. Full credit to the member for Maribyrnong, because she actually recognised that today. This government are painting themselves to be the great defender of housing, but, in actual fact, they are the vandals. They are the vandals of the great Australian dream. I say that this is turning into a nightmare for Australians because this is a crisis that touches every single demographic impacted by housing. We know that everyone needs a roof over their head. What I see in this crisis is that it doesn't matter which end of the spectrum you're at; you are impacted. If you're a person who is fortunate enough to own a home with a mortgage, you are now paying $27,000 a year more in interest than you were in May 2022, when this government came into office. If you're a renter, your rent is up by 22 per cent. Homelessness is on the rise. Seniors and our most vulnerable are feeling insecure about their futures in housing. For this government to come in here today and suggest that all is tickety-boo and on the right track is quite deceptive in my suggestion. The recent speaker, the member for Adelaide—again, maybe reading off my talking points—said that the dream of homeownership is slipping away. I couldn't agree more. The real solution that the Australian people have at hand is the election of a coalition government. I want to outline why, fundamentally, that is where the starting point for a solution needs to be. We must unapologetically defend Australian values. One of those values is the ability to have your own self-determination of where you live, and that can only be delivered through homeownership. We want our country to once again be one of opportunity, aspiration, freedom and safety. All of those things are delivered through having a home of your own. We must restore Australia to a country where life is affordable, where our kids can buy a home, where you can raise a family and where there's a fair go once again. We must again become a country of strength and unity. All Australians—especially young Australians out there, who I know are feeling pretty depressed in these current times and under this Labor government about their prospects of owning a piece of Australia—deserve the stability that's been afforded to generations of Australians, the stability and the security that comes from homeownership. We know that only the coalition will re-establish homeownership as the centrepiece of the Australian dream. One wonders why this government have set a headline target of 1.2 million homes over five years when they know full well that they cannot deliver on that promise. This is nothing more than a press release that is out there to try and create some sort of idea that there is a solution ahead; there is not. This government have done nothing to change what delivers housing, so, as a result, they are falling further and further behind their 1.2 million homes target. What does that mean? It's created false hope for young Australians. There are fewer tradies in the system. Overall, the government are falling about 80,000 homes short of this target already. They have broken the system and have no solutions to fix it. The DEPUTY SPEAKER 265980 There being no further speakers, the debate is adjourned and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next day of sitting. Housing 127 11:56 Mr SMALL 291406 Forrest Listening to the government speakers today, you'd think that under the Albanese government renting is fairer, homeownership is more affordable and, indeed, life is better for Australians. The reality couldn't be further from the truth. For all their talk about how many houses the government's building, you'd almost think that Minister O'Neil's down on a building site in high vis, with her steel caps on, slinging some bricks around. But the reality is that dwelling completions are now running at 170,000 homes a year—compared to more than 200,000 homes a year under the coalition. So less housing stock is being built in Australia. At the same time, under the well commented on migration surge, we've had epic demand for new homes in Australia. Their answer was the National Housing Accord. But, in the time the Albanese government's been in office, Australia's population has grown by 1.6 million people, creating demand for some 640,000 additional dwellings. So we've got fewer dwellings being built and more people coming to Australia, yet somehow it is a galloping shock to the government that house prices are through the roof and rents are skyrocketing at the same time. The government's own advisory body has belled the cat and said that the government's going to miss its own target by 60,000 homes. So 60,000 homes is the shortfall that we're talking about. But, again, if you read the media releases, this is all great. Renting is more affordable, homeownership is within reach and life is great. Housing can't be delivered in isolation. It depends on infrastructure to unlock new land for development. And that is what we are missing in this debate. Across declared growth corridors, with zone structure plans in place, roads are inadequate or missing, and power and water connections are delayed. Indeed, in my own state of Western Australia it is not uncommon to wait 18 months for a power connection for new developments whilst infrastructure in our community—sewerage, schools, transport links and health care—is under incredible strain. So approved developments are not proceeding to the construction of new homes because the enabling infrastructure simply isn't there. The Housing Australia Future Fund has delivered 895 homes, which is less than 0.2 per cent of the annual housing stock required. At that rate alone it would take 60 years to clear the existing waiting list for government housing. The average cost per dwelling under the fund exceeds some $600,000, and 70 per cent of the projects are in planning or procurement stages. They're not even at the point where Minister O'Neil, in her high vis with her steel caps on, could carry some bricks around the building site. I just find it staggering that, when Australians are doing it so tough, those on the government benches are so keen to look at them down the barrel of a camera and say, 'You've never had it better.' These challenges in the housing market weren't caused by tax settings, let's be clear. Tax arrangements didn't change magically in the last couple of years when house prices started to skyrocket just as demand went through the roof and construction collapsed. Indeed, interest deductibility has been a thing since 1936, and it was, of course, the Labor government in the 1980s that introduced the capital gains tax in 1985. If you think about it, before 1985, there was no capital gain that could be taxed, meaning that property investors somehow 'never had it better', and yet we didn't have a housing crisis then. Tax settings did not cause this housing crisis, but rather the failure to manage Australia's migration and binding our housing and construction sector up with new levels of red tape regulation and restriction has created the perfect storm, making housing less affordable, less available and less within reach for young Australians than ever before. Again, you can't live in a Labor media release. You have to live in the real world. The reality is that house prices are skyrocketing, rents are through the roof, availability is through the floor, and this government is continuing to pump out media releases not new housing. 12:01 Ms COFFEY 312323 Griffith I thank the member for Fadden for the opportunity to speak on housing and on the work that this government is doing to address it. Given housing did not have a dedicated ministerial focus for six years of the opposition's time in government, it's genuinely good to see the member for Fadden and, more recently, Senator Bragg holding the shadow housing portfolio. Housing is one of the most immediate and life-shaping challenges facing Australians today. Across Griffith and across the country, people are working hard and doing all the right things and yet are struggling to get in the market. I hear it from young people, who wonder if they will ever be able to own a home of their own. I hear it from parents, who want their children to have the security that they once took for granted. I hear it from renters facing repeated rent increases, short leases and the stress that comes with not knowing what happens next. Australia's current housing situation has been building for a long time. For 40 years, our country simply has not been building enough homes. We know it will not be fixed overnight, but that is exactly why it requires national leadership, serious ambition and a government prepared to act. The Commonwealth needed to return to housing policy with purpose, investment and a clear focus on delivery, and that is what this government has done. Our $45 billion housing plan is built around three clear priorities—building more homes, making it easier to buy and making it better for renters. It is a practical plan that recognises there is no single lever to pull and no one announcement that will solve a challenge of this scale. At the centre of this effort is a simple fact: we need more homes. That is why we are working with state and territories on planning reform, cutting red tape, investing in enabling infrastructure and training more tradies so we can lift housing supply across our cities, our suburbs and our regions. The commencement of new builds is up 11.6 per cent compared with this time last year. Construction cost inflation, which reached extraordinary heights under the former government, has fallen to 1.8 per cent. Construction times have also improved, with new homes now being built 10 per cent faster. These are important signs of progress. They do not mean the work is done, but they show that sustained action is making a difference. We are also rebuilding the Commonwealth's role in social and affordable housing, something very close to my heart. Through the Housing Australia Future Fund and our broader housing agenda, 55,000 new social and affordable homes are on the way for people who need them most. That matters deeply because, for many Australians, the private market alone will never provide the security or affordability that they need. I have seen what it looks like in Griffith through the Brisbane Housing Company project in Stones Corner. Last year, I was proud to welcome the Prime Minister to see residents moving into these 82 brand-new social and affordable homes. We met John, Jan and Karen and heard what secure housing meant for them. John told me that it was the first time in years that he had been able to sleep soundly. That stays with you. Behind every housing statistic is a person, a family, a life made more stable and the quiet relief that comes with finally having a place to call home. Alongside the work to increase supply, we're making it easier for people to buy their first home. More than 50,000 Queenslanders have now bought their first home with help from Labor's five per cent deposit scheme, including more than 1,140 in my electorate of Griffith since February. That is practical support that helps people get into the market sooner. At a mobile office in West End recently, I spoke with Mitchell, a young man in my electorate who finally has a genuine chance to enter the housing market through Labor's Help to Buy Scheme. For people who have felt locked out for too long, that kind of support can change the direction of their lives. At the same time, we know many people in Griffith and across Australia rent, and they deserve support as well. For 7,270 renters in Griffith, we have delivered back-to-back increases for maximum rates of Commonwealth rent assistance, amounting to an increase of almost 50 per cent since we came into government. Renters deserve not only assistance but also a housing system that offers greater stability and even better options. Everyone deserves a safe place to call home. In Griffith, that hope is shared by young renters, growing families, older residents, key workers and people doing their best to get ahead. They deserve a government willing to meet the scale of that challenge with energy, investment and purpose. Labor has brought the Commonwealth back into the work of building homes, backing buyers and supporting renters, and communities like mine are already seeing a difference. I'm proud to be part of a government approaching this challenge with ambition, care and a clear commitment to delivery for the people of Griffith and for Australians across the country. This government is getting on with the job. We're building more homes, and we're making it better to rent and easier to buy. 12:06 Mr KENNEDY 267506 Cook Housing affordability has never been tougher. Housing has never been more out of reach than it is for this current generation, and it's hard to tell what it will do to the social fabric of this country if it's allowed to continue this way. We talk a lot about housing supply. Yes, we build 170,000 dwellings a year, but there's a simple truth: if housing supply does not match population growth, you'll see prices go up and housing become less affordable, be it buying a house or renting a house. Unfortunately, immigration settings have been far too strong and allowed to run far ahead of housing completions. At a time when we've brought over 1.2 million new Australians into the country, we've added fewer than 500,000 homes. That simply does not work. Unfortunately, housing is inelastic. You cannot just create a few houses overnight. You have to go through planning, financing and construction—lengthy delays. So any mismatch between population growth and housing supply sees substantial price increases. The same is likely true if we can have housing supply outstrip population growth. That needs to be the aim. We need to increase housing supply and reduce population growth so these two metrics are in equilibrium, and this is something this government has failed at incredibly dismally. That is why we see such a stark increase in house prices. Similarly, some of the metrics on the supply side are not increasing homeownership. We're seeing subsidies for super funds and institutional investors to build to rent. We have given multibillion-dollar subsidies, in some cases, to bring on new housing. These subsidies would be far better directed at Australian mums and dads, aspiring young Australians who want to get into the housing market. These are the people we should be subsidising and backing to make Australia more affordable. These are the people who are also punished by unsustainably high immigration levels. These are the ones whose local areas are getting crowded as they fight for sporting fields, for car parks and for places in local public schools and see housing become increasingly unaffordable. And, yes, this government's reckless spending is adding even more difficulty to that. Because government spending is at a 40-year high—outside of the pandemic—we are seeing inflation run rampant through people's pay cheques and interest rates climb higher and higher. Australia having the highest inflation of any advanced economy in the world made it extremely vulnerable to a fuel shock. Now we have that fuel shock, inflation is running even higher and even more rampant, and we are faced with even more interest rate rises. The average Australian family is now paying in excess of $25,000 a year more in interest alone on their mortgage. That's before you add in the cost of energy bills, inflation and increased taxation for bracket creep. What we now need to do is balance immigration with housing supply. We've never had more of a reason to do it than now. We need to focus on housing supply measures. Policies such as the first home owner guarantee are continuing to fuel demand at a time when demand should be taken off with the volumes of new immigrants entering this country. Even on social and affordable housing, this government's record is equally concerning. The Housing Australia Future Fund now holds around $11.4 billion, yet, after more than two years, it's delivered fewer than 900 homes. It's raised $11.4 billion in taxpayer revenue, delivering just 900 homes. This isn't a delivery problem at the margins; it's a fundamental failure of execution. Australians are being promised a step change in housing supply, but, instead, what they are seeing is extremely worrying. Money is sitting around in a fund while a shortage continues, and the government won't address the problem that's staring it in the face—that is, increased population growth and increased immigration levels. It should be reduced now to match housing supply. 12:11 Mr GOSLING 245392 Solomon As those listening may or may not realise, those opposite—the coalition—were in government for nine years and were an absolute joke when it came to housing, not just social and affordable housing but all housing measures. They didn't even have a minister for housing at the get-go. What is so disgraceful about that is that it is such a life-defining challenge for so many Australians. I'll speak from the point of view of the people that I represent in the Territory. We are tackling it in a way that is increasing supply—that's exactly what we need—through a $45 billion comprehensive, multifaceted plan. That is focused on three things: (1) building more homes—the supply I just talked about—(2) making it easier to purchase a home, and (3) making it better for renters as well. Real progress is being made right across the country and in the Northern Territory. When it comes to home building, we have a very ambitious target of 1.2 million homes, and I believe in ambitious targets. It's something that we're getting after. There will be people saying that we're not doing enough, but, when you consider that in the whole time of the Abbott-Turnbull-Morrison government—in just one year, we've built more social and affordable homes than they did over nine years or so. We are doing the work that needs to be done by cutting red tape, delivering new infrastructure and training more tradies—the people that actually build the homes—right across the country. We are working with states and territories to implement real and substantial planning reforms, and we are scaling up modern methods of construction, such as the modular housing piece, which has got real potential to be a big game changer. Home building is turning around, with new home start-ups at 11.6 per cent, an increase on this time last year. The National Housing Supply and Affordability Council have recently released their quarterly report, showing that the National Housing Accord is delivering early results of solid growth in housing supply and improving construction conditions across Australia throughout the first five quarters of the accord period. So we're back in the game of building more social and affordable housing, with over 150 homes on the way in the Territory under the Housing Australia Future Fund. We need a lot more stock than that in the Territory, but 150 are on the way there. We have also provided support for more first home buyers from Darwin to get into homeownership by increasing the property price cap for the five per cent home deposit scheme. I thank all of those stakeholders in Darwin and Palmerston and the greater rural area there, where we have now got a two price cap system, as they do in the states, to take account of the higher price of purchasing a house in Darwin. From 1 July 2026, around the Territory it's going to be still at the $600,000 mark, which reflects that market, but for Greater Darwin, we've increased that cap to $750,000. That is a result of listening to Territorians, particularly those people that I represent in Darwin and Palmerston, and reflecting what they need to achieve the Australian dream and the Territory dream. This change brings the NT in line with the other states, as I mentioned, but it makes sure that our cap is aligned with the realities of our market. It gives homebuyers in Darwin, Palmerston, the rural area and Greater Darwin more choice. Hundreds more Territorians will be able to get into homeownership years sooner because of this change, and it'll also save them tens of thousands of dollars on lender's mortgage insurance. The five per cent deposit scheme has already helped more than 1,800 people in the Northern Territory move into their first home since we came into government. It has been welcomed by people like Luis Espinoza at HIA NT, who is one of those stakeholders in my electorate that I want to thank for their advocacy, as well as Ruth Palmer from the Property Council. I thank all Territorians for their support of that policy. 12:16 Mr McCORMACK 219646 Riverina We can talk until we are blue in the face about the home situation—people getting a roof over their heads, renters, and making sure the economic conditions are right for construction companies—but out there they are feeling a sense of frustration. They have been badly let down by this government when it comes to the housing sector. You only have to look at the construction insolvencies per financial year to know that what I'm saying is true. In the last full year of the coalition government, there were 351 construction insolvencies in 2020-21. The following year, that number increased to 494, and that was on the cusp of the government changing. Prime Ministers Keating and Howard both famously said that when you change the government, you change the nation. Then, in 2022-23, we see 981 construction insolvencies. The following year, 2023-24, there were 1,409. In 2024-25 there were 1,567. Dare I say, I'm sure that number will sadly, unfortunately, probably be even higher in 2025-26. I know this from personal experience. My wife, Catherine, was the regional manager of Dennis Family Homes. It was bought out by Simonds Homes in November 2024, and Dennis Family closed their regional operations. Such a pity. It was due to economic conditions. It was due to lack of land availability. It was due to the difficulty of getting people, contractors and product. When I addressed this particular issue of getting product in the House of Representatives, I was talking particularly about the timber industry in Victoria being shut down by the state government, and the then housing minister, the member for Franklin, interjected and said, 'Well, what does timber have to do with it?' Well, it's got a lot to do with it, because you build homes out of timber. I just heard the member for Solomon talking about what they're doing in the space of the trades, but you cannot find tradespeople—carpenters, electricians, bricklayers and all of those people who are vital in the construction of houses—in regional Australia in particular. If you can, the costs are so very high and getting higher. It's at breaking point—it absolutely is. You only have to hear from the likes of the New South Wales head of the Urban Development Institute of Australia, Stuart Ayres. He's a former New South Wales cabinet minister, and he said there were real fears the construction industry could flatline. He was speaking last year—goodness knows what he might be thinking now. He said: The rapid escalation of costs for construction businesses has put many construction businesses under pressure and seen an increasing number forced into liquidation. Developers can't deliver the housing we need without competitive construction businesses to do the building work. Taxes, compliance and regulatory requirements and a shortfall of skilled labour all have cost implications for business. With consumers struggling to afford apartments at what it costs to construction them, builders just don't have any margin left to absorb these costs. In regional Australia it's so difficult, too. We went to the election last year with a good plan to help councils offset water and other amenities to new subdivisions. Of course, we didn't win the election. More's the pity, but working with local and state governments in particular is going to be key to solving this housing crisis. But, first and foremost, we need to get the cost of doing business down. It's going to be about pulling those levers of the economy, to get the cost-of-living crisis sorted, because people simply can't afford to buy a house. They simply can't afford to pay the rent to put a roof over their head. That is the great crisis. Labor have now been in government for near on four years and they can't keep using the excuse, 'It's the coalition's fault.' 12:21 Ms DOYLE 299962 Aston I thank the member for Fadden for the opportunity to speak on this very important matter. Housing is a life-defining challenge for so many Australians, and nowhere is that clearer than in my community of Aston. People are working hard and doing everything right, and they're still finding it hard to afford a place to call home. Young people are standing in long queues just to inspect rental properties. Families who a generation ago would have owned their own home now feel as if they're locked out of the market, and parents worry they can't give their kids the same stability they once had. I'm one of those parents, in fact. Renters are being hit with increases that are too high and too frequent. But this isn't a new problem—oh, no. It's a challenge that stretches back decades. It started under the Howard government, quite frankly, and for far too long it was left to the states, while the Commonwealth stepped back. Under the coalition for nearly a decade, from 2013 to 2022, the federal government was a negligent bystander. They tapped out of housing and didn't even have a housing minister until their very last term. They had no national target, no serious plan and, above all, no leadership. Under the Albanese Labor government, that has changed. Under our government, the Commonwealth is back at the table, with an ambitious $45 billion housing plan focused on three things: building more homes, making it easier to buy and making life better for renters. And we are delivering. Firstly, we are building more homes. We've set a national target of 1.2 million new homes because we know the simple truth: the best way to make housing more affordable is to build more houses. Since we came to government, more than 570,000 homes have already been built across the country. New-homes starts are up, construction times are improving and construction cost inflation, once at a half-century high of 17 per cent under the coalition, has been brought down dramatically. We're cutting red tape, investing in infrastructure, training more tradies and working with states and territories to unlock supply in our cities, suburbs and regions. Through our social and affordable housing agenda, including the Housing Australia Future Fund, we've already completed more than 6,000 homes for Australians who need them most, with 55,000 more in the pipeline. Compare that to the coalition, where just 373 social and affordable homes were delivered nationwide when they were in office. Even now, with three different leaders since they were in government, they're still standing in the way. They delayed the Housing Australia Future Fund, then they promised to scrap it. They tried to tear down the build-to-rent scheme, putting 80,000 rental homes at risk. They opposed Help to Buy, which is helping 40,000 low-income Australians into homeownership. And they even opposed one of the most practical, life-changing policies we've delivered: the five per cent deposit scheme. In Aston, this important scheme matters. Right now, families and young people in our community are getting into their first homes with just a five per cent deposit, cutting years off the time it takes to save. It is life changing. It means no more lining up for rentals and no more uncertainty at the end of every lease. It means a place to call your own, somewhere you can raise a family, plant a garden, have a cat and a dog or a budgie, hang pictures on the wall and plan your future. Across Australia, more than 230,000 people have already been helped into homeownership through this program. That's 230,000 lives changed, yet the opposition call it a gimmick. They vote against it and now they want to rip it away. The truth is the coalition have given up on homeownership. They stand in this place and claim they support homeownership, but the question is simple: How can they? How can they claim to support Australians getting into homes when they oppose every single measure that makes it possible? Labor has a plan. It's ambitious, it's comprehensive and it's already delivering real results for communities like mine in Melbourne's outer east. We know this challenge won't be solved overnight, but we are making real progress building more homes, helping more Australians buy their own home and delivering a fairer housing system for the future. I'm proud to stand here today as a member of a government that is finally taking this challenge seriously and delivering on housing for all Australians. The DEPUTY SPEAKER 265980 The debate is adjourned and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting. Education 132 12:27 Ms ROBERTS 157125 Pearce The incorporated speech read as follows— The 2026 school year has begun, and I acknowledge the remarkable work happening in classrooms right across Australia—and particularly in the vibrant schools of my electorate of Pearce—while highlighting the Albanese Labor government's record investment in public education through the Better and Fairer Schools Agreement. This time of year always fills our communities with energy and optimism. Across Pearce, students are settling into classrooms, teachers are welcoming students, and families are returning to routines that form the rhythm of our daily lives. Behind every one of these moments are the dedicated principals, teachers, education assistants and support staff who make our schools such important hubs of community life. Their care and commitment ensure that every child in Pearce, and across our nation, has the opportunity to reach their potential. This year also marks the beginning of a historic new chapter for Australian public education. The Better and Fairer Schools Agreement represents the largest Commonwealth investment in public schools by any government in Australia's history. This is a record investment—one that reflects the Albanese Labor government's unwavering belief that every child, in every classroom, deserves an excellent education, no matter where they live or what their circumstances may be. Importantly, this is an agreement built on fairness and results. It is a partnership with states and territories that ensures record funding is delivered alongside genuine reforms—reforms that will lift student outcomes in literacy, numeracy and student wellbeing, while supporting teachers to focus on teaching and learning. We know that education is one of the greatest equalisers in our society, and we have a responsibility to make sure that every student, in every community—whether in Butler, Wanneroo, Two Rocks or Kinross—has equal access to opportunity. That is what this agreement delivers. We all know that great schools rely on great teachers. Teachers are the heart of our education system, inspiring, guiding and empowering students every single day. I have had the privilege of visiting many schools across Pearce, and, in every conversation I have with teachers, one theme is constant: their deep dedication to their students. We owe these teachers not just our gratitude but our support. That is why the Albanese Labor government is taking practical action to tackle teacher shortages, improve training and make teaching a sustainable and rewarding profession. Encouragingly, new data shows more Australians are choosing to study teaching—a sign that our initiatives are working. Through the Commonwealth paid prac initiative, student teachers are now being paid during their practical placements, easing financial pressure and helping more people complete their degrees. Commonwealth teaching scholarships are opening doors for capable, passionate Australians to enter the profession and stay there. Our reforms to strengthen initial teacher education are ensuring graduates are well prepared for the classroom from their very first day. I also want to acknowledge the national effort underway to prevent and respond to bullying in schools. A safe and inclusive learning environment is essential for every child's success. Whether it's in the schoolyard, the classroom or online, bullying has no place in our communities. In Pearce, our local schools are showing real leadership in this area—with student wellbeing programs, peer support initiatives and mental health partnerships that create safer, kinder learning environments. The Albanese Labor government continues to work closely with states, territories and school communities to support these efforts and ensure every child feels safe, respected and valued. Education is about more than academic success—it's about helping children grow into confident, compassionate and capable young Australians. Through the Better and Fairer Schools Agreement, we are making that vision a reality. We are investing in schools, supporting our teachers and strengthening the foundation of our education system in a way that will deliver lasting benefits for students in Pearce and across the nation. When I visit local schools, I see firsthand how vital those investments are. I see new classrooms being built, teachers innovating with new technologies and students developing the skills they will need for the jobs of the future. These are the real-world results of the government's commitment to a better and fairer education system. I am proud to represent a community that values education so deeply and that works so collaboratively to give every child the best start in life. The Albanese Labor government will continue to deliver on our commitment to fairness, quality and opportunity—because every child, every family and every community deserves nothing less. 12:27 Mr LEESER 109556 Berowra by leave—I rise to speak on the topic of investing and supporting schools. There are two things to be said on this topic. If a government cannot keep principals safe, it is not supporting schools. And, if a government can't adequately fund Victorian public schools properly, it's not investing in schools. On both counts, the Albanese government has failed. Today's Daily Telegraph and Herald Sun reports are a disgraceful read. They report violence against school principals has surged by up to 150 per cent since 2011. They report some principals are too frightened to leave their offices at drop off and pick up. They carry the chilling warning that, on the current path, 'someone is going to die'. The wider data is grim. Reporting today on the Australian Principal Occupational Health, Safety and Wellbeing Survey says 47.8 per cent of principals experienced violence in 2025, and 53.7 per cent faced threats of violence. Principals are being punched, kicked, pinned against walls, followed home, stalked by cars with headlights off and pelted with rocks. They're having chairs, tables and bookshelves thrown at them and are being threatened with death and rape, and forced to hide in locked rooms. Some have received broken bones, cuts and severe bruising in the attacks. The ACT is the worst jurisdiction. The ACT, under Labor, had an increase in physical violence against principals of 150 per cent between 2011 and 2025. In the ACT, with it's 25-year Labor government, I'm told it's now safer to be an inmate in a correctional facility than it is to be a school principal. It's a disgrace. Enough is enough. The coalition says enough. We back principals. We respect their authority. We believe a school leader should be able to walk the grounds of their own school without fear. We believe governments should empower principals. That's what we stand for: empower principals to enforce discipline, empower principals to maintain safety. This government has, for the better part of a week, been congratulating itself on full and fair funding. But in Victoria the spin doesn't match the facts. The government has been constantly gaslighting. When the Prime Minister stood up in March last year and said every jurisdiction was on track to receive an increase in school funding and to receive the school full school resourcing standard, it simply wasn't true. It simply was not true. The proof is publicly available. To get an increase in funding, what you need is a document called a bilateral agreement between the Commonwealth and the state. In March last year, there was no bilateral agreement with Western Australia and no bilateral agreement with Victoria. It was a falsehood. Labor must have been feeling the pressure of that untruth, because, in desperation, in December 2025, the Albanese and Allan Labor governments signed a stopgap funding measure that lasts for just 12 months. There are two things to say about this. First, it expires at the end of the year. Second, it simply maintains the status quo; there is no increase on the table. If you put the Northern Territory to one side, as the Prime Minister himself has done, recognising the unique challenges in the Territory, then, thanks to the Allan and Albanese Labor governments, Victorian government schools have the lowest funding in the entire country. The funding for Victorian public schools is lower than the funding in New South Wales, Queensland, Western Australia, the ACT, Tasmania and South Australia, and this is entirely the fault of the Allan and Albanese Labor governments. Compared with New South Wales, in this year alone, high schoolers in Victorian public schools are shortchanged by $860 per student for every single one of the 667,000 Victorian students. Compared with South Australia, it's $900 less per student, and for Tasmania, it's $1,740 less per student for every single student. Maybe if Victorian Labor hadn't paid $600 million for another country to host the Commonwealth Games, they wouldn't be falling behind under this funding agreement. Maybe if the Allan government hadn't funnelled $15 billion of taxpayer money to the CFMEU, kids in Victoria would have a chance at a better education. This is the CFMEU-Labor cartel in action. Labor's run Victoria's economy into the sand, and it's Victoria's schoolchildren who now suffer the consequences. I want to finish by putting some facts on the table, because over the last week I've seen the falsehoods around cuts to education being peddled by Labor. The simple fact is that annual school funding nearly doubled under the coalition. Don't take my word for it. Look at the publicly available reports. Australian government schools funding is published each year on the Department of Education website. In 2014, total funding to the states and territories and non-government schools was $13.77 billion, in 2015 it was $14.95 billion, in 2016 it was $16.14 billion, in 2017 it was $17.63 billion, in 2018 it was $18.8 billion, in 2019 it was $21.37 billion, in 2020 it was $21.99 billion, in 2021 it was $23.8 billion, and in 2022 it was $25.59 billion. The coalition has increased— (Time expired) 12:32 Mr LIM 300130 Tangney Tangney has 43 public schools, and through the Better and Fairer Schools Agreement, all these schools are on the path to full and fair funding. When we came to government, private schools were fully funded, but this was not the case for public schools. Through the Better and Fairer Schools Agreement we are delivering an additional $16.5 billion in Commonwealth funding to public schools over the next decade. In WA, this means an extra $2.4 billion for all our public schools. It is the biggest new investment in public schools by the Australian government ever. I speak with teachers, principals, families and students in my electorate of Tangney, who tell me that this funding is much needed. They love public school and they recognise the crucial role our public schools play in our society. They want to see a fairer education system. The funding is tied to real and practical reforms, such as phonics checks and numeracy checks, evidence based teaching, and small group tutoring to help children who need the extra support. Under the agreement, every state and territory will have a year 1 phonics check this year. In 2028, every state and territory will have numeracy check. I have spoken before about a teacher who changed my life, and I think many of us will agree that teaching is one of the most important jobs in the world. I want to take a moment to acknowledge the public school teachers in Tangney. Their dedication and their belief in their students helps shape not only the future of individual students but the future of our community and our society. We need more teachers. Between 2017 and 2023, the number of students studying teaching dropped 22 per cent. We are now seeing a big turnaround in the number of people studying teaching degrees, and that number has bounced back by 20 per cent. Early data this year shows another increase in university offers. We have invested $160 million in the Commonwealth Teaching Scholarships program, which is delivering 5,000 scholarships over five years. In return for the scholarship, teachers need to commit to working in public schools for up to four years. For the first time ever, the Australian government is delivering paid prac, including for teaching students while they undertake their mandatory placements. Students in Tangney have told me about the costs and financial stress of having to do mandatory placement. Paid prac provides a bit of help. More than 58,500 students have benefited so far. Bullying in schools is a big problem. With the internet, it means that bullying follows kids from school to home, and everyone can see what is happening. There is no escape. This is why the government commissioned the Anti-Bullying Rapid Review. Last October, the education ministers adopted the review's recommendations. We announced $10 million to help fast-track the implementation of the review's findings. They agreed to a national plan that includes all schools taking initial steps to respond to bullying within two school days. We want children and their families to feel confident that bullying will be managed. The Albanese Labor government is delivering on our commitment to build a better and fairer education system. 12:37 Mr REBELLO 316547 McPherson I rise to speak on this motion today as the beneficiary of the Australian public school system. I know I'm a new member—I've been here for about nine to 10 months—but what really surprises me is the number of motions that come through this place that are merely congratulatory of the government or government led motions that congratulate themselves on various things. This one is no different. They're congratulating themselves on their investment in Australian public schools. Australian public schools have an incredible role to play in educating our next generation. Across my electorate of McPherson, we have some incredible public schools and public school communities, and I know that there are many people in this place, on all sides of the chamber, who are the beneficiaries of that. But the one thing I would say to the government—I'd say it in relation to the public school system but also in relation to other forms of expenditure—is that, just because the government is funding something or increasing funding, it doesn't mean that the results are going to follow. If we look at history, that is exactly what we've seen. In preparing for today's speech, I thought I'd take a look online to see where we're at as a country in terms of two things. Firstly, it's looking at the level of education and education standards in this country. Secondly, it's in relation to our teachers and their satisfaction levels, and our ability, as a country, to retain them in the profession but also to attract new people to the profession of teaching. On the first front, there were stats that came out last year which spoke about our NAPLAN results, and we've seen NAPLAN results again showing that roughly one-third of students are not meeting expectations in literacy and numeracy. That concern is amplified when you look at students in remote areas, Indigenous students and people who are experiencing disadvantage, who are even further behind their peers. On the second front, we look at teachers. I hear this all too often in my seat when I speak to people who are involved with the profession, when I visit schools and when I speak to parents who engage with teachers. There are clearly some significant issues in our ability to attract them to the profession in the first place but also in our ability to keep them there. According to recent data from the Australian Institute for Teaching and School Leadership, up to 30 per cent of teachers are considering leaving the profession before retirement age. This comes at a time when student numbers are soaring and academic outcomes are slipping. In 2022, under the Labor government, we saw federal, state and territory education ministers agree on a National Teacher Workforce Action Plan. Again, we see plans and funding. What are the actual results? That was aimed at improving teacher supply, retaining teachers, revamping initial teacher education and elevating the profession. Now we're four years on from that, and where are we at? Research has shown that the stressors that are leading teachers to quit the profession are only worsening. So I'd say to the government, on yet another self-congratulating motion by them, that the thing that actually affects the lives of Australians is the actual results of what we do in this place. Saying we're going to do things, committing to doing things and even funding is not always, in and of itself, an end goal. I'd say to the government that, instead of putting focus on the fact that they're putting extra funding into this space, we should spend our time here—and we've got limited time in this place—identifying where the gaps are and strategically identifying how we can fill those gaps, because throwing money at a problem is not always going to be an end in and of itself. I'd be more than happy to come here when we see those stats turning the other direction. If the government wants to move a congratulatory motion, we can do it then. 12:42 Mr GEORGANAS DZY Adelaide I rise to speak in support of this motion. I do so because of the history of the last 20-odd years, which has seen the actual defunding of schools. It has taken two lots of Labor governments—the Gillard government and this particular government—to increase the funding for public schools. We saw a system under the Howard government that fully funded private schools but totally ignored public schools, and schools in my electorate suffered. They suffered immensely—schools like Woodville Gardens School; Cowandilla Primary School, my own junior primary school that I attended; Sturt Street Community School; Gilles Street Primary School; Challa Gardens Primary School; Parkside Primary School; Plympton Primary School; Torrensville Primary School; and Blair Athol North Birth-Year 6 School. These are some of the schools that actually needed funding. When I would visit these schools, I would see the shortfalls. What we have done since being in government is ensure that schools are appropriately funded. This particular government has not only seen the funding of schools and the signing of agreements to ensure that all this will take place—and it will take time, of course—but also ensured that there are goals attached to the funding—in other words, retention rates and teachers being able to ensure that children are completing what's required to go on to the next grade. This is all about creating opportunities where there otherwise might not be any. We know that, if you want to make change in someone's life, all the research points towards education. If you give someone the decency of a good education, you turn their lives around. One way of perhaps changing the generational cycle of poverty is by giving someone education, by changing the entire community by giving a community education and by changing the whole nation and the direction it's taking by giving them an equal opportunity to education. That is so important. As members of parliament, we have responsibilities for health and for the security of the nation, but education is right up there and should be up there, because it changes the nation, it changes people's lives and it turns around people's lives. We also have some very good educators, teachers who are undervalued, teachers who give their all, where they try to create the opportunity that might otherwise not exist. I'm sure if I asked each and every one in this place a question about how a teacher has changed their life, they would all have a story about a particular teacher. In my case, I had two great teachers. I may not be standing here today if it weren't for them. One was Rod Sawford, who was the federal Labor member for Port Adelaide. He was my primary school teacher, and I stayed in touch with him for many years. The other one was John Trainer, who became speaker in the state parliament after being a schoolteacher and someone that actually helped me in my political career. So teachers have a special role as well, and we need to support them. This is why this Better and Fairer Schools Agreement matters so deeply. It's the most significant new investment in public education ever made by an Australian government—$16.5 billion over the next decade and a further $50 billion in the decade after that. That's a commitment that is putting money where it's required. Those schools that I mentioned in my electorate desperately need that money to be able to educate those kids and turn their lives around and do all that they can for them. But this agreement is not simply about money, as I said. It comes with clear targets for attendance, for literacy, for numeracy and for students finishing high school. That completion rate is so important. It comes with practical, evidence based reforms to help achieve those goals. That includes phonics and numeracy checks to identify children who need early support. It's about identifying the kids that are falling behind or need that support early on and ensuring that they get that support that's required to keep them right through to completion dates. It also includes small-group tutoring to help students to catch up and keep up, and it includes reforms that recognise one critical truth—student success depends on teacher wellbeing. We need to respect teachers, and we need to ensure that teachers have the resources that they require. (Time expired) 12:47 Mr VENNING 315434 Grey Let's get real. What I'm increasingly becoming frustrated with in relation to this government is the obsession with announcements—record funding this, record funding that—without any focus on outcomes. We as legislators in this place should be focused on outcomes, not announcements. That is certainly why I came to public life. Ultimately, Australians don't live on announcements. They live on outcomes. They live on results. In my electorate, I represent one of the most diverse communities in the country. That diversity is something that I'm proud of, but it also comes with real challenges. I have communities facing entrenched disadvantage, generational welfare dependence and some of the lowest education outcomes in Australia. In fact, Grey is ranked 146 out of 150 in Australia, and that is simply not good enough. And yet, despite all this so-called record funding, the data is going backwards. The evidence is going backwards. I have schools where attendance rates are sitting at 66 per cent. That is not just a statistic; that is a warning sign. That is thousands of children missing out on the most basic foundations for a meaningful life—education. Education is not optional. It is a precursor to opportunity, to employment, to dignity and to breaking cycles of disadvantage. If attendance is failing and outcomes are declining, then no amount of press releases about funding can mask the truth that the system is not working for regional Australians. What I want to see from this government is not more announcements but accountability. Show us the outcomes. Show us the improvement. Show us the data that proves lives are actually getting better. If we continue down this path, where success is measured in how much is spent rather than what is achieved, we will not only fail these communities but entrench their disadvantage even further. And, in doing so, we will make our economy less productive and place even more pressure on Australians already struggling with the cost-of-living crisis. Labor talks a big game on education, but the reality on the ground is different. Regions are being left behind. Have any of those opposite been to these remote or regional communities—Bute, Kadina, Port Augusta, Koonibba, Coober Pedy? Costs are rising fast. In regional South Australia, the cost of an independent education has hit an average of $242,000. Even a 'free' government school in regional SA now costs parents over $95,000 across the child's schooling life when you add up uniforms, camps, transport and associated costs. These numbers, of course, consider 13 years of education, but, even divided per year, it is significant, especially when you consider these are not elite schools. These are not boarding schools. When energy prices skyrocket—when electricity is up 40 per cent and gas is up 42 per cent—these school have no choice but to ask families to pay more. They are paying for Labor's inflation. It's not just schools. Child care is struggling. In the electorate of Grey, again, we have the worst access to child care in Australia. There are 23 council areas in my electorate with almost no services. This causes parents to leave the workforce and make our local staff shortages even worse. Today, you need two incomes to raise a family, and, if there's no child care in your local community, it puts pressure on your local businesses. Recent data shows that in September 2025 over 3,600 childcare services were charging above the fee cap, which is almost double what we saw in 2022. This is not the fault of our local providers. It is the result of Labor's economic mismanagement. After four years, this government owns the economy, but we have the highest inflation in the developed world. It's being driven by decisions made here in Canberra. Government spending is at a 40-year high. This keeps inflation high, which keeps interest rates high. Regional families cannot afford another four years of Labor. We need a government that understands that 'tyranny of distance' isn't just a phrase; it's a line item in a family budget that is currently in the red. The coalition is focused on the basics: cutting red tape, beating inflation and getting energy prices down. We need support for our regional schools and students. (Time expired) 12:52 Ms CLUTTERHAM 316101 Sturt I rise in support of this motion, which is deeply personal for me on a number of levels. It's also personal for every Australian because it speaks to this government's deliberate policy agenda that is directed at strengthening Australia's education system—making it fairer, more affordable, more accessible and more attractive as a career option. We need more teachers, and this government, led by the PM and the Minister for Education, want to see this happen. Firstly, I went to many different public schools around South Australia. Frankly, I found it disappointing that, prior to 2022 when we came to government, no public school outside the ACT was fully funded. But this has changed with a 180-degree turn. Through the Better and Fairer Schools Agreement, we're delivering an additional $16.5 billion in Commonwealth funding to public schools over the next decade. The member for Grey claimed this was just a funding announcement, which is wholly incorrect. This funding arrangement is linked to outcomes, to improving literacy and numeracy standards, to increased mental health support for students and to school attendance. We've seen that school attendance is increasing. In 2025, it was 88.8 per cent. Secondly, almost 10 years ago, I completed a master of teaching in secondary education as one of those pesky mature aged students who sits up the front and asks too many questions. I did a number of pracs as part of this degree. I was fortunate that, when I did these pracs I was employed as a lawyer, so I had access to annual leave from my job, which I took at half pay to cover my living expenses whilst I was out on placement. I also had a very supportive employer—a shout-out to ASC. But not everyone is in that position. Placements are full time, and they run for weeks. Until now, students on placement just had to fend for themselves, and, when you stop work to do your placement, the bills don't stop. If you do a rural placement, which many students do, not only do the bills keep rolling in but you probably have to fund extra costs for your time away, not least of all accommodation. The feedback from students was that they could afford their degree but they couldn't afford a placement. So, for the first time ever, the Australian government is delivering paid prac for nursing, teaching, midwifery and social work students while they do their mandatory placements. So far, this $338.60-per-week payment has helped just under 60,000 students. Finally, on bullying in schools, in my first speech in the House of Representatives I shared my experience of being bullied in primary school. Although, after years and years and years, I was able to move forward from it, the scars and damage to confidence and self-esteem have never quite left me completely. We know that now, with the internet and social media, bullying is getting worse, not better. Kids are suffering all day at school and then after school and on weekends, often very publicly. That suffering is sometimes catastrophic and irreparable, which I describe as a tragedy. But, for some affected kids and their families, that word is an understatement. So I commend the Minister for Education and his commissioning of the Anti-Bullying Rapid Review, and I also personally thank him for briefing me on the review's progress and recommendations. The review attracted over 1,700 submissions from teachers and from students and their families, and education ministers around the country quite rightly adopted the review's recommendations in October 2025, with a key recommendation being that schools commence action within two school days of becoming aware of a bullying complaint or incident. In addition, we have made a $10 million investment to help fast-track the implementation of the review's findings. This will be dedicated to developing resources to help prevent and address bullying and funding a national awareness campaign. The more awareness and attention we can bring to this issue and the more we call it out for what it is, which is completely unacceptable, the better placed we will be to ensure that kids can go to school and that parents can send their children to school confident that bullying will be identified and addressed. There is no place for bullying in schools, and I'm proud to stand with the education minister as he seeks to address the causes and ensure that bullying is managed appropriately across the education spectrum. 12:57 Mr BIRRELL 288713 Nicholls I acknowledge the start of the school year, and I thank the teachers, the principals and the support staff for all their work in classrooms across Australia. The coalition supports strong public schools, but we don't accept Labor's claim that spending announcements alone equal reform and better outcomes. On Labor's record investment claims, funding announcements are not the same as delivery in classrooms. Australian schools are already highly funded by international standards, and that's good, but students have been going backwards in literacy, numeracy and engagement. So more money without accountability does not guarantee better results for students. Despite the claims of Labor, most public schools will still not reach 100 per cent of the Schooling Resource Standard even at the end of the agreement period. The simple fact is that annual school funding nearly doubled on the coalition's watch, from around $13 billion in 2013 to over $20 billion in 2022. That is the coalition's record of investing in school education—virtually a doubling of annual school funding in nine years. Labor continues to claim this was a cut, but that is a falsehood. On teachers and workforce shortages, teachers deserve respect, support and safe classrooms, and Labor talks about valuing teachers, but workload, burnout and classroom disruption are driving people out of the profession, and we've got to find ways to keep them in. Teacher shortages are being felt most acutely in regional, rural and remote schools, but there are a number of initiatives to try and address this, such as Teach For Australia and the Nexus program, which I've been involved with. On teaching incentives and training measures, encouraging people into teaching is important, but getting them to stay is the real challenge. Paid prac and scholarships will not fix shortages if graduates enter classrooms that are unsafe, unsupported and overwhelmed. State governments have a huge role to play in making sure that classrooms are safe, supported and not overwhelmed. The coalition believes teacher training must focus on classroom readiness, behaviour management and practical skills. Bullying, as the previous speaker said, is a real concern. It's unacceptable and must be addressed consistently and decisively. National frameworks mean little if schools lack the authority and support to enforce standards. Clear discipline, early intervention and parental engagement are essential to safe learning environments. On fairness and equity, a truly fair education system recognises that regional and disadvantaged students face higher costs and fewer options. Equity means funding that follows need, supports choice and delivers opportunity, not 'one size fits all' agreements that are designed and delivered from Canberra. Parents deserve real choice across government, Catholic and independent schools. My mother, who had an exemplary 40 years in the public school system as a teacher, wanted me to go to a public school, and my father wanted me to go to a Catholic boarding school. In the end, I did a bit of both, and they both had their positives. In closing, the coalition supports public education and teachers, but we will not pretend that a spending announcement equals success. Our focus remains on student outcomes, teacher support, classroom safety and genuine accountability of the system. Australian families deserve an education system that delivers results, not just slogans. 13:01 Ms COFFEY 312323 Griffith Education is very close to my heart. My passion for education led me to complete my teaching qualification, and I later spent many years working at the Australian Indigenous Education Foundation, where I saw firsthand how education can open doors and change lives. I'm also a parent of two school-aged children, so, like many parents, I know the rhythms and realities of school life. I know the joy that comes when a child grows in confidence. I know how much families value a great teacher, and I know how important it is that every child in every Queensland classroom has the support they need to learn, belong and thrive. I'm proud that the Albanese Labor government is building a better and fairer education system. Through the Better and Fairer Schools Agreement, we are delivering the biggest new investment in Commonwealth funding for public schools ever. Nationally, that means an additional $16.5 billion over the next decade, with a further $50 billion in the decade after that. For Queensland, it means an extra $2.8 billion in Commonwealth funding over the next 10 years. This is a substantial investment in our state schools, our teachers and our students. Most importantly, it puts every public school on a path to full and fair funding. What makes this agreement so significant is that it is not only about funding levels on paper; it's about linking funding to practical, evidence based reforms that will improve student outcomes. That includes phonics checks, numeracy checks, evidence based teaching and small-group tutoring for students who need extra support. That literacy focus is especially important to me. Reading is not simply one subject among many; it's the foundation that helps children engage with every other part of their learning. When children get a strong start in literacy, they are better able to participate, keep up and see themselves as capable learners. I have seen that also in my own community through my Griffith Little Readers program. Coming into this role, it was important to me that any initiative I undertake within our school communities be sustainable, responsive to identified needs and focused on building the capacity and resources of the schools themselves. This is a program that is providing thousands of early reader books, decodable readers, to primary schools across our community. That's why I am personally funding up to $1,000 worth of decodable readers for each eligible primary school in our electorate of Griffith. None of the important work that happens in our classrooms happens without our amazing teachers, who do some of the most important work in our community. They build skills, shape confidence, spark curiosity and help young people imagine what is possible for their future. The Albanese Labor government is taking action on teacher shortages through a national plan focused on improving teacher supply, strengthening initial teacher education, retaining the teachers we have, elevating the profession and planning for the future. We are investing $160 million in Commonwealth teaching scholarships. We're funding 4,000 additional university teacher-training places, supporting more places in the High Achieving Teachers Program and investing to reduce workload pressures so teachers and school leaders can spend more time on teaching and learning. This government is also delivering the biggest changes to teacher training in a generation. We're delivering paid pracs. More than 20 years ago, I completed the coursework for my teaching degree, but, when it came time to do my final practicum, there was no way I could afford to give up work for that period of time and still pay my rent and other costs, so I had to make the very difficult decision to graduate with an arts degree and leave my education degree on the shelf for a little longer. It took me a couple of years of working and saving to return to university and finish my teaching qualifications. Too many students have told us that they could manage the study but struggle to afford the placement component of their degree. Now, for the first time, eligible teaching students can receive financial support of $338 per week while undertaking their mandatory placements. That might sound simple, but it addresses a very real barrier. This is what a better and fairer education system looks like. That is what the Albanese Labor government is delivering, and I am proud to support it. So, the little people sitting at their desks today at Bulimba State School and Buranda State School and our impressive young adults opening their laptops at Cavendish Road State High School and Coorparoo Secondary College continue to get a world-class education, and our young people continue to receive the support they need to learn, belong and thrive. The DEPUTY SPEAKER C2T The time allotted for this debate has expired. The debate is adjourned and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting. Neighbourhood and Community Centres 139 13:06 Ms PENFOLD 248895 Lyne I move: That this House: (1) recognises: (a) the vital role of neighbourhood and community centres in providing essential social services to individuals and communities in need, particularly in the regions; (b) neighbourhood and community centres provide critical relief and emergency support where other services do not exist; and (c) the hard work and dedication of the staff and volunteers who work tirelessly and selflessly for others; (2) expresses concern that many centres are underfunded and heavily reliant on ad hoc competitive grant funding from state and Commonwealth governments; and (3) calls on the Government to provide long-term operational funding and dedicated infrastructure funding to secure the future of neighbourhood and community centres and the services each provide to people in desperate need of help. I rise today to highlight the extraordinary work of community and neighbourhood centres across the midcoast and the growing challenges they face as they support Australians doing it tough. I moved this motion to recognise the life-saving work of neighbourhood and community centres in my electorate, including the Forster Neighbourhood Centre, the Bucketts Way Neighbourhood Group, the Dungog Shire Community Centre, Mid Coast Outreach and the Manning Valley Neighbourhood Services. Each does invaluable work and provides vital services, including emergency relief, advice and referrals; child and family support; no-interest loan schemes; and various community programs. At the Dungog Community Centre, demand for support continues to rise as cost-of-living pressures bite deeper into regional households. As the centre has made clear: We are seeing more people than ever before who have never needed help—families, workers, older Australians—now coming to us because they simply cannot make ends meet. Yet, despite this surge in demand, funding remains short term and uncertain, making it difficult to plan and deliver sustainable services. At the Forster Neighbourhood Centre, the housing crisis is no longer abstract; it is immediate and visible. The centre reports that housing stress and homelessness are now the No. 1 issue that they're dealing with. They're seeing people sleeping in cars, couch surfing or facing eviction with nowhere to go. These are not isolated cases; they are becoming the norm. In Gloucester, the Gloucester neighbourhood centre is grappling with the realities of serving a dispersed, often isolated, population. As they've said: We are expected to do everything—from food relief to disaster recovery support—with limited staff and heavy reliance on volunteers. And those volunteers are stretched to their limits. Meanwhile, Mid Coast Outreach are taking services directly to people across vast regional distances, often at significant cost. They note: The cost of delivering outreach services across our region is rising rapidly, particularly fuel and transport, while demand continues to grow. Across all these organisations, the story is the same: demand is surging, needs are becoming more complex, and yet the resources available to meet those needs are not keeping pace. The Bucketts Way Neighbourhood Group has had $100,000 worth of federal government funding received via the Salvation Army cut. This in turn means that the Bucketts Way Neighbourhood Group has had to cease its safety net program, which enabled the provision of fuel vouchers, online grocery shopping cards and pharmacy relief to those experiencing serious financial hardship. The cuts by this government have had a real and immediate impact. The Forster Neighbourhood Centre does not receive core operational funding; therefore, their hub is staffed by volunteers five days of the week. They are also not funded to provide crisis support, but, because they have a physical location and a door that is always open, they are increasingly doing the work of the services that are funded. This has to change. For the current financial year, Foster Neighbourhood Centre is tracking an increase of 50 per cent in requests for assistance. Consequently, with more presentations and requests for assistance and yet less funding, these centres are increasingly being forced to shift from early intervention to crisis response. They are filling the gaps left by a fragmented system. They are supporting people who have nowhere else to turn, and they are doing so with extraordinary dedication but with very limited means. With such a small amount of income, some community and neighbourhood centres estimate they are achieving well over $1.5 million in social value for their communities. This needs to be recognised and resourced appropriately by both levels of government. If we are serious about supporting regional communities, then we must recognise that community and neighbourhood centres are not optional extras. They are essential infrastructure. Core operational funding for neighbourhood and community centres is crucial to support regional communities now and into the future. They are often the last line of defence for vulnerable Australians, and they deserve funding certainty, workforce support and recognition equal to the role they play. When these centres are strong, our communities are strong, but, when they are stretched to breaking point, it is the most vulnerable who pay the price. I look forward to having engagement with the Minister for Social Services. I appreciate that her office has been willing to engage with me on these important matters. I like to think that they are beyond politics, because we are trying to support those who need our support the most. Mr Batt 315478 I second the motion and reserve my right to speak. 13:11 Mr GEORGANAS DZY Adelaide Neighbourhood and community centres are very vital parts of our communities. Often, you will see that neighbourhood and community centres, when there's an issue in the area or surrounding that area, are usually used as meeting hubs to raise issues or to have public meetings or to get the neighbourhood, the suburb and the community informed about particular issues. They play an important role in our electorates. Across Australia, particularly in our regions, local neighbourhood houses and community centres provide essential social services to people who might otherwise have nowhere to turn, with information hubs and with community meetings informing people. As a member of parliament, I've used many, many community hubs and neighbourhood houses and community centres for forums for informing people—for example, informing people after the budget of what's in the budget for pensioners or informing people what's in the budget for health. We've done many of these forums over the years, usually in a particular community centre in my electorate. One of the great community centres in my electorate is the fantastic Western Youth Centre, which operates as a community centre. It has everything from kinder-gym to sporting clubs, people using the facilities, drop-in centres and a whole range of things, and we just announced $7.3 million in funding at the last election for the upgrade of this centre, because it provides such a vital role in the community. Another one is the Unley Community Centre, and, again, they were granted over nearly $2 million so they can actually get some infrastructure in place and be able to house their community centre, but also, importantly, they have an Unley community museum which allows the public from the area to exhibit certain historical items. It gets the community involved. It was great news that we announced that funding, and, in fact, we went to the first sod turning not that long ago. This is a way of supporting and ensuring that community centres are viable and that they have the proper infrastructure in place, and this Labor government is certainly focused in that area. When there's a crisis in some places—maybe not so much in city electorates like mine, but out in the regions—community centres are the go-to place, and we've seen it. When we look at the floods and fires, we constantly see community centres housing people through emergency housing, feeding people and just being the centre where they will get the information of where they can get services from or being where, perhaps, Centrelink turns up for extra payments et cetera for those people who are in crisis. In many communities, especially outside the major hubs, they are the only places providing relief and emergency support. What makes this even more remarkable is that these centres are driven by people—by people that are involved in the community and by staff and volunteers who work tirelessly and selflessly, not just providing those emergency services that I spoke about but every day in communities—everything from cooking classes to kinder gyms to mums drop-in centres and parents drop-in sporting clubs, a whole range of things. I've seen it when I move around my electorate and see the many different community centres—for example, Payinthi, the Prospect community centre, which is a great drop-in centre. It is also housed next to the library, so people can go in, do research and meet with other like-minded people. The Unley Community Centre, which I spoke about, has a variety of activities—social groups, cafes focusing on seniors and community connections. Then we have the Goodwood Community Centre under the auspices of the Unley council. It's a little bit separate but offers a variety of activities, social groups and cafes. It also houses the Greek Pensioners Society, which meets every so often, with 100 to 150 people. They have this massive cook-up of lunch. Many ministers have come through there with me when I've been taking them through the electorate, and I've got to say they all leave very well fed. Deputy Speaker, if you're ever in my electorate, please come along. The Fullarton Park Community Centre is a magnificent centre in my electorate that offers a whole range of events and art exhibitions. There's the Kilburn Community Centre and, of course, the Glandore Community Centre, which houses Coast FM, a voluntary radio station. So community centres play a very important role. (Time expired) 13:16 Mr BATT 315478 Hinkler I rise in support of the motion brought to the House by the member for Lyne. In regional Australia, neighbourhood centres are an essential service—the heart of our communities. They foster safety, connection and social capital. They're the places where community connections happen. They are especially called upon to stand up and support communities during times of crisis, so now, more than ever, we need to provide them with adequate support. This is underlined as we endure the cost-of-living crisis, the fuel chaos and, in recent times, natural disasters. Parliament must recognise the vital role of neighbourhood and community centres in providing essential social services to individuals and communities in need. We must recognise that neighbourhood and community centres provide critical relief and emergency support, and let us acknowledge the hard work and dedication of the staff and volunteers. Often, the staff are not paid at the levels they deserve due to the limited funding received. This motion expresses concern that many centres are indeed underfunded and heavily reliant on ad hoc competitive grant funding. Further to that, I join the call for the government to provide long-term operational funding and dedicated infrastructure funding. To illustrate the amazing work that these hubs deliver, in the past few weeks, the Bundaberg community has experienced its third major flood in 16 years, with more than 250 homes and businesses inundated. The Bundaberg & District Neighbourhood Centre stood up. It provided a place for one of the city's two recovery hubs. Open 16 days straight, it became a home for the Red Cross, Lifeline, Regional Housing and the Community Recovery team. It's a place to serve the community—and serve it did in our greatest time of need. Bundaberg's neighbourhood centre goes beyond emergency support. Extensive programs provide a place with purpose for people in my electorate: migrant services, loan support, tax help, disability support, playgroup, assistance in technology and even a sewing circle. Is there anything these centres won't do when the need is identified? We need to do better for these hubs. I thank Corrie McColl, the Bundaberg centre's manager, and Praveen Mathew, the multicultural program coordinator, for their leadership and commitment to our community. It was great to be at the Bundaberg centre's AGM last year, and I appreciate the opportunity to regularly catch up with the team to hear firsthand about funding shortfalls and the reliance on donations and charities, and to work with them on creating a more resilient community. It's always heartening to learn about the hardworking volunteers and staff who go above and beyond. And the support doesn't stop in Bundy. This year, I've had several visits to the neighbourhood centre in Hervey Bay—a great chance for me to see the different services on offer. I've met with the CEO, Tanya Stevenson, and committee member and past president Bernard Whebell and toured their centres. I want to highlight the Neighbourhood Hive, a converted warehouse space encouraging creativity, learning and collaboration, particularly targeting youth. I want to offer my wholehearted support for the current funding request of just over $1 million to upgrade the facility to be able to deliver services all year round. Through the Hive, the neighbourhood centre offers industry training, youth assistance and events to combat loneliness. Then there is the main hub for the neighbourhood centre in Pialba. What impresses me so much is the level of information made available to all members of the community through this centre. This centre develops and delivers programs and services in response to community needs. Let's lock this funding in and give certainty to yet another service with a proven track record. In Hinkler we also have the Childers Neighbourhood Centre, which is delivered by the local council and managed by Debra Murphy and her fantastic team. As it is council run, it works under a slightly different model to the Bundaberg and Hervey Bay hubs, but what remains the same is the commitment to community connection. I note the recent adoption of wellbeing workshops, painting sessions and, for the kids, Lego activities and wet-play days. It's help with a tax return, an art class, a morning tea, a friendly face in your time of need, support as a new Australian, an ear to listen when you don't have anyone else, or a referral that could make your life better. That is what a neighbourhood centre supports. So, with a backdrop of escalating cost-of-living pressures and rapidly growing populations in places like Hinkler, let us understand and be clear that a community is at its best when it's strong and connected. The staff and volunteers of our neighbourhood centres believe that everyone matters. Neighbourhood centres serve as welcoming spaces that reduce isolation. Neighbourhood centres build resilience and are ready to respond when crises hit. The coalition is committed to protecting Australians' way of life and restoring their standard of living. We must ensure these community hearts beat strongly forever. 13:21 Mr GOSLING 245392 Solomon I spoke last week in this place about the Northern Territory government finally announcing a tender process for a youth engagement hub at a new location in Leanyer in Darwin. We announced the youth engagement hub as an election commitment in 2022, almost four years ago. Ever since the Youth Shack at Casuarina closed, there had been a great need for a place that young people could drop in to hang out, to play some sport and to connect with mentors and services. Working with the then Territory Labor government, after significant consultation, a site was selected at the old Casuarina fire station. This site was chosen due to its centrality, including its proximity to the Casuarina Square shopping centre and bus services, as well as youth mental health services such as headspace, in areas where young people live and study and work. A key element of the concept for this location was the interest from the Casuarina Square's owners, Sentinel, to provide internships and traineeships at the retail areas for those young people. That would allow them to engage effectively with appropriate supports but also be within walking distance of those employment opportunities. A consultation process was undertaken for the model of care of these young people and the design of the site. That was all done and developed. The Darwin Men's Shed was at the old Casuarina fire station at the time. I made a commitment for a million dollars, and they were moved to a temporary site to allow the old Casuarina fire station to be razed to the ground—it was full of asbestos—so that the site could be prepared for the building of the youth engagement hub. Everything was in place. It was a shovel-ready site. But then came the NT government election. Enter the CLP NT government. On the basis of a shonky petition, they decided to move the youth engagement hub, even though it was shovel ready. The petition was a sham and wasn't reflective of the community that that these young people lived in. Shameful! It was all counter to the stakeholder engagement report that was commissioned previously. I'm talking about 450 stakeholders. The aim, of course, of the youth hub is to improve the wellbeing of our youth, and it will also help to reduce youth offending rates, which has been and continues to be a major issue for the local community. The shame of this was that the Casuarina fire station site was shovel ready, and we could have been opening it about now instead of starting a new process, 18 months later, all over again. But we are where we are. The Northern Territory government must deliver on this objective of supporting our young people with the required funding and services as a matter of priority. The federal government funding is still there for the build, but we've wasted a lot of time. I will move on, but the original plan was for a dedicated, fit-for-purpose facility with safe indoor and outdoor spaces and long opening hours to better service the needs of young people in our community. And, as I said, we would have been able to open it about now. We need a dedicated permanent structure to deliver the opportunity for young people, the hub model, with the co-location of NT government agencies and non-government agencies that deliver those youth services. A one-stop youth engagement hub is exactly what we need. It is still some time away. To have that engagement with the students and young people and flexible learning models, the youth hub will work with young people from 10 to 17. There will be scope for families to become involved. If there's a young person that attends a youth engagement hub, they may bring younger siblings in. It will engage with the families. Providing a safe and engaging space for children and young people is so important, linking them to support services where needed and linking those families in, as I said, and encouraging them to also engage with our young people. 13:26 Mr REBELLO 316547 McPherson I rise to support this motion and to recognise the extraordinary role that neighbourhood and community centres play, not just in times of crisis but every single day in communities like mine on the southern Gold Coast. These centres are often the quiet backbone of our communities. They're where people turn when life becomes overwhelming, when they need food on the table, support for their mental health, help navigating services or simply a place where someone will listen. On the southern Gold Coast, we're fortunate to have a network of dedicated community organisations and neighbourhood centres that step in where other services simply don't reach. From Palm Beach Neighbourhood Centre to the Varsity Lakes Community Resource Centre, these centres are often the first and sometimes the only point of contact for vulnerable Australians, and their importance becomes even more evident in times of disaster. On the Gold Coast, during ex-tropical-cyclone Alfred, we saw firsthand just how vital these community centres and organisations are. While the winds were still howling, rain was falling and power was out for days, community centres opened their doors. They became safe havens, coordination points and lifelines. They distributed supplies, checked in on isolated residents and provided real-time information when people needed it most. Importantly, they offered reassurance—a human connection at a time of uncertainty and fear. But, despite all this, many of these centres are operating under immense strain. They're underfunded and overstretched, and they're often forced to rely on short-term competitive grants just to keep their doors open. What we're seeing now is that we are left hanging when it comes to whether this government will fund the Stronger Communities Program that these community centres and neighbourhood centres often rely on and benefit from. We can't expect organisations that provide essential frontline support to operate in a constant state of uncertainty, never knowing if they'll have the resources to continue to do their work six months down the track. The staff and the volunteers who power these centres deserve better. They're people who go above and beyond every day. They work tirelessly, often with limited resources, driven not by profit but by a deep commitment to their communities. On the southern Gold Coast, I've seen this dedication firsthand, meeting with volunteers who give their time to supporting others. Investing in community centres is not just the right thing to do; it's the smart thing to do. When government supports these centres, we strengthen our communities, we reduce pressure on other services, and we ensure that there's help that's available early before problems escalate to a crisis. This motion rightly acknowledges the indispensable role of neighbourhood and community centres. It highlights the challenges they face, and it calls for the long-term support that they so clearly need. I commend the member for Lyne for bringing this motion forward, and I encourage the government to listen and support it. The DEPUTY SPEAKER C2T The time allotted for this debate has expired. The debate is adjourned, and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting. Sitting suspended from 13:30 to 16:00 STATEMENTS BY MEMBERS 143 STATEMENTS BY MEMBERS Fuel 143 16:00 Mr JOYCE e5d New England Obviously, the issue in regard to the fuel crisis continues on in the seat of New England. In fact, it continues on in regional Australia. I was just on the phone then to Ben Clifton from Transwest. They still can't get access to product, and, in some instances, the nuances and legalities of arriving mean they turn up with multiple trucks and get turned away. We have Ben Clifton and others coming down tomorrow. They'll have a meeting with the minister for energy and resources and then, hopefully, later that afternoon or the next day they'll meet up with the Treasurer. It is vitally important that the ministers within the government hear from the people on the ground, especially those who are in the independent sector dealing on the spot market. I have been working as best as I can with the government—because we've got to put parochialism aside on these things—in regard to legislation and dealing with mitigating risk in such a form as you can bring fuel in here and encourage people to go into the spot market, especially in Singapore, and purchase product. When a tanker leaves, there can be up to 250 million litres on it if it's a large tanker. That's an awful lot of money. If the market goes against you, it could send you broke. I want to compliment the government on their actions thus far. We've got something done. We've got a lot more to do. I look forward to being a positive force in bringing that about. Assyrian Australian Community 144 16:01 Ms STANLEY 265990 Werriwa I've spoken in the past about the way different cultural and religious groups in the electorate of Werriwa celebrate the new year from 1 January until almost August. In this tradition, the most recent new year celebration was at the invitation of the Assyrian National Council of Australia and the Young Assyrians. The Assyrian civilisation and culture is one of the oldest on earth, dating back 7,000 years to Mesopotamia. In the Assyrian calendar, this year is 6776. Traditionally, the new year is celebrated on 1 April and, in ancient times, lasted several days, including processions, prayers, rituals and public gatherings. The new year is a proud expression of identity, resilience and cultural continuity. The new year event, held this year at Fairfield Showground, was, as always, a wonderful expression of Assyrian pride and tradition. It was great to have Prime Minister Albanese in attendance. National costumes, food stalls, entertainment and dance on the night were terrific, and it was an honour and a pleasure for me to attend. My electorate is home to thousands of Assyrian Australians. Their contribution to community life in every area is significant, and our part of the world is only strengthened by their presence. Congratulations to Hermiz Shahen and Dennis Suro and all the volunteers who organised this new year's celebration. I trust that year 6776 is a wonderful year full of happiness, joy and good health. Assyrian Australian Community, Chaldean Australian Community 144 16:03 Ms LE 295676 Fowler For those who missed their new year's resolution on 1 January, well, come to Fowler. Like the member for Werriwa, we too have new year celebrations for months on end. March is a very special month for our community. For Catholics, we have Lent and Palm Sunday just past, and, for our Assyrian and Chaldean Australian communities, it is their new year celebrations. I want to thank Sam Yousif, president of the Chaldean League Australia; his secretary, Laith Alchino; and His Grace Bishop Mar Amel Nona for always welcoming me to their cultural activities. This year marks the 7,326th Akitu festival. I also recently joined the Assyrian Australian community to celebrate the 6776th new year, which falls on 1 April—which is my birthday, by the way. I thank Hermiz Shahen of the Assyrian National Council and Dennis Suro, President of the Young Assyrians, for including me in their celebration. Even in difficult times, it is remarkable to honour the Australian heritage of one of the world's oldest communities, a community at the very heart of Fowler. Families gathered to celebrate not just culture but identity and belonging—a reminder that, through collective commitment, we build a brighter future for all. To all the Chaldean and Assyrian Australians, happy new year! May this year bring health, joy and continuous growth. In the Assyrian Aramaic language: reesh shato brikhto to everybody who celebrates the new year. O'Neil, Kelsie, Collier, Mykenna, Fosteris, Allegra 144 16:04 Ms BERRY 23497 Whitlam I rise today to recognise Kelsie O'Neil, Mykenna Collier and Allegra Fosteris—three extraordinary young women from the Oak Flats Albion Park Gymnastics and Acrobatics Club, which is in my electorate of Whitlam. Kelsie, Mykenna and Allegra have been selected to represent Australia in the senior women's group event at the world cup in Belgium. This is a major competition that is part of the International Gymnastics Federation world cup series. This talented trio, representing New South Wales, won the senior international women's group competition at last year's Australian Gymnastics Championships. They not only won the all-round title; they also secured gold in the balance, dynamic and combined routines. Their success highlights the fact that they are not only elite gymnasts as individuals; they also are able to combine superbly as a team at the highest level. There have been setbacks over the past year, but they have fought back from injuries and trained extremely hard, including for 20 hours a week in a hot tin shed over summer, to win selection for this prestigious international competition. Tomorrow night is their last training session in Australia before they fly out. On behalf of everyone in the electorate of Whitlam, I would like to wish Kelsie, Mykenna and Allegra all the very best as they represent their club, their state and their country at the world cup. Euthanasia 144 16:06 Ms CHANEY 300006 Curtin Voluntary assisted dying, or VAD, is now an established part of Australia's health system. Every state and the ACT have legislated for it, with the Northern Territory expected to follow this year. Yet as the 2026 State of VAD report to be launched tomorrow highlights, significant barriers remain for people eligible to access it. Today, I want to focus on one key barrier—one with a simple solution which I first raised more than two years ago through a private member's bill but which remains unresolved. Outdated provisions in the Commonwealth Criminal Code mean clinicians risk criminal liability for using telehealth to provide lawful VAD care. Patients must therefore attend all consultations in person, and doctors fear prosecution if they mention VAD during a telehealth appointment. Telehealth is an essential part of modern healthcare. In rural and remote Australia, it's often the only way to access specialist care. For people who are seriously ill or frail, Telehealth can prevent unnecessary suffering. Tragically, some people in regional WA have died without access to VAD or endured exhausting travel because telehealth is unavailable. Australia is the only country to criminalise telehealth in VAD. The fix is simple: amend the law to clarify that VAD is not suicide. I urge the government to act so no Australian is denied dignity at the end of life because of where they live. Fuel 145 16:07 Mr GOSLING 245392 Solomon The Albanese Labor government is delivering lower fuel prices for Territorians. The Australian government will halve the fuel excise on petrol and diesel for three months, cutting the cost of fuel by about 26.3 cents per litre and reducing the cost of a 65 litre tank of fuel by about $19. We've also reduced the heavy vehicle road user charge to zero for three months to help truckies continue their vital work for our Northern Territory and for our nation. Also, the next scheduled increase in the heavy vehicle road user charge will be deferred for another six months. The ACCC will continue to monitor fuel prices to ensure that the lower excise rate is fully passed on at the bowser. Australia's fuel supply outlook remains secure in the near term because of the actions that our government has taken. However, the longer this war goes on, the worse the impacts will be. So we are acting now to prepare and shield Australians from the worst effects of this conflict. It may be on the other side of the world, but it is going to impact Australia. We know that. We acknowledge it. We're working with the states and territories to ensure that Australians have fuel at a price that continues to be as low as possible. Mackellar Electorate: Veterans 145 16:09 Dr SCAMPS 299623 Mackellar Today I would like to recognise and thank the many dedicated community organisations that support Mackellar's 2,800 veterans and their families. These organisations are driven by deep care and compassion to support those who have served our nation. Thank you to RSL LifeCare, which operates both Homes for Heroes, at the RSL Anzac Village in Narrabeen, and the Northern Beaches Veteran Wellbeing Centre, which they run in partnership with Dee Why RSL. Thank you also to Saltwater Veterans, for strengthening veterans' wellbeing and mateship through sailing, and to Roses in the Ocean, for your powerful work in lived-experience suicide prevention. And, of course, an immense thank you goes to our RSL sub-branches: Pittwater, Avalon Beach, Collaroy, Dee Why, Forestville, Narrabeen, Palm Beach and the War Veterans Village. Through remembrance, advocacy and community, you continue to stand beside and pay tribute to those who have served our nation, ensuring their service and sacrifice are never forgotten. I also want to acknowledge the government's recent increase in the DVA rebates for veterans accessing medical and allied health care. After years of neglect, this increase was desperately needed, and it was something I called for very strongly to ensure our veterans have access to the care they need when they need it. Fuel 145 16:10 Ms JARRETT 298574 Brisbane The No. 1 priority of this Labor government is cost of living, which is why, since being elected, we have taken significant steps to help people out. From tax cuts to $25 scripts to energy bill relief to seeing a GP for free, we're helping ease cost of living. Now, while a war rages overseas, we are seeing prices at the petrol pump go up, and, if we listened to the other side during question time, you would swear that this government was completely oblivious to that and doing nothing. But nothing could be further from the truth. Again, we, this Labor government, are stepping in to help with unexpected hip-pocket hits. Today we halved the fuel excise for three months. We're cracking down on grifters who are trying to rip people off by price gouging. We're legislating higher penalties for petrol companies that do the wrong thing, up to a maximum of $100 million per offence. And we've given the ACCC more powers in terms of price monitoring and the ability to issue on-the-spot fines. No-one wants to see consumers hit in the hip pocket by someone who thinks they can make a quick buck, because who loses out when that happens? Everyone—every person who might be dropping their kids off at school or running a business and trying to keep the door open. The conflict overseas shouldn't be seen as an excuse to profit off Australians. The new laws are for the people of Brisbane and beyond, and my message to the servos is: don't take advantage. Don't treat my community and other Australians like mugs. Do the right thing. It is so un-Australian to price-gouge. Cook Electorate: Christmas Card Photography Competition 146 16:12 Mr KENNEDY 267506 Cook I want to congratulate the winners of my 2025 Christmas card photography competition. They beautifully captured the stunning character and coastal aspect of lots of Cook. Jess and Jordan Wilken from Wilken Photography, thank you for your fantastic photo. Michael Sutton, the creator of Humans of Cronulla, does beautiful morning photographs every day at Cronulla Beach. Carolyn from I Love Kurnell showcased the extraordinary natural environment off beautiful Kurnell. Their photos made the front of our Cook Christmas card. I'd also like to acknowledge the outstanding runners-up, whose work equally highlighted how special our local area is: Jon Vale, for his image of Gymea Bay; Jane Hull and Sandra Reily, capturing beautiful Cronulla: Made By TM, with a stunning perspective of Sans Souci; Lyn Stokes, with a beautiful scene from Oyster Bay, and Silver Back—our local skateboarding celebrity dog, Giotto, who's currently sick and unwell, with a GoFundMe page. Please donate generously to Help Giotto Keep Shredding. We want to see him back and well. Each of these entries reflects the pride people have in our gorgeous local community. They're the stories that make up our community and make it special. To all the winners and participants: thank you and congratulations. Neighbour Day 146 16:14 Ms CAMPBELL 312823 Moreton The premise is a simple one: get together with your neighbours, share some food, play some games and meet some new friends. That is the premise of Neighbour Day. It was held in Kuraby this last Saturday just gone, and it was put together by a fantastic community champion, Faiz Ahmed. It's been an annual event since 2021. Whether you're riding on a pony, playing backyard cricket or sharing a snag, it brings our community together in a special way that reduces isolation, strengthens local ties, improves community wellbeing and bolsters social cohesion. This last Saturday just gone, kids were proudly displaying their medals and holding up their trophies. We heard about one player hitting a half century of just 22 balls, and we were there to celebrate players at the Macgregor cricket club awards. I want to congratulate and thank the members of the executive there—Ankur, Chirag and Nimisha—for all that they do for the club that's been around since 1974 and boasts 270 members from super sevens to elite competitors and many more joining the junior and master blasters programs. It's almost entirely volunteer run, with strong parent involvement in coaching, umpiring, scoring and administration. To those players, I say congratulations to all of you. Well done. Economy 146 16:15 Ms LANDRY 249764 Capricornia Australians don't need to be told something is wrong with the economy. They feel it every single day. The reality is simple: the economy is weak, fuel supplies aren't guaranteed, and families across this country are hurting. Energy security, once something Australians could rely on, is now a growing concern. When fuel supplies are uncertain, it doesn't just affect transport; it hits agriculture, freight and the very backbone of our economy. Without reliable and affordable energy, productivity suffers, and prices go up. It's that simple. Let me give a real world example from a pineapple farm in Yeppoon. Normally, this farm relies on 1,500 litres of fuel each week. Right now, it has been rationed to just 1,000 litres—only 60 per cent of what it needs. In the short term, there's a small buffer, but, if this rationing continues for two weeks, pineapple-farming operations will stop. The farm will still pick fruit, but it won't plant new crops, and that means, in two years time, there will be no fruit to harvest. That's not just a supply issue; that's an economic warning sign. While these pressures mount, Australians are asking where the plan is and where the leadership to strengthen our economy, secure our energy future and provide real relief is. We need practical solutions that support households, back small businesses and ensure that essential supplies like fuel are stable and affordable, because, right now, too many Australians feel like they're being left behind. Our focus must be on delivering for the people we represent, not ignoring the reality they face. Australians deserve better. They deserve an economy that works for them not against them. Holt Electorate: Nowruz 146 16:17 Ms FERNANDO 299964 Holt On the weekend, I joined the Victorian Afghan Associations' Network to celebrate the holiday of Nowruz. Nowruz has been celebrated for over 3,000 years by peoples of many religions and cultures across the lands of the ancient Persian empire. It marks the New Year and the arrival of spring in the Northern Hemisphere. While our seasons differ here in Australia, the spirit of Nowruz is alive and thriving in my electorate of Holt, which nearly 12,000 people from Afghanistan call home. In Dandenong Park, more than 10,000 people gathered to celebrate with poetry, traditional music, dancing and cultural performances that reflect the diversity of the different cultures that make up the Afghan Australian community. Events like these remind us that multiculturalism is not just something we talk about; it is something the Labor Party embraces and that we live every day in Melbourne's outer south-east. This was my fifth time attending this event, and, each year, it is a joy to join the Afghan Australian community in celebrating Nowruz. I want to thank president Zabi Mazoori, event coordinator Hafiz Asadi, Hadi Karimi and all VAAN volunteers for their hard work and for always welcoming me so warmly on each occasion. BlowFly Cricket 147 16:18 Mr LEESER 109556 Berowra BlowFly Cricket is a unique institution in our community, operating within the Hornsby Ku-ring-gai & Hills District Cricket Association. BlowFly Cricket is an all-abilities cricket club that gives people with disability the chance to take part in the game and build skills and develop a love of cricket. I recently visited BlowFly Cricket at James Park oval in Hornsby. My bowling was promptly hit for six, and I dropped a few classic catches, but I also managed to score a few runs. Most importantly, I had the chance to meet people who loved the game and the community that surrounds it. What stands out about BlowFly Cricket is that there's a place for everyone. Some take to the field as players. Others serve as scorers, officials or volunteers or help run the barbecue on the sidelines. It's a club built on participation, teamwork and the simple joy of the love of sport. We're fortunate to have BlowFly Cricket in our part of Sydney, and it's an important part of the sporting life of our community. I want to acknowledge some of the people who make it happen: founder and volunteer manager Mark Rushton; President Shabana Hakim; Secretary Kate Guild; Vice President Bill Peterkin; Club Person of the Year Azaan Hakim; the oldest volunteer, 91-year-old Dougal Graham; Young Volunteer of the Year Riku Leonard; captains Maddie Jones and Ronnie MacKenzie; and Kakra and Penni Yeboah for their leadership in the club's inclusive volunteer program, as well as the dozens of other volunteers, parents, local sponsors and supporters who make running this club possible. May BlowFly Cricket continue to go from strength to strength in our community and around the country in the future. Bullwinkel Electorate: Health Care 147 16:20 Ms TRISH COOK 312871 Bullwinkel 'Five little monkeys jumping on a bed; one fell off and bumped his head.' We all know the rhyme, but, for a family in my electorate recently, this classic childhood mishap became very real last Sunday afternoon when their little monkey took a tumble and ended up with a nasty gash on his forehead. But the panic didn't last long because, luckily for this little monkey, his mum knew exactly where to go—the new Mundaring Medicare Urgent Care Clinic. It officially opened its doors just last month and already has had 530 presentations. They didn't have to face a crowded emergency department or wait for a simple procedure. They walked straight in and were seen immediately. A bit of medical glue to the forehead and a 'brave' sticker later, they were back home. But the story doesn't end there. Just a week later, the same mum found herself back at the clinic, but this time with her husband, who had been struck down by a severe viral illness and who also received prompt attention. This is the beauty of the Mundaring Medicare Urgent Care Clinic. It's a game changer for our community for three reasons: it's fully bulk-billed, so families don't have to dip into their wallets; extended hours; and no appointments or referrals necessary. It's making life easier, cheaper and safer for every little monkey and their parents in my electorate. Fuel 147 16:21 Mr LITTLEPROUD 265585 Maranoa This afternoon we've seen the self-congratulation of the Albanese government for taking up the coalition's idea of cutting excise and helping our heavy transport industry by removing the road-user charge. They've been asleep at the wheel. For the last three weeks, they've done three-fifths of bugger all to help this fuel crisis. There was no crisis three weeks ago, and, all of a sudden, they've found one. They've found one because ultimately people have seen their service stations run out of fuel not just in regional areas but also in capital cities. We are living in third-world circumstances. This is a government that has had all the tools at their disposal. The minister himself has had, since day one, the ability to know where every litre of fuel is in this country, and yet, despite the fact that he knew that there were gaps in the supply chain around this country, he did nothing about it. He did zero. He didn't care. He worked in the superficial of making sure a few servos in the cities kept their fuel, but those in regional Australia got nothing. His big plan, with Jim Chalmers, the Treasurer, is to also increase penalties from the ACCC. If these merchants were doing the wrong thing, why hasn't the ACCC already started an investigation, despite the size of the penalty, and done something about it? The ACCC is about as useful as the Bureau of Meteorology. Australians have lost faith in their institutions. They have lost faith in this government, who have let a crisis take hold, destroyed regional Australia and destroyed our supply chains and are destroying our economy. OzHarvest 148 16:23 Ms KARA COOK 316537 Bonner Every Australian family should have access to safe, nutritious and affordable food. Recently, I caught up with Michaela from OzHarvest, who are cooking up plans to further improve food security and reduce food waste in my community of Bonner. They're also supporting some of the most vulnerable in our community. In 2025 alone, they've delivered over 118,000 meals to those in need right across my electorate, saved nearly 135,000 kilos of food from landfill and prevented the equivalent of 134,000 kilos of carbon emissions. They're also working with five charity partners and five schools locally to deliver their FEAST program to help educate our next generation about food sustainability. I'm proud of the Albanese Labor government, who is backing food security for those who need it most. This includes $20 million from the financial wellbeing grants for four food relief providers, including OzHarvest, to increase the supply of affordable food. I say to OzHarvest: great work. You are planting the seeds for a more secure and less wasted food future. And, through the Albanese Labor government's commitment, we will continue to ensure you are able to ensure all Australians get their fair share. Police 148 16:24 Mr McCORMACK 219646 Riverina Reports are that Dezi Freeman, who shot and killed two police officers in Victoria, has been shot and killed himself, and there won't be much mourning done for this cop killer. Anybody who draws weapons on police deserves what is coming to them. We have seen a rise in recent times of sovereign citizens in this nation, and it is extremely worrying. I wrote an editorial many years ago—many, many years ago—and said that police officers who draw their weapons were damned if they did and dead if they didn't, and there were a number of people who were criticising police at the time in a number of high-profile incidents where police did what the community expected of them. We have seen, in both Queensland and Victoria, officers slain by people who have drawn weapons. We have to protect our police. Police have to protect their police. We've seen it all too often in recent times. I have personal experience of this, of police officers not being protected by their own. Police officers do a darn fine job, and I commend them for it. I'm just glad that we've now got in Mal Lanyon a police commissioner in New South Wales who will stick up for his officers, and I certainly give him every respect in that regard. Sturt Electorate: Rotary Club of Campbelltown 148 16:26 Ms CLUTTERHAM 316101 Sturt I recently attended the 60th anniversary of the Rotary Club of Campbelltown, held at the San Giorgio La Molara Club in my electorate of Sturt. This 60th anniversary celebration was a celebration of 60 years of service to others and service to the community. To give context of just how long the club has been contributing to the community, its charter was entered into in 1966, which is the year we moved into decimal currency, away from pounds, shillings and pence to dollars and cents. The club has been around for 21 constitutional referendums and has seen 16 prime ministers and 13 South Australian premiers, so it has seen significant social change and political change. But, throughout all of that change, one thing has remained constant, and that is the club's dedication to community and to serving others. At the party, we reflected that so many big things go on around us. The world is frequently changing and moving, sometimes incredibly rapidly, so small wins—the little things, things that promote the small parts of our community to help it thrive and be a place of belonging—are more important than ever. The Campbelltown rotary club's vision is to be progressive, inclusive and innovative in its approach to creating positive social change while having fun and expanding networks. I offer a heartfelt congratulations to President Gail Casey and all Campbelltown Rotarians who continue to serve their community every day. Get Down for Down Syndrome Walk 148 16:27 Mrs McINTOSH 281513 Lindsay I rise to speak about something very positive, warm and wonderful in my community of Lindsay. The Nepean River gets used for many causes. We walk the six to seven kays around the river. The other week it was for the Get Down for Down Syndrome Walk, and it was beautiful. There was so much love and family atmosphere and cuddles. It was a fantastic splash of colour—blue and yellow socks. I tried to wear socks with my high heels. I didn't get very far, but it's a really great campaign. It's all about fun, but it's also about inclusion and ensuring that people across my community do feel included. The colourful socks have a simple, meaningful definition that socks come in all shapes and sizes and designs just like people, and each one is different. That's exactly what makes them special. It's a wonderful reminder that our differences are often something to celebrate and not to hide. It's what makes communities richer, kinder and more vibrant. There was a lot of kindness on the day around the Nepean River, and it was particularly special because it was also in celebration of World Down Syndrome Day, understanding the importance of inclusion and opportunity and carrying on that very important message and ensuring that people right across our community, especially in times like this, feel loved and needed. WILD for STEM 149 16:29 Mr SOON 298618 Banks I rise to recognise the amazing work of WILD for STEM. WILD for STEM is a social enterprise dedicated to breaking down the barriers faced by women advancing in the science, technology, engineering and mathematics fields. A few weeks ago I had the pleasure of meeting WILD for STEM's co-founder Dr Nadine Brew and discussing their two nationally recognised programs, the WILD Program and the Board X program, which help women in STEM fields develop their leadership skills, observe the workings of boards in the industry and access recruitment pathways. The impact of WILD for STEM programs is clear. People like Kerrie from Mortdale, in my electorate of Banks, have participated in their programs and can attest to their ability to help women STEM leaders get a seat at the table. With STEM underpinning a significant proportion of our economy and essential to industries like defence, manufacturing and health, we cannot afford to let talented professionals fall through the cracks. This is why I look forward to continuing to work with WILD for STEM and supporting their work developing and promoting future industry leaders not only in my community of Banks but across New South Wales and across our country. Fuel 149 16:30 Mr SMALL 291406 Forrest It is so good that the Prime Minister has finally seen the light after being dragged kicking and screaming to axe the tax on fuel by the coalition. On Friday, of course, we announced our policy to halve the fuel excise tax for every Australian for the next three months, which is absolutely great news for the people of Forrest because the Prime Minister has joined us in axing the tax, saving Australians $0.26 a litre on fuel. In recent weeks, I heard from Forrest locals who told me plainly that they needed help. Families, workers and small-business owners in a regional community like mine travel great distances, whether for work, business, family life or leisure. So, as fuel prices continue to rise, they were feeling the pinch. Prices at the bowser have increasingly started with a three. Indeed, in Bunbury I was standing there—$3.26 a litre for diesel on the weekend—with a tradesman who does 70,000 kays a year saying to me that he just didn't know how long it was sustainable to do so. That's to say nothing of the travel for work, school or medical appointments. The stress placed on household budgets was real and it was felt right across the community. And that's why, as a member of the coalition, I listened, and we came to the table with a policy that delivers some $16 million in savings every single day at the bowser. And, finally, the government has joined us in giving Australians the break that they need. Rudolf, Mr Ivan 149 16:32 Mr HUSIC 91219 Chifley Parliaments should be the place to honour the quiet contributions of our fellow Australians, and Ivan Rudolf deserves such recognition. He sadly left us aged 84. His story speaks to the very best of those folk that made it here to start a life in postwar Australia, leaving behind comfort and security, moving from one side of the planet to the other, building a new life from scratch. He arrived here in 1970, settled down in Wollongong and began a tailoring business, where his hard work and reputation for honesty made him a success. In '74, he returned to Slovenia to marry his wife, Maria. They set up home in Balgownie, in the electorate now represented tremendously by the member for Cunningham, to start their family with the birth of their daughter, Rebeka, and then their son, Robert. Ivan threw himself into helping the Slovenian diaspora here, energetically promoting Slovenian culture and language and maintaining connection. Beside establishing the Slovenian voice program on community radio, he helped set up the Slovenian Australian club Planica, serving as president for over 40 years. The respect for his work was recognised widely in the Slovenian Australian community and is reflected by the presence today of Minister Plibersek, someone proud of her Slovenian heritage and whose family proudly knew Ivan. To me, I'll remember Ivan for his humour, hard work, love of family and the country that was so good to them. I end with the heartfelt words expressed at his farewell: Ivan Rudolf's life reminds us that Australia's success has been built, brick by brick, by people who asked for little and gave everything. May we never forget what we owe to those like Ata Ivan. The DEPUTY SPEAKER 264170 Vale, Mr Rudolf. Lyne Electorate: Roads 149 16:33 Ms PENFOLD 248895 Lyne Deputy Speaker Swanson, I'm pleased you're here today because I'm actually going to talk about an intersection, although not one that we have in common. It's one at the other end of my electorate of Lyne, and that is the intersection of the Oxley Highway at Wrights Road and Lake Road, which is one of the most congested intersections on the Mid North Coast. It's the major arterial link to the Port Macquarie Base Hospital, to the port CBD, to industrial and education precincts and to surrounding residential areas. The growing Hastings Valley population and increased traffic volumes have placed very significant pressure on the corridor. Despite $4 million in funding being provided back in 2022 by the coalition government to finalise planning, the Albanese government cut the funding, and the project remains stalled. Even with constant calls from council, state and federal representatives for this to be corrected, every budget since has neglected to allocate a single dollar to the project. There was even a petition of more than 10,000 locals' signatures presented to the New South Wales government on the issue, yet we're still waiting. There is now a further attempt under way in the community to get the ball rolling through its submission campaign via the New South Wales Transport 'Have your say' portal. This is not the place or the issue for governments to play partisan politics, so I ask the government to provide the funding that was taken away to enable the project to get moving, to address the critical corridor and to address the congestion on the Mid North Coast at Wrights Road. Gender Equality 150 16:35 Mr DAVID SMITH 276714 Bean Currently, we are seeing significant underrepresentation of women in our top industrial positions, where highly skilled and diverse leaders are exiting STEM. In order to allow for Australian innovation to truly prosper, we must remedy these issues of structural inequality. This can be helped to be achieved by programs like WILD for STEM, an initiative providing valuable leadership training, tailored network building and opportunity for industry experience. Over 150 Australian women have benefited from this program. One hundred per cent of participants have retained a career in STEM, with half receiving new roles or promotions and 28 per cent gaining positions on boards within one year. Over the coming four years, WILD for STEM aims to advance the careers of 300 emerging female leaders in STEM, an objective possible through government investment. I'd like to recognise Dr Klara Verbyla, a constituent of Bean. Klara holds her PhD in genetics statistics, working alongside key agricultural sectors, including a decade-long collaboration with the CSIRO. Participating in WILD for STEM allowed her to strengthen her leadership capacity while developing and expanding her network and connections in industry. She now serves as the vice president for a global agriculture technology company, proving the value of programs like WILD for STEM that champion diversity in Australian industries. Flinders Electorate: Infrastructure 150 16:36 Ms McKENZIE 124514 Flinders The Mornington Peninsula is being left behind by Victoria's state Labor government. The Committee for Frankston and Mornington Peninsula recently released a benchmarking report showing that the state government has poured $4.2 billion into the Geelong region, but just $1.8 billion into the Mornington Peninsula. Per person, that's $14,400 versus $5,600—same state, but a very different scoreboard. And what's Geelong getting for it? A $449 million convention centre, train infrastructure and waterfront upgrades. Meanwhile, on the peninsula, we're still calling for basic road upgrades, better public transport and a hospital that's fit for purpose. Geelong gets a stadium refit. We get potholes on Point Nepean Road. Geelong gets major investment in train infrastructure, while 80 per cent of my electorate still has no access to public transport. The worst part of it is that the peninsula is paying for all this work over the ditch. We pay more in taxes in everything—land tax, cladding tax and $225 million more in payroll tax every year. We're funding the upgrades, but we're not getting any of them. But, right now, voters in Nepean have a chance to call it out. This by-election on 2 May is your opportunity to send a message loud and clear to the Allan Labor government that the peninsula is done being treated like a poor cousin, and I ask my fellow residents of the southern Mornington Peninsula to vote for Anthony Marsh so he can fight for our fair share in Spring Street. Daintree Ferry 150 16:38 Mr MATT SMITH 312393 Leichhardt The tourism season is upon us—the four-day break that a lot of people look forward to. If you're headed to Far North Queensland, or if you're lucky enough to be a local, can I recommend heading over the river to the Daintree. On Thursday, the Daintree Ferry will open again after being closed due to a flooding incident on 6 March. It's open to visitors. You could go there for a half-day reef tour. You could look for crocs or cassowaries, take a dip in one of the croc-free swimming holes or grab an ice cream or the tropical fruit that is in abundance. These are not big businesses. These are family businesses who have been cut off through no fault of their own. The Daintree is one of the last truly wild places on the planet. You go there, and you'll have a great time, and the people of the Daintree will welcome you with open arms. We can support our local families and our local businesses really close to home by driving that hour and a half up the road from Cairns, taking that ferry and heading into the wilderness. Go and look out over Cape Tribulation and experience what people put on their bucket list, right around the corner. I know it's been a hard few weeks for the businesses of the Daintree. They don't ask for much, but they want to show off their region. So I urge everyone in Far North to head in that direction and support our local businesses. Fuel 151 16:40 Mr PASIN 240756 Barker Australians, including states and territories, have been pleading for leadership, and today we've finally seen some, albeit four weeks into a crisis. I welcome the announcement of a national security plan around fuel. This is serious and it's necessary. But this government has a track record of big announcements and weak delivery, so I'm going to review that plan's details very carefully. We also welcome the reduction in fuel excise and road user charges. That relief is needed now, particularly as Easter is just around the corner. But it shouldn't have taken the opposition to do the heavy lifting on this. The Prime Minister should have led. He should have taken action before now. If the Prime Minister thinks the people of Australia believe that it was his idea all along, I just want to read a text message I received from a transport operator this morning: 'Hi Tony. Thank you for the help putting pressure on the government. The latest announcement is no doubt a result of that pressure.' Aussies get it. Aussies get that, when there is a lack of leadership from the Prime Minister or the Minister for Climate Change and Energy, it's the opposition that has taken the lead. It's disappointing that this prime minister has had to follow, but at least we have dragged him to the point that he needed to get to four weeks ago. National Cultural Policy 151 16:41 Ms TEMPLEMAN 181810 Macquarie The strength of our National Cultural Policy, Revive, is that it's grounded in the ideas and aspirations of Australians themselves. For me, as Special Envoy for the Arts, it's been heartening to see so many of the ideas shared during the 2022 consultations become a reality through this policy. Three years into a five-year plan, we've delivered on 75 of the 85 actions we committed to. We've taken important steps to rebuild the sector, supporting artists, strengthening institutions and backing live music and local storytelling. I'm proud of what we achieved, but I know there's more to do. Our cultural policy must evolve with the communities that it serves. That's why we've opened consultation on the next cultural policy. The input will ensure that our policy continues to reflect the ambitions of the arts community and help realise its potential. We want to hear from artists, audiences and communities right across Australia. Whether you're a leading major organisation or a small home-grown outfit, an individual artist or simply someone who values creativity every day, my message to people right across the country is: your ideas and experiences can help shape what comes next—how we support creativity, expand access and tell Australian stories in a way that's ambitious, inclusive and future focused. I encourage everyone to have their say. Fuel 151 16:43 Mr HOGAN 218019 Page In a time of crisis when there's an emergency with things going on, either you see real leadership or you don't, and what my community feel right now is that we are not seeing real leadership in this country in what are very extenuating circumstances. I acknowledge that obviously these circumstances aren't the doing of the Australian government or people in Australia, but they have ramifications, obviously, all around the world and very severe ramifications in our economy. Within four to five days of the conflict in Iran starting, I was getting calls from major agricultural players, processors and the like who already were being told that fuel supplies were going to be cancelled or that they weren't going to get them when they normally would, which was causing immediate problems. In the parliament the next week, we were all down here asking questions of the Minister for Climate Change and Energy. We were highlighting supply issues that we saw. That whole first week, we heard, 'Nothing to see here,' from him. There were no issues; everything was under control. Then suddenly, a week later, we heard, 'Well, yes, we don't have a fuel reserve issue, but, yes, there are 500 petrol stations across the country who don't have enough fuel.' Again, we came up with the solution. The price issue was causing, and will still cause, massive inflationary impacts across this economy. We were saying, 'You need to do something about it.' Finally, they followed our commitment to halve the fuel excise. They need to lead on this. Murgatroyd, Ms Tilley, Maritime Industry 151 16:44 Ms CLAYDON 248181 Newcastle I rise today to recognise an inspiring young Novocastrian, Tilley Murgatroyd, who is charting an exciting course in Australia's maritime industry. A proud Novocastrian, Tilley has recently stepped into a role as port officer with the Port Authority of New South Wales, an achievement built on her dedication, skill and hands-on training in Newcastle. Through a unique traineeship where the Port of Newcastle and Svitzer combine to develop skills around towage, pilotage support, on-water safety and port operations, Tilley has gained the kind of real-world experience that sets her up for a strong and lasting career on the harbour and at sea. This is exactly what we mean when we talk about creating effective employment pathways—giving young people the opportunity to learn, to train on the job and to step confidently into secure, skilled jobs in their own communities. Tilley's journey also speaks to something bigger: the importance of opening doors for more women in traditionally male dominated industries like maritime. Programs like this don't just build careers; they build the future workforce of our region, which needs support in a growing economy and thriving port. For Newcastle, a city defined by our working harbour, there is something especially powerful about seeing the next generation stepping forward to keep that legacy strong. To Tilley and to all the young people of Newcastle considering a career on the water, I say this: there is a place for you and a future that is worth pursuing. The DEPUTY SPEAKER 264170 In accordance with standing order 43, the time for members' statements has concluded. PRIVATE MEMBERS' BUSINESS 152 PRIVATE MEMBERS' BUSINESS National Disability Insurance Scheme 152 16:46 Mr PIKE 300120 Bowman I move: That this House: (1) acknowledges increasing reports from participants, families and service providers that the Government's mismanagement of the National Disability Insurance Scheme is resulting in reduced support packages, particularly for those with complex and high needs; (2) notes evidence provided through National Disability Insurance Agency (NDIA) answers to Questions on Notice from Supplementary Budget Estimates showing that: (a) eligibility reassessments increased from 12,366 in the fourth quarter of 2024-25 to 21,189 in the first quarter of 2025-26; (b) reassessments resulting in revoked eligibility surged from 389 to 10,202 over the same period; and (c) plan reviews led to a reduction of $436 million from participant plans in the first quarter of 2025-26; (3) recognises the reports that these changes are often occurring behind the scenes, with limited explanation or transparency provided to participants and their families; (4) condemns any approach to scheme sustainability that prioritises cutting participant supports over addressing systemic issues such as waste, red tape and fraud; and (5) calls on the Government to restore transparency, consistency and accountability in decision making, including clear communication of reasons for funding changes and a renewed focus on fixing inefficiency and safeguarding the integrity of the scheme. It's important that we recognise how significant the National Disability Insurance Scheme is and what a game changer it has been for so many across the communities that we represent in this place. We talk a lot about the big reforms that have happened over the course of the Australian federation. I don't think there are many that have had the sort of game-changing impact that we have seen from the National Disability Insurance Scheme, and both sides of parliament should be proud of the progress that we've made to try to ensure that those who are the most vulnerable in our communities are looked after in a way that we would expect them to be. It's often said that the true measure of a society is how we treat our most vulnerable. If that is the true measure of a society, then Australia should be very proud of how well we do treat our most vulnerable, with this really world-leading reform that has been put into place over recent years. But, of course, with that important reform and with this institution that we've created and the very, very complex regulations and legislation that underpin it, it is so critical that we have good stewardship of the NDIS, that we ensure that every dollar that is invested from the taxpayer is going where it is intended and that we ensure that no-one is slipping through the cracks. This is a scheme that is reaching maturity now. It's in its 13th year. It's a bit like a teenager, if you like. It's reaching that point now where it needs to make a call as to which direction it's going to go in. It could very easily slip into an overly bureaucratic, centrally controlled, grey, soulless bureaucracy that doesn't get the results we want. Similarly, it could become an absolute free-for-all, Wild-West-style enterprise, where people are rorting it left, right and centre. What we want to try to do is find that gap, that happy medium where people are getting the outcomes that they want—getting the outcomes that we want to see them want—but we're making sure that all the regulations are in place that are going to make sure that it is sustainable and achieving all those outcomes. But what we are unfortunately seeing is growth that is unsustainable. What we are seeing is growth at about 10.3 per cent per annum. That was from the last quarterly update. The government, of course, has had a strategy. They've had a goal of trying to get it to eight per cent. Now the National Cabinet is trying to set a target of five to six per cent. Unfortunately, what we're seeing in the press over recent days, as we head towards the budget the month after next, is speculation that the government's going to try to budget that five to six per cent aspirational target as what they're going to use as their forward projection. That concerns us. It worries us about whether the government have got a serious plan about how they're going to actually try to achieve that five to six per cent. I'm sure that every MP here, including the member for Forde, would appreciate that a huge amount of our casework that we're seeing in our electorate offices consists of people who are having their plans cut. They're being cut because this government is delivering very poor stewardship of this scheme. I had a 78-year-old mother called Jan reach out to me. She's providing palliative care to her son, who's got Huntington's disease. He requires constant one-on-one support. He can't communicate, can't feed himself and is constantly at risk of choking. Jan's providing all that care herself at 78. Her son's plan includes $18,000 for behavioural consultations, which of course he won't be using because he's heading, unfortunately, to palliative care. He's had a significant cut in his funding. Julie, another woman who lives down the road from me in Wellington Point, is a 61-year-old living with advanced symptoms of early-onset Alzheimer's disease and requires 24/7 care. She's had an unannounced 43 per cent cut. I'm sure I'm not the only MP who's hearing these sorts of stories. I'm going to run out of time, but all I can say is that cutting from the most vulnerable is the easy way out. That's not the way that any government should be trying to handle their stewardship of this scheme. These are the people the scheme was designed to support, and we cannot let them down. The DEPUTY SPEAKER 264170 Is there a seconder for the motion? Mr Rebello 316547 I second the motion and reserve my right to speak. 16:51 Mr HOLZBERGER 88411 Forde I rise to speak against this motion. I've got to say that the one thing that I really expected when I got here was that there'd be a lot more bipartisanship behind the scenes. I've been disappointed to see that, actually, this opposition is focused on scoring political points and making division where there really should be cooperation on so many things. We've seen it all week over fuel, and we see it on the NDIS as well. I guess it's that working together doesn't encourage Facebook clicks. The other thing that I think that the opposition and the member for Bowman should be— The DEPUTY SPEAKER 264170 Order! Mr HOLZBERGER 88411 I'm a little bit gobsmacked. I'm happy to respond to interjections, but what's the interjection? Are you interjecting about me interjecting? The DEPUTY SPEAKER 264170 Order! Mr HOLZBERGER 88411 If I could address what the member for Bowman is concerned about, he was talking about, on one hand, the scheme continuing to blow out while, on the other hand, cuts are being made. I'd like to make the point that I did have a life outside of politics—I had a life in construction and in farming—but for the last few years I was working for a senator. In 2018, we saw the NDIS grow under the former government. All of the problems that we saw in 2018 and beyond, when the scheme was small and manageable, just scaled up and got bigger as the former government took their eye off the road, took their hand off the wheel and let the NDIS career completely out of control. He mentions the growth of 10 per cent. It was more than double that when we came to government. It was 22 per cent when we came to government—totally unsustainable. Either it was deliberate negligence or it was incompetence. Either way, it has totally undermined the scheme and undermined public support for the scheme. For the opposition to come up in here and say that they actually support the scheme really does make me wonder what their motivation is. They talk about fraud as a sort of way to get at it, but the most stunning number that I've come to learn recently is that this government conducts more inquiries and reviews more claims every single day than the former government did in an entire year. You talk about fraud in the scheme and you talk about mismanaging the scheme, but unless you're prepared to put those resources into rebuilding the Public Service--which this government has done—that fraud is going to go completely unchecked and you're going to see it grow at 22 per cent. The problems around this scheme were evident in 2018, when they chose to do nothing about it. It has taken a lot of guts by this government, because the stories that the member for Bowman mentioned are heart-wrenching stories. They are stories that, as MPs, we deal with all the time, but they have only happened because problems have been allowed to fester. The one thing that I think needs to be made clear is that if we get this right, if we maintain public support for the NDIS, then it is going to grow. This isn't about throwing people off. It's not about cutting the NDIS. Ultimately, in the medium term, if we can grow it at about eight per cent, but get it to start to grow around that four or five per cent, then it is going to be sustainable. There are a couple of other things that do need to be stated as fact here: over the two-year period to September 2025, average plan budgets actually increased by 4.7 per cent per annum and the average payment per participant also increased, by 3.3 per cent. These are the sorts of increases which are sustainable and which are in line with inflation. These are the sorts of increases that, if we can get this right and if we can keep it sustainable, will maintain that community support. But, for the opposition to come in here and move this motion—it's an exercise in total incredulity. The hypocrisy to come in here and move a motion really deserves to be condemned by the Australian people, just as their mishandling of the NDIS for so many years also deserves to be condemned. It is without doubt the single biggest issue that we, as MPs, see when it comes to that constituent work. In Forde, I think we have one of the single biggest cohorts—we've got about 7,000 people—on the NDIS. We need to get it right. But the opposition's way of playing politics and playing division—and not looking at what they did—is not the way to handle this. 16:56 Mr REBELLO 316547 McPherson The NDIS is a system that was built to provide dignity, fairness and support for Australians living with disabilities. But, across Australia, we're seeing the exact opposite. We're seeing this in my electorate on the southern Gold Coast. We're seeing a system where participants are losing support, honest providers are under pressure and fraudulent operators are thriving. This goes to the heart of the problem. We are targeting the wrong people. Something is wrong when people who are doing the right thing—the physiotherapists I speak to, the OTs and various other professionals who are doing the right thing by working with and for participants—are not given the support that they need from this government, and those who are rorting the system are. There have been so many examples of this recently, but I'd say this: Australia is waking up, and Australians are waking up. This motion calls on the government to restore transparency, consistency and accountability and calls for a renewed focus on fixing inefficiency and safeguarding the integrity of this scheme. Anybody who has social media in this country will really question the integrity of the NDIS at the moment, and they'll question it for good reason because, time and time again, we are seeing the hard earned money of Australian taxpayers being absolutely used and abused not by participants but by the people who are running some of these facilities and some of these services. The data in the motion is distressing and deeply alarming. We're seeing that eligibility reassessments have nearly doubled, revoked eligibility has skyrocketed from 389 to over 10,000 and $436 million has been cut from participant plans in just one quarter. Everybody in this Chamber would have experiences of speaking to the parents, to families and to loved ones who have actually borne the brunt of these cuts. The government's own budget papers show that the NDIS is going to cost the Australian taxpayer $63.4 billion by 2028-29. It's absolutely telling. It's telling where this government's priorities are. Recently we had a situation in the Senate where the government was presented with the opportunity to participate in a review of the NDIS. In particular, it was a review into fraudulent behaviour in the NDIS scheme. And what did they do? They voted against it. Can you imagine that? A government member interjecting— Mr REBELLO 316547 I'll take the interjection by the member opposite that we've already got an inquiry. I think Australians are seeing. They're waking up to what this government's doing. They're waking up to the fact that it's asleep at the wheel while Australian taxpayers are footing the bill, something that those opposite care absolutely nothing about. What is happening is that the people who really need the NDIS support are not getting it. And that's the problem. I think there's no-one in this Chamber who would object to people who have a genuine need, and I've met many of these in my electorate as well. There are people who have a genuine need and who have suffered a disadvantage, through no fault of their own, using the NDIS. We have absolutely no concern as to them being afforded the respect, the dignity and the support that they need. However, what we should never stand for in this place is the fact that the system is being abused. We've got evidence that that is the case, and every single member of this parliament was sent details of that earlier in the year. Every single member of parliament should be aware of that. And, where we see examples of that being abused, somebody needs to stand up and say something about it because the Australian taxpayer deserves nothing less. And it's not just the Australian taxpayer; it is also every single one of those men, women and children that I and members across this Chamber speak to who actually rely on the NDIS because of genuine need. That is something that this government should hang their heads in shame about, because we're seeing a system—and it goes to the heart of this motion—that doesn't have integrity. And if the public doesn't have confidence in this system, buy-in is very, very hard. I say to the government: Australians are waking up. Do something now. Restore integrity to the NDIS because, frankly, the Australian taxpayer deserves better. 17:01 Dr FREELANDER 265979 Macarthur As a paediatrician, I believe in the NDIS. I believe it's one of Australia's most important social reforms. It's a proud Labor reform. I spoke to Julia Gillard about it and its importance long before I came into politics. It was introduced by Prime Minister Gillard in 2013 following crucial advocacy from disability groups. As a paediatrician, I saw that the one thing that families worried about, about their kids with disabilities, was who would care for them in the long term when the families weren't there. The NDIS provided that certainty, and it has been revolutionary. It does great things. The intention of the Gillard government was for the NDIS to support Australians living with severe and permanent disability with dignity, independence and opportunity. These were kids with severe intellectual disability, non-verbal autism, severe physical disability or chromosomal disorders such as Down syndrome. These families needed to be supported. They hadn't been for a long time, and it was revolutionary legislation by the Gillard government that brought this in. I was very proud to be a member of Labor when we introduced this, long before I entered parliament. Unfortunately, under the coalition, the scheme was set up without proper safeguards. It was set up in such a way that it could be manipulated by unscrupulous people. And we saw that happen time and time again. I went to Stuart Robert, who was the minister for the NDIS when I first entered parliament, to try and get some change in that regard. He ignored my advice and my pleas. The dysfunction in the scheme was built upon the very poor way it was administered by the coalition government from those times. The scheme drifted from its founding principles, as costs skyrocketed, without proper oversight or accountability. We saw exploitation by private providers who saw it as a cash cow for their own personal wealth growth rather than the personal growth and development of the recipients with a severe disability. We saw it become all things to all people. As a paediatrician, I was often coerced into making diagnoses to try and get kids into the NDIS who didn't have a severe disability. The rise of NDIS rorting was a blight on the coalition, and they should be the ones that hang their heads in shame about it. Too many bad actors made a good living off taxpayers' money whilst recipients were seen not as people but as profits. For too long, the coalition failed to act decisively. However, when we came to government, Bill Shorten, as the NDIS minister, started to put in place ways of screening providers and screening recipients. The scheme was being brought back to its roots, if you like. Let's be clear. When our Labor government came to office in 2022, we did not inherit a system in good order. We inherited a system that had been neglected, distorted and in some cases exploited from nearly a decade of coalition mismanagement. We are changing things, but change can't occur overnight. The NDIS, believe me, is doing wonderful things. It's providing people with a certainty that their relatives with severe disability will be cared for. We have not allowed the rorting to continue. We have instituted inquiries into the NDIS and mismanagement and criminal activity. We've established a multi-agency taskforce to crack down on fraud and exploitation, and we've introduced stronger powers and reforms to ensure those abusing the NDIS can be held accountable. We've also introduced the Thriving Kids initiative to look at ways that children, particularly young children, with concerns about their development could get access to early intervention. That means early intervention. It's not diagnosis specific, and it doesn't require huge amounts of money to be spent on therapists and paediatricians et cetera to get them the support that they need. This is very important. We are doing the right thing. We are improving the NDIS, but there's still a long, long, long way to go, and that's because the scheme was set up in a way that it has become all things to all people. That cannot continue. We must make sure that kids with severe disability and all people with severe disability get the support that they need. It's a Labor scheme, and I'm proud of it. 17:07 Ms ALDRED 11788 Monash I have a deep respect for the member for Macarthur. I knew of him before I came to this place. I respect his service here and before he entered this place for his contribution to medicine and particularly his paediatric experience. But I do take a different view to him on a number of points raised in this debate. It was the Gillard government that set up the NDIS, but it seems that it's all acclaim and no care with Labor when it comes to fronting up to some very significant challenges that the NDIS has right now. My good friend and colleague the member for McPherson raised a number of those points, including that this federal Labor government have been in power for four years now, and so it is important that they take responsibility for parts of the NDIS running very significantly off track. I have to say that, whether it's fuel or the NDIS, this prime minister is allergic to responsibility. He is afraid of accountability. Right now, there are a number of examples in the NDIS that deserve attention and need responsibility. It's a scheme that supports nearly 800,000 Australians, including 200,000 Victorians and many people in my electorate of Monash. Labor's failure to properly address the structural problems within the NDIS is leaving some of our most vulnerable Australians in limbo. Instead of fixing the system, we're seeing a heavy-handed attempt to rein in costs, and those attempts are hurting the people that this very scheme is designed to protect and support and help. In my electorate of Monash, I'm hearing this every single week from local families, carers and people with a disability themselves. Families are contacting my office about delayed plans, reduced support, unpaid invoices and a system that is becoming harder and harder to navigate. These are not just administrative inconveniences. They're not just paper deficiencies. These are real-world consequences impacting real people. When the NDIS invoices go unpaid, providers are left with no choice but to act, and it's participants who are bearing the brunt. I've heard of equipment providers threatening to remove essential mobility equipment because invoices have not been paid. I've seen cases where $100,000 unpaid invoices have forced a care provider to send a participant home—a participant who was stable, supported and safe. That same individual later ended up in hospital following a psychotic episode that put both themselves and their family at risk. Emergency services were called and a hospital bed in an already stretched system was taken up, and all of this could have been avoided. All of this happened because the system failed that person, that family, that provider and our community. I've spoken with a family who had to take out a loan to urgently purchase medical equipment—equipment that was later denied by the NDIS, leaving them $15,000 out of pocket. These are not isolated stories. These are becoming far too common. I know I'm dealing with those stories in my electorate of Monash. I know my colleague the member for McPherson is dealing with them in his electorate, and I know that members across the chamber and across the parliament are dealing with them every day of the week. I've got constituents who are too afraid to even request a plan review, because they've seen others ask for help only to receive less support in return. I have families who are spending hours—indeed, sometimes days—navigating administrative processes and resubmitting documents that have already been provided not once, not twice, but three times or more. This is not what the NDIS was meant to be about, and it's no surprise the scheme's reputation is at an all-time low. Public confidence is shifting, driven by concerns about rorting, bureaucracy and spiralling costs. Let's be clear, fraud must be addressed. The government's own Fraud Fusion Taskforce has said that up to 10 per cent of NDIS claims may be inappropriate, mischievous or outright criminal. That should concern every single one of us because every dollar lost to fraud is a dollar taken away from Australians who genuinely rely on this scheme. The answer cannot be to squeeze participants and providers who are doing the right thing. The answer must be to front up and fix this system. What we're seeing instead is red tape exploding, operating costs climbing and a system that's become more complex not less. Australians deserve better. People in my electorate deserve better, and people with a disability deserve far better. The DEPUTY SPEAKER 144732 The time allotted for this debate has expired. The debate is adjourned, and the resumption of the debate will be made in order of the day for the next sitting. Multiculturalism 156 17:12 Ms AMBIHAIPAHAR 315618 Barton I move: That this House: (1) notes: (a) the rare convergence of Lunar New Year, Ramadan and Lent, which all commenced within 24 hours of 17 February 2026; (b) this alignment has not been seen since the 19th century; and (c) that other significant celebrations, including Holi and Passover, are also being observed by communities at this time; (2) acknowledges and thanks the volunteers, faith leaders and community organisations who work tirelessly to mark these occasions and bring our communities together; (3) recognises that these celebrations, across cultures and faith traditions, share common themes of reflection, generosity, renewal and hope; and (4) affirms that Australia's diversity is one of our great national strengths, and that moments like this remind us that our many traditions together form part of the shared Australian story. This year we have witnessed a rare convergence of Lunar New Year, Ramadan and Lent, and this alignment has not been seen since the 19th century. It is rare and deeply meaningful, and it provides us with an opportunity to reflect on the rich diversity that defines modern Australia and the shared values that unite us. At the same time, communities across Australia are also observing other significant celebrations, including Holi and Passover. Despite their different traditions, they share common themes of reflection, charity, renewal and hope, and these are values that resonate across cultures, faiths and communities. They are also values that help shape the Australian story. This motion is particularly meaningful to me because my own life has been shaped by diversity in its truest sense. I'm proudly a Sri Lankan and Papua New Guinean Australian. My heritage reflects two rich cultures and traditions. I was also raised by a Maltese and Italian family who helped shape the person I am today. Growing up, I experienced multiple faith traditions. I also learnt about Catholicism through these families, attending church, observing Lent and celebrating Easter. I also grew up understanding Hinduism and Buddhism through my cultural heritage and family. Multiculturalism was simply my life. It is normal to celebrate different traditions, to learn from different cultures and to understand that faith and identity can take many forms. That is why this rare convergence of Lunar New Year, Ramadan and Lent feels especially significant. It reflects what many Australians experience every day—multiple traditions, shared values and a sense of belonging that transcends any one background. In recent weeks, I had the privilege of witnessing these celebrations. I attended mayor of Canterbury Bankstown council Councillor Bilal El-Hayek's iftar and the Lakemba Nights market, where members of the Muslim and broader community gathered to break fast during Ramadan. My office also attended the Lebanese Community Council of New South Wales iftar. At each event and in the spirit of Ramadan, people from different backgrounds came together, shared a meal and reflected on the importance of compassion and service. This week, I will be attending the Good Friday service at St Charbel's Maronite church, which is just outside of my electorate of Barton. Good Friday is one of the most solemn and significant days in the Christian calendar. It is a time of reflection, sacrifice and hope. I'll also be visiting Our Lady of Lourdes Grotto in Earlwood. It's a place that holds deep personal meaning for me. This is somewhere I visited as a child with the Italian family who raised me, and those experiences shaped my understanding of faith, community and compassion. Returning there now is not only about tradition but also about remembering the people who shaped my life and instilled in me values of generosity and kindness. I also want to take the opportunity to say to my electorate have a holy and happy Easter. I hope that you're surrounded by family and loved ones and that you have time to rest and reflect. I also recently celebrated Lunar New Year with CASS and the Nan Tien Buddhist Temple in Kogarah, and my team with Kogarah Storehouse, to welcome the year of the horse. The celebrations were vibrant and joyful, filled with cultural performances, yummy food, community connection and optimism for the year ahead. What stands out across all these celebrations, whether it's Ramadan, Lent, Lunar New Year, Holi or Passover, is how much they share in common. Each encourages reflection. Each promotes generosity. Each celebrates renewal, and each offers hope. These shared values remind us that, while our traditions may differ, our aspirations are remarkably similar. I want to acknowledge all volunteers—those from CASS; the Kogarah Storehouse; the Nan Tien Temple in Kogarah; faith leaders like Sheikh Shady Alsuleiman from the Australian National Imams Council and the United Muslims of Australia, and Father Anthony Azzi from St Charbel; and all community organisations who work tirelessly to bring these celebrations to life. The work is very vital to help build understanding and connection and cohesion across our communities. My own upbringing showed me the importance of these connections. Being raised across cultures and faiths taught me that diversity is something to be embraced and celebrated. Moments like this, when so many important celebrations occur together, remind us that our many traditions very much form part of our collective Australian story and strengthen our social fabric. In a world that can sometimes feel divided, these moments offer unity, understanding and hope. The DEPUTY SPEAKER 144732 Is the motion seconded? Ms Clutterham 316101 I second the motion, and I reserve my right to speak. 17:17 Ms ALDRED 11788 Monash It's actually a real privilege to follow such a beautiful contribution by the member for Barton. Across Australia, and especially in communities like mine in Monash, this time of year carries deep meaning. Lent and Easter are profoundly important for many Australians, particularly within Christian communities. Lent is a time of reflection, of sacrifice and of spiritual growth. It is a time when people pause, step back from the busyness of daily life and focus on their faith, on compassion and on self-discipline. It's also a time of fellowship, of coming together in our churches and our schools and our communities. And it is a time of preparation—preparation for Easter, a period marked not just by church services but by family gatherings, shared meals and moments of connection. At its heart, Easter is about hope, and this year that message of hope feels more important than ever. In a world facing uncertainty and challenge, church leaders across Australia have reminded us not to lose sight of the bigger picture. Yes, we face immediate pressures, but we must also look ahead towards long-term solutions, towards renewal, towards building something stronger for the future. And that responsibility does not sit with leaders alone. Each of us has a role to play, and each of us can contribute to building stronger, more connected communities. In Monash, we see that spirit in action. Each year, the combined churches of Warragul mark the beginning of the Easter period by raising a wooden cross at the Warragul Cenotaph. It's a tradition with more than 50 years of history. Last year, more than 200 people gathered to take part. It is a simple but powerful moment: a community coming together in reflection, in faith and in shared purpose. Across the electorate, many of our local schools also mark this time through the stations of the cross. Students, teachers, families and parish members gather to watch young people bring these moments to life. Opportunities are there for young people to reflect on who they are, who they are becoming and who they wish to become and what they wish contribute to our community. There are opportunities to develop empathy, to consider those less fortunate and to take action in that spirit, and many do. Throughout Lent, students across Monash come together to raise funds for those in need, learning not just about compassion but what it means to live it. The same spirit of generosity and community is on full display through the Good Friday Appeal. Across our towns, volunteers have been out shaking tins, organising events and giving their time, all in support of the Royal Children's Hospital. This is an appeal that raises vital funds to ensure world-class care for our children in Victoria. It's hard to find someone in Monash who has not in some way been touched by the work of that hospital, whether as a patient, a parent or a friend of someone who needed care in a moment of crisis. That is why people give, it's why they volunteer, and it's why they care so deeply. Last year, Australians donated a record $23.8 million to the Good Friday Appeal. I want to acknowledge the incredible efforts of local communities in Monash who contribute so much to that result. In Yarragon, the community's Good Friday Appeal has grown into something truly remarkable. In 2025, they raised more than $41,000, placing them 31st on the regional tally board, ahead of much larger towns. But what makes this effort so special is how it has grown. It began in 2015 with a simple goal: to get Yarragon back on the map—raising $6,000 in its first year. Now, 11 years later, it has become a whole-of-town effort, with a monster raffle, an Easter egg hunt, events at the pub and the bowls club and local businesses all playing their part and getting involved. Even the youngest members of the community are involved as well. Last year, our students from Yarragon Primary School and Early Learning Centre raised $1,470 through their Coins for a Cause Day, creating an incredible 149-metre line of coins. It's a powerful reminder that generosity starts early and grows. On Phillip Island, the community has also stepped up. What started as a single fundraiser—a PJ party and disco bowling night that raised nearly $7,000—has grown into the Phillip Island Good Friday Festival, which is quite incredible. I also want to acknowledge Leongatha, where this year local rock-and-roll groups will come together for a five-hour fundraising event at the Dakers Centre. I'm going along. I'm not sure whether I'll be rocking and rolling, but I'll certainly be supporting that fantastic effort in aid of the Royal Children's Hospital appeal. 17:22 Ms CLUTTERHAM 316101 Sturt I start by thanking my friends the member for Monash and the member for Barton for their contributions and beautiful stories of connection, reflection and the dedication of volunteers. These are stories of good people doing good things for others and standing together while they do it. I do encourage the member for Monash to indeed rock and roll this Friday. It's been a busy couple of months for volunteers, particularly volunteers who give up their time to cook iftar meals for those breaking their daily fast during the holy month of Ramadan. I lived in Dubai, in the United Arab Emirates, for eight years during the early part of my prepolitics legal career, and I recall with fondness how the holy month was embraced by Muslims and non-Muslims alike. During the month of Ramadan, life would slow down as people took the time to connect or reconnect with their friends, families and faith. Work did not stop, but it took a back seat as people observing the holy month prioritised family over the office. What always struck me, every year that I lived in the UAE, was that Ramadan was not just for people observing it or for people of certain backgrounds and faiths or from certain countries. It really was for everyone. Everyone was invited to share, participate and collaborate together in an atmosphere of warmth and hospitality. This warmth and hospitality was no different to what I experienced from the community, from the Ahmadiyya Muslim Association, who hosted me at an interfaith iftar in early March this year at the Mahmood Mosque. Leaders from all faiths were present, including my friend Rabbi Frankie Salzman from the Beit Shalom Synagogue in my electorate of Sturt. At dinner, I sat with people I'd never met before, and we had a lovely evening of connection, good conversation and fantastic food, especially the chickpea curry. Faith or no faith, everyone was welcome. I thank Sharif and his team for an excellent evening. Two weeks earlier, on 19 February 2026, I attended the opening of the Andrew Steiner Education Centre at the Adelaide Holocaust Museum, which is dedicated to educating visitors by telling stories of the Holocaust to create a fairer and more compassionate world. I was greeted with the same warm welcome by Annetay Henderson-Sapir, the museum director and chief executive officer. I had the opportunity to reflect deeply on many occasions throughout the event as the speakers—including Andrew Steiner himself; the then South Australian state education minister, the Hon. Blair Boyer; and the Special Envoy to Combat Antisemitism, Jillian Segal—all shared their thoughts about what the centre meant to them. The speeches were, of course, different, but they all had one central and clear theme: hope—an unquenchable hope that we can simply accept each other for who we are, act with kindness and compassion towards each other and promote human rights for everyone. I raise these two events that I attended in support of this motion. The events were very different in terms of the attendees, what was being acknowledged and where they were held. But, in another sense, they were the same. They were good people of different faiths, cultures and backgrounds, but all Australians—not fearing each other or being angry with each other or being suspicious of each other but just having a meal together or having a drink together, reflecting on life and having a chat. All levels of government were represented as well, which was really pleasing to see from a federal perspective. I chatted with friends from my own party and also with friends from the coalition that I have gained since being elected to parliament. The word that everyone was living by, and the word that I want my 2026 to be shaped by, is 'humanity'—humanity for everyone. It can be done. I saw it. It was happening easily. It is much easier to practise humanity than to practise anger, resentment and hatred. So, at a time when many of us are feeling upset and worried about what is happening around our world, what we can always do is come together in shared humanity, a love of family, friends and strangers, and our commitment to the community. This is what the people who attended the iftar and the opening of the Andrew Steiner Education Centre were doing. They were practising humanity, and all those who practise humanity and kindness belong in a modern, multicultural Australia. 17:27 Mr REBELLO 316547 McPherson I'd like to begin by commending the member for Barton on moving this motion. The member for Barton's contribution on the experiences and the various individuals and groups that have influenced her and influenced the incredible person that she's become, I think, is something that we in this chamber have been privileged to hear. So well done. I'd like to say that we are entering a time that is very important not only to my community on the southern Gold Coast but to people across this country, and for various reasons. I was up in Merrimac last Saturday, when the community came together, hosted by Gold Coast Property, for a community Easter hunt, which is something that went down very well, especially amongst the young people—although sometimes, on the Gold Coast, a lot of chocolate in Queensland's sun doesn't really end up very well. But it was a lot of fun, nonetheless. In particular, the event brought the Merrimac and broader Gold Coast communities together in raising funds for the Kelly Wilkinson Foundation. Danielle, who is Kelly's sister, has been doing an incredible job in trying to raise awareness in that space. I commend her on the work that she's doing as well. Easter on the southern Gold Coast is coming up, and I say to the many Christians across my southern Gold Coast community that are celebrating Easter: I wish you a very happy Easter. Enjoy the time with your family and with your friends, and take that opportunity to get a bit of a pause out of what is no doubt a busy life and a busy period. Sometimes, it's those small moments that you get with your family that must be cherished and relished. For me, on the Southern Gold Coast, something I always do—my parents came from Goa in India. It was a Portuguese colony in India at the time, and so we were all raised as Catholics. I play the piano at the local Catholic church, and I'll be there again for Easter. We have Infant Saviour in Burleigh Heads for a 7 am service, and then we typically go to Mary, Mother of Mercy at 10.30. I say to all the people who attend those services and those who volunteer at those services: thank you for everything you do for the Christian community, not just for Easter but across the year as well. We also have other parts of the Gold Coast celebrating Easter. I say to the team at Glow Church and to the incredible supporters there who I've had the opportunity to spend a lot of time with over the last few years, it's a very special day for all of us and all of you, so please make sure you enjoy the weekend and use it as an opportunity to commemorate it. A division having been called in the House of Representatives— Sitting suspended from 17:30 to 17:56 Mr REBELLO 316547 As I was saying, we are entering a period of great celebration and great reflection for the Christian community in McPherson. I say to the people, especially those who are having to work over this period of cultural celebration—to the police officers, the ambulance drivers, the hospital workers and those looking after our community—a massive thank you for what you're doing for our community. If there's any way that we can support, please do reach out to my office. Something else I'd like to talk about is the fact that, whenever we have these events that are periods of families coming together and community coming together, it's also worth recognising that there are many individuals—especially in my electorate, where the average age is slightly older than in the rest of the country—who are suffering from loneliness and isolation. I would say to our community that we have some incredible volunteer groups and community groups who go out of their way, especially around times such as Easter, to make these members of our community feel included. Thank you very much for all that you do. On that note, I'd finish by saying to the people of McPherson: have a very happy Easter. Enjoy the time with your family and your friends, and enjoy what a beautiful period it is on the southern Gold Coast. We have the best weather and the best sense of community in the country. Make the most of it. Be safe if you're travelling. Travel safe and come home with your family, united and ready for the rest of the year. 17:58 Ms JORDAN-BAIRD 316021 Gorton I'd first like to commend my good friend the member for Barton for introducing this really important motion to the House. She's already making such an incredible difference here in federal parliament, and she is working so hard for the people of Barton. I'm honoured that she's my bench buddy in the House of Representatives as well. There are grade 6 students in my community in Melbourne's western suburbs who'll spend a term this year learning about Australian parliament. These are students who leave their homes for school each morning—homes where they speak a language other than English with their families. They are students who spend their days in classrooms learning alongside, and building lifelong friendships with, other kids also from a wide variety of cultural backgrounds. Every day, it is an honour to represent these students and to represent the wonderful community which I call home in Melbourne's western suburbs. During Harmony Week last week, it was extra special. That is because my community is a true microcosm of multicultural Australia. Our community is home to an incredibly diverse set of constituents. More than 30,000 of my constituents speak a language other than English at home. There are tens of thousands of families across the electorate, and, amongst these families, we have one of the highest proportions of first- and second-generation migrants in Australia. More than 33 per cent of my electorate was born overseas, all of whom have chosen to contribute to our nation's story and to our country's strength in making Australia home. You see that and you feel that during the months of February and March, a time when multiple faith holidays collide: Lunar New Year, Ramadan, Lent, Sikh and Hindu New Year, the month of Chet, Farsi New Year, Easter and Passover, among many others. It's a holy time of the year. With current uncertain world events, more than ever we feel the importance of coming together with community in shared humanity, reflection and cultural expression to gather across generations, passing on stories, faith and values. As Australians, this shared humanity is who we are, and our multiculturalism is an asset. It is the rich and diverse cultures who have come together to make Australia the country it is today. You see that in my community of Gorton in Melbourne's western suburbs, where our diversity is seen at the Quang Minh Buddhist Temple's Lunar New Year celebration, which I attended alongside thousands of other Victorians from across the west. Together, we welcomed the Year of the Horse. Lunar New Year is a time for renewal and hope, and the horse symbolises strength, energy and determination. I loved standing with my Vietnamese community as we wished each other a chuc mung nam moi. You see our diversity at the Hola Mohalla festival in Plumpton and the Holi festival in Kings Park. Holi is a festival that is a reflection of good overcoming evil, a theme that's rooted in ancient traditions. And we see that throughout our communities today, when we acknowledge that resilience, courage and faith can overcome even the greatest challenges. I saw our diversity in Sydenham with the Maltese community celebrating Saint Sebastian and at the opening of two new Hindu temples in my electorate in Mount Cottrell and in Rockbank and of the Sri Durga Temple in Deanside, which I attended with the Minister for Home Affairs as well. I saw it with the Hazara community at an iftar dinner, talking to some incredible young women who were pursuing their careers in STEM, and during Eid as well at the Masjid Minhaj-ul-Quran. Ramadan is a time of deep reflection, renewal and devotion, whether it's sharing iftar meals with neighbours, supporting those experiencing hardship or giving generously through community initiatives. It's a month that calls for patience, generosity and compassion as well. It's these values which bring light into our community. Multiculturalism is at the heart of our community, and it doesn't take much more than stepping outside and looking around to realise just that. You also see multiculturalism when you look around this very room in this parliamentary chamber. That is because our Labor Party is committed to electing parliamentarians who genuinely reflect our community's life experiences and values. That matters. It matters because it translates into real policies that have real impacts on our multicultural communities. That's why, for the first time, we've appointed a dedicated minister for multicultural affairs, and we've elevated that position into cabinet. As I said, there are grade 6 students in my community in Melbourne's western suburbs who will spend a term this year learning about civics, citizenship and Australian parliament. When they do, I hope they look to us in Australia's federal parliament, and I hope they feel represented. On that, I commend this motion to the House. 18:03 Mr LEESER 109556 Berowra This motion from the member for Barton provides all members with an opportunity to reflect on the cultural and religious diversity of their electorate, and I thank her for putting it forward. In the electorate of Berowra, we have a very strong group of religious communities of a range of different faiths. Sixty-five per cent of people that live in my electorate are adherents to some form of faith tradition, with 47 per cent being Christian, 6½ per cent being Hindu, 3.2 per cent being Buddhist, slightly under two per cent being Muslim and under one per cent being Sikhs, Jews, Baha'i and Zoroastrians. So we have quite a degree of religious diversity in our community. One of the communities with whom I have had lots to do over my service as the member for Berowra is the Mahamevnawa Buddhist monastery at Cattai. On Sunday I had the privilege of being there to help lay the foundation stones for their new stupa. The monastery is quite amazing, and I've seen its development over the decade that I've been the member for Berowra, starting out with purely the prayer hall, then the dining hall, then the dedication of a Buddha statue, then the Bodhi tree relocation, where the pagoda is now under construction, and now the stupa. I want to acknowledge my good friend Reverend Soma Thero, who I regard as 'Aussie Soma' because he took his Australian citizenship a short time ago, which was a moment of great delight for me personally. He is the key spiritual leader of the Mahamevnawa Buddhist monastery. At the dedication of the stupa was his colleague Reverend Kekirawe Bodhidhamma Thero from Melbourne, who is the head of the monastery in Melbourne. We even had a visiting monk from Sri Lanka, Sumedha Thero, who was previously the founding monk who founded the Mahamevnawa monastery at Cattai. I want to particularly acknowledge the amazing community that has really developed around the monastery and has seen this grow over many years—in particular, Rasika De Silva, who is the trustee of the monastery and is often the guiding force in terms of organising people in the community. What's so amazing about the community is that within the community there are architects, structural engineers, construction services, surveyors and stormwater consultants—all people who've volunteered their time to build this particular monastery at Cattai. I want to mention some of their names, and I apologise if my pronunciation of the Sinhalese names is not as good as it should be. I want to acknowledge Sasanarathi Thero, who is the assistant chief monk. I want to acknowledge the architect, Kamalanie Gunatilake. I want to acknowledge the structural engineer, Damith Mohotti. I want to acknowledge the managing director of Intermarc Global, Dhammika Gunaratne. I want to acknowledge Mr Thevakumar, who's in charge of the construction services; Mr Siva Balamayuran; Mr Sunil Liyanage, the surveyor; engineer Ranji Premaratne; and project coordinator Dileepa Rathnayake. It's been a really amazing thing to see the stupa develop. A stupa is often the spiritual heart of the monastery, and it's positioned prominently and approached with great reverence. Visiting and honouring a stupa encourages reflection on Buddha's virtues, on strengthening of right views and on commitment to living according to the dharma. The stupa is primarily a place of veneration and merit making and reminds devotees of the Buddha's enlightenment, his teachings of the Noble Eightfold Path and the goal of nirvana. The stupa inspires laypeople to practice generosity, morality and mental cultivation in daily life. The history of the stupa goes back more than 2½ thousand years, after the passing away of the Buddha, an event known as the Parinirvana of the Buddha. His followers wanted a way to honour and remember him, and, according to Buddhist traditions, Buddhist relics such as ashes and sacred remains were divided and placed inside stupas built in different regions. These stupas became important places where Buddhists could pay respect to the Buddha and reflect on his teachings. I want to particularly acknowledge the Mahamevnawa community and say how delighted I was to see the construction of the stupa and its foundation stones being laid. We hope that by the end of the year the stupa will be up and running and will make a great contribution to this wonderful site, one of the most serene places in my community. One of the things that I particularly enjoy about visiting the Mahamevnawa monastery is when they pray the loving-kindness meditation: 'May all the people in the world be free of ill will, free of jealousy.' I sometimes think that they're sentiments we could benefit from in the parliament! I know the monks know that I particularly love the loving-kindness meditation. To everyone at the Mahamevnawa monastery at Cattai: congratulations. I look forward to further developments at your site. 18:08 Ms CAMPBELL 312823 Moreton A very special thing happened in 2026—a very rare thing. We saw a thing that many people have never seen before—indeed, that no living person has seen before—because this year we saw the coalescence of Lunar New Year, of Lent and of Ramadan. These are celebrations that are felt widely and strongly in my local community, a local community that is the most multicultural in all of Queensland. In the seat of Moreton, 39.1 per cent of people were born overseas and 35.9 per cent of people speak a language other than English at home. We have so many different ethnicities and faiths that we celebrate in our community together. So it doesn't matter whether you say, 'Xin nian kuai le,' whether you say, 'Eid Mubarak' or whether you're about to say, 'Happy Easter.' These are all celebrations that bring our southside community in Brisbane together, and it's a celebration of what makes us so unique and strong. These celebrations are not so dissimilar, because each and every one of them brings together our community, brings together friends and brings together the family, and we celebrate with food, often too much food. I think what they really demonstrate is that our similarities are so many more than our differences. I want to take the opportunity to thank the member for Barton for bringing this important private members' business to this place, because not only is it an opportunity to showcase our own local communities, but it's also an opportunity to ensure that their voices are heard in this place, in the nation's capital. I'm incredibly proud to be an Australian of Chinese heritage, and I'm incredibly proud that, along with the member for Barton and so many others, the government benches look like Australia. They're what Australia looks like. We have all different heritages, but we come together with the same values, and those values are Australian values. From my local electorate, I want to showcase just a few of the fantastic events that local organisations have been running. Just last weekend, we celebrated Eid, and we celebrated it with Crescent AusIndia with Yousuf, who heads up that organisation, and it was held at the Islamic College of Brisbane, a college, like so many schools, where the kids come together as a community and help cook food. They're actually very good at futsal, and their champion futsal players are their women's side. The person who leads that school is Ali Kadri. At Crescent AusIndia's Eid festival, we got to hear the electric sitar. We also got to eat at Baskin-Robbins ice cream while we were there too. It's that moulding of things within our community that makes it special. We got to celebrate Chinese New Year at the Chung Tian Temple with the Venerable Manwang and President Michelle Lo. It's an enormous temple. While we were there, we signed new bricks that are going to go towards making the next extension of that temple to make it bigger and better and to make sure that more people can be welcomed through its doors. There was lion dancing, and there was food, and there were people from all across our community who made it special. This Easter, my daughter Margaret has already got her Easter basket selected and placed out so that, when we go to all of the local Easter egg hunts put on by local churches, she'll have the opportunity to go and visit both an Easter Bunny and the kind volunteers putting those events on. We know that it's a challenging time across the globe, but celebrating and bringing people together—those solutions are local. They're special. They help with social cohesion, and they're the antidote that we need to a rising temperature in this globe. 18:13 Mr BIRRELL 288713 Nicholls This private members' motion seems to be a great opportunity for people to say very nice things about the member for Barton, and I will be no exception. It's a great motion that the member for Barton has brought, and I had the honour of accompanying her on a delegation to Port Moresby and meeting her mother. Hearing the member for Barton talk about her upbringing previously, I can tell you the apple doesn't fall very far from the tree. Her mother's a truly remarkable person doing some amazing things for the people of Papua New Guinea, and her daughter's making a fine contribution here. It gives me an opportunity to talk about the Shepparton Interfaith Network. We've heard a lot of people talk about how diversity and faith express themselves in their community, and I've said often in this place, including in my first speech, that Greater Shepparton, the town that I live and grew up in, is one of the great examples of multiculturalism in this country. One of the key elements of that is the Shepparton Interfaith Network. It is made up of Christians, Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs and Jewish people. The Catholic priest, Monsignor Peter Jeffrey, was one of the instigators of it, along with another a number of other people. It gives the architecture for people of different faiths around Shepparton to explore each other's religions, cultures and to talk about issues that are very important, particularly when we're faced with the challenges of social cohesion that Australia has been rocked by in recent times. It was with great sombreness that the Shepparton Interfaith Network came together for a candlelight vigil at the site of the former synagogue in Shepparton in the wake of the Bondi tragedy. To see all of these people from different religions, particularly the imam from the mosque talking about what the Islam religion really should be, and is, for most people—peace and tolerance and love—was a great example to all of us of people coming together to live with different faiths. I've been reflecting on why Shepparton is such a great example of multiculturalism, and I want to explore this further. I think the region has things for the rest of Australia to learn. Basically, waves of migration came to the region, even before World War II but particularly afterwards, from southern Europe, firstly. Shepparton was where people went. Basically, they got off the boat, and the unskilled labour was in Shepparton because we had the fruit farms and dairy farms. People turned up there. Within a generation, most of those people owned farms, and there was no exception no matter where they'd come from. There was always this egalitarian nature, and I always say about Shepparton that your attitude to life, your work ethic and your ability to be an entrepreneur and make a business matters a bit more than who you pray to and what you look like. And I think that's been a really important part of why we've succeeded in multiculturalism. The other thing I've reflected on is that the first mosque came to Shepparton in 1960—the Albanian community, so it was a European Islamic tradition that came first of all to the Greater Shepparton region. Middle Eastern people from the Islamic tradition came after that, but it's meant that we've never seen some of the fundamentalism and radicalism that we've seen, unfortunately, in some other parts of the world and some other parts of Australia. The Albanian community has welcomed us, and, then, after that, the Iraqi mosque, the Turkish mosque and the Afghan mosque followed in welcoming the rest of the community into their faith. Look at this as a faith, but it more than, 'This is our faith.' It is: 'We our Sheppartonians first. We are members of the Goulburn Valley, and Islam is our faith'—or Christianity or Hinduism or Sikhism. That has been one of the success stories of the Greater Shepparton region. I've written to some community leaders and I want to know more about their impressions of why it's worked in Shepparton. We've got some challenges in other parts of the world, and, when I get that information, I'll share it with the community. I want to thank the member for Barton for bringing forward this motion. I think it's important that we talk about the things we agree on, as well as talk about the things we disagree on. And this has given us an opportunity to do the former. The DEPUTY SPEAKER 299498 The time allotted for this debate has expired. The debate is adjourned and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting. Fuel 163 18:18 Mr VENNING 315434 Grey I move: That this House: (1) notes reports of fuel wholesalers rationing petrol and diesel across Australia, raising serious concerns about fuel supply; (2) condemns the Government's failure to reassure Australians that a plan is in place to protect the nation's fuel security; (3) recognises Australia is a diesel-reliant economy, with fuel critical to transporting food, pharmaceuticals and essential goods; (4) further notes the former Government introduced the Petroleum and Other Fuels Reporting Act to strengthen monitoring of Australia's fuel supplies; and (5) calls on the Government to urgently outline its fuel security strategy and use its powers to identify and protect industries at risk of fuel shortages, including farmers, fishers, manufacturers and transport operators. I've moved this motion today because Australia is in the midst of a crisis. Wholesalers are rationing fuel across the country, yet the government has failed to provide a clear plan to protect our fuel security. Fifty-two per cent of the energy consumed in this economy is liquid fuels. As a diesel reliant economy, we cannot afford to wait. Fuel is the lifeblood that moves our food, our medicine and our essential goods. Without it, our supply chain grinds to a halt. Today, before this motion was submitted, I was pleased to see the government listen to the coalition and halve the fuel excise for three months. I'm calling on the government to outline its real and actionable strategy. It is a time to use the tools at our disposal, like the monitoring powers established by the former government, to identify and protect the industries most at risk. From our farmers and fishers to our manufacturers and truckies, Australia deserves a guarantee that our livelihoods won't be left stranded by a lack of leadership. The Prime Minister has shown no urgency. One in eight servos in New South Wales have run dry. Closer to home, as part of the No Fuel Here campaign, Grey is the second highest on the list with 55 outages across the electorate. And what is the Prime Minister's advice? He says we should buy an electric vehicle. While the sentiment of this statement by the Prime Minister may hold some water in the lake of make belief, we need to be living in the land of reality. The reality is Australians can't even afford to buy their groceries, pay their rent or pay their power bills, let alone buy a new electric car. Today in Parliament House we had an electric prime mover on show. Well, I've done some research. The biggest electric prime movers made today have a big battery of 700 kilowatt hours. That is a big, heavy battery. On our farm, our prime movers tow about 114 tonnes of, typically, wheat or lentils. If you put that on this electric truck, guess what the range is? It's between 150 and 300 kilometres. Our farm has a five kilowatt SWER line. If our line on the farm was plugged into that truck to charge it up, running flat out, it would take 130 hours or 5.5 days to charge. Battery technology is great, but it is miles and miles away from being a legitimate replacement to industry. We need the Prime Minister to do two things: release an immediate plan to distribute fuel to dry servos and build a long-term strategy for fuel security. His belated decision to underwrite imports does nothing to get petrol and diesel to stations today. While we will not block the fair work fairer fuel bill in the House, we note it lacks an end date or review period. We will scrutinise this closely to ensure appropriate checks and balances. This neglect stretches beyond fuel; our food security faces a silent threat. We rely on the Middle East for 60 per cent of our imports of urea, which is the lifeblood of our crops. Shipments are delayed and experts warn the window to protect the 2026 season is closing fast. The coalition saw this coming and backed domestic urea production. This government simply has no plan. If our farmers cannot get fertiliser, city prices will skyrocket and regional producers will go bankrupt. The message from the country is clear. We are tired of being ignored. This threatens the livelihood of a truckie moving goods across the Nullarbor or a farmer about to start seeding. Outsourcing this crisis to a taskforce coordinator only reinforces the chilling sense that no-one is firmly in charge. That is not leadership; it is cold hearted deflection. Under Labor, inflation is higher, interest rates are tighter and fuel is running out. I remind the House again that mining trucks cannot run on batteries, fishing boats cannot run on batteries and prime movers in the agricultural sector cannot run on batteries. We need to keep diesel moving in this economy. The DEPUTY SPEAKER 299498 Is the motion seconded? Mr Littleproud 265585 I second the motion and reserve my right to speak. 18:24 Ms CAMPBELL 312823 Moreton Unlike the member for Grey, I haven't been busy coming up with zingers like 'lake of make belief'. What I've been doing is working through what the people of Grey might need at an incredibly difficult time—what the mums and dads who rely on fuel to get to school, to get to sport and to get to their jobs every day in Grey might need; what the farmers and other people involved in the supply chain that help us get food to our grocery stores and from the grocery stores to the table might need; and what our health professionals, our aged-care professionals and people who support our communities every day, who need fuel, might need. As I look at the private member's business before us, I note that the member for Grey has raised two things, both here and in his contribution. The first is to reassure Australians that a plan is in place, and the second is to urgently outline its fuel security strategy. I think it is appropriate, given that the member for Grey may not have had the opportunity to tell his local constituents what that plan is, to go through it today so that they can know and understand it. It's a plan that has four stages: to plan and prepare; to keep Australia moving to make sure that things are getting from point A to point B; to take targeted action; and to protect critical services for all Australians. I want to talk about a number of things that we are doing, in practical terms, that help everyday Australians every day. Firstly, we're halving the fuel excise, something that was announced today. Halving the fuel excise for the next three months means a few things. It means that every single litre of fuel will be cheaper until the end of June, and that means that Australians will get instantaneous relief when it comes to their hip pockets. Secondly, we're altering the fuel standards, making sure that we are keeping more fuel in our country so that we can have more supply in the market. Thirdly, we're releasing 20 per cent of our stockpile, a stockpile that the Albanese Labor government have ensured is held in this country, in Australia, because having fuel reserves in Australia is critical to being able to release fuel reserves when we need them most, like right now. In contrast, what we know is that those opposite and the now leader of the opposition believed that those fuel reserves should be held on another continent, in Texas. Fourthly, we're cracking down on unscrupulous actors who would take advantage of a crisis and a war in the Middle East for their own commercial gain. And that is not on. We believe not only that the ACCC should have the ability to have on-the-spot fines. We also believe that those penalties should be harsh. They should mean something and they should hold people accountable. And that's why we've doubled them. Fifthly, we've established a taskforce. We're working with leaders from across the breadth and depth of our country, taking expert advice and making sure that there is a coordinated approach. Sixthly, we're giving truckies a fair go—making sure, while our supply chains might be doing it tough, that truckies aren't. Seventhly, we're underwriting private purchases of fuel on international markets to make sure that we can get as much fuel into our country as we need—again, to make sure that we have enough supply to ease the burden on Australian people. My message to the people of Grey is this: that is our plan. It is a plan to keep Australia moving. It is a plan to get fuel into our country and to make sure that, when it gets here, it goes to the places that need it most. It is a plan to boost supply. It is a plan to make fuel cheaper. It is a plan to ensure that people have the relief they need. We know that people are doing it incredibly tough right now—not just when it comes to fuel but also at the check-out when they pay their bills. We have a national fuel security plan, and this government is focused not on zingers but on rolling it out for real people. The DEPUTY SPEAKER 299498 Is the amendment seconded? 18:29 Mr LITTLEPROUD 265585 Maranoa I second the motion, and let me explain to the member for Moreton that, if the government had a plan, you wouldn't have over 500 fuel stations without fuel. You wouldn't have farmers without the ability to bring in bulk supplies to plant or harvest their crops, as we sit at this moment. Just for your information, Member for Moreton, I've been at a cabinet table. When you talk about something of national security, which is what fuel is, and when you understand the geopolitical issues that arise—particularly when you see a war unleashed in the Middle East, where much of the fuel in this global community is derived—there is advice given to the government straightaway around the threats that will be coming our way. But the fact is that there was no plan. The fact is that they had no understanding of the supply issues that were about to hit this country, because they worked in the superficial. They worked on the advice of the big four fuel companies that said, 'We'll keep putting fuel into the capital cities to make sure there is no panic.' And they didn't understand the market itself—didn't understand that there are two markets: while the big four fuel companies in this country control 80 per cent of the market, there is a secondary market, where smaller wholesale players actually undertake to supply us in regional Australia, like the seat of Grey. The lived experience of the people of Grey is not just their farmers not being able to fill their tanks but also their communities. I myself had the same. The town of Dalby, with 12,000 people, ran out of fuel. Texas, with 800 people, ran out of fuel. Allora ran out of fuel. Wallangarra ran out of fuel. But that's okay because the people of Sydney, Melbourne and Brisbane were still able to fill up for a while—that is, until now, when, low and behold, there is a supply issue! The fact is that this minister, from the very moment—because of the legislation that we put in place as a coalition government—knew where every litre of fuel was in this country when this crisis started. When he knew that there were bombs dropped in Iran and that there were going to be global supply issues, he did not understand that he had the powers to make sure he knew where every litre of fuel was. The people of Grey and the people of Maranoa and the people across regional Australia are not the second-class citizens that this government has treated us as. That was the reality he could have actually undertaken straightaway, and then he could have utilised his powers to move those litres of fuel. He simply said, 'It is all about the people of Australia going out there and taking more fuel than they need.' Well, he didn't create the environment, because he had no plan. Then he said, 'All we'll do is we'll give the ACCC some more powers.' Well, the ACCC already had the powers, and he was going to increase the penalties. He's going to increase the penalties to $100 million. Bully for him! But, unless the ACCC was charged with the responsibility of going out there and undertaking investigations into these wholesale markets, where we're being taken advantage of by the big four, then nothing was going to happen. You can lift the penalties as much as you want, but the ACCC has done nothing. In fact, regional Australia has no confidence in the ACCC. They have about as much credence as the Bureau of Meteorology! That is how much credence and hope we have in the ACCC being able to hold these big fuel companies to account and to make sure regional Australia (1) gets its supply and (2) is treated with a fair price. We have no confidence in this government nor in the ACCC. You can lift the penalties until the cows come home, but it will do nothing. It will do nothing at all. This is the reality: we have had a minister and a government that have not understood the supply chains globally, and, more importantly, have not understood the supply chains here in our country. We're now finding out that there is rationing happening, not just in regional Australia. I can tell you, in my hometown of Allora, they were asking me to only take 40 litres at the bowser. We're seeing that now right across this country. They don't have to mandate the number of litres that you can take at service stations, because Australians are having to do it themselves despite there being a secure supply. This is why this plan is full of nonsense rather than hard facts about a minister using the powers he had from the very moment this crisis hit. If he was listening to the advice that was coming from the experts saying that there were going to be global supply issues and, therefore, that there would be local supply issues, he would have known, intrinsically. He would have known where those litres were. He would have known where to push them to. That is what a good minister would do. And a treasurer that understood the secondary wholesale market, that understood the big fuel companies were holding back, hedging against future price shocks, as well as—lo and behold—lifting overall prices, would have seen a government look coherent and actually in tune with how Australia actually operates. If you do not have fuel, you do not have food and you do not have an economy, and that is what the Albanese government has rendered Australia to. 18:35 Mr FRENCH 316550 Moore I rise to oppose this motion because, while those opposite are very good at talking up concern, they are far less interested in acknowledging what is actually happening globally. Australians are not naive. They are watching global events unfold, particularly in the Middle East, and they understand that instability in energy markets has very real consequences here at home. They see it. They can feel it. What they expect from their government in moments like this is not panic; it is competence, coordination and a clear plan. That is exactly what this government is delivering. We've been actively managing this situation, not reacting late and not scrambling but planning, coordinating and acting. We've boosted supply by releasing up to 20 per cent of fuel reserves. We've amended fuel standards to bring more supply into the market, and we've supported domestic refining capacity because sovereign capability matters, and we've put into place the coordination architecture needed to manage a challenge of this scale—a dedicated fuel supply taskforce; National Cabinet engagement; industry roundtables with transport, agriculture and fuel supplies; the National Coordination Mechanism activated; and the National Oil Supplies Emergency Committee convened. That is what a plan looks like. Critically, we are also providing immediate practical relief to Australians. The government has halved the fuel excise for three months, cutting around 26c per litre off the price of petrol and diesel. That's real cost-of-living relief at around $19 off a typical tank at a time when households are under pressure. We've reduced the heavy vehicle road user charge to zero to help take pressure off freight and supply chains, because fuel is not optional in this country. It underpins everything. It's how food moves from farms to supermarkets. It's how medicines are delivered. It's how tradies, manufacturers and transport operators keep working. In outer metropolitan electorates like mine in Moore, that reliance is front and centre. Across our growing suburbs and around Joondalup, people rely on their cars to get to work, run small businesses and keep things moving. Let's be clear, when fuel prices spike, it's not abstract in places like Moore. It's tradies cancelling jobs because the margins don't stack up. It's small businesses absorbing higher delivery costs. It's families thinking twice about every trip, from school drop-offs to weekend sport. That's why measures like halving the fuel excise matter, not as a media grab but as real relief right now. Before coming to this place, I worked as an electrician on commercial and industrial sites, and I can tell you this: systems don't run on rhetoric; they run on planning, coordination and reliable inputs, like fuel. That is what this government understands. Compare it to those opposite, because we've seen this before. When Australia faced a national crisis during COVID, we saw what happens when planning isn't there—supply chains under pressure, confusion and a government scrambling to catch up. When it comes to fuel security, their record speaks for itself. Four out of Australia's six refineries closed under the coalition. Two of those closures occurred when the current opposition leader was the energy minister, and, at that time, he said those closures would not negatively impact Australia's fuel supply. That is not just wrong; it shows a fundamental misunderstanding of fuel security, because, when you hollow out domestic refining capacity, you increase dependence on imports and you increase exposure to global shocks. That is exactly the vulnerability we are now working to manage. Then there is the decision to spend close to $100 million on storing fuel in the United States, 14,000 kilometres away. You do not strengthen Australia's fuel security by storing fuel on another continent. When those opposite come in here and claim concern, Australians are entitled to ask where that concern was when the decisions that weakened our system were being made. The contrast is clear. They talked; we're acting. They weakened capacity; we are strengthening it. They outsourced resilience; we are rebuilding it. This motion suggests Australians should be worried that nothing is being done. That is simply not true. What is being done is significant, it is coordinated and it is focused on protecting Australians from the worst impacts of a volatile global environment. In moments like this, what matters is not who can raise the loudest concern; what matters is who is actually doing the work. This government is doing the work, and that is why I reject this motion. The DEPUTY SPEAKER 299498 The time allotted for this debate has expired. The debate is adjourned and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting. Superannuation 166 18:40 Mr LAXALE 299174 Bennelong I move: That this House: (1) acknowledges the Government's work to make the super system fairer from top to bottom, helping workers earn more, keep more of what they earn, and retire with more; (2) notes the passage of the Treasury Laws Amendment (Building a Stronger and Fairer Super System) Bill 2026, securing more super for around 1.3 million Australians, including around 750,000 women and 550,000 young people under the age of 30, through boosting the low income superannuation tax offset and better targeting tax concessions for large balances; and (3) further notes that the superannuation system was built by a former Labor Government and this Government has fought to protect and strengthen it, including by: (a) lifting the superannuation guarantee to 12 per cent; (b) paying super on paid parental leave; and (c) legislating payday super. Labor built the superannuation system, and I believe it's one of our crowning achievements. Created in 1992, it's one of the greatest economic success stories of our country. Our superannuation system is designed to help workers earn more, keep more of what they earn and, importantly, have a dignified retirement. Our core belief here is that superannuation should always be fair and accessible to every Australian, and that it needs to be sustainable. For that to happen for a system created way back in the nineties, it needs care and it needs a bit of reform, and that's what we've done since coming to government. That dignified retirement for all Australians means that we finally increased the superannuation guarantee to 12 per cent after decades of delays from the Liberals; we've made changes so that new parents are paid super on government funded paid parental leave; and, this term, we've legislated payday super, which will require employers to pay their employees' super at the same time as their salary and wages. But we're not stopping there. With the recent passage of the building a stronger and fairer super system bill, we are providing more help to low-income workers and delivering on making superannuation stronger, fairer and more sustainable. From 1 July next year we are boosting the low-income superannuation tax offset, which I love to call LISTO. We are increasing it from $310 to $810 and, importantly, raising the eligibility threshold from $37,000 to $45,000. These changes will benefit over 1.3 million Australians through either being eligible for LISTO or receiving a higher LISTO payment. What this means is that low-income workers will receive a fairer tax concession on their super contributions. This, combined with our third round of tax cuts, will deliver for every worker. It will make a huge difference to what low-income workers get in their pay packet and what they get at retirement. I'd like to focus on some of the gender impacts of our stewardship of superannuation. Because of our changes to LISTO, 450,000 women with income between $37,000 and $45,000 are now eligible, boosting their superannuation tax concession to $810 per year. Three hundred thousand women with income below $37,000 will of course also receive this higher LISTO payment. Women make up to 60 per cent of low-earning Australians and are likely to retire with 25 per cent less super than men. The median super balance of women aged between 60 and 64 is $51,000 lower than that for men of the same age, and around 10 per cent are more likely to have even less. Modelling shows that our changes to LISTO could leave up to $15,000 more in someone's superannuation account upon retirement. You've then got changes to super on paid parental leave as well; 180,000 mothers each year will benefit from this important measure, with a median earner's superannuation balance for a female about $4,250 higher at retirement. This is all about improving gender pay equality and closing that huge difference between what men and women have in their superannuation balance at their retirement. Not only do we want everyone to earn more and keep more of what they earn but we want to close this gender pay gap—because we need to. We've invested in increased wages in highly feminised industries, particularly aged care and early childhood education. We've consistently supported increases to the minimum wage. We're delivering tax breaks for every taxpayer, including sole traders. Through our reforms to super, making it fairer and more sustainable, we're addressing the gender and superannuation pay gap. Contrast this record on super to that of the Liberals. They opposed and delayed compulsory increases. Super should have been at 12 per cent years ago, but it only happened under Labor. They had or still have—no-one really knows—that disastrous super-for-housing policy and they consistently target industry super funds although they overperform. The Liberals just don't get super. The DEPUTY SPEAKER 299498 Is there a seconder for your motion? Mr Soon 298618 I second the motion and reserve my right to speak. 18:45 Mr REBELLO 316547 McPherson I've spoken on a few motions today, and this one is yet another example of this Labor government putting forward motions to congratulate themselves on things that they think are achievements. I had the opportunity to speak on the super legislation when it was before the House. Let me say this. The member for Bennelong spoke about the fact that—and we've heard this rhetoric because the Labor Party sings it out in chorus in the chamber—they want people to keep more of what they earn. This is actually inconsistent with their actions and policies. Mr Hogan 218019 They're working harder for less. Mr REBELLO 316547 They're working harder for less—absolutely right, Member for Page. This motion exposes a fundamental difference between the values and ideology of the Labor Party and of us on the coalition side. This is something that is creeping into politics in this country at a federal level, and it is, quite frankly, dangerous. What it exposes is that those on the other side would much rather—and this is all we're talking about now—ask, 'How can we redistribute what we've already got? How can we reallocate the wealth in this country that is already there? How can we do that better?' Those on this side of the House—and this is a fundamental difference with the coalition—believe in growing this economy. We believe in generating more wealth, because you won't generate wealth for this country and for Australians unless you have that growth attitude. Now, the coalition supports super. That is not in question at all. What we've actually been speaking about is where this government has taken this debate. It started with the Treasurer, who put forward a notion of wanting to tax unrealised gains, which are paper increases in asset values that exist only on a spreadsheet. We on this side of the House, the coalition, came out strongly against it. The community raised some really serious concerns, and even voices within the Labor Party itself spoke up and began to question it. It would have decimated individuals, small businesses and farmers across the country. What the government did instead was put up this alternative version of a super tax, which was rushed through parliament. We've never seen that happen before under this Albanese government! We seem to get legislation being rushed through every single day. The government rushed the legislation through, and it's not something that Australians appreciate—because we never heard about this before the election. If you don't have trust within taxation policy or within superannuation policy, you have absolutely nothing. There are parts of the super legislation that we did agree with. We supported the changes to the low-income superannuation tax offset and we support payday super, but we're actually scrutinising and doing the effective job of an opposition. While the government may take credit for it, let me remind this chamber and the government who actually pays payday super. Who delivers it? Mr Tim Wilson IMW Small businesses. Mr REBELLO 316547 It's small businesses. That's right, Shadow Treasurer. It is not the government that delivers it. As we know, government doesn't create wealth; businesses do. It's the businesses that create wealth. I'll end my contribution by saying that we in the coalition support super. We support Australians saving for retirement because we believe in reward for effort. We believe that, if you have contributed to this country, you've worked hard and you've saved effectively, you have every right to enjoy the fruits of your labour. We support workers being paid what they're owed. But something that we on this side of the parliament just cannot stand for is more taxes. We cannot stand for rushed implementation. We cannot stand for a situation where the Australian people cannot trust their politicians and their political leaders because they say one thing before the election and they do something else after the election. We will never support policies that treat superannuation as some sort of revenue grab because we don't have a government that can operate within the true fiscal guardrails that the people it governs expect. So I say that super belongs to Australians. It's money for your retirement. The coalition will never support it becoming this Labor Party's piggy bank. 18:50 Mr GEORGANAS DZY Adelaide Superannuation is not just a financial mechanism; it is a promise when an Australian starts work that, after a lifetime of work, they can retire with some security and peace of mind. That is the goal of superannuation, and at its best, superannuation reflects the values of fairness, responsibility and opportunity. It's important to strengthen that system to make sure that it works for everyone—not only for a section of the community but for everyone. It's one of the most important challenges that we face, and one of the most important pieces of legislation that was brought in by the Hawke-Keating government. Over the past few years, meaningful steps have been taken by this government to strengthen it, to ensure that it's fair and to ensure that superannuation delivers on that foundational purpose of providing income for Australians in retirement, not just for the fortunate few that perhaps many years ago could afford superannuation or had the privileges of superannuation. I have been listening to those opposite. Just recently the member for McPherson spoke about an ideology that we have. Yes, we certainly do have an ideology. We believe that working people should be able to retire in dignity, and that's what superannuation was all about. It was about putting in place a mechanism for people who previously could not put money aside for whatever reason. Maybe they were low-income workers. Maybe there was a whole range of reasons. Superannuation, through the superannuation guarantee levy, ensures that money is put aside from the beginning of your working life right through to the end of your working life, ensuring that there's a sum there to help you retire with. That's what it was about, and if that's about ideology then, yes, I'll cop that: it is about ideology. It's about giving working people a better retirement than they had before superannuation came in. In every way, this superannuation journey, from the late eighties, when the Hawke-Keating government brought it in, has been constantly opposed by the opposition. No matter what we on this side of the House do to strengthen superannuation, to make it better and to make it fairer, it has been opposed continuously from the other side, and I don't understand why, because superannuation is no different than receiving your wage. Superannuation—the 12 per cent or whatever it is that the employer agrees to pay the employee—is about money in return for work done. It's not a gift. It's not a promise. It's not something that's done just out of their goodwill. It is for the work that's been done by that worker. It's not something that we should take for granted and should not have laws in place for to strengthen it and ensure that everyone gets that superannuation. As I said, it's not an abstract. This is money that's paid later in life and provides security later on in life. The introduction, for example, of clearer reporting frameworks and best-practice principles gives Australians the information, guidance and product choices they need to retire with. They need that information so they can retire in confidence. They know what they're putting in place. Transparency drives better outcomes. It challenges the trustees to innovate in the interests of members, not margins. A fair superannuation system must do more than grow balances; it must close those gaps. The gender superannuation gap remains one of the most persistent and unfair inequities in our economy, and that is why paying superannuation on government funded paid parental leave matters so deeply. Since last July, parents who are welcoming children into the world through birth or adoption have had super paid on that leave, and around 180,000 parents each year benefit from this change. Because around 95 per cent of paid parental leave is received by women, this reform goes directly to where the need is greatest. It also recognises that caring should never come at the cost of security and that fairness cannot stop there. Low-income workers deserve superannuation tax concessions that actually benefit them. Therefore, the reforms that have been brought in by this government are very important, and they secure superannuation for the future— (Time expired) 18:55 Mr TIM WILSON IMW Goldstein Superannuation is absolutely one of my favourite topics, and I want to follow the member who just spoke about how this is not a topic that's abstract. I couldn't agree with him more. He wanted to talk about how superannuation is money in return for work. I couldn't agree more. Every time the superannuation guarantee goes up, it means workers' wages go down, and that's why we've always believed in our heart of hearts that superannuation is workers' money. The problem with the Labor Party is that they do not see the trillion dollars of money in superannuation as workers' money; they see it as a honey pot—a honey pot to extract extreme amounts of fees to be able to fund the ALP itself. You can just go and look. When I was the chair of the House economics committee, we went through step by step how superannuation funds expended marketing expenses to trade unions, who then organised campaigns for the Australian Labor Party so that they could be in government and garnish more of Australians' wages towards superannuation, which could then be harvested for fees. And so the superannuation cycle of life continued to go on. But fear not, because you just need to look at what the state governments did. They said, 'We can get in on that act.' What they started doing was commissioning projects and using the superannuation system as a way to finance projects so that then they too could get in and suck off the teat of Australian superannuation. And, in the process, they used it as a vehicle to increase the wages of a select few, and, even worse than that, they used it as a facilitation device to get public money to organised crime, like through the CFMEU-Labor cartel. That is the fundamental challenge with superannuation. We see it as workers' money that they should control. The Labor Party sees it as a pathway to launder money to organised crime. We make no apology for standing up for Australians controlling their superannuation. We make no apologies for standing up and believing that Australians should be able to control their own destiny, and we make no apologies for saying people's money should be able to work for them on their priorities consistent with their stages of life. That's why we've always been very open to having a conversation about the importance of homeownership as a principle before retirement savings. This is not because we don't fundamentally believe in retirement savings but because you get the benefits of homeownership during your working life and your retirement. But we know that is not good enough for the Labor Party. They want to rig the system in favour of their mates in the superannuation industry at the expense of young Australians owning their own home. It's hilarious because what they actually say is that it's outrageous that we couldn't have a public support system for incomes in retirement, but the government should come along and increase its equity and its stake in the first homes of Australians. Every time you look for logical consistency from the Australian Labor Party around superannuation and homeownership, what you find is their attempt to take the maximum take over Australians futures. What they actually want to do is control Australians' futures. The last line of political defence in standing up for Australians to buy their own home, to determine their own destiny, to get a good education, to own their own capital and to go on and save for retirement with dignity is the coalition parties. That's why it's so important to stand up. We believe in superannuation, but I can sure as hell bet you we do not believe in a system designed to launder money to organised crime, and that is why the Labor Party's approach to superannuation is so bad—because they would rather have people die with 97 per cent of principal intact, which is currently the statistic of what's happening, but deny young Australians the chance to get their first home. In 1992, the age at which young Australians bought their first home was their mid-20s. It's now increasingly in their late 30s, trending towards their 40s. And with buying their home later goes family formation. So, rather than support Australians to control their own destiny, Labor would literally prefer to break down the social family unit and break down the very structures of which our society is built so they can control Australians and how they live their lives through the superannuation system. We want people to retire with dignity. We want them to be able to control their own destiny. We support Australians to own their own home. But what we don't support is a system where it's used to launder money to the corrupt CFMEU. 19:00 Mr SOON 298618 Banks It is a pleasure to support the motion of my very good friend the member for Bennelong recognising the enormous progress this government is making in improving our superannuation system. As everybody in this place knows, Labor is the party that built superannuation and Labor is the only party that will protect it. This Labor government promised to strengthen the super system when we were elected, and we are delivering on that promise so that superannuation continues to serve its foundational purpose of providing a dignified retirement for all Australians. This government has made massive strides. In the last term of the parliament, Labor legislated the purpose of superannuation and lifted the superannuation guarantee to 12 per cent. And, this term, we legislated payday super. Payday super is a fantastic landmark reform for our country. This reform will protect workers by tackling the issue of unpaid superannuation, which cost workers across our country more than $5 billion in the 2021-2022 financial year, according to ATO estimates. In a typical ATO investigation, a worker has lost nearly two years worth of contributions. For an average 35-year-old income earner, that equates to $32,000 less in retirement. This government's legislation requires employers to pay superannuation at the same time as the rest of an employee's salary and wages from 1 July this year, making it easier for employers and the ATO to track their payments and take action before they become unrecoverable. Another significant reform is the government's move to pay superannuation on Commonwealth paid parental leave. Since 1 July last year, parents of newborn and adopted children have been eligible to have super paid on their parental leave. Around 95 per cent of Commonwealth paid parental leave flows to women, and the scheme is benefiting 180,000 Australian mothers each year, providing meaningful support to reduce the gender superannuation gap for women across a diverse range of circumstances and household arrangements. As the Super Members Council CEO, Misha Schubert, said of this reform, we're not taking baby steps here. This is a huge stride forward to tackle women's retirement inequality. The experts know this is a reform that will make millions of women thousands of dollars better off in their retirement and be particularly beneficial to low-paid and vulnerable workers. Just a few weeks ago now, the government's Treasury Laws Amendment (Building a Stronger and Fairer Super System) Bill passed this parliament, providing more help to low-income workers. As a result of this government's ambitious agenda, the low-income superannuation tax offset will be raised from $310 to $810, and the eligibility threshold raised to $45,000 from 1 July next year. The timing of this change is deliberate, aligning with the third round of the government's cost-of-living tax cuts for every taxpayer. In fact, a recent analysis, again by the Super Members Council, shows that the changes to the LISTO would benefit more than 1.2 million Australians, including 9,321 hardworking constituents in my own electorate of Banks, making them an average of $438 better off, for a total estimated benefit of $4.1 million per year. Not everyone in this place sees superannuation the same way. While those opposite continue to tell young people to raid their super and rob future selves as the solution to all the problems they've created, this government—this Labor government—sees super as the key to a secure and dignified retirement for millions of Australians. We will continue making reforms that will deliver on this deal for Australians and for communities across our great country. 19:06 Mr HOGAN 218019 Page There's a sad fact about every Labor MP in this chamber. If you listen to them, you would think nothing good ever happened when any coalition government existed and that every cathartic good idea that happened in the Australian parliament since 1901 was on the Labor side of politics. There's one thing that no speaker, just with this motion, has mentioned with regard to superannuation. It's really quite bizarre. I often hear my coalition colleagues talk about some of the reforms of the Hawke and Keating era that were pretty good. They say: 'Look, Hawke and Keating did some good reforms during that period. Some of the privatisation was helpful for the economy.' There was a lowering of taxes. The member for Lyne remembers. Productivity actually grew under some of the Hawke and Keating years, and there were obviously some of these super reforms. But not one of the Labor MPs has spoken on this. They obviously don't care. No Labor MP cares about public servants' superannuation. And do you know what none of them have mentioned? The Future Fund. They can't mention the Future Fund—no Labor MP will let the words Future Fund come out of their partisan mouths, because it wasn't their idea. We can talk about the superannuation industry; we can talk about some of the things that Hawke and Keating did that were a good idea, but no-one mentions the Future Fund. It's pathetic! It's pathetic that not once has a Labor MP ever talked positively about a coalition policy. Let me tell you where the Future Fund came from. It came from the Howard-Costello years and the John Anderson years. Do you know what the coalition government was doing then? Productivity was increasing. Productivity was going through the roof. Do you know what else we had? We had surpluses. We had government surpluses. And rather than just splurge the government surpluses, the Liberal-National parties said, 'We have a whole lot right here; don't mention it.' We won't mention the poor public servants who had unfunded superannuation liabilities. You won't hear them mention that. That won't come out of their mouths ever! The coalition government said, 'We need to fund public servants' superannuation liabilities.' From that time, the coalition government ceded between 50 to 60 billion bucks. They invested in what was then our first sovereign fund of that size to invest and get returns to fund public servants' superannuation. It was a really important reform, Labor MPs. What has it done since then? It's grown to about 250 to 260 billion bucks. The returns on it in a year can be around $30 billion, which is now nearly as much as what was initially ceded by the then coalition government that established this fund. I encourage—I dare almost any Labor MP in your future careers in this chamber or in the House of Representatives to one day mention the Future Fund and one day mention the public servants whom you say you have a lot of respect for. I encourage the member for Bean, a Canberra MP who has a lot of respect for public servants, to mention the Future Fund as a coalition initiative. It was so important for their superannuation. It's lovely always to get up and talk about, and I do acknowledge the reforms of the Hawke-Keating years in establishing parts of our superannuation fund industry. I'm gracious enough to do that. Labor aren't. They never are, but I will acknowledge that. But I will also acknowledge the very important part that a coalition government had. One of the most important things—there were many achievements of coalition governments, but, certainly of the Howard-Costello and John Anderson years, I would say it is one of the most important things that was done, besides broadening the tax base with the GST and some of the other productivity reforms. As I said, the productivity of the country back then was enormous, but also it was the last time where we had a string of surpluses that were put to good use for the future of this country. The Future Fund is a very important part of our super fund industry. It's a very important of the sovereign capability and the sovereign investments that we have in this country. I applaud the coalition government that brought that in. It was a great achievement. The DEPUTY SPEAKER 299150 The time allotted for this debate has expired. The debate is adjourned, and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting. Cost of Living 171 19:11 Ms PENFOLD 248895 Lyne I want to thank the member for McPherson for his motion on this very important issue. I'm sure that, for all members in this chamber, cost of living and how they are dealing with the crisis are the most important issues for our constituents. I know that, in my own electorate, it's certainly the topic that's most raised with me, and I know that it's biting hard and hurting people harder. Across communities of families, farmers and small businesses, people are being hit from every direction. Fuel prices are surging. Supply has been uncertain. This comes on top of relentless increases in everyday costs—electricity, gas, food, health, education, insurance and rent. At the same time, wages have not been keeping up. Lyne is one of the lowest income electorates in Australia. People simply do not have the buffers. They don't have the flexibility in their budgets, and they're having to make real sacrifices—skipping essentials, telling their kids that they can't play footy this season, delaying retirement and, in some cases, working longer simply to stay afloat. That is not the Australian promise; that is a failure of economic management. After several years of this government, Australians have experienced a collapse in living standards. Inflation has remained stubbornly high, and government spending is at levels not seen outside of crisis periods. When government spending fuels inflation, interest rates stay higher for longer. That is why families have endured repeated rate rises and why mortgage holders are going backwards. At the same time, national debt is climbing, productivity is falling, and confidence is weakening. This is not a coherent economic strategy; it's a cycle of higher spending, higher taxes and lower expectations. Nowhere is this failure more obvious than in housing. Australia is in the middle of a housing crisis, yet the government continues to prioritise demand-side subsidies—schemes that inflate prices—rather than address the real problem, which is supply. We're building fewer homes than we were just a few years ago, while our population has surged. That imbalance is pushing prices higher and locking young Australians out of homeownership, an issue I raised in my first speech. Now, we hear talk of changes to capital gains tax and negative gearing. Let me be clear, you cannot tax your way out of a housing shortage. If anything, such changes risks reducing investment and worsening supply constraints. The real solutions, the ones that are discussed with me in my electorate, are about releasing more land, investing in enabling infrastructure, streamlining planning and environmental approvals, and reducing red tape and green tape, which are driving up costs. In my electorate, families are facing tens of thousands of dollars in upfront regulatory costs before they even start building, and builders are way down too, with local government and state government taxes, and are struggling to find the workers they need. That is a barrier created by government, and it can be fixed by government. Fuel prices are another pressure point. In regional Australia, fuel is simply not optional; it's essential. It affects everything: groceries, freight, farming and household budgets. Yet we've seen delays, confusion and a lack of urgency in responding to supply pressures and price spikes as a result of the Middle East conflict. The government has been reactive, not proactive. A better approach would include strengthening oversight of fuel supply chains and pricing transparency, including giving the ACCC an explicit antihoarding power, supporting smaller wholesalers and independent service stations, not just major players, to manage price risk; improving fuel security through diversified supply, storage and domestic production; and ensuring regulatory settings allow rapid response in times of disruption. When fuel prices spike, that flows through the entire economy and drives inflation higher still. Australians do not expect perfection from their government, but they do expect competence. They expect a plan to bring inflation down without crushing growth. They expect housing policies that build homes, not just inflate prices. They expect practical and timely action on fuel costs and supply, and they expect a government that understands the pressures facing regional communities. What we need is a reset in economic policy; fiscal discipline to ease inflationary pressure; a relentless focus on productivity and private sector growth; supply-side reform in housing; a cheaper, better, fairer energy policy that delivers on reliability and affordability; support for small business, not large corporations; and a recognition that regional Australians cannot be an afterthought. People in Lyne are working harder for less. This is a moment that calls for strong, responsible economic leadership. 19:16 Mr DAVID SMITH 276714 Bean I'm happy to see that the member for McPherson is concerned about the cost of living and interest rates for Australians and that he has presented us the opportunity to talk about these issues in this chamber. However, I think a more efficient use of the member's time would have been to discuss this with his own shadow treasurer, who has gone on record in parliament as saying, 'We need to create the policy settings to progressively increase interest rates.' He's been consistent on this, also stating, 'Nobody wins from low interest rates.' I wonder what Australians think about that. And, earlier this year, the shadow Treasurer was forced to back down when he declared he no longer supported the twin objectives of the Reserve Bank, with the ultimate effect of the changes he was proposing being a climb in unemployment and climbs in interest rates. Compulsory superannuation is one of the greatest ways people are able to secure their retirement and future. It was introduced under the Keating Labor government and strengthened under the Albanese Labor government, who lifted the compulsory contribution to 12 per cent. If the member for McPherson is so concerned about people working later into their lives, I'm sure he must have been outraged when the Abbott government froze the superannuation guarantee at 9½ per cent, which was then continued by successive coalition governments—a repeated failure to help workers secure their futures. So forgive me if I'm a bit shocked by the hypocrisy on display here from those opposite. But doesn't this just show who the coalition are deep down? They've got no policy, no solutions—not even a consistent ideology anymore. They have stood against every piece of cost-of-living relief implemented by this government. Their only ideology is opposition—no meaningful progress for older Australians, no meaningful assistance for our younger Australian and no support for those in our cities or out in our regional areas. In the crisis we see now, in which the Albanese government has taken strong action to secure the supply of fuels and supplies to Australia, all we have seen the opposition do is play politics. They call for urgent responses and then do everything they can to delay those responses and delay assistance to Australians across the country, including our farmers. It appears the only farming the coalition is interested in these days is clip farming. But let's compare that approach with that of this side of the chamber. We're backing another pay rise for minimum wage and award-reliant workers to help with the cost of living. My first job was at my local Big W down in Woden. I'm speaking from firsthand experience when I say that these pay increases matter and help improve the lives of so many people across my community. The only workplace policies that we've seen the coalition promise are cutting 41,000 workers from our Public Service, particularly in my land of Bean and right across the Canberra region, and providing taxpayer funded lunches for bosses. On this side of the chamber, we've just marked 12 months since introducing tax cuts for 14 million Australians—14 million Australians who are better off under this government than they would have been under a government led by those opposite, because those opposite committed to revoking those tax cuts. What can I say about that except, 'Fantastic; great move—well done, Angus!'? But it's not just about pay increases and it's not just about superannuation; it's about investing in other services. Just last Friday in my electorate, we announced major investments in the ACT to secure more access to bulk-billing for people across Canberra, including an additional two bulk-billing GP clinics in my electorate of Bean. These new clinics, in the Molonglo Valley and southern Tuggeranong will help ensure that, when families in my community need health care, they can fully access it without having to worry about their hip pockets. This is what action on the cost of living looks like. The Albanese government is there to support our community, and it's committed to helping Australians in these trying times. We want to see Australians thrive and help them earn more and to keep more of what they earn. 19:21 Mr KENNEDY 267506 Cook I'm very pleased to speak on this motion, because cost of living is an issue dominating household budgets right across my electorate of Cook. Just recently I received an email from Carol, a volunteer with St Vincent de Paul, and I'd like to quote some of this email: 'In the ever-increasing cost-of-living times, it's become extremely obvious the number of people in your electorate around Caringbah who are in need of help has increased dramatically. We have noted that these people are much younger. We receive requests for food assistance, with one lady pleading she has nothing left for school lunches. We've also been asked to supply beds for people sleeping on the floor with only one blanket. We've supplied washing machines, refrigerators, and we've been asked by a very distressed lady for financial help as she could not afford to bury her father. Financial assistance with utility bills is for another. The increased number of calls is placing all volunteers from Caringbah under pressure to fit these visits in their daily lives. Many of these people appear to be living under the poverty line. It was brought to my attention that, during COVID, there was an increase in income support payments, and I think something like that is needed. These people we assist cannot live without dignity, without a hand from Vinnies or the charities. The government has a responsibility to adequately support those who are unable to support themselves. I can only see the desperate calls for help increasing, especially with the cost of fuel.' This is the lived reality, and we're not talking about an area that's below the poverty line or impoverished; we're talking about my local electorate of Cook, which does better than most of the electorates around the country. So, if this is how people in the heart of metropolitan Sydney, with high house prices and good employment prospects, are living, I shudder to think of the number of families across this nation doing it tough. That's mums and dads having tough conversations about whether they can pay grocery or energy bills. It's about packing school lunches, paying for fuel, the pressure that puts on relationships and the conflict that creates in families. That is the lived reality. What has the government's role been in this? Well, since the Albanese government took office, we've had 14 interest rate rises. Yes, rates were at an all-time low coming out of COVID, but what we have seen from this government is increased government spending—the highest it's been in 40 years. It's actually at a record for 40 years. What we see with increased government spending is that there's too much demand in the economy, which is made up of government spending and private spending. When that government spending is too high, the Reserve Bank tries to drive down spending by increasing interest rates. That's led Australia to have the highest inflation of any advanced economy in the world. It's at this time, when we are suffering from the highest inflation in the world, that we've had an oil shock globally. Had we been in the US, in Asia, in the UK or anywhere in Europe, we would have been much more sheltered from this oil shock, with lower inflation. But instead Australian households are getting smashed. They're looking to pick up the pieces. They're struggling to put together lunches. You heard it here: in Cook, people are struggling to provide their kids with lunch. This government's responsibility was to shelter Australians when we had an international shock. Instead, they've been left flailing in the wind, exposed to these international shocks by an irresponsible Treasurer. More than 760,000 Australians aged 65 and over are now in the workforce—the highest number on record. Many of these people are working because they have no alternative. Rising costs are forcing people to delay their retirement or return to work simply to maintain financial stability. After a lifetime of contribution, Australians should be able to retire and live with dignity. I met a pensioner the other day at a listening post and I had to introduce them to Wesley Mission to pay their electricity bill. This pensioner was unable to run their fridge or their air conditioning, or turn the lights on, because the pension was not enough. This was a lovely immigrant man who had worked for his entire life. What is missing is a clear path to bring these pressures under control. Australians want to see inflation reduced in a sustainable way, with disciplined fiscal settings. This is what we ask for from the Treasurer: not excuses but real action to lower the cost of living. 19:26 Ms JARRETT 298574 Brisbane I'm really pleased to be speaking on this motion tonight, because, if you listen to the debate that's gone on, you can see the stark difference between us—a government that really cares about people and gets that it is tough for Australians at the moment—and those on the other side. We understand cost-of-living pressure and it's a priority for us. We are continuing to roll out many cost-of-living measures. It's our No. 1 priority. That's why you'll see that we're doing tax cuts for every taxpayer and a pay rise for all minimum-award-wage workers, totalling an increase of around $9,000—not a small amount of money. Last week, the minister for workplace relations announced the government would back an above-inflation minimum-wage increase for low-paid workers. We've got paid parental leave up to 24 weeks and super now being paid on all government paid parental leave. We've got a $10,000 bonus for housing apprentices on top of their wages. We've got 30 per cent off home batteries to permanently cut power bills. We've got paid pracs for nurses, teachers and social workers. We've got a boost to Medicare, with $1.8 billion extra in hospital funding so Australians and people in my electorate can get the quality health care they need and deserve. We're seeing more choice and lower-cost health care for women with our record women's health package. We've expanded the five per cent deposit scheme to all first home buyers, with more than 230,000 first home buyers accessing the scheme. There's been another pay rise for aged-care workers. We're expanding bulk billing. There have been cuts to student debt. There's so much that this government is doing across the board. They might only be little bits, but they're making a big difference to people's hip pockets. We will make medicines cheaper—we started that on 1 January with the $25 scripts—but we know we've got more to do. It's our government that's always there. It's our government that's about fairness and equity for all Australians. That's why we're doing other things around strengthening our social safety net, on top of increasing wages for some of the lowest-paid and most vulnerable people in our communities. We're helping with the cost of essentials. We're improving access to housing and education. One million households are benefiting from back-to-back increases in rent assistance, 1.1 million Australians are benefiting from higher social security payments and tens of thousands of single parents have access to the parenting payment (single) for longer. As the member for Bean mentioned earlier, this is on top of the tax relief that every single taxpayer is getting. They've had one; there's another one coming this year and another one next year. We are also making sure that 1.2 million people on low incomes continue to pay no, or a reduced, Medicare levy while still having access to cheaper medicines and more bulk billing. There's so much more I could talk about. We also know that we're in the middle of a war overseas and Australians are feeling the pinch at the bowser, which is why today we announced a 50 per cent cut in the fuel excise for three months, cutting fuel prices by around 26c a litre. It's also why, last week, we passed legislation to enforce higher penalties for petrol companies that might want to use the war to profit off Australians through price gouging. If they do the wrong thing, they'll be hit with a maximum $10 million per offence. We've also passed legislation in the House to allow truckies and road transport businesses to negotiate a fair deal more quickly to keep their trucks moving. So this government is doing everything it can to support Australians with the cost of living. Just imagine how much harder it would have been for the people of Brisbane and the people of other electorates, our fellow Australians, if these cost-of-living measures weren't there. That was at stake because we know those opposite voted against all our cost-of-living measures, or at least most of them, and Australians depend on them. They depend on a government that's fair and reasonable, that cares for them and that understands that we have cost-of-living pressures. But we know we have more to do. Federation Chamber adjourned at 19:31