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  <session.header>
    <date>2013-02-12</date>
    <parliament.no>43</parliament.no>
    <session.no>1</session.no>
    <period.no>8</period.no>
    <chamber>House of Reps</chamber>
    <page.no>0</page.no>
    <proof>0</proof>
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        <p class="HPS-SODJobDate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
          <span class="HPS-SODJobDate">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;"></span>
            <a type="" href="Chamber">Tuesday, 12 February 2013</a>
          </span>
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        <p class="HPS-Normal" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
          <span class="HPS-Normal">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">The SPEAKER (</span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">Ms Anna Burke</span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">) </span>took the chair at 12:00, made an acknowledgement of country and read prayers.</span>
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    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>883</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Disability Insurance Scheme Bill 2012</title>
          <page.no>883</page.no>
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            <a type="Bill" href="r4946">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">National Disability Insurance Scheme Bill 2012</span>
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            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>883</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RAMSEY</name>
    <name.id>HWS</name.id>
    <electorate>Grey</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I was just speaking about a constituent who was suffering from MS and who had been unable to obtain a wheelchair. The couple were informed that Disability SA did not have the resources to supply a suitable chair and that he may have to wait for some months. The gentleman was deteriorating and, quite simply, a number of months was far too long. I intervened, including pursuing options of contacting the man's friends, family and community to raise the required funds privately. To their credit, Disability SA came to the party and the chair was provided. Had I not become involved, who knows what would have happened? More importantly, it is simply not good enough for Disability SA to have such pressure on their resources.</para>
<para>Considering that members cannot force any organisation, government or private, to operate outside their rules, how is it that so often we as members of parliament can achieve a better outcome? Unfortunately, it can only be because the system that was supposed to help the individual has failed to perform. Only a very small percentage of people with a disability who have been failed by the current system would even think to elicit the support of their MP. Why is it that every assistance or system of support, whether from Disability SA, the aged care sector or the not-for-profit sector, was not able to fulfil its charter and use the maximum subsidised resources at their disposal without a push and a jab from a member of parliament?</para>
<para>However, we are all well aware of the limits of the current system, its inflexibility and its lack of total resources. Of course, it is those with serious disability who have exhausted every possible assistance available whom we cannot help, yet we know we should. That is what the National Disability Insurance Scheme must do. The failings of the current system are many, from Karen, a single mother struggling with part-time jobs, relying on the support of her parents, with a 16-year-old son who is severely intellectually challenged and physically impaired, unable to get enough assistance to even cover his needs for incontinence aids, through to Hazel, with a 40-year-old son with considerable impairment. After 40 years, Hazel is no longer able to care for her son herself and is unable to find accommodation. The only option is the aged-care system, and that is far from an ideal solution for all concerned. Unfortunately, in the regional centre where she lives she is unable to find a place.</para>
<para>This is a recurring nightmare right across Australia. We are faced daily with the inadequacies in support for the severely disabled. I have said in this place before that it does not matter what service we are talking about—the degree of difficulty in receiving the service grows exponentially with the distance the potential consumer of the service lives from the service centre. In South Australia at least, as the single most city-centric state in the Commonwealth, that service centre is often Adelaide.</para>
<para>It is obvious we cannot, for instance, have high-care disability housing in every small or even moderate centre in the nation. There is simply not enough critical mass to sustain such centres and the building of infrastructure. It is inevitable that, at the very best, we are unlikely to have locally based psychiatrists, audiologists or speech and language pathologists, for instance, even though there is a spread of allied health professionals such as physiotherapists, dietitians and occupational therapists that do at least visit the bigger centres on a regular basis.</para>
<para>For instance, I know well a young couple who have a child with an autism spectrum disorder and who work a large sheep station in the state's north. We know how important the first six or seven years of life are in the development of these children, and apart from city-based training available for the parents there is virtually no service that they can currently receive on the property. They are loving and caring parents who want the best possible for their child, and they have made the highly disruptive decision for the wife to move to the nearest major regional centre and for the husband to visit on weekends or when time allows—hardly perfect. Even there, the services available are nowhere near the level of service available in Adelaide.</para>
<para>Will the National Disability Insurance Scheme fix all these deficiencies? Probably not, but the extra resources should encourage more school leavers into these professions, and we must do whatever we must to ensure more comparable levels in the regional and rural areas, including preferencing students who either make a commitment to work in the country or at least are more disposed to the notion.</para>
<para>In my opening remarks I spoke of the coalescing of views across the political spectrum to make sure that the NDIS is delivered, and I am disappointed that the Leader of the Opposition's offers to participate in a bipartisan committee to ensure that the promises are delivered regardless of which party is in power following the next election have been rebuffed. I give credit to the Minister for Employment and Workplace Relations, Bill Shorten, for his previous role in helping elevate this issue in the conscience of both the public and parliament.</para>
<para>I am supportive of the National Disability Insurance Scheme—if a little bemused by the title. To me, an insurance scheme involves a policy where the insured or someone else pays a premium to a body which assesses the risk, averages the cost over the whole portfolio and takes a commission for doing so. The NDIS, of course, is nothing like this. It is instead a commitment from the parliament to devote a larger slice of resources to people suffering from disability. The greater resources will have to be found either by making savings within the current national budget or by raising extra taxes—decisions that must be made by the government of the day. So why it is called the National Disability Insurance Scheme is a little bit of a mystery to me. In reality, it is a commitment to fund the disability sector properly, and this is right, proper and overdue.</para>
<para>Australia is a wealthy nation and we must find the resources to fund the program. However, it is with some concern that I note that at this stage the government does not seem to have a coherent strategy to do so. It is all very well to promise the earth, but governments must explain how they are going to deliver. Otherwise it is just words and rhetoric. The people, particularly on this subject, are sick of hearing these types of commitments from government. They want action and they want the policy delivered on.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MARLES</name>
    <name.id>HWQ</name.id>
    <electorate>Corio</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is with great honour and pride that I rise today to speak in support of the National Disability Insurance Scheme Bill 2012, which is really one of the most significant pieces of legislation that I have had the privilege to speak on in my time in this place. That we are talking about the National Disability Insurance Scheme Bill as a reality through the passage of this legislation is an enormous tribute to so many Australians who have worked tirelessly to bring this proposal to the point that it is at today—people like Rosemary Kayess, who is a human rights lawyer and a woman who, in a car accident at the end of her 20s, tragically became a quadriplegic. Her life changed dramatically. Rosemary is a friend of mine and had the opportunity of representing Australia in the General Assembly of the United Nations in the negotiations on the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities.</para>
<para>It was a great honour for my family that my sister, Jenny Green, was able to travel with Rosemary to New York as her carer. To this day, my sister and Rosemary attend Sydney Swans matches together. It is a disappointment that it is the Sydney Swans, but it is a great thing that their relationship pursues that passion.</para>
<para>Rosemary is an inspiration. I had the opportunity to sit next to Rosemary at dinner. Her life has changed completely. Most people in the situation she finds herself in—trapped in a body which does not work and needing people to help her eat a meal—would find it easy to be bitter and negative and to complain. But Rosemary says that this was a moment which changed her life and, ultimately, changed it for the better—in that she would never have represented Australia in negotiating a convention of this kind and would never have reached the levels she has as an academic in humanitarian law but for what happened to her. That is an unbelievable thing for someone in her position to say. It says so much about the tremendous nature of Australians living with a disability and those who care for them and it says so much about how much we can learn from these people. Kurt Fearnley is another example of the kind of inspiration shown to the whole of our country by people with a disability. Both Rosemary and Kurt have been strong advocates for the bill we are discussing today.</para>
<para>I also acknowledge Bill Shorten, who played a very significant role in his former life as the Parliamentary Secretary for Disability and Children's Services in advocating on behalf of this community within Australia and advocating on behalf of this proposition; Jenny Macklin, who, as the minister, has carried this forward; Jan McLucas, who has worked tirelessly on it; and, of course, our Prime Minister, Julia Gillard, who has had the courage to push this through. All of this—which has been pursued in a bipartisan way—has seen a very important social reform being brought to this parliament on this day. It is, as I said, a great pleasure to be standing here today advocating for it.</para>
<para>All of us in this place—in our work and in our electorates—have met people with a disability. It is impossible not to be moved by the circumstances such people find themselves in and by the circumstances their carers find themselves in. You have to be moved by the time taken for the daily activities of life; by the effort required to live life with a disability and to care for people with a disability; by the philosophy you have to develop—Rosemary has taught me so much about that, about life—to live in these circumstances; and of course by the love, the acute, intense love you witness when you see people caring for someone with a disability. All of this is what you see when you meet with people who have a disability and with their carers.</para>
<para>The difficulty for people with a disability, up until now, has been that there is an enormous cost associated with living with a disability. Disability makes people poor. Often the financial legacy associated with living with a disability and caring for somebody with a disability can continue for generations—because of the enormous costs. That is why this bill is so important. This bill will change that reality. For the millions of Australians who are either living with a disability or caring for someone with a disability, this is a moment in time when everything changes. That is rare in this place—that we have the opportunity to be part of something that important.</para>
<para>This bill will provide certainty for people with a disability. It will change the very nature of the way people with a disability are cared for and how they manage their lives. It will change things from operating on the basis of just reacting to crises. There will be management plans to help avoid crisis and to help prepare people for a lifelong approach to dealing with their disability.</para>
<para>In the process, what we will do is enhance the productive capacity of the disabled community in this country and unlock the productive potential of that community, which in turn is going to be of such enormous value to this country. Rosemary Kayess stands as testimony to the contribution that people with a disability have to make to our society.</para>
<para>This bill implements the National Disability Insurance Scheme, and in the process establishes the National Disability Scheme Launch Transition Agency to run the National Disability Insurance Scheme. It has come here after much consultation with disability groups, with carer groups, with disability service providers and, of course, with the states. Principally, the bill establishes a scheme which defines eligible participants within the scheme. For eligible participants with a disability it sets up a program by which those individuals can determine an individual goal based, lifelong program based on the notion of what is reasonable and necessary for those people who are living with a disability. What that will do is provide those people with the care and the support that they need. It will ensure and empower people with a disability to have control over the programs, government services and private services which they are able to access as a result of the National Disability Insurance Scheme.</para>
<para>That empowering will end the current state of confusion, which sees people with a disability unsure of what they might be entitled to—even when they know what is possible out there—and unsure as to whether or not they will be successful in whatever application they are making to gain access to whatever the service is that they are seeking to obtain. The ignorance that goes with that, the confusion associated with that and the waiting that is associated with that all ends as a result of this bill. As a result of that and the certainty that is created by that, what we will see is a scheme which fosters innovation and excellence in the provision of disability services and providing that throughout the whole of a person's life. It will ensure that there is much better support for carers, and there will be a focus on early intervention.</para>
<para>The national agency will be independent of government. It will have the responsibility for delivering the scheme but it will also have the responsibility for the financial management of the scheme. It will consist of a board which will be representative of all of the stakeholders within the system, but will also have an advisory council which will add an added level of consultation to those stakeholders. There will be a ministerial council established to make sure that this is an agency which is responsive to the states, who have such an important stake in this. That agency will be established under the Commonwealth Authorities and Companies Act 1997.</para>
<para>Part of the way in which the National Disability Insurance Scheme is being established is through a number of launch sites, which will see 20,000 people with a disability able to access the National Disability Insurance Scheme from 1 July this year. One of those sites is in my electorate at Geelong. There is enormous anticipation and excitement in Geelong about the prospect of that. The disability service providers are, of course, at the coalface of this scheme. They will be charged with the responsibilities they have now, but with an added responsibility of providing the services to those people with a disability.</para>
<para>In Geelong, disability service providers are outstanding. They are outstanding in the scope and quality of their programs, the level of community integration and the level of cooperation between service providers. They are innovative. Examples of that innovation in Geelong include Back to Back Theatre, one of Australia's most successful theatre companies but with a point of difference because the actors are all people who are living with a disability. This theatre company based in Geelong tours extensively: more than 70 cities around the world. There are service providers such as Corio Bay Innovators who operate as the dal Gourmet Cafe and Catering. They were awarded the Australian Disability Enterprise Excellence Award in 2011 for excellence in training and employment opportunities for people with a disability, particularly young people. I had the pleasure of visiting that service with our Prime Minister last year. Then there is Pathways, who helped put people with multiple barriers into workforce participation. In the first 12 months of operation, MadCap Cafe in central Geelong, right next to my electoral office, employed more than 40 people with a mental illness, and the domestic property services division, Clearwater Business Services, employs 77 people with serious mental illnesses each week.</para>
<para>Karingal is our largest disability service provider in Geelong and throughout the western region. They help nearly 2,000 people with a disability on a day-to-day basis. They provide around 20 different services, including in-home support, supported accommodation, day services and mental health support. They provide supported and open employment for another 6,600 people with a disability each year through Matchworks and Kommercial. Kommercial now famously operates canteens at Alcoa, Shell and the Australian Animal Health Laboratory, as well as a catering kitchen. Those canteens are something to behold. Alcoa were managing their own canteen in years past, running it at a loss and serving pretty crummy food. That is now being run by Kommercial. It makes money. It provides a fantastic service for the workers at Alcoa. And it provides a wonderful opportunity for those people working in it.</para>
<para>Karingal's CEO, Daryl Starkey, says that their mission is based on acceptance and inclusion. Karingal's programs are about getting people out into the community and about bringing the community to them. He said: 'We support the central plank of the NDIS, which is to give people more choice and control over the support services they want and need in their lives.'</para>
<para>Another major provider in Geelong is St Laurence Community Services, which is a lead agency for providers in the launch area and which has already started working on a training program with the help of an $86,000 grant from the federal government. The plan is to have people with a disability among those who are doing the training to deliver the programs. St Laurence is another major provider of disability services and employment within the Geelong region. Its employment services include garden and property management, an ironing service, a pickle factory, a nursery, an arts studio and a gallery.</para>
<para>Finally, Encompass is an organisation that runs the innovative program Encompass@Leopold, a small farm and horticultural enterprise where participants grow their own food, cook their own meals, gain life skills and job skills. When I was last there, they had the ambition of having a chocolate bar entirely grown, manufactured and produced at the facility, which warms my heart.</para>
<para>It is expected that disability service providers will have 130 new jobs created among their ranks as a result of Geelong being a launch site. That is in addition to the people directly employed through the National Disability Insurance Scheme in Geelong. Geelong is a city that hosts the TAC. It is a trial site and we have, as I have articulated, excellent and innovative disability service providers. It means that we as a city excel at supporting and celebrating people with a disability. We have a vibrant disability community, with such people as Kelly Cartwright, a famous Australia Paralympian, who are making an enormous contribution to our society. Being a centre of innovation and a centre for the support for and celebration of people with a disability is an aspiration of Geelong and a burgeoning part of Geelong's 21st century identity. It is a part of Geelong's story and we want that story to contribute to a new era for people with a disability and for carers of people with a disability in Australia.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CIOBO</name>
    <name.id>00AN0</name.id>
    <electorate>Moncrieff</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to address the National Disability Insurance Scheme Bill 2012. I am certainly pleased to associate myself, as all members in this parliament have been, with the comments that have preceded and no doubt will follow mine about the bipartisan spirit in which the National Disability Insurance Scheme has come about. I have been fortunate insofar as I and my family have not been personally touched by disability and certainly not in a profound way at any point. That notwithstanding, obviously as federal members of parliament each of us on occasion has the opportunity to move about our electorates to speak with people who face up to all sorts and manner of challenges throughout their daily lives. For me, a defining point in the decade or so that I have been a federal member was when I had the opportunity to visit the premises of Cerebral Palsy Queensland in Labrador on Gold Coast, the city in which I live.</para>
<para>The Gold Coast is Australia's sixth largest city, and many would say one of its more progressive cities. The chance to visit Cerebral Palsy Queensland to look at the work that they undertook and walk among the clients who were there in the respite centre afforded me a very real opportunity to gain, albeit for only a short period of time, some insight into the challenges that are faced by so many in our community. What struck me most significantly was that as I approached the building of Cerebral Palsy Queensland I saw that it was a converted garage in a fairly nondescript home in a northern suburb of the Gold Coast. I thought to myself that the fact that this was the case in a city of some 500,000 people underscores some of the challenges that we face.</para>
<para>I then went inside and had the chance to spend a couple of hours talking to the people who volunteer and those who are paid employees of Cerebral Palsy Queensland and spending time with the clients who were there. I talked to some of the parents of the children and young adults who were talking advantage of the respite afforded to them by the tremendous work done by Cerebral Palsy Queensland.</para>
<para>This was almost at the exact same time that the announcement had been made about the Building the Education Revolution. I thought to myself that perhaps successive governments in this country had had their priorities wrong. That was not a reflection on the BER in any way, shape or form. It was more about the juxtaposition between such a large amount of taxpayer funds being expended on a program like the BER—which no doubt members opposite would say was very worthwhile—and what lay before me in a renovated garage: eight or 10 clients of Cerebral Palsy Queensland, each of them wheelchair bound and each of them with significant motor skill disability, working with volunteers who were participating in a TAFE course that obliged them to spend time working with the disabled and in some instances people who were profoundly disabled. I thought to myself that this was happening in a country that is meant to be one of the best in the world and where we enjoy almost unparalleled wealth compared to the vast majority of the earth's population. At the time, I thought that there was something wrong with the priorities that we have as a nation.</para>
<para>Within the coalition, I have pushed on a number of occasions for more to be done to rectify the great imbalance. I have always been of the firm belief that the Public Service should be obliged to have a quota of people with disability working within it to set the benchmark. I have been a proponent of that. We can do that with the largesse of taxpayer funds—I use that word because it is an indulgence, frankly, to do that with taxpayer funds. But the benchmark needs to be set.</para>
<para>I celebrate the fact that we are now realising the NDIS. I congratulate the government for moving on it, and I am delighted that this is an initiative that both sides of the chamber can work to implement. It would be a grave mistake for the NDIS to be anything other than a bipartisan initiative. It would be a grave mistake for any one side of politics to claim that the NDIS in some way encapsulates values held only by that political party. The reality is that that would be shameful and cheap politics and should be rejected on every occasion. Nobody holds moral superiority on the issue of doing something for people who are so adversely affected and who overcome challenges that most of us will never have to face in our lifetimes.</para>
<para>In that respect, it is beholden upon all of us as a parliament to work so that the NDIS becomes the reality that it should be: a totem for what, as a developed nation, we can achieve. I am pleased that the NDIS is coming to fruition. There are going to be many challenges ahead. From a policy perspective, we have seen some of the politicking that unfortunately has taken place, but I firmly believe that in the eyes of every Australian, in the aspiration that beats within their hearts, the NDIS will show that we are all doing our bit to help our friends, our family or our colleagues who have to overcome challenges that, as I said, most of us will never know.</para>
<para>The impact of disability is not only on the person who is facing physical or mental challenges but also on their family. It is no coincidence that, regrettably, the rate of divorce is much higher in families where there is a disabled child. Again, I can only imagine the challenges that they must overcome. I know, from speaking with as many carers as I have done over the years, of the belief that the NDIS will in some way, shape or form bring some slight relief to the incessant pressures that go with being a carer and worrying about who is going to provide for their children or loved ones in future years.</para>
<para>I add my weight to the those in this chamber, including the Leader of the Opposition, who have asked: 'Why don't we have a bipartisan committee of the parliament that is chaired by both the government and the opposition, irrespective of political flavour, to ensure that support and forward momentum for the NDIS will continue unabated?' That, to me, would embrace the true value of all sides of politics coming together and would epitomise the way that that should be done. How often do we hear in the community the concern that as politicians we always seem to be at each other's throats? Well, let us celebrate these few opportunities we have to work in a genuinely united spirit to deliver the kinds of policy outcomes that could occur not just on occasion but on a regular basis.</para>
<para>As I have mentioned, there are no doubt going to be many challenges that the NDIS will have to face and overcome in order to be fully realised. That notwithstanding, this underscores the profound opportunity we have as a parliament to convey—on behalf of all Australians—our care, our concern and our compassion for those who have to overcome those challenges, as well as for the loved ones who care for them, be it in a paid capacity or in a volunteer capacity.</para>
<para>In addition, I am delighted that the NDIS will see realised across the country, in the long term, opportunities for care and for treatment and support programs to be built around the individual. In so many respects the NDIS represents the empowerment of individuals to develop plans that take into account their own unique circumstances and challenges and that provide opportunities for them to call upon the resources available to them in a way that is going to be cost-effective and productive for those individuals. I am delighted that the support that will be available through the NDIS will also include general support for people with disabilities who are not participants in the NDIS as well as opportunities for them to have referral services. It is envisaged, and it would certainly be my aspiration, that the NDIS will become a one-stop shop for them to draw upon the best available resources in a cost-effective way.</para>
<para>One of the concerns we have—and this is not said in a politicking way; it is said in a reality way—is that the Productivity Commission outlined that the first stage of the NDIS would cost an estimated $3.9 billion. As a coalition, we supported the referral to the Productivity Commission; as a coalition, we supported the government's billion dollars that they put on the table in the last budget. But we believe it is prudent to say, 'Well, there's still $2.9 billion to go'. And that is not an attempt to be political; it is just a reality because, like any budget, we need to work out how it is going to be funded.</para>
<para>It would be an almost unforgiveable betrayal of people's hope if the NDIS is lauded in the way that it has been—and, indeed, in the way that I and others have in this debate—for that goal then not to be realised because of poor economic management. Fundamentally, that is the reason I believe that whether you are government or opposition there is a responsibility to look every Australian in the eye and be able to explain how the dream can be realised, because it is only through full funding that the dream can in fact be realised. Whilst a billion dollars on the table is a good start, the fact is that it requires $3.9 billion for the first stage of the NDIS alone.</para>
<para>So I look forward to the realisation of the dream; the realisation of the aspiration that those for whom disability services have been insufficient, or have been piecemeal or have had large gaps that they have had to endure can be brought together and realised under something like the NDIS.</para>
<para>Only yesterday I was speaking to a constituent—I had returned his call. He is a wheelchair-bound man who has lived with disability for 39 years. He was expressing his concern to me about the challenges that he had with ongoing and regular health appointments, and the changes that he encountered in moving from New South Wales to Queensland. That call yesterday, in the same way as my visit to the Cerebral Palsy League at Labrador, highlighted to me just how much the time for the NDIS has come. I am pleased that this parliament is certainly able to foreshadow it and, to a limited extent, deliver it. But my message is: let's make sure it is fully delivered, by putting to it the resources required to ensure that those who are faced with those challenges—be they families or be they individuals—are able to realise the dream that they have for what the NDIS can provide.</para>
<para>The NDIS is not going to be the panacea; they are still going to face difficult choices and challenges every single day. But each of us in good conscience, I would hope, would realise that through this piece of public policy something truly world class has been achieved. I think that is a wonderful aspiration that all of us as participants in this parliament can be proud of and can celebrate.</para>
<para>There is no doubt that those who face physical and mental disability want to be loved and contributing members of our society. We owe it to them to maximise their opportunity to do so, and I hope this is another tool in the arsenal.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BANDT</name>
    <name.id>M3C</name.id>
    <electorate>Melbourne</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>For too long, people with disabilities and their families have been ignored. For too long, people with disabilities and their families have been left to fend for themselves. And for too long, people with disabilities and their families have struggled to survive. Now, with this National Disability Insurance Scheme Bill 2012, as a nation we are finally taking action for people with disabilities and their families. Finally, people with disabilities and their families will get the help they need and deserve.</para>
<para>The National Disability Insurance Scheme package, including this legislation, will ensure that people living with a disability will receive more comprehensive support to help them in their everyday lives. By giving much greater choice and control to the individual who requires the service, this legislation will help transform the way disability services are delivered in Australia. The support that will be provided by the NDIS focuses on meeting the aspirations of the individual by providing the necessary supports to help them live, work and participate in their own communities.</para>
<para>The Australian Greens believe the central role of government is to care for people and that is why we so strongly supported the Every Australian Counts campaign, which has also worked towards increasing the total funding available to deliver services, as well as ensuring national consistency and availability of those services. I want to congratulate everyone who has worked so hard to get national disability insurance on the agenda.</para>
<para>This legislation is the culmination of many years of campaigning by many, many people. Unfortunately the campaigning is not over. There is still some significant detail that has not yet been provided by the government on how the NDIS will operate. While the legislation sets out a framework for how the NDIS might operate, until we see the rules that sit underneath this legislative framework there will be a large amount of uncertainty about the operation of the scheme. We remain concerned about who is in and who is out under the eligibility criteria. We have already taken note of the uncertainty around hearing and vision services, as well as the management of the late onset of complex disabilities, particularly for those who do not begin to require care until after they turn 65. We hope that these and other concerns will be addressed through the release of specific eligibility criteria and would urge the government to resolve these matters quickly. Unless the NDIS is properly funded it will not deliver for people with disabilities and their families.</para>
<para>The government is yet to outline the funding arrangements for the NDIS. In particular, we are yet to know how block funding and service sustainability will occur in a funding model focused on self-directed care or where the savings will be found or the revenue raised to adequately fund the scheme. The Australian Greens share the concerns of organisations like Victoria Legal Aid, who have highlighted issues about where individuals who require additional support and advocacy services will be able to turn for that support, particularly given that Legal Aid is already overstretched in many places.</para>
<para>The Australian Greens recognise that the NDIS may not directly tackle discrimination and disadvantage, and there will be some groups who may struggle to access the NDIS. Those people living in the community who already face other significant personal barriers, such as homelessness which may limit their ability to participate in the NDIS, will require additional support to access entitlements. The Australian Greens also realise that the NDIS alone cannot possibly meet all the needs of all people living with a disability. Those who also require extra assistance to access health care, education and employment need to know that allocations will continue to be made for those services. People living with a disability are often among some of the poorest households in Australia, along with people living on Newstart. We need to continue to assist people with a disability to access employment, recognise that there are support costs associated with employment that must be accounted for and break down the barriers, including discrimination and lack of flexibility, that prevent them from accessing work.</para>
<para>I will support this bill on behalf of the Greens today so that the substantive issues, including possible amendments, can be dealt with in the Senate, following the conclusion of the current Senate inquiry into this bill. Already that inquiry has heard that the legislation needs stronger links to United Nations conventions and that there are concerns about the CEO's powers to press individuals to seek compensation from other parties before being allowed into the scheme. The committee has also heard significant information about workforce sustainability, a move towards greater casualisation and the OHS implications of individual contracts. This is an issue I am particularly keen to ensure is managed well. I have introduced a bill that addresses the issues of insecure work and workforce casualisation. We need to carefully balance the move towards self-directed funding with care for workers' rights, particularly for lower-skilled support workers who might be left vulnerable by individualised contracts. My colleague Senator Siewert will pursue these issues further in the Senate, and we reserve the right to move amendments to the bill. Nothing could more clearly highlight the importance of government than the measures in this bill, because if we are to achieve real equality we need government to act and extend a helping hand to those who are left behind. That is what this bill does, and that is why the Greens are right behind the National Disability Insurance Scheme.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BILLSON</name>
    <name.id>1K6</name.id>
    <electorate>Dunkley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am pleased to reaffirm the coalition's enthusiastic support for each of the milestones that have been part of the ongoing journey towards a National Disability Insurance Scheme. The coalition supported the initial work of the Productivity Commission—in fact, not only has our support for the recommendations been a key part of the coalition contribution to this debate but we are also concerned that the government is deviating quite significantly in some areas from the measured and assured pathway that the Productivity Commission mapped out. We have supported the commitment of $1 billion towards the NDIS, not only recognising that as a down payment but also underlining the need to be clear on where the additional resources to achieve the rollout will come from. We have supported the launch sites and we hope that the learning that arises from those launch sites is embedded in the ongoing approach to roll out the National Disability Insurance Scheme. We have supported agreements where they have been arrived at between Commonwealth and state jurisdictions, and we support this legislation. The coalition has consistently supported the need for greater support for those people with a disability and their carers, who give selflessly to the task of supporting and nurturing and adding to the quality of life of people with disability who are part of their family.</para>
<para>One of the first tasks that I embraced after being elected in 1996 was when the then Minister for Family Services, the Hon. Warwick Smith, asked me to chair and convene an unmet-needs working group in relation to disability services. It was an interesting initiative that Minister Smith instigated. It recognised that there was an enormous array of views within the disability community of what those unmet needs were and where you would start to tackle that desperate unmet need that was causing such enormous impacts on people's lives. I, along with the committee that I worked with, consulted widely. This was back in 1997. To try to identify what the priorities looked like, recognising that the task was so large, what came clear from that work was that the ageing carers in our community needed to be a crucial priority.</para>
<para>Let us think about the life journey they have experienced and continue to experience today. Many, at a time when they should be contemplating a more relaxed lifestyle and a tempo that sees them enjoy a quality of life well earned from a life of commitment and application, are still caring for mature-age family members who may have a profound intellectual disability—a person of my age, perhaps, where their intellectual disability accelerates their metabolic rate and, in some cases, their family member is old before their time, compounding the care tasks that ageing carers face.</para>
<para>I was pleased that that work saw the Howard government commit several hundred millions of dollars of additional funding to try to tackle that part of the picture, recognising the selfless contribution of ageing carers. So much has been asked of them, and so much has been given out of love, commitment and devotion. At some point there should be the confidence and certainty of knowing their loved one has accommodation and support suited to their needs available and that the carers can rest and reflect on a life of selfless contribution confident that the care is there.</para>
<para>That concern remains today. A decade and a half later in my own local community, even in responses to the consultation being undertaken as part of the NDIS, that concern remains. It continues to be a major issue for people living with a disability and those carers who are devoted to supporting and to ensuring that all of the care and commitment that is possibly available is brought to the task of the support for the person with a disability.</para>
<para>I am receiving material from local organisations that I have consulted with and continue to draw heavily from as this NDIS pathway is progressed. I have been reminded that in Victoria alone there are 1,100 people on a waiting list in urgent need for supported accommodation, and that this may well represent the tip of the iceberg.</para>
<para>It was reflected upon that if the person is not able to have accommodation because of a crisis in a carer's life, or—heaven forbid—a family needs to surrender their child to the state, or there are threats of the care task becoming all too much and the carer's own personal safety might be in question, or a client is simply left in respite and not collected, or it is just all too much, then some help comes perhaps. What was being communicated to me was that, for those families and carers doing all that could ever be asked of them, that selfless commitment might make them less likely to be able to look forward to supported accommodation.</para>
<para>I was reminded of the submission that Carers Victoria made to the Productivity Commission draft report in 2011, recognising that caring for people with profound needs is a shared community responsibility, yet 97.5 per cent of people under 65 with a severe or profound limitation live in the community and 2.5 per cent have some kind of supported or cared accommodation. In that picture, 84 per cent live with family. Yet I was being asked: 'Where is this pressing need in the rollout of the NDIS? Where is it reflected? How do local community groups communicate this desperate cry for help?' My encouragement is to be involved in the consultation process.</para>
<para>It was put to me that the decision of the government to move away from the time lines, pathways, consultation and engagement process that the Productivity Commission mapped out might see some of these priority cries for help overlooked or perhaps not given the full airing. I hope that is not the case, but in the feedback I have received from local community groups they remain bewildered as to why the years of work that went into the Productivity Commission's recommendations—the overview and the action agenda that they outlined—has been stepped away from. They are anxious to ensure that, in this case, that does not see the more than 400,000 people with significant disabilities not having their fundamental needs met because there has not been the opportunity for their daily lives to be improved through secure accommodation and proper support. There is almost a Maslow's needs hierarchy argument being brought forward by local community groups, talking about the crucial nature of shelter and a sense of security in their living circumstances being a fundamental precondition to achieve higher ambitions in relation to the NDIS. That is their view, and they have fed that into the consultation. I hope that is reflected in the rollout of the system.</para>
<para>As I say, the coalition has been an enthusiastic supporter along each of these milestones. I put out some information about where that is demonstrated in action today. In operationalising the NDIS idea—an idea whose time has come—this deviation from the Productivity Commission recommendation and the pathway they have mapped out is of some concern, but we will only know from experience from the launch sites whether the Productivity Commission's pathway has been too conservative, too cautious or too keen to reflect and learn, and where the trajectory will run now and whether that meets the needs. I hope it goes well, and I hope the insights that arise from those launch sites are well reflected in the broader rollout.</para>
<para>It is clear, though, that providers, their clients and caregivers have a great deal to offer in the design, rollout, implementation and evaluation of the early NDIS models and launch sites, and I hope that input is taken up and embraced. There is an extraordinary cry for those providing services to be heard, and I have highlighted previously what an important role local government plays in the provision of services for people with profound needs. My hope is that local government's input is also embraced and recognised as this work continues. Local government has not featured in the policy discussions to date, and certainly as the NDIS is rolled out there will be a need to reflect on how local councils do what they do. A previous speaker, the member representing the Greens party, talked about some of the other compensation arrangements and mechanisms that need to be interwoven into the ultimate NDIS model.</para>
<para>It is clear that there is a need to stay the course on this. The coalition has proposed a joint parliamentary committee, an important step and one that I urge the government to embrace because, to do this well and to see the NDIS ambition fulfilled, it will involve sustained commitment over a number of parliaments, involving all sides of the parliament. The coalition feels that a joint parliamentary committee will provide that continuity of engagement, a mechanism of bipartisan involvement and support that would not only serve the objectives well but also bring the best that all of us in the parliament have to offer to this once-in-a-generation reform task of successfully implementing the NDIS. It will unfold over the life of several parliaments, and we think there is a need to have some oversight infrastructure in place that reflects that and continues a certain and shared way forward in its rollout.</para>
<para>It does also reflect a concern that Labor has sought to try to claim this as their baby, trying to politicise the rollout of the NDIS. It is a very unbecoming political strategy but I have seen it pop up—</para>
<para class="italic">Dr Southcott interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BILLSON</name>
    <name.id>1K6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, I am being as generous as I can be in describing what I have seen, but it is certainly not the kind of conduct those people praying for the NDIS would look for from their parliamentary representatives. I would encourage the government in the spirit in which this whole journey has evolved and on the pathway that has been mapped out to not be quite shrill in its partisanship when it comes to the issues of the NDIS.</para>
<para>I also want to take a moment to talk about other issues that have been raised with me at the implementation level. I was pleased to convene an NDIS consultation in my own electorate, a round table discussion which I was very thrilled to host with my friend and colleague the shadow minister for disabilities, carers and the voluntary sector, Senator Mitch Fifield. At that discussion we did again hear about, and it was very encouraging to recognise, the terrific support for the NDIS. We had a long discussion about the level and types of care, the person-centred notion of managing the resources that are available and choosing wisely the care options that are within reach.</para>
<para>There was a sober contribution from the local providers. They talked to me about the difficulty a number of the current providers have in meeting current demand. Their concern was that some of the discussion around the NDIS seems to be inner-metro centric, where you have a vast array of service options just within reach and you can pick and choose and the person-centred, client-driven facilitative model would work just fine. It was put to me that that might be the case in the major capital cities, in the inner city areas, but for communities that I represent on the outskirts of the metropolitan area and beyond into the rural and regional communities of Australia that simple notion does not stack up. Services are stretched. The capacity to expand rapidly, if that is what the non-Productivity Commission timetable that the government is pursuing seems to expect, is a very difficult thing to achieve.</para>
<para>There was a discussion about how to build the capacity of a service system to deliver the services that people hold out as an expectation as the NDIS is rolled out. I think there is a need to look more carefully at the workforce available and at the service system infrastructure and the capacity but, more particularly, to look at what is available where across this vast continent of ours. What might be available in Port Melbourne or in some inner city area in the metropolis of Melbourne might be quite different from what is available on the Mornington Peninsula. Yet this ambition of certainty and confidence about the care that can be available, about it not being a raffle or a lottery in terms of the nature in which a disability was acquired, should not then be replaced by a new raffle which is 'Where do you live? What are the actual service provision options available within your reach?', creating a new segregation of the kinds of support that the NDIS can provide purely because of the location of your home.</para>
<para>So these are some thoughts that I put on the record. I am enthusiastic about what the NDIS can achieve and I am pleased to have been part of the support for these action steps taken to date. I look forward to a successful rollout of the NDIS. It is a generation-long endeavour and I am very optimistic that it will go well.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms KING</name>
    <name.id>00AMR</name.id>
    <electorate>Ballarat</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I too rise to support the National Disability Insurance Scheme Bill 2012, and I do so as a very proud member of the Australian Labor Party. The measures in this bill establish the framework for the National Disability Insurance Scheme. It sets out the scheme's objects and principles and it establishes the NDIS Transition Agency, which will oversee the launch of the scheme in our five initial trial sites. The NDIS is a very important reform for this nation—a reform that, in the years to come, will be seen as part of the foundation of our social safety net in this country, in the same way as those great reforms of Medicare and superannuation are today.</para>
<para>The bill before the House entrenches the framework for the NDIS into law. The framework reflects the principles agreed to by the Prime Minister and first ministers, including giving people with disability individual care and support based on their needs; giving people real choice and control over these supports—meaning more control over their lives; ending a situation where people are not told what support is available or how to access it; and fostering innovative services that are delivered and coordinated locally. The framework also includes the principle of bringing long-term certainty to the resourcing of disability care and support so that people with disabilities can feel secure that they will get what they need over the course of their lifetime. It is also based on a whole-of-life approach in the context of people with a disability, so that it responds to each individual's goals and aspirations and how to strengthen the other informal and community supports that are important for the person with a disability.</para>
<para>The scheme is intended to move away from the crisis model, where families only receive support if they are unable to continue in their caring role and there are no other options. It is about working with families before they reach that point to make sure that the valuable informal care they provide can actually be sustained. The scheme takes a lifelong approach. There is also a focus on intensive early intervention, particularly where there is good evidence that it will substantially improve a person's functioning or slow or prevent progression of the disabilities over their lifetime. These are very crucial elements of the National Disability Insurance Scheme and a fundamental change to the way in which disability services are provided in this country.</para>
<para>At its heart, the NDIS is a simple scheme of entitlements. Eligible people with disabilities will be entitled to access a bundle of services from a provider or providers of their choice. The services will be available throughout a person's lifetime and will change as their needs change. But, despite the simplicity of the notion of the scheme, it is not simple to establish.</para>
<para>We know not just from the Productivity Commission but also from the many pleas from people with disabilities that have led to this scheme coming into place that our current system of service provision for people with disabilities does not work. It is patchy, and what you may be entitled to depends on how your disability came about, where you live, what funding happens to be available at any particular point in time, your age and what not-for-profit or other agencies may actually be in your area. In many instances, you may not be eligible for any services at all. There are multiple providers and multiple schemes of eligibility which differ from state to state and there are multiple and confusing points of access.</para>
<para>To try to pull all of this together, to unpick the current system, reach agreement with states and territories about a common funding pool, understand its interaction with the various modes of accident and workplace accident compensation schemes, establish a system of providers, establish a system to determine eligibility and for what and where and then to establish delivery mechanisms is incredibly complicated, but we have to start. That is what this bill is about—the start of an incredibly complex but fundamental reform.</para>
<para>I have spoken in this place many times about the strong history in my own region for supporting people with disabilities. There are a number of organisations who provide people with disabilities with access to education, to work opportunities and to independent accommodation. They have been working in this space for a very long time. Many, such as Pinarc, for example, have championed the principle of choice and self-directed services and individual choice for people with disabilities. It has been a hard fight to get people to move to that system.</para>
<para>These organisations are ready to embrace the change. They want to be part of it. I know for carers, for parents and for people with disabilities themselves how critical this reform is. I know many people in their roles as parliamentarians, and in previous lives before coming into this place, will have met with or know family members and people who have disabilities. They watch the awful struggle to access services, the bewilderment that is often confronted by people with disabilities about what they may be able to get and often finding that in fact they are not eligible for any services at all. I have seen many families, particularly young people with children who have received a diagnosis, desperately trying in what you know is going to be a very long and hard pathway to try and find services. Even where they may be eligible for services there is often not enough funding in that particular week, month or financial year for them to be even given services in the first place.</para>
<para>So we know this is a fundamental and critical reform. There has been a lot said about the ideals that are behind this reform. But ideals are not worth the paper they are written on, or the many speeches we will give in this place, if they are never actually implemented. To me that is the stark contrast between the Labor Party's commitment to the National Disability Insurance Scheme and what is happening on the other side of this chamber. It is very easy to say, 'I support the NDIS.' I suspect there would be very few members of parliament at all who do not support it with their whole hearts. But the test is: when are you prepared to actually make it real? When are you actually prepared to put pen to paper and agree, 'This is going to be implemented and this is how'? That is the hard work. The previous speaker talked about it being a generation of hard work, and it will be.</para>
<para>Stella Young is a very staunch advocate for people with disabilities. She highlighted the point I have just made in a terrific blog she wrote this month commenting on the Leader of the Opposition's Press Club speech and a question he was asked about NDIS and the opposition's commitment to it. She says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS) is one of those things that's been put on the—</para></quote>
<para>opposition's—</para>
<quote><para class="block">"let's wait and see" list.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …   </para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Of course, elsewhere in the speech he—</para></quote>
<para>Tony Abbott—</para>
<quote><para class="block">… said, "after all, the measure of a decent society is how it looks after its most vulnerable members."</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Excuse me while I pause for an eye roll. If I had a dollar for every time I've heard that one, I could probably just fund the NDIS myself.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The thing is, Mr Abbott, fixing the broken disability system we have in this country isn't like saving all your pocket money until you could finally afford that CD player you desperately wanted when you were 12. It's not a luxury item that we can simply do without until there's some spare cash floating around. What you said yesterday—</para></quote>
<para>talking about the Press Club speech—</para>
<quote><para class="block">made it very clear that you see improving the living conditions of people with disabilities and our families as an indulgence.</para></quote>
<para>Stella does not let us off the hook, either, and nor should she. She says in that same blog:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The seven year timeline outlined by the Gillard government is already far too long for many people with disabilities …</para></quote>
<para>Stella's comments, I think, point very starkly to what this debate today is actually about.</para>
<para>The clear message from people with disabilities is that they cannot wait. They should not be asked to. We have a lot of work to do, a huge amount of work to do, to ensure that we deliver a system that enables people with disabilities to fully participate in all aspects of community and economic life in this country. The bills before the House are a start. They are the start of the National Disability Insurance Scheme. We know that disability does not discriminate, and can and does affect families and individuals every single day. The National Disability Insurance Scheme is a fundamental reform to ensure that, whilst disability does not discriminate, we do not continue to.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr McCORMACK</name>
    <name.id>219646</name.id>
    <electorate>Riverina</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I know the member for Ballarat has a good heart and I know her heart is in the right place, but I have just a word of caution for those opposite who seek to politicise this debate. This is above politics. This is needed. Not only is this good for those with disabilities and their families but it is the right thing to do now. The first stage of the National Disability Insurance Scheme will have a cost to the Commonwealth of $1 billion over four years from 2012-13. This was in the 2012-13 budget and was supported by the coalition. The Labor government has sought to claim the NDIS as its own, rejecting bipartisanship on several occasions, including the Leader of the Opposition's proposal for a cross-party parliamentary committee to be chaired by both sides of politics to oversee the implementation of the NDIS. The sector has recognised publicly the support of the federal coalition and conservative states for the scheme. The NDIS is the property of all Australian governments. The introduction of an NDIS has cross-party support at both federal and state levels. So I have a word of caution for the Labor government: try to not politicise this. This is above politics, as I said. Any criticism of the coalition in this regard is unfair, not nice and totally unwarranted.</para>
<para>Australia is a world leader when it comes to health care, yet there is a serious failure, and we recognise that, in the delivery of services for people with disabilities. These people, along with their families and carers, struggle to receive the support and services they need and know that an NDIS will help to fill the cracks in the present system. I needed no convincing that an NDIS would be a good thing not just for those with disabilities but, indeed, for the nation. I was the first New South Wales federal parliamentarian to sign up to the Every Australian Counts campaign, which describes an NDIS as being revolutionary and says that it will change the lives of those living with a disability. The implementation of the scheme is a once-in-a-generation reform which will unfold over the life of several parliaments. It is vital that both sides of the parliament, Labor and the coalition, work together to get this right.</para>
<para>The Productivity Commission released the final report into disability care and support on 10 August 2011 and confirmed that the current system of support for people with disabilities is not functioning as it should. Indeed, it said it was broken. This legislation provides for the establishment of an NDIS. It is not about politics. As I said, it is not about getting credit; it is about doing what is right, proper and just for disabled persons—adults and children alike. The coalition believes the full implementation of an NDIS would be nothing short of a new deal for people with disabilities and their carers. As the Productivity Commission recognised, this will require a high level of consultation, bipartisan consultation, including with stakeholders, in its design.</para>
<para>The coalition has welcomed the agreement between the Commonwealth and New South Wales governments for a full state-wide roll-out of the NDIS and congratulates Queensland for its persistence in seeking a deal on the NDIS with the Commonwealth in the face of constant misrepresentation by the Prime Minister and the Minister for Disability Reform. An NDIS is an investment in Australia's future and especially in the lives of those who will depend on the scheme. However, without a funding agreement from the government, the current implementation plan is just an empty gesture. The only mention of the NDIS in the Mid-Year Economic and Fiscal Outlook last year was to say it was a government priority over the medium term. This must be a government priority over the long term and the government must say whether it is committed to achieving a full NDIS by the Productivity Commission's target date of 2018-19. It must rein in its spending and stop the borrowing to ensure that the NDIS gets the full support that it needs to start and secure its longevity. The coalition believes the Productivity Commission's timetable is achievable with prudent government and good economic management. We have supported the initial work of the Productivity Commission, the five launch sites and the introduction of legislation into this parliament. The introduction of an NDIS will mean so much to those living with disabilities and those who love or care for a disabled person. In my electorate I have met with many people and families who have highlighted their desperate desire to see an NDIS implemented.</para>
<para>The bill before us establishes the framework for the NDIS and the National Disability Insurance Scheme Launch Transition Agency. This will enable the scheme to be launched and the agency to operate the launch at five sites across Australia from July 2013.</para>
<para>This stage will benefit more than 20,000 people with a disability, their families and carers living in South Australia, the Australian Capital Territory, Tasmania, the Hunter in New South Wales and the Barwon area of Victoria. The legislation sets out how the NDIS will run, with eligibility provisions described as 'becoming a participant' in the scheme requiring a person's impairment results in 'substantially reduced functional capacity' affecting their communication, social interaction, learning, mobility, self-care or self-management. Eligibility will include early intervention to mitigate, alleviate or prevent the deterioration of person's functional capacity.</para>
<para>However, people aged over 65 years at the time they request NDIS support will not be eligible, but future participants can choose to continue with the NDIS once they turn 65. Personal planning provisions will place emphasis on a person-centred and self-directed approach. A plan must include a statement of participant goals and aspirations prepared by the participant and a statement of participant supports to be approved by the agency. The plans will specify general support, not purchases with individualised funding; reasonable and necessary support; funding by the scheme; a review date; and how funds and other aspects of the plan will be managed.</para>
<para>It is important that support under the plan represents value for money in that costs are reasonably relative both to the benefit and alternative support. The plan must have regard for current good practice and take family and informal networks into account. It should not include support which is more appropriately funded or provided elsewhere.</para>
<para>The funding for supports can be managed by a registered plan management provider, nominees, the agency or the participants themselves. Plan management will involve purchasing supports; and receiving, managing and acquitting funds.</para>
<para>In regard to compensation, the agency may compel prospective participants to take action for it to obtain compensation for personal injury, and the agency is entitled to recover relevant portions of any compensation awarded to participants. These provisions have been designed to protect the NDIS from cost-shifting.</para>
<para>The review process information will be required to be given to participants when reviewable decisions are made. Reviewable decisions will cover eligibility, support plans, provider registration and nominee determinations. The legislation also provides a further avenue of review to the Administrative Appeals Tribunal. The agency will be governed by a board consisting of a chair and eight members who will collectively possess an appropriate balance of skills, experience or knowledge in the following fields: provision or use of disability services, operation of insurance, compensation or long-term liability schemes, financial management or corporate governance.</para>
<para>The chair will be appointed by the Commonwealth minister and must obtain the approval of the majority of jurisdictions before appointing members. The legislation also establishes an independent advisory council which will include at least four people with disabilities; at least two carers; at least one person with skills, experience or knowledge in the supply of equipment or provision of services; and up to five more members. There is also a provision in the legislation which provides for an independent review of the act after two years. The bill is currently being inquired into by the Senate Community Affairs Committee, which is due to report back on 13 March 2013.</para>
<para>A recurrent theme presented to date by witnesses is that it is hard to offer advice or pose questions or plan for the launch sites in the absence of the rules. These need to the released quickly and well before the passage of this bill before the parliament. The coalition is committed to the NDIS and we have called for the establishment of a joint parliamentary committee to be chaired by both sides of politics. This was reiterated by the Leader of the Opposition at his National Press Club speech on 31 January, where he said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Coalition is so committed to the National Disability Insurance Scheme, for instance, that we've offered to co-chair a bi-partisan parliamentary committee so that support for it doesn't flag across the three terms of parliament and among the nine different governments needed to make it work.</para></quote>
<para>The government is yet to accept the offer but it should. The coalition will continue to place this issue above politics and we are prepared to work with state and Commonwealth governments towards a better deal for people with a disability.</para>
<para>There are some NDIS champions in my electorate of the Riverina, where the scheme has widespread support. Councillor Anne Napoli, of Griffith City Council, is a vocal supporter of NDIS. Mrs Napoli and her husband, Angelo, support their son Patrick, aged 37, who has cerebral palsy. Patrick is a gifted artist, but he suffers from this condition. Mrs Napoli is a wonderful and tireless worker on behalf of all disabled people in the Griffith community.</para>
<para>I attended the DisibiliTEA arranged by Anne at the Griffith City Library on 26 October last year to raise awareness of an NDIS.</para>
<para>I refer to the annual report of Kurrajong Waratah, a disability service provider in the Riverina-Murray area. The Chief Executive Officer, Steve Jaques, had some compelling remarks to make in his report last year:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Ahead I see exciting possibilities for all people with a disability and their families from the reforms and service opportunities that the NDIS will deliver.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   …   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The NDIS reform is set to redress years of underfunding and neglect, and correct major weaknesses in our current disability service system in Australia to give all people with a disability the opportunity to be active and participating citizens in their communities regardless of their circumstances or geographic location.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">You need to look no further than Kurrajong Waratah to realise the extent of the underfunding, neglect and unmet needs in our communities. Our five year old InterLink service which supports older parent carers who still have their son or daughter living at home with them is currently working with 382 eligible older parent carers across the Riverina Murray Regions.</para></quote>
<para>So you can see how much this is absolutely needed. He went on:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Our Kurrajong Early Childhood Intervention Service works with babies and children under school age and is doing a mammoth job in managing extreme case loads due to demand. The Griffith arm of our service that is working in the Griffith and western Shires of the Riverina Region is at breaking point. … Our Wagga Wagga service is in a similar situation, funded to service 100 families it provides services to over 140 families each and every year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   …   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The trial sites for the NDIS were recently announced with the Hunter Region of NSW included. The commencement of the Scheme in the trial sites across Australia will help to ensure that the new NDIS system that is developed to support people with a lifelong disability and their parents/carers, is both sustainable over the longer term and is flexible.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Not since the International Year of People with a Disability in 1981 has the future looked so promising. The challenge for all stakeholders in the disability sector and our supporters in the community is to help ensure that the reforms deliver the dream.</para></quote>
<para>The chairman, Michael Kennedy OAM, is also a life member of Kurrajong Waratah, and he had this to say in his report:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS) which will now commence with trial sites in 2013 is a positive investment towards a fairer, more equitable and caring Australian society. The scheme will function in a similar way to Medicare with the costs of disability in our communities shared by all Australians through the Commonwealth Government's consolidated revenue.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   …   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The reform path ahead with the NDIS is exciting for people with a disability and their family and carers, but at the same time it will be full of change. Major change of this type will inevitably bring uncertainty, challenges and opportunities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The proposed disability reform agenda from the NDIS has put a focus on the large exposure many disability service providers have to government funding and government decisions. Many of our colleague organisations are upwards of 80% plus and some 100% reliant on government funding for their service revenue. At Kurrajong Waratah we have always sought to establish as much independence from government funding as possible through our financially viable business models and strong community support. For Kurrajong Waratah our government business revenue is generally between 50% to 65% of our total revenue.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The ‘new world’ we are entering under an NDIS will be very person centred and customer driven. Such a move towards a market driven service approach, determined by the choices that people with a disability as customers will make, will challenge and confront many disability organisations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Kurrajong Waratah in preparing for this reform will be consulting extensively with our current clients and their families and carers over the next twelve months to determine what types of services and supports are needed to make the difference to their lives. Part of the process will also be to review our existing policies and procedures, service structures, service delivery methods and philosophy.</para></quote>
<para>There is no greater organisation in the Riverina than Kurrajong Waratah, and the level of business support and individual support that that organisation receives is marvellous. It is also warranted. We heard how many children and adults the organisation supports, and it works right throughout my electorate doing a tremendous job each and every day of the year. They are supportive of an NDIS. Anne Napoli at Griffith and her husband Angelo are supportive of an NDIS. Mrs Pat Thomas at Temora, who has a carers group there, is very supportive. Carol and Chris Harmer, who have two disabled children, are very supportive. I could go on. There are so many people—hundreds of them—right throughout the Riverina who are in need of an NDIS. May they get their dream before not too long. I urge again that this is above politics; this is the right thing to do, it is warranted and it is needed right now.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ADAMS</name>
    <name.id>BV5</name.id>
    <electorate>Lyons</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am very pleased to speak on the National Disability Insurance Scheme Bill 2012. What a great time to be in parliament. It is a time when we are speaking on a bill that will forever change the lives of those people living with a disability and of their families. This bill will change the lives of over 400,000 people who are currently living with a disability. This bill aims to support the independence of people living with a disability. It also aims to support the social and economic participation of those people. It will give people with a disability the right to have a say about the support they are given and how the support is delivered.</para>
<para>The bill sets out the role of the National Disability Insurance Scheme and the launch of the transition agency to provide support to people with a disability and to their families. This may include funding to help people participate in economic and social life. It will detail the process for those who wish to be part of the NDIS, and it sets out how to develop a goal based plan.</para>
<para>This bill also sets out early intervention requirements, which allow support to be provided to minimise the impact of a disability from its earliest sign. This will aid in halting the deterioration in function over a person's lifetime. The scheme will provide the participant with what is needed to achieve their goals and ambitions. It will give them a quality of life that will allow them to fulfil their potential. The legislation will provide support and assistance under the scheme to ensure that it does not replace existing programs or come to be in competition with other programs. This bill provides a wholesome approach. It is aimed to complement and support the services already in place.</para>
<para>I am proud to be in parliament when changes are being made to support those who need an extra helping hand. In Tasmania, there are many programs which offer assistance to those living with a disability. Those programs do a wonderful service; however, there is always a feeling of 'we need more help'. Travelling around my electorate of Lyons, I get to meet many different people with many different stories. Caring for a person with a disability is a life commitment. I hold those carers in the highest regard. Whether you work in an industry of care or whether you are a parent, relative or friend of someone with a disability, you know that the work never ends; you never rest.</para>
<para>Part of caring for someone with a disability is to teach them about life and the challenges they may face along the way. You are often there to give them a voice, as they often feel left without choices about many of the aspects of their life. The NDIS will give someone who lives with a disability a new path. They, together with their families, will have the opportunity to have a say in what treatment they receive and how it is delivered.</para>
<para>Caring for people with a disability on any level is not a nine-to-five job—and we all know this. Even those who are in a paid position in the industry do far more work than what is within their working hours, or within their duty statements. I have spoken with many of my constituents who have told their stories about working with people with disabilities, and one common theme is that the work is never over and there is never enough support. The NDIS will provide support and stability for how the services are delivered.</para>
<para>The first pilot of the National Disability Insurance Scheme in Tasmania will cover young Tasmanians between the ages of 15 and 24. This program gives them choice and control over their lives. It enables their families flexibility and inclusion. The families will get extra support and it will be tailored to their child's needs. The families know best about what their child or relative needs in terms of support from the NDIS. It gives them this freedom.</para>
<para>It allows them to be able to have their individual needs catered for and slotted into, which is not the situation at present where everything has to fit into the box, and there are a lot of things that do not fit into the present system of the box. We offer those students tutors or have students in classes with children that are of a similar learning level. This means that the children in the class will be taught at a similar level.</para>
<para>The NDIS offers this service as all people with disabilities are different and often even two people with the same disability have different needs. It is time we recognised that. There may be certain days of the week or times of day that work better for a child. This is why a personalised approach is far more effective.</para>
<para>We have many organisations in Lyons that provide care in many different ways: Macquarie homes in Campbelltown, Giant Steps in Deloraine, Oak Tasmania, Star Tasmania and Eskleigh, to name a few. They each provide support for their patients and respite for the families. Eskleigh, which was founded in 1947, is a not-for-profit body providing support for people with a disability, their families and carers within Tasmania. It is located in Perth, not far from my electorate office. Eskleigh operates 42-bed accommodation with full-time nurses and support staff.</para>
<para>Their reach, however, does not just extend to those in Perth. They have residential homes and group home arrangements in Longford, Kings Meadows, Montrose and Mornington. Both Eskleigh and their residential homes support younger adults with various levels of intellectual and physical disabilities. Eskleigh believes in a real quality of life. They have six main values that they live by: empathy, integrity, accountability, community, happiness and flexibility. They detail their values with an explanation and each of these I feel fit what we are trying to achieve with the NDIS. The explanation of empathy really hit home with me and as to everything that I hope for with the NDIS. That is, we value the opinions and uphold the rights of people we support. Like Eskleigh, we identify with the people we support and treat everyone equally and with dignity, respect and compassion. I know that in Tasmania there will be families that will benefit from the NDIS and they will be given crucial support at a crucial time in their child's life. I hope that my constituents who are eligible will be involved with this and I believe it is a life-changing program.</para>
<para>I have had many opportunities in my life that I am thankful for. Serving in parliament is one of them and I think all of us want for our children the best life that can be offered, disability or not. We all want our children to be able to have the best opportunities this nation can offer. This is what the NDIS does. It allows every child and adult the support we can have, the same opportunities as any other person. It allows them to have a say in how their life path runs, how they travel down that path. Going back to the words mentioned before, it is vitally important that we support and treat everybody equally with dignity, respect and compassion. This is why I fully support the NDIS.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CHRISTENSEN</name>
    <name.id>230485</name.id>
    <electorate>Dawson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the National Disability Insurance Scheme Bill 2012. In doing so I would like to note the bipartisan support the NDIS has in this parliament. I would also like to stress the importance of this issue across the nation and in my own electorate of Dawson, including the importance of getting the NDIS right. And I would also like to raise some concerns that I have about how the NDIS may be implemented.</para>
<para>On 20 August 2012, I introduced in this place a motion calling for the establishment of a joint select committee on the National Disability Insurance Scheme. The motion was put forward in the spirit of bipartisanship because all members from all political parties in this place and in our state governments were supportive of the NDIS. In the words of the Leader of the Opposition, 'The NDIS is an idea whose time has come.' It is an idea that was conceived by John Walsh, a partner at PricewaterhouseCoopers, and was first canvassed at the 2020 Summit in 2008. The Liberal-National coalition supported the government's referral to the Productivity Commission for an inquiry into an NDIS and has been strongly supportive of a bipartisan approach to the implementation of the scheme. Last year, the opposition leader, on behalf of the entire Liberal-National coalition, released a statement that said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Right now, the treatment given to people with disabilities depends upon how the disability was incurred and which state it happened in. Most rely on state government-funded disability services where demand always outstrips supply. It's wrong that people's treatment should depend upon the litigation lottery or more upon what the system can afford than upon people's needs. The national disability scheme should be a new project that unites Australians. It has to be done responsibly but it does have to be done. The Coalition will do what we reasonably can to make the NDIS happen and would accept a government invitation to be jointly responsible for this vital national project.</para></quote>
<para>On 13 April last year, the opposition leader sent a letter to the Prime Minister putting forward the concept of creating a parliamentary NDIS committee that would ensure policy stability for the proposal until the scheme's full implementation. But there was no written response to this request, merely a brush-off through the media. On 27 April, the opposition leader repeated that offer to the Prime Minister, but this time the offer was formally rejected. As we know, the implementation of the NDIS, as it is proposed by the Productivity Commission, will take seven years, which will span the lives of at least three parliaments and quite possibly different governments.</para>
<para>So the motion that I put to parliament last year put another formal offer on the table, an offer that should not—given the bipartisan support—be rejected. And yet it looks like it has been rejected. My motion, which was moved in August, has been debated but has still not been brought forward for a vote. My belief, and my concern, is that the Gillard Labor government have refused—for six months—to allow that vote to happen because they fear losing a vote on the floor of the House and, in a party-political fashion, a partisan fashion, they are trying to somehow 'own' the NDIS. That would be a very disappointing state of affairs for people who desperately want to see the NDIS implemented—and implemented well.</para>
<para>When introducing that motion in August, I spoke on the various reasons why this issue is very important to me. I grew up in a family where disabilities were actually a lived experienced. My mother was born with cerebral palsy. She is an epileptic. As a youngster I had to deal with the issues associated with that, including picking her up when she was unconscious on the floor and trying to revive her. In fact, my mother told me that her mother had related to her that when she was born the doctor said: 'Give her up. Just put her into government care and be done with it. She will never be any good.' That was the attitude back then. My father lost his leg to cancer when he was 19, so we really live with disabilities in our house. I am now the very proud godfather of James, who is on the autism spectrum but is a great little kid, and I love him dearly. For all of those reasons I know too well why a national disability insurance scheme is needed in this country.</para>
<para>There are many dedicated people and organisations right throughout the nation but particularly in my electorate that I want to mention because they know the importance of getting this scheme right because they deal with the disability issues every single day. I am referring to organisations in my electorate such as Autism Queensland, and my godson is involved in some of the programs they have; Blue Care, and I particularly mention the director of nursing in Bowen, Helen Woodhouse; Compass Whitsundays, and I mention in particular Monica Laws and her team; the Burdekin Community Association, who do a great job throughout Ayr and Home Hill and surrounds; and the Cootharinga Society of North Queensland, and I mention especially Brett Edwards, who is the general manager of support and accommodation services there. In Bowen, at Bowen Flexi Care, Mandy Edwards and her team do a fantastic job, as does Mike Bolt, who is the manager of En Geti, which is another service provider in the Mackay region. There is Mackay Advocacy, where Nina Swara and her team provide advocacy services for people with disabilities. At MADEC there is Thomas Block and coordinator Karen Langtree, who provide a great service and who took me through their John E Smith respite centre, which, when it is fully complete, will be a fantastic facility for respite care in the Mackay region. There is the Life Stream Foundation in Mackay, of which Jodie Gairn is the area coordinator. There is Amy Williamson and her team; Amy is operations manager at Life without Barriers. There is Pioneer Employment, which does a fantastic job of getting people with disabilities into real, meaningful employment. I mention in particular operations manager Valerie Cummins and her team.</para>
<para>Last but certainly not least—in fact, it is probably at the top of the list—is the Endeavour Foundation. The Endeavour Foundation, as most people know, are a national organisation. But they have strong local teams, particularly in my North Queensland electorate. To celebrate the International Day of People with Disability, the Endeavour Foundation put on an art competition for which they sought entries that illustrated the theme of the day. The theme was removing barriers to create an inclusive and accessible society for all. All the entries were uploaded to their Facebook page.</para>
<para>A supported employee from Mackay, Ashley Burke, who is from the Mackay business centre of the Endeavour Foundation, received the most 'likes' on his drawing, and he won the people's choice vote for a dynamic little bit of art work which showed him doing a taekwondo kick. It won him an iPad. Ashley is really into taekwondo, and I had the pleasure of presenting Ashley with his prize at the end of last year alongside the senior business service manager at Endeavour, Sean McCauley. Ashley's work of art was entitled 'Once I started breaking boards, I started busting barriers'. He explained to me that he was knocked back a few times by different taekwondo instructors because they did not see his potential but that he kept pushing and that, despite the setbacks, he remained determined to pursue his goals. This talented young kid is now a red-belt/black-tip in taekwondo and is about to go for his black belt. He sees that, when he starts breaking those boards—and he assures me that he can break the boards; I did not try it out—he is busting the barriers that are put in front of him, and I think that is fantastic. Ashley is one of almost 60 supported employees who work at the Mackay business service centre for Endeavour. I have seen 38 other people with disabilities at Endeavour's learning and lifestyle centre in Shakespeare Street in Mackay, and they are also supported in accommodation services by Endeavour.</para>
<para>These are the organisations and people who the NDIS will help. National Disability Services, the peak body for non-government disability services, gave an apt definition of the NDIS. They said it will be:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… an entitlement-based funding mechanism, which will provide flexible, person-centred supports so that people can participate in ordinary, daily life.</para></quote>
<para>But the benefits go beyond just people with disabilities and disability service providers; it will actually benefit the entire nation. As the Leader of the Opposition has said, one of the great things about the NDIS is that it will give people with disabilities and their carers more opportunities to be productive and more opportunities to participate in our economy. He went on to say words that aptly express my own feelings about the NDIS. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That's why it's not just a cost. Over time, it is an investment in a better society and in a stronger economy. The NDIS is not about handouts, it is not about charity; it is an investment in our future. It will also give people greater freedom of choice.</para></quote>
<para>The NDIS will provide people with a disability, their families and their carers with the ongoing care, support, therapy and equipment that they actually need. Most importantly, it will be individualised and person-centred, with support based on the personal choices of either the person with the disability or their family or carers.</para>
<para>That is fundamentally the great thing about the concept of the NDIS: empowerment. It lets individuals and families decide what services will best fit them, rather than having some bureaucrat in a state capital work it out on a desktop model. It opens up competition and opportunity within the disability services sector, which is good for the person with the disability, as they will have affordable choices for service provisions; but also it is good for the disability service providers, as they will have greater certainty in terms of long-term service demand. In my view, that is a key ingredient of the NDIS. There is a lot to look forward to about it.</para>
<para>But, in the back of my mind, I do have to say some alarm bells are ringing. The first warning bell, obviously, is funding. Where is the money going to come from? The second alarm bell is value for money. Much of the money that has been borrowed on the taxpayers' behalf right now, to fund the initial stages of the NDIS, will not actually be going to people with disabilities; it will be going to establishing and maintaining the systems and the administration or bureaucracy that goes around it.</para>
<para>The bill establishes the framework for the National Disability Insurance Scheme and the National Disability Insurance Scheme Launch Transition Agency. And, while it is a necessary part of building the NDIS, we have to be aware that there is a danger that the NDIS could be hijacked and could be transformed into a bureaucratic quagmire. We cannot allow that to happen. The funds must flow through to the people who need the money and the improved services: people with disabilities and their carers. I am looking forward to seeing a well-constructed, cost-efficient NDIS being implemented in Queensland to make a difference in the lives of people who need it.</para>
<para>In Queensland, Premier Campbell Newman has just commenced cleaning up almost two decades of Labor finances, and the mess that was there. He has still managed to have a commitment of an additional $313 million in disability spending for the NDIS by 2018-19. An article from the <inline font-style="italic">Courier Mail</inline>on 13 December last year put his commitment in context:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Mr Newman faces a difficult battle after inheriting a government that spends less per capita on the disabled than other states.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Mr Newman said his government would kick-start the funding with a $50 million injection in 2014-15, when the budget is projected to return to surplus.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That will climb to $313 million extra by 2018-19, bringing the increase in five years to $868 million.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The state currently spends $959 million on its disabled.</para></quote>
<para>So why is it that the Prime Minister and her government greeted a similar announcement in New South Wales with enthusiasm and merely scorned the Queensland government? It was very sad indeed that that happened. Fiona Anderson, on a blog on the Every Australian Counts website, offered a bit of an insight. She pointed out that the Queensland Premier denied the Prime Minister the opportunity of sharing the stage for that important announcement, unlike the New South Wales Premier. Whatever the reason, it is clear that the NDIS, with broad bipartisan support, is somehow still being used as a political tool. I have to say: the cause is above politics. And it is time the government placed the future success of the NDIS above politics and just got on with the job of delivering it. Thank you very much.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ZAPPIA</name>
    <name.id>HWB</name.id>
    <electorate>Makin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I welcome the opportunity to speak on the National Disability Insurance Scheme Bill 2012. I am indeed pleased to see that this bill is currently before the House. The bill establishes the framework for the National Disability Insurance Scheme and the National Disability Insurance Scheme Launch Transition Agency. This will enable the scheme to be launched from July 2013.</para>
<para>The first stage of the scheme will benefit more than 20,000 people with a disability, their families and their carers living in South Australia, Tasmania, the Australian Capital Territory, the Hunter in New South Wales and the Barwon area of Victoria. The bill sets out the objects and principles under which the National Disability Insurance Scheme will operate. It gives effect to the following principles: the National Disability Insurance Scheme should take an insurance approach that shares the costs of disability services and supports across the community, will fund reasonable and necessary services and supports directly related to an eligible person's individual ongoing disability and will enable people with a disability to exercise more choice and control in their lives through a person-centred, self-directed approach with individualised funding.</para>
<para>The National Disability Insurance Scheme Launch Transition Agency will be set up as a body independent from government to deliver the scheme. In addition, the agency will perform a range of functions including managing the financial sustainability of the scheme, building community awareness about disability and undertaking research about disability and social contributors to disability.</para>
<para>When I was first elected to this place, one of the first public events which I hosted was a forum for people with a disability and their families so that they could come along and talk about their experiences, their struggles and their priorities for improved services that might be provided by government. The forum was held at Tyndale Christian School, which kindly made available the venue. Tyndale had already shown leadership in the provision of disability services through a special focus the school had for children with a disability. The Parliamentary Secretary for Disabilities and Children's Services at the time, the Hon. Bill Shorten, was the keynote speaker and, importantly, was there to hear firsthand the stories and struggles raised. It was the first of three such forums that I have hosted, and at each forum the urgency for governments to act has become more and more evident.</para>
<para>Disability was not new to me. As Mayor of the City of Salisbury, I chaired the Disability Advisory Group, which the council set up to advise on how council could assist people with a disability through the provision of council services. Members of the reference group were all people with a disability, so their input was very insightful. As a result, the council embarked on an ambitious program of modifying buildings, footpaths, playgrounds and library services so that they could be more accessible to people with a disability. Furthermore, council employed a disability access officer to assist the advisory committee with its work and to establish a disability policy for the City of Salisbury. That person was Michael Taggart, a person born with vision impairment. Michael is now effectively legally blind. Michael has since been recognised here in Canberra by Minister Macklin—who is in the chamber today and who leads the government through this process—with a National Disability Award for his leadership and advocacy on behalf of people with a disability.</para>
<para>My association with disability does not end there. I have seen the struggles of family members and friends who have either been born with or later in life acquired a disability. I have visited the special schools for children with a disability, and I have worked with athletes with a disability. During my time in the fitness industry, I was involved in rehabilitation programs for people, many of whom would never go on to fully recover. I know only too well about the lifelong hardships and struggles faced by families where disability is present—struggles and hardship made worse by a lack of services available.</para>
<para>So, when the momentum for a national disability insurance scheme began to grow, I felt that finally, after years of neglect and avoidance, disability had become part of the national conversation. As a nation, for too long we had preferred to push disability aside and out of sight rather than confront our responsibilities. Disability has been put on the national agenda, and for hundreds of thousands of families around the country expectations have been raised. Finally, there is hope and optimism in their lives. It is now for the parliament and each member of this place to ensure that those expectations are met and that the hope becomes a reality.</para>
<para>Millions of Australians are counting on us. Let me make it very clear: I will continue to do all I can to ensure that the National Disability Insurance Scheme not only becomes a reality but also provides the level of support that makes a real difference for the better to people's lives. Delivery of a national disability insurance service is a complex challenge because of the range and nature of services required and the complexity about how those services can be best delivered. I have listened to many of the speakers in this debate, and I do not doubt for a moment the sincerity of each member who has spoken in support of this legislation. But words will not deliver the scheme; funding will. There will never be spare funds and there will always be competing demands on government revenue, so funding will always be a convenient excuse not to proceed. I hope that that is not the case, and I am sure that that is not the case when I speak as a member of this government.</para>
<para>It is also true that no single entity or level of government is responsible for delivery of an NDIS and that the term 'disability' has a broad definition. However, anyone who uses these matters as excuses to delay the implementation of the National Disability Insurance Scheme will be judged accordingly by the Australian people, particularly those for whom each day means another day of struggle. Delaying tactics will be seen for what they are. Just as universal health care was implemented by the Whitlam government, there is no reason why an NDIS cannot be similarly implemented. An initial scheme may not be perfect, but it can always be refined over time.</para>
<para>In speaking to this legislation, I pay tribute to those people and organisations who to date have shouldered the burden in our communities. I refer to the schools, the employers, the job search providers, the training organisations, the special industry sectors, the carers, the parents and even the young children who have become carers for their own parents. I have met with and spoken to so many of them in my local area. They are true heroes of our nation. I also refer to the economic contribution people with a disability can make to their local community and to the country. In my own electorate there are two of South Australia's largest employers of people with a disability. I refer to the Phoenix Society and to Bedford Industries. I know both organisations well. I have also visited their workplaces and seen firsthand the products and services they provide and the skills of their employees. Phoenix employs about 500 people across six work sites, I believe. Bedford Industries employs around 800.</para>
<para>Each year, as I did again on 23 December last year, I attend the Phoenix Society end-of-year employee award presentation event. I have in the past attended similar events at Bedford Industries. The camaraderie between employees, their work commitment, their sense of humour and the skills I have observed when I have visited their employment sites are a credit to all of them. Employees in these sectors can and do make an economic contribution to society. All that most of them ask is simply to be given an opportunity. I commend Phoenix CEO Ian Terry and his team for making the society's people with a disability feel valued by focusing on their abilities and not their disabilities.</para>
<para>Regrettably, there are not enough positions available to accommodate everyone that could work and is willing to work in a Phoenix Society or Bedford Industries workplace. I would urge any employers listening to consider, where an opportunity is available, employing a person with a disability, because in most cases it is their abilities that we should be focusing on, not their disability. Many of these people can fulfil and carry out jobs which they are quite often denied.</para>
<para>Of course the NDIS debate is complicated, because each disability is different, as is the level of ability. Nor is disability confined to a particular age group. For older members of our society, our aged-care structure provides a reasonable although not perfect support system. Again, how aged-care services will integrate into the NDIS is yet to be determined. Similar questions arise with respect to the provision of education services. I digress for a moment to commend those teachers and schools that have taken a special interest in ensuring that their schools provide appropriate education services for children with a disability.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! It being 2 pm, the debate is interrupted in accordance with standing order 97. The debate may be resumed at a later hour.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>STATEMENTS ON INDULGENCE</title>
        <page.no>911</page.no>
        <type>STATEMENTS ON INDULGENCE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Pope Benedict XVI</title>
          <page.no>911</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference to Federation Chamber</title>
            <page.no>911</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate>Grayndler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That further statements by indulgence in relation to the resignation of Pope Benedict XVI be permitted in the Federation Chamber.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>912</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Minerals Resource Rent Tax</title>
          <page.no>912</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ABBOTT</name>
    <name.id>EZ5</name.id>
    <electorate>Warringah</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Prime Minister. I refer the Prime Minister to the signed heads of agreement between the government and the three mining companies that declares all state and territory royalties will be creditable against the resources tax liability. Why, then, did the Prime Minister state yesterday that the current treatment of royalties under the mining tax is unsustainable and undesirable given that she negotiated it? Is the Prime Minister now planning to abandon this solemn commitment?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GILLARD</name>
    <name.id>83L</name.id>
    <electorate>Lalor</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>To answer the Leader of the Opposition's question, I was quoting some of the conclusions of the Policy Transition Group, which was overseen by Don Argus, a very respected Australian and certainly a very respected figure in the resources industry. I think it is perhaps inappropriate for members of the opposition to be jeering a name like Don Argus in this parliament. Don Argus led a policy transition group which brought together representatives of industry and others to work through a series of implementation matters associated with the minerals resource rent tax. Yesterday in the parliament I referred to their conclusions and I referred to a process, which has been ongoing since, involving the Commonwealth Head of Treasury in discussions with state counterparts about the ongoing treatment of state royalties.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ABBOTT</name>
    <name.id>EZ5</name.id>
    <electorate>Warringah</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Speaker, I ask a supplementary question. I refer the Prime Minister to a letter that was reported in today's <inline font-style="italic">Financial Review</inline> quoting her statement to the member for Lyne that 'the current treatment of royalties under the mining tax is unsustainable and undesirable'—her statement, not Don Argus's. I ask again: is she preparing to abandon this commitment? <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GILLARD</name>
    <name.id>83L</name.id>
    <electorate>Lalor</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I refer the Leader of the Opposition to my statement in this parliament yesterday. I refer him to the fact that it is express and obvious on the face of the <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline> that I was talking about conclusions from the Policy Transition Group, the Argus work, and I then went on very transparently to talk about a process that has been being reported publicly for months now about discussions between the federal government and state treasurers about the treatment of royalties under the MRRT.</para>
<para>Just because the Leader of the Opposition has apparently first turned his mind to this question on reading the newspaper this morning does not in fact make it new today. Months and months of work has gone on since the original agreement for the MRRT was signed. The Policy Transition Group began its work, the legislation came to the parliament, the MRRT started and discussions between the federal government and states started. None of that work should be a mystery to the Leader of the Opposition if he does some basic research and pays some basic regard to policy matters. Clearly he has failed to do so.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economy</title>
          <page.no>912</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MELHAM</name>
    <name.id>4T4</name.id>
    <electorate>Banks</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Prime Minister. How is the government working to invest in Australian jobs and keep the economy strong?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GILLARD</name>
    <name.id>83L</name.id>
    <electorate>Lalor</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Banks for his question and I thank him for his interest in the Australian economy and the opportunities of people in his electorate to get work. The member for Banks knows, as all members of the government know, that it is impossible to understand our modern world and it is impossible to shape plans for the future unless you clearly understand the impact of the global financial crisis, its causes, its magnitude, its effects and its aftershocks. No-one can credibly present as a commentator or a policy maker in economic affairs unless they understand at a level of depth the impacts of the global financial crisis.</para>
<para>To give people just one statistic which helps understand the magnitude of the global financial crisis and its after-effects: the eurozone is still in recession and in the United States over 12 million people are unemployed. That is the size of the Australian labour market in total—that many people unemployed. That is the size of the effects, ongoing, of the global financial crisis and its implications for the real economy around the world. When you have lived through an economic event of that magnitude then you need to fully understand its aftereffects.</para>
<para>Here in this country, because we acted decisively, we supported Australian jobs and kept Australians working. I am proud that, during the worst of the global financial crisis, we stepped forward and supported 200,000 jobs and I am proud that, as a government, since our election we have overseen the creation of more than 800,000 jobs. But the global financial crisis has ongoing implications, including reducing government revenues by $160 billion. And, of course, this comes at a time where our economy is still being shaped and reshaped by the strong Australian dollar and its ongoing impacts. That means it would be precisely the wrong time to seek offsetting savings to future revenue downgrades. It would be precisely the wrong time to go through the government’s budget with swinging cutbacks to jobs, precisely the wrong time to do that.</para>
<para>This government will do what is necessary during this period of economic change defined by the global financial crisis and, ongoing, by the strength of the Australian dollar and the growth in our region. We will do everything in this period, as we have in the past, to support jobs and growth so that working Australians get an opportunity to build a decent life for themselves and their families.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Minerals Resource Rent Tax</title>
          <page.no>913</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Minerals Resource Rent Tax</title>
          <page.no>913</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ABBOTT</name>
    <name.id>EZ5</name.id>
    <electorate>Warringah</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Prime Minister. I remind her that the member for Griffith stated this morning, 'The government needs to be mindful of what undertakings they've given to the mining industry, in response to calls to change the mining tax.' Given the heads of agreement the Prime Minister signed with the mining industry unequivocally states that all state and territory royalties will be creditable against the resources tax liability, will she assure the mining industry that her promise will not now be broken?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GILLARD</name>
    <name.id>83L</name.id>
    <electorate>Lalor</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Once again the Leader of the Opposition shows he is months and months and months and months behind the economic debate in this country. It is truly astonishing that he would walk into this parliament today and pretend that discussions between the head of the federal Treasury and state counterparts about treatment of royalties is somehow new or only newly reported today or newly announced yesterday. This is all absurd—completely absurd. The Leader of the Opposition, as we know, is not interested in economic matters, and you could not get a better demonstration of it—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Prime Minister will resume her seat.</para>
<para class="italic">Ms Julie Bishop interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The Deputy Leader of the Opposition might be called out very quickly if she does not obey the standing orders.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Pyne</name>
    <name.id>9V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Speaker, I rise on a point of order. The Prime Minister was asked whether she stood by her promise to the mining industry. It is a yes/no answer and she should answer it.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Manager of Opposition Business will resume his seat. The Prime Minister has the call.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GILLARD</name>
    <name.id>83L</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you very much, Speaker. I was just trying to catch the Leader of the Opposition up on months and months and months and months of economic dialogue that he has clearly missed out on, so let's just start at the beginning. I, working with the Deputy Prime Minister and the minister for resources, entered an agreement with the mining industry. We then had a policy transition group overseen by Don Argus. We then brought the legislation to the parliament. The legislation passed. We implemented the tax. There was a question about unsustainable royalty increases by state governments. We made that part of what we asked the GST review to look at. And of course there are people involved in the GST review who have got a connection to the other side of politics—I am obviously thinking here of Nick Greiner—and they have produced a report. Following the production of that report, it has been clear publicly that federal Treasury has been in dialogue with the heads of state treasuries. There is nothing new about that. Anybody who had picked up the <inline font-style="italic">Financial Review</inline> or the <inline font-style="italic">Australian</inline> newspaper on more days than today would have been able to tell you that complete story months and months ago. So the Leader of the Opposition once again, through the form of his question and his carry-on in this parliament, just shows how deeply uncomfortable he is and how deeply ignorant he is of economic matters.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Leader of the Opposition on a supplementary.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Abbott</name>
    <name.id>EZ5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No, Madam Speaker, I seek leave to table the agreement between the mining companies and the Prime Minister stating that the royalties are creditable, which the Prime Minister is now about to break.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Leader of the Opposition will resume his seat. Is leave granted to table the document?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Albanese</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No, everyone knows my view of you.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Leader of the House will withdraw.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Albanese</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I didn't even say what it was. But I withdraw.</para>
<para class="italic">Honourable members interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am not taking the cry of 'childish' from anybody in this parliament today. You should all be wary. I can hear just about everything you are muttering under your breath, and I am finding it very unpleasant.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Pyne</name>
    <name.id>9V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Speaker, on a point of order, on the matter that has just transpired, is it in order for the Leader of the House, when you ask him to give an either yes or no answer, to always insult the opposition? I ask you to draw him back to behaving with some dignity.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Manager of Opposition Business will resume his seat.</para>
<para class="italic">Mr Dreyfus interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Attorney-General is not assisting. I would ask the Manager of Opposition Business to reflect on his statement for every point of order taken in this place and for preambles in questions as well.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economy</title>
          <page.no>915</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms SMYTH</name>
    <name.id>172770</name.id>
    <electorate>La Trobe</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Treasurer. Treasurer, how is the government putting in place the policies we need to keep building on Australia's economic resilience? Why is it important that policy costings are laid out transparently and publicly?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SWAN</name>
    <name.id>2V5</name.id>
    <electorate>Lilley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for La Trobe for that question. If there is one thing that is clear from the experience of the global economy over the past five years, it is that we have got to put jobs and growth first. Sadly, in Europe they are living with the consequences of not doing that. It has not happened to the extent it should have happened in the United States, either. But here we have put jobs and growth first. The consequence of that has been the creation of 850,000 jobs during our time in power. As a consequence, our economy is resilient. As a consequence, our public finances are stronger—because here we have put jobs and growth first. So we have got to build on this resilience for the next five years to make sure we continue to deliver the jobs and the growth that propels those jobs. We have got to do that.</para>
<para>Also, we have got to provide support, particularly support for Australians in their retirement. Of course I am very pleased to say that the Minister for Families, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs today has announced a reduction in the deeming rate, which will provide some additional modest assistance to pensioners. This builds on our historic increase in the pension, the biggest increase in a century. It also builds on our commitment to dignity in retirement and on our commitment to superannuation, in particular to raise the superannuation guarantee from nine per cent to 12 per cent. But also we make that additional contribution to the superannuation of low-income workers, a significant boost to their superannuation.</para>
<para>So it is absolutely mind-boggling that those opposite could announce that they are simply going to rip that out, rip away that support for 3.6 million Australians on the lowest incomes. Why are they doing this? There is one simple reason. We know why, because the shadow Treasurer said it on breakfast television sitting there beside the Minister for Sustainability, Environment, Water, Population and Communities. They have got a $70 billion crater in their budget bottom line. What we know is that they have got working people in the firing line. Working people are in the firing line because they have bungled their budget bottom line. So they are absolutely intent on not producing any costings before the next election, because they know if they do they will be sprung again, like they were last time. In the past five years they have only had to front up once with costed policies. They came after the election. When they were examined by the Treasury and the department of finance, what did we find? An $11 billion crater, the biggest costing bungle in Australian political history. What they are hoping to do is escape through and hide the savage cuts that they have got directed towards working Australians.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</title>
        <page.no>915</page.no>
        <type>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</type>
      </debateinfo></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>916</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Minerals Resource Rent Tax</title>
          <page.no>916</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HOCKEY</name>
    <name.id>DK6</name.id>
    <electorate>North Sydney</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Prime Minister. I refer the Prime Minister to her statement just three months ago:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… we have enacted the Minerals Resource Rent Tax we think is appropriate, and consequently we won’t be taking advice from the Greens political party or anybody else on this question.</para></quote>
<para>Will the Prime Minister now immediately reject the advice of the Greens and the member for Lyne to change the mining tax, and will the Prime Minister keep her signed agreement with the mining companies to reimburse state royalties in full?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GILLARD</name>
    <name.id>83L</name.id>
    <electorate>Lalor</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>To the member's question, first, the government has no plans to change the design of the MRRT. Second, there is an ongoing process which is well known—and the shadow Treasurer, if he had chosen to inform himself about it, would have known it for some time now—which is that we referred to the GST distribution review issues associated with the interaction of state royalties and the MRRT. They made a set of recommendations and the Treasurer has discussed that. The Standing Council on Federal Financial Relations agreed that the heads of Treasury would investigate a cooperative approach to resolving the issues regarding interaction of state royalties and the MRRT.</para>
<para>So to the shadow Treasurer, who is following the Leader of the Opposition into an inability to keep up with the contemporary economic debate, that meeting between the Treasurer and his counterparts was in December, and the process of—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Tony Smith</name>
    <name.id>00APG</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Speaker, on a point of order on relevance, it was a very straightforward question and the Prime Minister keeps attacking—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Casey will resume his seat. It was a very long question offering many points of direct relevance. The Prime Minister has the call.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GILLARD</name>
    <name.id>83L</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I was asked by the shadow Treasurer about the MRRT. I am answering that question. I am directing him to the publicly available information about the GST distribution review and the publicly available information about how—</para>
<para>Opposition members interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GILLARD</name>
    <name.id>83L</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>There is no amount of yelling at me that changes these facts. This is the publicly available information from December last year about the Standing Council on Federal Financial Relations and the publicly available information from since that time, when there have been discussions in train between federal Treasury and the heads of other treasuries around the country.</para>
<para>The member who asked the question does really need to catch up with that.</para>
<para>MRRT is an important long-term reform, and like all long-term reforms it is there to make a difference not only for today's generation but for generations into the future. Behind all of the shadow Treasurer's bluster lies one simple proposition: do you think Australians should get a fair share of the mineral wealth within their grounds, yes or no? No amount of yelling gets you away from answering that basic values proposition. We say 'Yes'; the opposition says 'No'.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Minerals Resource Rent Tax</title>
          <page.no>916</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BANDT</name>
    <name.id>M3C</name.id>
    <electorate>Melbourne</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Treasurer. To help balance the budget, Labor is taking more money off single parents this year than it has raised so far from the mining tax. Can Labor guarantee that the $2.2 billion royalties loophole in the mining tax will be fixed before the May budget, either by supporting the Greens bill or by some other means? Or will people like single parents endure another round of cuts to make up the mining tax shortfall?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SWAN</name>
    <name.id>2V5</name.id>
    <electorate>Lilley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I reject the proposition which has been put by the member for Melbourne because, as I was saying before, this government is all about jobs and getting people who are not in work back into work, which is why something like 850,000 jobs have been created over the past five years. We have put in place some reforms in this area to increase work incentives. We have done that because we are all about jobs and making sure that people have the capacity to move off payments and into paid work. That is why we put in place more generous taper rates for single parents on Newstart.</para>
<para>But it is not just that: it is what we have done by tripling the tax-free threshold for the lowest paid workers in our community—a very substantial benefit to low-paid workers, something that is going to be ripped out by the Leader of the Opposition. He referred to this today. He is going to rip out that tax cut for low-paid workers in the Australian community. But it is much more than that. We are also paying the schoolkids bonus, a very significant increase in the disposable income of a lot of people in our community on the lowest incomes.</para>
<para>We have also dramatically increased the childcare tax rebate and so on, and also support for child care. I think we have a very good record of support for people on the lowest incomes, consistent with our belief that we need to get people into the labour market so that they can get the training to provide for their family. I think that is very important.</para>
<para>I was also asked about royalties. The Prime Minister has made the point very clear that we are also now in discussions with the states about this very point, which was also discussed in the Argus report, where concern was expressed about international competitiveness in terms of our mining levels of taxation. All of these things are going on right now.</para>
<para>There is one fundamental difference in this House and there is something that we do share in common. We both believe—we both believe—that these resources are owned 100 per cent by the Australian people, and when super profits are made super profits tax should be paid. That is a very big divide in this House between all of us over here and those on the other side of the House. They do not believe that one dollar of MRRT revenue is legitimate—not one dollar is legitimate in their belief!—so desperate are they to bend their knees to the mining billionaires. They do not believe, and will not accept, one dollar! But, of course, this is consistent with their approach, because they opposed the PRRT, another resource rent tax, which has now raised $28 billion. The point is this: prices have been volatile and we have been through a difficult period, but what we are all committed to on this side of the House is fair resource taxation for the benefit for all Australians. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economy</title>
          <page.no>917</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MURPHY</name>
    <name.id>83D</name.id>
    <electorate>Reid</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Assistant Treasurer and Minister Assisting for Deregulation. What is the government doing to prepare our economy for future challenges while looking after Australian families? Why is it important to set out policies for the nation's future in an economically responsible way?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BRADBURY</name>
    <name.id>HVW</name.id>
    <electorate>Lindsay</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Reid for his question. This government is determined to reward the effort of hard-working Australian families and to build a stronger economy for the future. That is why we have delivered tax cuts and increases in superannuation for hard-working Australians. That is why we have provided tax relief to small businesses. Now as we seek to meet the challenges of the Asian century we are investing in skills and education, and rolling out the National Broadband Network.</para>
<para>These are serious plans to tackle the serious challenges that our nation faces. In contrast, those opposite are hiding from any scrutiny. We put our proposals and our plans before the Australian people and they will be scrutinised. The Leader of the Opposition is such a policy lightweight and so determined to hide from any scrutiny that he will not even turn up and front up on breakfast television any more. I am not surprised that he will not turn up on breakfast television anymore because it was on breakfast television that the member for North Sydney confirmed not once, but on two occasions that they have a $70 billion black hole. It is about time the member for North Sydney told the Australian people how he intends to fill that $70 billion black hole.</para>
<para>We heard from the member for North Sydney two years ago. Two years ago he said their policies would be ready in a week. Last year he said their policies were ready to go, fully costed. Two weeks ago we heard from the Leader of the Opposition that, 'You'll hear all about our policies after the budget'. Every time they make a commitment to release their policies, when it comes to the crunch they squib it. And we saw this again yesterday from the member for North Sydney, who put out a press release selectively quoting officials from the Parliamentary Budget Office and where he used the words that they had to offer to try and justify the fact that he wants to keep secret from the Australian people his costings until the final days of the election campaign. It is no wonder, after the $11 billion black hole fiasco of the last election.</para>
<para>The member for North Sydney was out at the doors this morning trying to airbrush that out of history. A journalist asked him, 'Your costings were wrong before the last election?' He said: 'I don't accept that. I don't accept that at all.' '$11 billion out', the journalist says. And the member for North Sydney says, 'I don't accept that—not at all.' He does not accept it. So shonky were his costings that the so-called auditors of their costings were reprimanded for professional misconduct.</para>
<para>Opposition members interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BRADBURY</name>
    <name.id>HVW</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You say your policies are ready. Stop making excuses and come— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Minerals Resource Rent Tax</title>
          <page.no>918</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TRUSS</name>
    <name.id>GT4</name.id>
    <electorate>Wide Bay</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Trade and Competitiveness. I remind the minister of his statement today, 'There are no plans to change the design of the mining tax other than in respect of royalties.' To what plans to change the mining tax is the minister referring, and how do those plans fit in with the signed heads of agreement that declare, 'All state and territory royalties will be creditable against the resources tax liability'?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr EMERSON</name>
    <name.id>83V</name.id>
    <electorate>Rankin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>When it rains it pours!—1,099 days with no questions and then a deluge of questions: two in two days. To the leader of the government in the House I express my sorrow that the member for Wide Bay did not direct a question to the leader of the government in the House but I am very glad to receive this question.</para>
<para>The MRRT is a tax that is designed to collect for the community a fair share of the profits when profits are high, very much like the petroleum resource rent tax, which the coalition condemned, which it criticised and which it kept. It kept at least $18 billion of revenue. In respect of the MRRT and its design, what I have said is what the Prime Minister has said and what the Treasurer has said—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Hockey</name>
    <name.id>DK6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No, no.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Dr EMERSON</name>
    <name.id>83V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>and that is that in respect of royalties there is an existing process which is well known to every member of the parliament who can read.</para>
<para>Opposition members interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>What about the standing orders?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Dr EMERSON</name>
    <name.id>83V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>We know that there is one member of the parliament who does not read documents, and that is the Leader of the Opposition. He does not read BHP statements; he does not read Ashby verdicts. He does not read documents, but now it is infecting the front bench—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The minister will return to the question.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Dr EMERSON</name>
    <name.id>83V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>because we have the shadow Treasurer and also, now, the Leader of the Nationals not reading the fact that for three months or more there has been a process in train in relation to the treatment of royalties. And that process follows on the Don Argus review and the GST distribution processes. That is a well-known fact to everyone in this House—everyone in this chamber—except the Leader of the Opposition, the shadow Treasurer and, now, the Leader of the Nationals, the would-be Deputy Prime Minister of this country. I say to all of them that what they should do is take the time and read the documents. If you want to be an alternative government—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Hockey</name>
    <name.id>DK6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Here it is.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for North Sydney!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Dr EMERSON</name>
    <name.id>83V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>you need to know that the MRRT is a tax designed to collect for the community a fair share of the revenue. We will always do the right thing. We will increase superannuation from nine to 12 per cent and the shadow Treasurer said, on Friday, that they would not. They would scrap it.</para>
<para class="italic">Mr Hockey interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Dr EMERSON</name>
    <name.id>83V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>There he is again.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Hockey</name>
    <name.id>DK6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>We'd scrap it, yeah. That's a revelation, is it?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Dr EMERSON</name>
    <name.id>83V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It is, absolutely, because you condemned Channel 9 for lying. You condemned Channel 9 for lying.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The minister will return to the question.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Dr EMERSON</name>
    <name.id>83V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You have reaffirmed that the coalition will scrap the increase in the super tax from nine to 12 per cent. Thank you very much indeed.</para>
<para class="italic">Honourable members interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Wannon and everybody else around should read the standing orders. Such confected behaviour is what the public does not desire to see in our parliament.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Dr EMERSON</name>
    <name.id>83V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek to table a document, which is that of the shadow Treasurer tweeting at 7.09 pm on Friday evening saying that Channel 9 got it wrong and that he had never said—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The minister will table the document.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Dr EMERSON</name>
    <name.id>83V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>that they would scrap the increase in super from nine to 12 per cent.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The minister will resume his seat.</para>
<para class="italic">Honourable members interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The members for Moncrieff and Grey will leave the chamber when I resume my seat.</para>
<para> <inline font-style="italic">The members for Moncrieff and Gr</inline> <inline font-style="italic">e</inline> <inline font-style="italic">y then left the chamber.</inline></para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Pyne</name>
    <name.id>9V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise on a point of order. Madam Speaker, with great respect to you I would ask you to reconsider that decision, given the extreme provocation from the Minister for Trade at the dispatch box when he was seeking to table a document and instead attacked the opposition.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>If anybody had been listening, I had risen to my feet not a nanosecond before, asking people to observe the standing orders and to bring some respect back to this place. It was within a nanosecond that the next incident occurred. I was asking the Minister for Trade and Competitiveness to resume his seat.</para>
<para class="italic">Mr Pyne interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I was! You perhaps could not hear me. No, you could not have heard me over the noise.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Workplace Bullying</title>
          <page.no>920</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms RISHWORTH</name>
    <name.id>HWA</name.id>
    <electorate>Kingston</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Prime Minister. How is the government working to create safer workplaces and tackle the scourge of workplace bullying?</para>
<para>Opposition members interjecting—</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GILLARD</name>
    <name.id>83L</name.id>
    <electorate>Lalor</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Kingston for her question and do not believe it should be referred to in dismissive terms by the opposition, given how widespread is community concern about bullying in workplaces.</para>
<para>The member for Kingston has a very direct interest in this policy area because she led a parliamentary committee that inquired into workplace bullying. I want to commend her on that effort and that work, and commend the committee members who worked with her. It is a fine example of what can be achieved by parliamentarians on very difficult questions of community concern.</para>
<para>Everyone has a right to go to work each day and to be treated with dignity and respect. Everyone has a right to return home at the end of their working day or working shift safe and well. We want to make sure that Australians are able to participate in workplaces that are safe, healthy and productive. But unfortunately there are too many instances of bullying at work. There are too many times in particular that young people are bullied at work—young apprentices, young people in their first job. Of course workplace bullying is not confined to young people, but some of the most disturbing cases have involved young Australians. Right around the country many members in this parliament would have met with people who have had particular concerns about work and working conditions or the working conditions of their young sons or daughters.</para>
<para>I would like to pay tribute to two fine Australians, Damien and Rae Panlock, the parents of Brodie Panlock. Brodie was subject to absolutely relentless bullying at work and Brodie is no longer with us as a result. Brodie took her own life—an incredibly tragic incident in Victoria and the subject of a great deal of public commentary in Victoria. They, Brodie's parents, Damien and Rae, are brave people and they have campaigned for change.</para>
<para>I am proud that we have been able to announce today that we will create an ability within the industrial umpire, Fair Work Australia, to resolve complaints about bullying. People who are being bullied at work should feel that there is somewhere that they can go where they will be treated sympathetically, where their complaints can be resolved. Our industrial umpire, created by this government, can and should play that role, and it will.</para>
<para>Bullying has got no place in Australian workplaces. It has got no place in the treatment of young people. It should be part of our fair work system that complaints of this nature can be addressed, and we will bring to this parliament a proposition to ensure that in the future the umpire will be there to assist. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Minerals Resource Rent Tax</title>
          <page.no>921</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PYNE</name>
    <name.id>9V5</name.id>
    <electorate>Sturt</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I remind the Prime Minister that earlier in question time she stated that she was quoting from Don Argus when asked about his statement that the treatment of royalties under the mining tax is unsustainable and undesirable. Will the Prime Minister correct the record given that Don Argus has never made that statement? If she cannot even get basic facts right like these, why should Australians have any confidence in her capacity to manage a $1 trillion economy?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GILLARD</name>
    <name.id>83L</name.id>
    <electorate>Lalor</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you very much. To assist the shadow minister, I should have said that I was quoting from the GST distribution review report. Let us go through the chronology so that it is very clear to everybody where this information is available. On 2 May 2010, the Henry review recommended a resource rent tax and the resource superprofits tax was announced. On 2 July 2010, I, the Deputy Prime Minister and the Minister for Resources and Energy entered a heads of agreement with some of Australia's biggest miners about a profits based tax. Then a policy transition group was led by Mr Don Argus—well-known in the resources sector—and Minister Ferguson. That was announced on 2 July. The membership and the terms of reference were announced on 3 August. It did its work and the report was received on 22 December 2010. On 24 March 2011, the government announced it would accept all 98 recommendations of the group. The government then formed the resource tax implementation group to work on legislative drafting. Then of course we in this parliament dealt with the legislation. The legislation was passed on 19 March 2012 and assented to on 29 March 2012. Issues involving state royalties were referred to the GST distribution group and its report was released on 30 November 2012. So it was available to anyone who wanted to study the issue and be fully apprised of the issues from 30 November 2012. So all of that work has been done, all of that work is available and all of that work is capable of being absorbed by anybody who wants to sit at a desk, read documents, think deeply and consider the nation's future.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Pyne</name>
    <name.id>9V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Speaker, I appreciate the Prime Minister's response but, given Don Argus has such strongly held views in the opposite direction, will she apologise to him for verballing him at the beginning of question time?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Manager of Opposition Business will resume his seat. The Prime Minister has the call.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GILLARD</name>
    <name.id>83L</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am answering the shadow minister's original question, the one he asked. So all of that material has been available on the public record for people who are interested in public policy, the functioning of the economy, jobs and growth. That means, by definition of course, it has not been studied by the opposition, and that has been transparent today.</para>
<para>What I would say to the opposition is that behind this little game they are playing today actually lie some very important questions for the Australian economy. Do you believe that Australians are entitled to the benefits of the mineral wealth in their grounds—yes or no? We say yes; you say no. If you do believe that, do you believe taxes should be efficient and profits based? We say yes; you say no. Do you believe it is appropriate for state governments to keep jacking up inefficient taxes on the minerals industry? We say no; you say yes to inefficient Liberal taxes. That is the nature of the political debate. Jobs and growth on this side; inability to deal with economic— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Workplace Bullying</title>
          <page.no>922</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SYMON</name>
    <name.id>HW8</name.id>
    <electorate>Deakin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Employment and Workplace Relations, Financial Services and Superannuation. Minister, how is the government responding to the House committee inquiry into workplace bullying?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SHORTEN</name>
    <name.id>00ATG</name.id>
    <electorate>Maribyrnong</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I would like to thank the member for Deakin for his question. Labor believes that bullying has got no place in Australian workplaces. We believe that bullying is like racism and discrimination: it has no place in modern Australian workplaces. But what we do know, all too sadly, is that bullying does occur in Australian workplaces. It is real, it has a cost and it is hurtful. I have seen this first-hand, as has the member for Deakin and as has the state Attorney-General, Robert Clark. I am talking about the Panlock family, who lost a daughter. Brodie was bullied at a Hawthorn cafe. The investigations have found that she was bullied but those investigations came far too late, and she committed suicide. I cannot imagine the loss and I cannot imagine the life not lived.</para>
<para>We could do better, we should do better and we shall do better. We shall amend the Fair Work Act. We shall provide timely, accessible, low-cost relief and remedy for people who have complaints of bullying in the workplace. I am grateful to the member for Kingston and her committee. She has helped guide us for a national definition on bullying. She has helped guide us about national training to deal with workplace bullying. Bullying means repeated, unreasonable behaviour towards a worker or a group of workers which creates a risk to health and safety. We will provide a mechanism whereby, if someone has a complaint, it can at least be listed to be solved within 14 days through the Fair Work Commission—Australia's industrial umpire. We are going to work with the state regulators, but we are taking workplace bullying and declaring that it is an issue to do with workplace relations. We have responded to the member for Kingston's report, and I would like to table that.</para>
<para>For the record—and I would like to conclude on this: we do believe that workplace bullying is a workplace relations issue which deserves a workplace relations policy. Every member of the House—from Labor, the Liberals or the crossbenches—will have to make a decision on the issue of workplace bullying in the next few months. We will amend the Fair Work Act. I hope and I expect that the amendments we propose will be supported by everyone in the House, because what we are about with our workplace relations policy is productive workplaces and flexible workplaces, but, most importantly, safe workplaces.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SYMON</name>
    <name.id>HW8</name.id>
    <electorate>Deakin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Speaker, I ask a supplementary question. The minister has talked about what the government is doing on workplace bullying. Is the minister aware of other policies on Australian workplaces, and what would be their impact?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SHORTEN</name>
    <name.id>00ATG</name.id>
    <electorate>Maribyrnong</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Deakin for his ongoing interest in workplace relations. He knows, as everyone on this side of the House knows, that Labor is always upfront about its workplace relations policy. This week we announced that we want to extend the right to request flexible work arrangements to new categories of Australian workers: victims of domestic violence and people with caring responsibilities. We have announced today that we want to tackle workplace bullying. But I have also been asked: are there other policies? I can report to the House the rarely sighted opposition spokesperson for hiding workplace relations policies—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The minister will refer to people by their correct titles.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Pyne</name>
    <name.id>9V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Speaker, I rise on a point of order. The minister was asked an original question about workplace bullying and he was heard in respectful silence. He then was asked a supplementary which bore very little relation to the answer he had given on bullying, and he is now straying into an attack on the opposition. Given the importance of workplace bullying and the record in this place, as you are well aware, of workplace bullying, which has resulted in the suicide of one of our former colleagues, I would ask you to urge him to be very careful—</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Manager of Opposition Business will resume his seat. The minister has the call.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SHORTEN</name>
    <name.id>00ATG</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The opposition spokesperson for workplace relations policies tweeted from the secret location of the Liberal policy bunker—location unknown: 'Another day, another announcement from #Bill Shorten MP, with no detail and promise of long consultation.' One thing I do like about the leader—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs BRONWYN BISHOP</name>
    <name.id>SE4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Speaker, I rise in a point of order. I would refer you to page 569 of the <inline font-style="italic">Practice</inline> which shows that, when the change was made to have direct relevance, the rulings of speakers has been to rule out of order the sort of answer which the minister is giving, which is not in any way directly related to the question. It is an attack on opposition policy, which is out of order.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Mackellar will resume her seat. The minister has the call and will refer to that question in respect of bullying.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SHORTEN</name>
    <name.id>00ATG</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Deakin asked whether I was aware of other policies on workplace relations and I said that we have had a sighting of the opposition on workplace relations and I have quoted what they said. I do admire that it is clear that they have a sense of humour in the opposition, attacking us for no detail on workplace relations. It is only Tuesday and we have announced more policies on workplace relations than the opposition has announced in 2½ years. We are happy to have a debate on workplace relations on all the policies. Any place, any time; bring it on: let's talk workplace relations.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Minerals Resource Rent Tax</title>
          <page.no>923</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ROBB</name>
    <name.id>FU4</name.id>
    <electorate>Goldstein</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Treasurer. I refer the Treasurer to the statement that Don Argus, former head of the resource minister's own Policy Transition Group on the mining tax, did actually make. I quote:</para>
<quote><para class="block">You … don't want to start double-taxing the resources companies … As it is, people are looking at the sovereign risk and starting to wonder what's going on.</para></quote>
<para>Will the Treasurer address growing uncertainty in the mining sector by ruling out a further redesign of the mining tax?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SWAN</name>
    <name.id>2V5</name.id>
    <electorate>Lilley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I do thank the shadow minister for his question. I think everybody on this side of the House is concerned about how competitive our mining taxation regime is, and the need for that went to the very core of the report that was produced by Mr Argus and Minister Ferguson. Nobody could fundamentally disagree with that. If you are rational and if you accept the facts, you would not fundamentally disagree with the proposition that royalties are inefficient, that royalties discourage investment, and that, if we are going to have an effective and efficient form of resource taxation in this country, it has to be some combination of resource rent taxation and the existing royalties regime.</para>
<para>Of course, what we have seen occur in recent times is substantial royalty increases in some states which have deterred investment and which have punished some companies and punished employment, particularly in my home state of Queensland. Between the time that we announced the MRRT and we put it in operation, we saw the biggest surge in mining investment in our history in this country, with—and I will check this—an additional 53,000 jobs created in the mining sector. Why do I make that point? Because every one of those people opposite, when we introduced the MRRT, said it would be the opposite—they said investment would go out the back door, as would jobs. Of course, investment boomed and so, too, did jobs. But we do understand that there is an interaction between the two, which is why this matter was referred to the GST distribution panel and why it is now being dealt with at an officials level between state and federal Treasurers. That is how it has been dealt with because the interaction between the two is an important consideration. That point was made in the Argus-Ferguson report at some length, which, by the way, was a public process, a transparent process, which consulted right around the country—a very important report. We are working within those parameters because what we want for Australia is a resource pipeline that generates jobs and generates investment, and we make sure that, as a consequence of that, all Australians share in the benefit of that investment. This is where there is a fundamental difference of opinion, because those opposite think one dollar of a resource rent tax is too much, because they are down on bended knee to the mining billionaires.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Age Pension</title>
          <page.no>924</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr GEORGANAS</name>
    <name.id>DZY</name.id>
    <electorate>Hindmarsh</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Families, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs and Minister for Disability Reform. Will the minister update the House on how the government is supporting Australians in their retirement?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms MACKLIN</name>
    <name.id>PG6</name.id>
    <electorate>Jagajaga</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you very much to the member for Hindmarsh, who does so much for pensioners in his electorate. He and everybody on this side of the parliament knows that pensioners can rely on Labor. They can rely on Labor governments. It was this government that delivered the biggest pension rise in Australia's history. Of course, we also delivered an improved indexation system to make sure that the value of the pension keeps up with pensioners' costs of living. We have seen millions of pensioners get an increase. If you are a single pensioner on the maximum rate, it is $172 a fortnight extra, and for couples it is $182 a fortnight extra—all because of this Labor government's reforms.</para>
<para>Today I have announced that, from 20 March, we will see another improvement to the pension as a result of the reduction in the pension deeming rates. More than 740,000 pensioners will benefit from a higher pension. In South Australia, around 70,000 pensioners will benefit as a result of that decision. Part-pensioners will see an average increase to their pension of $6.80 a fortnight. Also from 20 March, Australian pensioners will start receiving the new clean energy supplement. Pensioners will get that either fortnightly or quarterly. Over the next year for single pensioners that will be worth around $338 annualised, and for a couple $510.</para>
<para>Australian pensioners know they will be getting this extra money. What they also know is that this Leader of the Opposition is determined to claw that money back. We know when the Leader of the Opposition was a minister in the previous government he said no to a pension rise. He said no to a pension rise when he was in the cabinet. We know this was true.</para>
<para class="italic">Mr Abbott interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms MACKLIN</name>
    <name.id>PG6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>He says he never did. We know from your mate Mal Brough that that is exactly what you did. It was your mate Mal Brough that told the whole country that the Howard cabinet said no to a pension rise.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The minister will return to the question.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms MACKLIN</name>
    <name.id>PG6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And now you want to claw $300 out of the pockets of pensioners. Labor will make sure we look after pensioners, while you claw it back.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Minerals Resource Rent Tax</title>
          <page.no>925</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs BRONWYN BISHOP</name>
    <name.id>SE4</name.id>
    <electorate>Mackellar</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Special Minister of State. I remind the minister of his statement this morning: 'I don't think the mining tax should be redrawn.' Does the minister stand by that statement?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr GRAY</name>
    <name.id>8W5</name.id>
    <electorate>Brand</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The mining tax is an outstanding tax, works effectively and has many, many benefits.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Natural Disasters</title>
          <page.no>925</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr NEUMANN</name>
    <name.id>HVO</name.id>
    <electorate>Blair</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Attorney-General and Minister for Emergency Management. How is the government helping families, businesses and farmers recover from the severe storms and flooding that have affected large parts of Australia?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DREYFUS</name>
    <name.id>HWG</name.id>
    <electorate>Isaacs</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Blair for that question because it is important that people in disaster affected areas know what help is available to them. I know that the member for Blair has put tremendous effort into helping his constituents to clean up, to get their lives back on their feet after they have been turned upside down, helping businesses open again and helping rebuild farms.</para>
<para>The Commonwealth has moved very quickly to ensure that assistance is activated as soon as possible for those that need it. More than 300 Australian Defence Force personnel were deployed to assist with the emergency response and recovery efforts. Led by ADF Joint Task Force 637, Queensland flood assist 2 was on the job very quickly. We have signed a new national partnership agreement with Queensland for reconstruction and recovery. It is a significant effort that will speed up reconstruction and recovery. The Prime Minister has reappointed Senator Ludwig as the minister assisting her on the Queensland floods recovery.</para>
<para>Australian families, business operators and farmers are a very resilient people. They will get through this disaster and they expect their local members, state and federal, and their state and federal governments to get on with the job of supporting them at this time.</para>
<para>Members of parliament like the member for Blair have their constituents' interests at heart, and many members of the federal opposition, I am very pleased to say, have put their politics to one side and have worked tirelessly in their constituents' interests. Sadly, I cannot say the same for all members of the Liberal and National parties. But I would hope that, in times like this, all members of this place—and, indeed, of other parliaments—are able to put politics to one side and work with our national government. We do need to support those people who have had their lives turned upside down. That is what I will be doing. That is what this government will be doing. And I can report to the member for Blair that we are getting on with the job.</para>
<para>Yesterday, the Prime Minister approved additional disaster assistance for those affected in South Burnett in Gladstone, Toowoomba, Ipswich and a number of other areas. That brings the number of local government areas receiving Natural Disaster Relief and Recovery Arrangements assistance in Queensland to 53. We have paid $77.4 million in recovery support directly into people's bank accounts, which means that some 66,000 applicants from Queensland have been paid, with every eligible adult receiving $1,000 and $400 per child; that is the Australian Government Disaster Recovery Payment. Today I approved an extension of those payments for the people in South Burnett. The Gillard government will continue to support people devastated by disaster. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr NEUMANN</name>
    <name.id>HVO</name.id>
    <electorate>Blair</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I ask a supplementary question. The minister has talked about what the government is doing to help communities recover and rebuild. What has this meant in the community of Blair and what has been the response?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DREYFUS</name>
    <name.id>HWG</name.id>
    <electorate>Isaacs</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Blair for that supplementary question. This government has acted immediately to provide assistance to communities decimated by these floods. As I said a moment ago, we are delivering $1,000 for each eligible adult and $400 for each eligible child. There are special clean-up grants: $25,000 for primary producers, small businesses and not-for-profit organisations. There are concessional interest rate loans of up to a quarter of a million dollars, and freight subsidies so that farmers and small businesses can repair or replace buildings, plant and equipment; buy livestock to replace those that they have lost; pay rent and rates; and restore essential operations on their properties.</para>
<para>These measures and more have been activated across Queensland because this government believes in looking after people when hard times hit, as they so often do in a country like ours where we are vulnerable to the extremes of weather. We are standing shoulder-to-shoulder with state governments across Australia to identify the areas in greatest need so that we can activate financial help and practical help on the ground. Again, as I said before, I would acknowledge the good grace of those opposition members who are working cooperatively with the government to do the right thing for those in need. The damage is extensive and we will continue to work as a priority to help our fellow Australians get the help they need.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Minerals Resource Rent Tax</title>
          <page.no>927</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ABBOTT</name>
    <name.id>EZ5</name.id>
    <electorate>Warringah</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This is a question to the Prime Minister, and it is asked in a bid to give stability and certainty to the mining industry. Will the Prime Minister now rule out any further changes to the mining tax—yes or no?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GILLARD</name>
    <name.id>83L</name.id>
    <electorate>Lalor</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As I have said, earlier in question time, we have no plans to change the MRRT. We have a process that has been ongoing for some time now, about which the Leader of the Opposition could have informed himself had he chosen to do so.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Education</title>
          <page.no>927</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HAYES</name>
    <name.id>ECV</name.id>
    <electorate>Fowler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for School Education, Early Childhood and Youth. What steps is the government taking to implement its National Plan for School Improvement? Why is it important for the parliament not to shy away from doing the same and to debate education reform?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr GARRETT</name>
    <name.id>HV4</name.id>
    <electorate>Kingsford Smith</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My thanks to the member for Fowler for his question. Giving every Australian student the chance to have a great education is a core Labor value, and every member on this side of the chamber and, I surmise, the crossbenches too, gets the importance of education in a child's life. Every member on this side gets the importance of education for our economic future. Yesterday, here, I outlined the National Plan for School Improvement that will deliver reforms to quality teaching, school leadership and quality learning—reforms that are essential to drive improved results in our schools and are a necessary step in implementation of the National Plan for School Improvement. Part of that was the introduction into this House of the Australian Education Bill, an important bill that provides the directions for the National Plan for School Improvement.</para>
<para>It is axiomatic that in this parliament we should be able to debate these issues. Of course, we are discussing the reforms with education ministers, parents and teachers, but today we have learned that the Manager of Opposition Business, the shadow spokesperson for education, has taken the extraordinary step of trying to shy away from the debate on this bill in this chamber. Many outside this House might not believe that—after all, this is a bill about how we can improve education in Australia—but it should not surprise those of us in the House when we consider the opposition's record: 11 years in office and they failed to get up a national curriculum; 11 years in office and they failed to fix a broken education funding model; 11 years in office and they failed to give more power to school principals. Eleven years in office—they could have built classrooms and libraries; they managed 3,000 flagpoles.</para>
<para>In opposition they have been no better. In the 2010 election, what did we get? $2.8 billion to be cut from education investment. They rejected the Gonski review of school funding within 20 minutes after it was released, and of course the opposition spokesman on education is notorious for wanting to see one in seven teachers sacked. Then they tried to play catch-up policy, and we saw that education came in at number 17. Now, after all of that, we see the shadow minister for education in the federal opposition not wanting to stand in this parliament and debate the very matter for which he has responsibility, instead scampering out of the House like a startled gazelle while people here want to put their views about how we need a national plan for school improvement.</para>
<para>At the end of the day, all I can say is this: we will continue to work with education authorities to implement the National Plan for School Improvement to build a stronger, smarter and fairer Australia, and let that debate continue in this place.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Carbon Pricing</title>
          <page.no>928</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr IRONS</name>
    <name.id>HYM</name.id>
    <electorate>Swan</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Prime Minister. Has the Prime Minister received any correspondence from the leader of the Labor Party in Western Australia, Mr McGowan, outlining his stated opposition to federal Labor's carbon tax?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GILLARD</name>
    <name.id>83L</name.id>
    <electorate>Lalor</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Not to my knowledge. However, the leader of the opposition in Western Australia has made his position known publicly. He has made his position about a carbon tax known publicly. He has also made his position public that he supports an emissions trading scheme. Of course, the change that we have brought to our nation ensures that there will be an emissions trading scheme from 2015 and that, of course, was supported by the Leader of the Opposition as a minister in the Howard government in his book <inline font-style="italic">Battlelines</inline><inline font-style="italic">,</inline> and on <inline font-style="italic">Lateline</inline>. An emissions trading scheme has been supported broadly by the opposition. Unfortunately for a negative fear campaign, the opposition traded in their position under the Howard government for negativity and they are still stuck there. However, as I understand it, Mr McGowan is in support of an emissions trading scheme. Pricing carbon is the right policy for our nation. Prime Minister Howard knew that. The Leader of the Opposition knew that when he sat around the cabinet table. They have replaced all of that, as you well know, with the cheap negativity we see today.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ABBOTT</name>
    <name.id>EZ5</name.id>
    <electorate>Warringah</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Speaker, I have a supplementary question. How can the Prime Minister claim that no-one has noticed the carbon tax when her own West Australian leader is dead against it and is this why he has banned her from any appearance in the West Australian state campaign?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Prime Minister has the call. The last part of the question has nothing to do with the previous question. The first part did.</para>
<para class="italic">Ms Julie Bishop interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Deputy Leader of the Opposition might be unwelcome in the chamber very shortly if she is not careful.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GILLARD</name>
    <name.id>83L</name.id>
    <electorate>Lalor</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What we see is the Leader of the Opposition back to form on his negativity about carbon pricing. There are these things called facts. The Leader of the Opposition might not like it, but there are these things called facts. If the Leader of the Opposition is in a position to, he should outline to the Australian people which one of his statements during his campaign of fear has come true. Just name one, one that has come true. A roast, $100. No. Whyalla wiped off the map? No. Astronomical increases in the cost of living? No. Jobs growth being completely wiped off and millions of Australians thrown out of work? No. The Leader of the Opposition is exposed as having run the most mendacious fear campaign this nation has seen against a background of being a supporter of an emissions trading scheme. What I do thank the Leader of the Opposition for is that we knew that this pretence of being positive could not last and it has come shattering to the ground with that question today. Back to form, back to the usual Mr Negative, here he is.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Vocational Education and Training</title>
          <page.no>928</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms VAMVAKINOU</name>
    <name.id>00AMT</name.id>
    <electorate>Calwell</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Tertiary Education, Skills, Science and Research and Minister for Small Business. Minister, how is the government supporting jobs in our economy by investing in skills for Australians? Why is it important for all governments to provide training opportunities for working people?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BOWEN</name>
    <name.id>DZS</name.id>
    <electorate>McMahon</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Calwell for her question and her dedication to vocational education and training, and her support for the Kangan Institute of TAFE in her part of Melbourne. Vocational education qualifications are a passport to a better job, to a higher pay packet and to a secure future for so many Australians. Skills training is, of course, vital for our economy to ensure we have the skills we need. Of course TAFE is at the front line of this. The government are introducing reforms to create a more accessible and equitable training system, a more transparent vocational education system and a more efficient VET sector that responds to the needs of students, employers, and industry. We have invested at record levels to make this happen. We will invest more than $15 billion over the next four years in skills and training, and that compares to $9 billion for the last four years of the Howard government.</para>
<para>I have been asked by the honourable member about the importance of training and about the implications of cuts. This is not a hypothetical question. We are seeing the implications of cuts to vocational education right up and down the eastern seaboard of Australia. Victoria has cut $300 million from the TAFE system. This will see campus closures, staff redundancies and course fees increase. The New South Wales government is sacking 800 TAFE teachers and students will be hit with a nine per cent TAFE fee increase. In Queensland, 13 campuses are being closed and Premier Newman is threatening to close 25 more TAFEs. These cuts represent a real risk to our economy and are affecting thousands of people.</para>
<para>There are examples in the electorate of the member for Calwell and the member for Wills, who I know are very concerned about the threat of closing 52 courses at the Kangan Institute in areas like building, hospitality and business. To use just one example: the implications for Nadine, from the Member for Holt's electorate, a mother of twins from Cranbourne North who has had all her night classes cut in a diploma for community services. She now has to make the difficult decision about whether to work or study. These are the implications of the cuts. All members of this House should oppose these cuts and members on this side of the House do. But, alas, it is not the case for all members the House. The member for North Sydney has said Campbell Neman's cuts were 'pretty reasonable' and more power to his right arm. That shows you what will happen if he gets his hands on the purse strings. He has to find the $70 billion from somewhere and he will have vocational education and training in his sights because that is what Liberals do.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GILLARD</name>
    <name.id>83L</name.id>
    <electorate>Lalor</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I ask that further questions be placed on the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline>.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>PERSONAL EXPLANATIONS</title>
        <page.no>929</page.no>
        <type>PERSONAL EXPLANATIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ABBOTT</name>
    <name.id>EZ5</name.id>
    <electorate>Warringah</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Speaker, I seek to make a personal explanation.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Does the Leader of the Opposition claim to be misrepresented?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ABBOTT</name>
    <name.id>EZ5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I do, Madam Speaker. The Minister for Families and Community Services claimed in question time today that I opposed a pension increase in cabinet. This is false. The only one who has done that is the Prime Minister and we know that on the authority of the member for Griffiths.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: ADDITIONAL ANSWERS</title>
        <page.no>930</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: ADDITIONAL ANSWERS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Minerals Resource Rent Tax</title>
          <page.no>930</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp> (Lilley—Deputy Prime Minister and Treasurer) (15:14):</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SWAN</name>
    <name.id>2V5</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—during question time I said there were 53,000 additional jobs in mining. I was incorrect; it is 67,000 additional jobs in mining. During that time, since July 2010, 380,000 jobs have been created in Australia.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>PERSONAL EXPLANATIONS</title>
        <page.no>930</page.no>
        <type>PERSONAL EXPLANATIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PYNE</name>
    <name.id>9V5</name.id>
    <electorate>Sturt</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Speaker, I wish to make a personal explanation.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Does the Manager of Opposition Business claim to have been misrepresented?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PYNE</name>
    <name.id>9V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, twice by the Minister for School Education, Early Childhood and Youth. The minister for schools repeated the falsehood again in his answer that I would like to sack one in seven schoolteachers. I do not actually employ any schoolteachers, so it is quite impossible to sack any of them. He also said that I do not want to debate the National School Improvement Plan in the Australian Education Bill. That is false. There is no National School Improvement Plan in the Australian Education Bill.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>STATEMENTS ON INDULGENCE</title>
        <page.no>930</page.no>
        <type>STATEMENTS ON INDULGENCE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Munro, Mr Tim</title>
          <page.no>930</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CREAN</name>
    <name.id>DT4</name.id>
    <electorate>Hotham</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Speaker, on indulgence: yesterday I had the pleasure to congratulate Gotye for three Grammy awards. Today I want to congratulate another standout Australian musician, Tim Munro, who took home two Grammys with his Chicago-based ensemble, Eighth Blackbird. Meanwhile, Tim Munro and his recording won a Grammy for the Best Chamber Music/Small Ensemble Performance and a Grammy for the Best Contemporary Composition.</para>
<para>Like Gotye, Tim also received an Australia Council grant of $7,440, in 2009, to commission a new musical work for flute, <inline font-style="italic">Lost Compass</inline>. This premiered in Chicago in 2011.</para>
<para>This is another example of how investments in the arts do produce important dividends for this country. Tim and his ensemble, Eighth Blackbird, also play regularly in Australian performances and have included a collaboration with students of the Australian National Academy of Music, ANAM .</para>
<para>Tim himself studied at ANAM in the early stages of his career. Tim is also giving back to emerging Australian artists through his participation as an international music mentor with the Australia Council's JUMP program. I congratulate Tim Munro for his great achievement and also for his contribution to Australian music.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>930</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Marine Safety (Domestic Commercial Vessel) National Law Amendment Bill 2013</title>
          <page.no>930</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" style="" background="" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint">
            <a type="Bill" href="r4953">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Marine Safety (Domestic Commercial Vessel) National Law Amendment Bill 2013</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference to Federation Chamber</title>
            <page.no>930</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FITZGIBBON</name>
    <name.id>8K6</name.id>
    <electorate>Hunter</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Marine Safety (Domestic Commercial Vessel) National Law Amendment Bill 2013 be referred to the Federation Chamber for further consideration.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MATTERS OF PUBLIC IMPORTANCE</title>
        <page.no>930</page.no>
        <type>MATTERS OF PUBLIC IMPORTANCE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Budget</title>
          <page.no>930</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I have received a letter from the honourable member for North Sydney proposing that a definite matter of public importance be submitted to the House for discussion, namely:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The adverse impact of the Government’s mining tax on the budget.</para></quote>
<para>I call upon those members who approve of the proposed discussion to rise in their places.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">More than the number of members required by the standing orders having risen in their places—</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HOCKEY</name>
    <name.id>DK6</name.id>
    <electorate>North Sydney</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I know that it sends a little shiver of fear through the spines of the Labor Party when we talk about the Labor Party and mining. There is a rich vein there that only individual members of the Labor Party know how to exploit but, as a collective, they seem to get it wrong—as they have throughout this entire debate. And we saw it again in question time today. The Prime Minister is always keen to give us a sanctimonious lecture about accuracy and facts. Today in question time, in answer to the Leader of the Opposition—the very first question—she entirely confused, and later admitted that she had, the report of Don Argus and the implementation committee with that of a general GST review with the states. So if the Prime Minister does not understand her own mining tax, this is the obvious excuse for her—to renege on a deal, a deal that she did, by her hand, through her negotiations with the chief executives of BHP, Rio and Xstrata on the eve of an election.</para>
<para>I intend to go through a few of the facts today, the irrefutable facts, which the member for Griffith helped to stimulate my memory about in an interview with David Speers today. Imagine that—David Speers! 'What a coincidence you are down here in my office with a camera. What a coincidence that I have a photo of me with the Pope.' How did that happen? You can imagine the phone call: 'David, it's Kevin.' 'Kevin?' 'Yes, Kevin—Kevin Rudd.' 'Kevin Rudd?' 'Yes, the former Prime Minister. You know: Kevin Rudd, I'm on Twitter all the time.' 'Oh, yes, that Kevin.' 'I have a great photo of me with Ben—Benedict. Come down and let's do an interview about how the government's going.' Well, as the member for Griffith so successfully did, he nailed it. He said, 'There was an agreement.' First of all, he identified that there was an original commissioning of a review into taxation by the Treasurer—and that is exactly right: the Henry tax review. And, as the member for Griffith said, that was the Treasurer's own work. Quite right it was! We had to drag that out of the Treasurer, him kicking and screaming. Finally, he released it. He said, 'Great news; we've got this new tax. This new tax, the RSPT, will raise $12 billion over two years.' Wow, that is a hell of a tax. It was such a hell of a tax that the mining industry went bananas, and understandably so. Effectively, it meant that we had become uncompetitive. The Canadians were even advertising that they did not have an equivalent tax. The visceral reaction of the mining industry was such that it brought down the member for Griffith's prime ministership. And the new Prime Minister identified that there were three issues that she was going to address, because she had been a part of a government that had lost its way and she was going to send it on the right course.</para>
<para>At the top of the list was No. 1, the mining tax; No. 2 was carbon; and No. 3 was boats—she was going to stop the boats. She failed on all three. No wonder the member for Griffith is now down to ringing David Speers and asking him to come around for an early morning cup of tea.</para>
<para>I would say to you that the revenue projections from Labor have gone from $12 billion over two years, to $10.5 billion over two years, to $7.4 billion, to $6.5 billion, to $4.4 billion and less.</para>
<para>But the problem is that Labor committed $14 billion of expenditure against the Christmas bonus tax that it has not collected. And these geniuses have used such heroic words as 'redistributing the benefits of the boom' and calling it an 'historic tax'—an historic tax that at its very best raised less than one per cent of taxation revenue. Everything Labor does, everything Labor says, has to be the biggest and the grandest and the most monumental of all. There is no greater reforming government than the Gillard government. There is no greater change that can be enacted for the benefit of the Australian people than that enacted by the Prime Minister and her cohorts. Nothing at all. But the bottom line is on every point, at every station: Labor just exaggerates and gets it dead, dead wrong.</para>
<para>Of course they do not just do it in this place; they do it to their constituents. I have this letter from the member for Lilley, which says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Dear Daniel,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I was talking to a local resident the other day who asked, 'Wayne, at a time when we are in the middle of a massive mining boom, why aren't people like me sharing more in its benefits?'</para></quote>
<para>Opposition members interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HOCKEY</name>
    <name.id>DK6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No, they are at Everton Park.</para>
<quote><para class="block">… 'Wayne, at a time when we are in the middle of a massive mining boom, why aren't people like me sharing more in its benefits?'</para></quote>
<para>That is a good question. Now we have a mining boom that the Treasurer is so concerned to redistribute, good old Daniel from Everton Park can expect $5.50. Maybe the Treasurer will give him $6 and hope that he can buy himself an ice-cream with the change. But the bottom line is that out of all of this, Labor is now walking away from an agreement with the miners—an agreement that was pretty unambiguous when it was originally stated; it was clear—that all state and territory royalties will be creditable against the resources tax liability, but not transferable or refundable.</para>
<para>That was signed by the Prime Minister, the Treasurer, the minister for resources, Martin Ferguson—who has been very quiet this week—Marius Kloppers from BHP, David Peever from Rio Tinto and Peter Freyberg from Xstrata Coal. By her hand, the Prime Minister said—and it was confirmed by Don Argus in the implementation committee—that all the royalties paid to the states would be rebateable. In fact, the government went further:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Any royalties paid and not claimed as a credit will be carried forward at the uplift rate of [the] long-term bond rate plus seven per cent.</para></quote>
<para>How good is that return? The member for Wentworth would be able to work that out pretty quickly.</para>
<para>The government is not just in a position where it says, 'Don't worry guys, you don't have to pay net any royalties to the state, we'll rebate you', it is also saying, 'But if you do not pay enough mining tax to us, we, the taxpayers, owe you a credit on your royalties at the long-term bond rate plus seven per cent'. That is a fantastic return. I can see every self-funded retiree in the gallery say, 'I want a bit of that government-guaranteed return', which the government negotiated. I thought to myself that is quite a deal that the Prime Minister and the Treasurer did at that time. Even on reflection I thought this was a very generous deal with the miners. And then I saw Gary Gray today—we like Gary because he is very honest and he is very straight—and the minister said on Radio National:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I think it's worth having in mind there were circumstances surrounding the design of the mining tax that meant the government had to do the best job it could do in the circumstances available to it.</para></quote>
<para>So the Prime Minister negotiated this deal after she had dumped Kevin Rudd, and she signed any deal to stop the mining companies from continuing their advertising campaign. I seem to recollect the words 'put down your guns'; that is what the Prime Minister said. She went and did a deal and had all of these expenditure items against that resource that she claimed was coming in to redistribute the benefits of the boom, but the problem is the $14 billion of expenditure are now funded by debt. They are funded by debt, by borrowed money, because the government got it wrong. They have had five versions—distinct versions—of the mining tax, including the resource super profits tax, and the minerals resource rent tax, which the three ministers personally negotiated. In fact, they deliberately excluded the Treasury from being involved in the negotiations, so there were no departmental people. They went into a personal negotiation with three formidable negotiators—Marius Kloppers, David Peever and Peter Freyberg—who negotiate contracts with the Chinese all day long. And guess who won? What a surprise! Like <inline font-style="italic">Muriel's Wedding</inline>—'What a surprise to see you here!' And then it changed again with a policy transition group, then it changed again with a deal with the Independents and the Greens, and then it changed again with the Greens in the Senate.</para>
<para>The government, with all of its resources and all of its words, said, 'Don't worry, we are going to spend this money, because this revenue is coming in', and they made all these heroic promises: company tax cuts, increases to superannuation, payments to low-income people—and gee they are hypocrites in that regard, aren't they? It was Labor in 2009 who cut the support for low-income people on superannuation by $3.3 billion, and they come into this place and give us a lecture about low-income Australians. Fair dinkum—that is pretty rich!</para>
<para>They had other things in relation to interest withholding tax, small business instant asset write-offs, and a range of regional infrastructure funds, schoolkids bonus, payments going out to everyone. Guess what? In an election year they get it. And guess what? It is all funded by borrowed money.</para>
<para>So they are borrowing from your children to give money today to those parents as a handout. But it has got nothing at all to do with education—even by their own admission.</para>
<para>On more than 100 occasions my colleague Mathias Cormann in the Senate has been calling on individual ministers and bureaucrats to release the full assumptions that lie behind the claims on the revenue of the mining tax. My colleague here, the shadow minister for resources, has done an outstanding job of asking questions of the government in this regard: 'Give us the facts behind your claims of this river of money on the mining tax.' But what happens? The government does everything it can to block the path, to prevent the truth from coming in—the 'sunlight', as the member for Lyne described it—on this tax and so many others. It was like extracting teeth to get the Treasurer to release the number last week. For crying out loud, on Thursday it was 'illegal' to release the revenue on the mining tax and then he released it on Friday after he heard about our private member's bill to force him to release that information! And over the last two days we have had a conga line of incompetence from the government, waxing and waning about whether they are going to adjust the royalties or whether they are going to respond to the Greens and the member for Lyne, who say the royalty rebate should be changed to increase the total revenue for the mining tax.</para>
<para>This uncertainty and confusion on the mining tax is on top of the disastrous confusion and uncertainty the government has rolled out into this place on superannuation over the last week—the Prime Minister, on the floor of the parliament, changed her policy in relation to people taking their superannuation out over 60 and what tax levels they would pay—and it is on top of the confusion and chaos that the government has gone through in relation to its over 500 promises to deliver a surplus this year. I do not recall any of those promises for a surplus—366 from the Treasurer and 166 from the Prime Minister—talking about conditionality and where the world might go. No, it was emphatic: it was the basis of their own economic credibility by their own word.</para>
<para>We had Senator Evans saying last night on <inline font-style="italic">Q&A</inline> in relation to the mining tax: 'It's a problem. It's got to be fixed in my view.' And he went on to talk about how he was going to change it. We had the Special Minister of State say today he does not want it redrawn. We had the Prime Minister yesterday saying they want to change royalties. We had the Prime Minister today talking about Don Argus wanting to change royalties. We had the Treasurer today not wanting to declare a position because, if in fact he did declare a position, the truth would be out: the mining tax is a shambles; Labor's rhetoric is overblown. This will be the new benchmark for incompetence. Only Wayne Swan and Julia Gillard could design a tax that does not raise any money and leaves every Australian in debt.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr EMERSON</name>
    <name.id>83V</name.id>
    <electorate>Rankin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Today in question time the shadow treasurer confirmed that the coalition, if it wins government, will scrap the increase in superannuation for working Australians from nine per cent to 12 per cent. The shadow Treasurer on Friday, responding to the Treasurer's release of the revenue for the MRRT, said that he would get rid of the tax—that is, he would get rid of the increase in superannuation from nine per cent to 12 per cent. I will take people through what he said. He mentioned the following expenditures to which MRRT would contribute: the superannuation contributions tax, the supplementary income support for low-income earners and the superannuation guarantee increase from nine per cent to 12 per cent. That is a direct quote from the shadow Treasurer.</para>
<para>He was asked in that doorstop interview on Friday afternoon: 'So what would you cut?' The shadow Treasurer said: 'I just outlined them. I can go through them again if you want.' The journalist said: 'So you would cut all those initiatives?' The shadow Treasurer said: 'Absolutely. You can't afford them.' Unequivocally and absolutely the shadow Treasurer said that an incoming coalition government, if it won the election, would axe the increase in superannuation for working Australians from nine per cent to 12 per cent. That was Friday afternoon. National Nine News ran that in the story. At 7.09 pm the shadow Treasurer tweeted in these terms:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Would be nice if Nine News had checked the facts...Coalition remains committed to keeping increase in compulsory superannuation from 9-12%.</para></quote>
<para>That was just hours after the shadow Treasurer said absolutely it would be axed. A little later, Bernard Keane tweeted:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Hockey stumbles on superannuation … good thing there's no election campaign.</para></quote>
<para>The shadow treasurer responded to Bernard Keane:</para>
<para>please just don't accept the False Labor spin Bernard.</para>
<para>The words came out of the mouth of the shadow Treasurer that the nine to 12 per cent superannuation increase would be scrapped by an incoming coalition government. Within two hours he denied twice that he had ever said that. And in question time today, in response to a question from the Leader of the Nationals and would-be Deputy Prime Minister of Australia, I pointed out that the shadow Treasurer had said on Friday afternoon that he would scrap the nine to 12 per cent increase, and twice the shadow treasurer, across the table, nodded and said that is right. So he said that was going to scrap it, he denied that he said he was going to scrap it and now he says that he is going to scrap it. I guess by early evening he will be denying that he denied his denial about his denial and say he never said that he was going to scrap it.</para>
<para>That is why I tabled the screen shots of the tweets. They are the words that came out of the mouth of the shadow Treasurer, and he just looks down the barrel of a camera and says, 'I never said it.' And the journalists in the national press gallery are expected to believe that.</para>
<para>Twice now he has confirmed—on Friday afternoon and again in question time today—that a coalition government would scrap the nine to 12 per cent increase in superannuation for the working men and women of Australia. The reason that they would do that is that they have a $70 billion black hole.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Ian Macfarlane</name>
    <name.id>WN6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Oh, rubbish!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Dr EMERSON</name>
    <name.id>83V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I have just heard the shadow minister at the table say, 'Oh, rubbish!' I have also heard the Leader of the Opposition say: 'Well, this $70 billion figure is a fanciful figure. It is plucked from the air by government ministers and I'm surprised you're retelling it to me.' Where did we get the $70 billion figure? Out of the mouth of the shadow finance minister, who said, 'The $70 billion is an estimate of the sort of challenge we will have.' That was on ABC NewsRadio on 16 August 2011. He then said, 'The $70 billion is an indicative figure of the challenge that we've got.' That was on ABC 24 on 18 August 2011. Then, on <inline font-style="italic">Meet t</inline><inline font-style="italic">he Press</inline>, a journalist said, 'It's not like a furphy, then?' The shadow finance minister said: 'No, it's not a furphy. We came out with that figure.' We just had the shadow minister for energy and resources saying, 'That's rubbish,' that the shadow finance minister never said that there was a $70 billion black hole. Three times, out of his own mouth, the shadow finance minister said it—'There is a $70 billion black hole', 'It's not a furphy,' and, 'That's the figure that we put out there.' I really do look forward with great anticipation to the shadow minister for energy and resources apologising to the people of Australia for saying that the shadow finance minister never made that statement. They make the statements, deny that they ever made them and then get indignant when they are called to account.</para>
<para>That $70 billion black hole needs to be filled. The coalition know that and that is why they are withholding their policies as best they can. They had two policies out last week, one about drawing a line at the Tropic of Capricorn and another about scrapping the increase in super from nine per cent to 12 per cent. Two policies in two days were each repudiated in two hours. When the policy about a line dividing Australia at the Tropic of Capricorn was leaked to the media, the Leader of the Opposition had run away from it by 9 am. The shadow Treasurer ran away from his own statement, within two hours, that they would scrap the nine to 12 per cent superannuation increase. They do not want the Australian people to know where they will cut to fill that $70 billion black hole. We have had confirmation of that from the Deputy Leader of the Opposition, who was asked by Fran Kelly: 'You will have the numbers you need when the budget is released on 14 May, as of budget night. There'll be no excuse, will there, for the coalition not to move on releasing costings for their policies?' The Deputy Leader of the Opposition said, 'Well, that's not correct', saying that there will be an excuse. Fran Kelly said, 'Why not?' and the Deputy Leader of the Opposition said, 'Well, because the full impact of the budget will not be known until 30 September.' What is significant about 30 September? It is after the election. And that is the caper. The coalition, federally, want to do what Campbell Newman and the Liberal-National Party have done in Queensland—conceal the true savagery of their cuts from the Australian people before the election and use the device of an audit commission after an election, after 30 September, to reveal the true savagery of their cuts.</para>
<para>The fact of the matter is that what is happening in Queensland, what is happening in New South Wales and what is happening in Victoria are just the curtain-raisers for the main game, and the main game is this: the Leader of the Opposition has committed to the same device as Campbell Newman—an audit commission, after an election, after 30 September. The Deputy Leader of the Opposition said that is when they will reveal the costings of their promises. That is actually when they will reveal the true savagery.</para>
<para>We saw it again last night, when there was a Senate estimates hearing involving the new Parliamentary Budget Office. As a result of that hearing, lickety-split, as quickly as they possibly could, there was a joint release from the shadow Treasurer and the shadow Assistant Treasurer which said that they have been given the go-ahead by the budget office to withhold their costings until 10 days into an election campaign. They said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Accordingly, the Coalition will finalise its policy costings after the PEFO is published by the Departments of Treasury and Finance—</para></quote>
<para>that is 10 days into an election campaign—</para>
<quote><para class="block">and will release them in good time before the election.</para></quote>
<para>They want to do exactly what they did last time. The <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline> transcript shows that Mr Bowen, the head of the Parliamentary Budget Office, repeatedly says sentiments such as these: 'We want the PBO's costings as soon as practicable. In these circumstances we encourage senators and members to submit any confidential costings requests that they wish to resubmit to the PBO well in advance of the commencement of the caretaker period.' So we have got the Parliamentary Budget Office saying, 'We're open for business; please submit them so that we can cost them,' and the coalition already manoeuvring so that they do not submit anything or do not release anything until at least 10 days into the election, and actually through an audit commission after an election.</para>
<para>Let us remember what happened at the last election. I was at the Brisbane Broncos Leagues Club when there was a community debate between the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition. At five o’clock I was watching the television and on come the shadow Treasurer and the shadow finance minister and they say: 'We're releasing our costings. Everything adds up.' They say, 'Everything adds up—it's terrific and we know that it's terrific because we got this really reputable accounting firm to audit it.'</para>
<para>Do you know what actually happened to that really reputable accounting firm? I will read the beginning of a press release:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Geoffrey Phillip Kidd FCA and Cyrus Patell CA of Western Australia</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Professional Conduct Tribunal had found a case established that both Kidd and Patell were liable to disciplinary action in accordance with By-law 40(f), in that a report dated 18 August 2010 prepared for the … Coalition parties—</para></quote>
<para>was basically shonky. That is not a legal term. Accountants do not use the word 'shonky'. They were fined $5,000 each. They said this reputable accounting firm audited it; they did nothing of the sort.</para>
<para>Indeed, after the election, when the Independents were able to insist that the policies of both the government and the coalition be properly costed, they were. After the election the departments of the Treasury and finance found an $11 billion black hole. That is just a matter of fact. That is a matter of history. That is not in contention—well, until this morning. Apparently it never happened. Here we have the shadow Treasurer this morning doing a doorstop interview, and the journalist says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Your costings were wrong before the last election.</para></quote>
<para>Shadow Treasurer:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I don't accept that at all.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">JOURNALIST: $11 billion out.</para></quote>
<para>Shadow Treasurer:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I don't accept that at all. Not at all.</para></quote>
<para>It never happened! There was no $11 billion black hole! There was no fine for the accounting firm! None of that happened! The shadow Treasurer last Friday never said, according to him, that they would scrap the nine to 12 per cent increase. He reprimanded National Nine News and Bernard Keane for reporting what he actually said: 'I never said it. I wasn't there. It wasn't me. I wasn't there.' And then in question time today he said, 'Well, we are actually going to scrap it,' and that there will be a release a little bit later denying his denial when he denied his denial. And the press gallery is supposed to expect that this is the consistency and the intellect of the shadow Treasurer, the would-be Treasurer of this country.</para>
<para>The fact is that the MRRT is a profits based tax. So is the petroleum resource rent tax. The coalition has said: 'You must never base expenditure on a profits based tax because profits go up and down as mineral prices go up and down. You should never do it.' The petroleum resource rent tax is a profits based tax on offshore petroleum. The oil price goes up and down. If the coalition has said it is philosophically opposed to a profits based tax, why did it collect $18 billion? Why did the coalition collect $18 billion from the petroleum resource rent tax? Give the money back. You should have given the money back. They campaigned against the petroleum resource rent tax. They said they were philosophically opposed to a profits based tax and much preferred a crude oil levy, much preferred royalties which deter exploration and investment, and never gave the money back.</para>
<para>The fact is that the coalition will do these things. It will restore the tax on superannuation for low-income earners. It now has said that it will scrap the increase in super from nine to 12 per cent. It will, on the tax-free threshold, take it from $18,200 back to $6,000. It will abolish the small business tax break. It will abolish the schoolkids bonus. And all of the rest will be revealed after the election through the device of an audit commission. Shame on you. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr IAN MACFARLANE</name>
    <name.id>WN6</name.id>
    <electorate>Groom</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I must admit I did not learn very much from that. The one thing I did learn, though, was that when we said you cannot rely on income from a profits based tax when you have a royalty system underneath it we were right. We were right. There is no pleasure in saying that we were right except that the government continues to spend money before it gets it. They spend it before they get it. So here we are, six months into the MRRT, $126 million earned—$126 million less the $40 million that the companies would have paid in company tax, less the $50 million that the Australian tax office has already admitted that it cost them to set up this tax, less all the millions and tens of millions of dollars that have been spent by companies on accountants to prove that they do not have to pay this tax—and we have a government that has designed a tax that does not earn any tax.</para>
<para>They brought this tax in in a blinding rush. They were so desperate for money. The world's greatest Treasurer, so-called, decided that the industry would need to pay more tax because, he told the Australian people, they were paying no tax. They are the highest taxed industry in Australia. They pay around 46c in the dollar. They pay royalties of $3.5 billion on top of company tax and on top of payroll tax. What we have seen from this government is, in its rush to grab money because it spends it like it is going out of style, that they have actually designed a tax that does not raise any money.</para>
<para>There are so many flaws in this tax, you do not know where to start. It is a classic, clear example of the complete incompetence of this government when it comes to managing money. How can you fix a mess when you do not even understand how the tax works in the first place? It is a complete dog's breakfast, and the Gillard government has shown it does not understand how royalties work. It does not understand how depreciation works, and it does not understand the cost realities of the resource sector.</para>
<para>The Gillard-Swan team, the Prime Minister and the Treasurer, went in and negotiated with three of the largest mining companies in secret. They did not take their own Treasury people with them. They did not understand what was meant when the companies said, 'We want to deduct all state royalties.' They did not understand what was meant when the companies said, 'We want to value our assets at today's market value rather than net present value or depreciated value or book value,' two of which have two different values already. They did not understand what they were doing and they got absolutely skinned alive. The Treasurer went from a swan to a plucked duck in one day—absolutely, totally done over because he did not understand what he was doing. He does not understand what he is doing now. He does not understand the way depreciation works.</para>
<para>This just highlights the overall incompetence—the total incompetence—of this government. They keep saying we are going to have a surplus. Wyatt Roy, the youngest member of the House, is still waiting to see one in his lifetime. The member for Longman is still waiting, in his lifetime to see a surplus from a Labor government. You wonder why these people cannot produce a surplus: you have only to look at the MRRT.</para>
<para>There is only one solution and that is to scrap it. Even the last Prime Minister of this place, the member for Griffith, intimated today that he has no idea how they arrived at this conclusion. No-one knows; there were no officials there. All we saw was a hurried response to get this issue sorted out before the election. And what has happened is that we have a tax that has damaged our foreign investment profile—our foreign investment rating—so much that now we see Mongolia and Mozambique rating on the same level as Australia. That is not an investment rating.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Dr Emerson</name>
    <name.id>83V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Who were those rating agencies?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr IAN MACFARLANE</name>
    <name.id>WN6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>If you want to go out and have a look at some numbers, I will give you some numbers which show that mining investment—</para>
<para class="italic">Dr Emerson interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr IAN MACFARLANE</name>
    <name.id>WN6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am talking about mining investment; if the trade minister cannot tell the difference between mining investment profiles and overall investment ratings, again, I guess it just proves my point.</para>
<para>I will use some stats: mining investment in Australia has fallen six per cent to just under 15 per cent of the world's share of investment in mining since 2008 as billions of dollars of extra capital are invested in Russia, India, China and Africa. This is only one of the many things they have done to destroy the foreign investment profile of Australia's resource industry.</para>
<para class="italic">Dr Emerson interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr IAN MACFARLANE</name>
    <name.id>WN6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>If the Minister for Trade wants to show me the forward numbers on investment I will be very happy see them, because I have seen them. I have seen the thousands and thousands of jobs that are getting lost in the mining industry, as we speak, as a result of the incompetence of this government.</para>
<para>We have seen a government that has not only introduced a half-baked tax that does not raise any money but, of course, they have introduced a carbon tax which has had a major impact on the mining industry—particularly the coal industry, which has its own issues. This is a tax which they promised. They, the Treasurer and the Prime Minister: the same negotiating geniuses who went in and negotiated a tax with the mining companies that does not raise any money. Those two people, the Prime Minister and the Treasurer, said categorically before the last election there would not be a carbon tax. And of course there is.</para>
<para>There are those over there who think that it is just me saying this about the mining tax. Let me quote to you someone who actually does know a fair bit more about this than me. Paul Young of Deutsche Bank said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">There are so many moving parts in this tax, and so many assumptions about company profits, carrying values and prices, it is near impossible to predict what instalments will be and what the future MRRT will be on an industry wide basis.</para></quote>
<para>He did not have to wait until now to say that. He did not have to wait until February 2013. Paul Young said that in October last year. How right he was. When the Opposition was saying, 'It is reckless and it is irresponsible to be spending the money from the mining tax before you even get it,' we were right; Paul Young from Deutsche Bank confirmed that.</para>
<para>It is not just the damage that has been done to Australia's mining reputation by this tax; it is the damage that has been done to our economy. The government put these figures in its budget. The shadow Treasurer gave the numbers, but it was hundreds of times. Both the Treasurer and the Prime Minister went out there and said we would have a surplus, but of course we have not. Of course we haven't! We know this government can never live within its means. We know this government spends every waking moment working out how it is going to raise more money from taxes so it can make up for its reckless spending.</para>
<para>There is only one solution, and that is a change of government. There is only one solution that is going to restore the confidence of the international resource sector in investing in mining in Australia, and that is a change of government. A coalition government led by Tony Abbott, the member for Warringah, will not only remove the mining tax but will remove the carbon tax. But more importantly we will give investors certainty that every second day we are not suggesting a change to a tax or a new tax. Right now the resource industry is coming and talking to me, not just about the mining tax and what might change there and not just about the carbon tax and what might happen there but they are worried about what taxes may be in the May budget. Will there be a change to the diesel fuel excise rebate? Will there be a change to the thin capital rules? Will there be a change to the depreciation rates on investment assets in resource projects? No-one knows, because whatever the Treasurer says has been shown not to be the case. Whatever the Prime Minister says has been shown not to be the case. Australia and our reputation has been left in tatters by a government that cannot manage money, that cannot even understand how its own taxes work.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RIPOLL</name>
    <name.id>83E</name.id>
    <electorate>Oxley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is always a pleasure to speak on these MPIs—matters of public importance—to give some balance. You have to do that in this place. Balance is really important, particularly when you hear the non-contributions of a range of members from the other side. They talk about reputation, they talk about the economy, they talk about all sorts of platitudes; just words that are thrown out there, and they are not linked to anything in particular. They do not make any particular sense, they are not in relation to any of their policies—or in fact even to any of our policies—they are just thrown out there in the hope that by saying these words—throwing these words out—it will scare people, that somehow this would frighten people. Somehow we have done damage to the Australia economy in the international eye because we have a minerals resource rents tax. I do not think so, and there are plenty of facts and evidence to actually bear that out.</para>
<para>Before I get into that, let's get into some of the real facts about what the mineral resource rents tax that this government has introduced is really about. What does this tax do? Who does it tax? What does it represent? What will it do in the future? It is an important long-term investment in all of our futures—for every single Australian in generations to come—because, just like the petroleum resource rent tax, it is a way that ordinary Australians can have something back for that resource which belongs to all Australians. With respect to natural resources—gas, iron ore or coal—you need to have a way for Australians to reap those benefits. And it is done through this type of mechanism—a mechanism that Labor put in place under the Hawke and Keating governments which since then, through the PRRT, has reaped more than $18 billion of revenue for this country. That is revenue that can be spent on hospitals, schools, infrastructure and so forth.</para>
<para>While the other side opposed it tooth and nail all the way through—they were dragged kicking and screaming—and said it was the end of our economy, that it would destroy jobs and be the end of Australia as we know it, when they got to government they did not change it or take it away. They kept the money. It is always good to keep the money! 'We oppose it but we'll keep the money.' That is right; it always works that way.</para>
<para>Guess what?—we have another one. It is called the MRRT, the minerals resource rent tax. It is the same principle. In fact, if you look at the Henry tax review or a review by any economist in the world they will tell you that the most effective, efficient way to collect tax on your resources is through a superprofits tax. Imagine you are a big miner and you are doing pretty well—there are a few names I could throw out there but I will not bother promoting them; they promote themselves enough—and you are making a lot of profit. That is okay. Good on you; so you should. Employ people, make some profit, contribute to the economy. But if you are making a superprofit—an absolute motza—maybe you should pay a little bit more, because that motza you are making is based on resources that ordinary Australians own now and into the future.</para>
<para>What is limited is the resource; what is unlimited is the profit that some of these miners make. So it is a fair thing, and it is known as a fair and efficient tax policy all around the world. From time to time you collect a lot from this tax, when there are superprofits being made. We have all seen the outrageous profits that a handful of people—one, two, three or four individuals—make on the back of resources that belong to you: every single Australian that is out there.</para>
<para>So the best and fairest way to do this is to have a minerals resource rent tax. When profits go up the miners pay a bit more; when profits come down they may not pay anything at all. The way our tax is designed means that they may not pay anything all but there are tax incentives to encourage mining development, job creation and wealth, because we want to make sure that that happens.</para>
<para>Let's get this right. This tax is based on sound policy. It is based on sound policy that will carry us through into the next generation—20, 25, 30 years down the track—just like the petroleum resource rent tax. It is not based on one month or one quarter and it is not based on the volatility or fluctuation of a particular resource in a particular segment of the market at any pinpoint moment in time. That is not what the tax is designed to do. But that is what the other side are trying to hoodwink people with. By selectively examining one point in time they determine that this should be the end of this tax and that we should scrap it. We should scrap it in lieu of what? I know for certain that some of the wealthiest people in this country—the multibillionaires, who are becoming multi-multibillionaires on the back of Australian resources—should pay their fair share. PAYG taxpayers pay their fair share. Why can't the billionaire miners pay their fare share? That is what should happen.</para>
<para>This tax policy did not just fall out of the sky. It was negotiated. It was the subject of extensive negotiations with the miners—BHP Billiton, Rio Tinto and Xstrata—and it takes into account when they have good years and bad years. It is designed to bring something back to the Australian economy, and that is what it does. We are going to use the money that is reaped from this—more in some years, less in others but growing over time—to help the Australian economy and to build infrastructure.</para>
<para>That is what this government has been about but the other side are promising a few things really clearly. They are going to get rid of this tax, so that revenue will be gone. It is revenue that has been going up. They are going to get rid of a whole range of other things that we have put in place, including the carbon pricing system, which reaps money for the economy as well. And they are going to take all of those away, and they are going to give more back out. So they are going to take in less—even less than today—but they are going to give even more than is going out today. How are they going to pay for it? The most incredible thing happened last year, when the shadow Treasurer, when pressured on these issues on radio, actually said, 'We haven't accounted for it.' How much was it? It was a $70 billion black hole. That was last year; we have not done the calculations of what they have added on since then.</para>
<para>When the opposition were pressed they said, 'Maybe there are a few areas where we could take some money away.' Where did they start? You would think you would start with some multibillionaire miners, maybe: 'Can we just have a little bit back?' No, they would not do that. Where would they start? They would start with the lowest paid workers in this country. If they are going to hit anyone they say, 'Let's hit the lowest paid.'</para>
<para>Opposition members interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RIPOLL</name>
    <name.id>83E</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It is your policy. You can smile but it is your policy. It has been stated over and over again that the first people who will cop a whack are the 3.6 million lowest paid working Australians in this country. Over two million of those are women. They will be the first to cop the whack—the penalty—and lose at least $500 a year. Five hundred bucks a year may not be a lot of money to a lot of people. I know that it would not give some mining billionaires one second of flight time in their private jets, but to a cleaner $500 a year is a fair bit. It might buy the schoolbooks of one of their children.</para>
<para>On issues like that this government—the Gillard government—understand that cost-of-living pressure are real. We understand that we ought to be doing something about it, and that is what we do. We go out there with the schoolkids bonus, we build better schools, we provide the infrastructure and career development for teachers and we make sure that we are going to be able to compete in the future, and we will not become a nation where a handful of people make the billions while the rest just dig holes or do other things on minimum wage. You get a short boom in the mining industry and people go out and get these fantastic jobs—and they are fantastic—on really high wages. How long do they last? Go and ask people, now, who are trying to get into the mining industry. There are a whole range of associated issues.</para>
<para>The opposition come into this chamber with a matter of public importance trying to say, somehow, that the minerals resource rent tax is a bad thing. They are right on that count, but only in one area: it is bad for just billionaires. That is the only bad thing about this particular tax.</para>
<para>It actually is good for the country. It is good for every single Australian. I am sure six—let's just say there are six—of the great big mining billionaires, the magnates, could do with just a little bit less. Six people versus how many? Twenty three million. What about the other 23 million Australians? I think there is a good case to be made and that case has been made.</para>
<para>We see that the opposition are particularly at war with the facts, they are at war with themselves and they are at war with this struggle to get to an election as quickly as they possibly can. They have been struggling to get to one for almost 2½ years. They are almost foaming at the mouth to get this opportunity. They just want to get there. But, in the run-up to an election, they are not going to get there on the back of good policy or on the back of good, sound economic management principles. They are not going to get there by doing the right thing for the economy going through a GFC or by making sure they actually put in place the tough, hard decisions today so that there is a legacy for the next generation, something left behind, something good. When the globe was facing the problems of the GFC—and they are not over yet—we made the tough decisions in government. We know what the other side would have done because they have already told us. They would have sat on their hands and let the economy just work itself out.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr WYATT</name>
    <name.id>M3A</name.id>
    <electorate>Hasluck</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>They were very enlightening words from the member for Oxley; I found them fascinating. Some of the figures you were tossing around were also of great interest. When I was a young man it was understood there were two certainties in life: death and taxes. Since then I have learnt through experience that Labor governments do their very best to ensure that the second of these, taxes, remains an absolute certainty in Australia. But this Labor government is groundbreaking in ways that no other Labor government has been. This government has been the first to prove that there is not necessarily certainty in taxes and that simply introducing a new tax will not necessarily result in government.</para>
<para>Last year the government unveiled what it thought would be its best achievement: tax changes to the mining sector. The mining tax became the Labor government's proverbial crown jewels. This government has had a spectacular fall from grace as it has been announced that its prized reform package has raised a pittance in revenue. Of the mere $126 million raised by the tax—once you take out the $40 million in company tax payments and $50 million in admin costs which have been removed—there is almost nothing left. The whole charade of the mining tax has not been worth the time and the effort that it cost the government to implement. This result is certainly a far cry from the Treasurer's proclamation last year that the 'reforms today' will help deliver the 'prosperity of tomorrow'. He then went on to specifically say the money from the mining tax would deliver the reforms of tomorrow.</para>
<para>Well, if this government is basing its future or basing the funding of any future reforms on a mere $126 million minus $40 million and minus $50 million, the future is looking rather bleak for Australians. This seems to be a case of the Treasurer counting his chickens before they have hatched. What a terrible experience to have to go through. Since the Treasurer finally came to the realisation that his great big mining tax was a great big failure, he has spent months ducking and weaving from the truth. Under pressure, he continues to duck and weave in the answers that he gives.</para>
<para>It was only late last year that the Treasurer was adamant that he would gain revenue from this great big new tax. In his mid-year economic financial outlook, the Treasurer counted on $2 billion net revenue this financial year. But the mining tax has failed to deliver. The Treasurer has missed his revenue forecast by some 90 per cent. Wayne Swan's crowning achievement, the mining tax, has raised only a fraction of the revenue promised in the budget and in MYEFO. We are left wondering how long the Treasurer knew this mining tax would prove to be as hugely unsuccessful as it has been. The signs were there for all to see in June last year when a report predicted a revenue shortfall of more than $8.6 billion. But, although this impending failure was clear for all to see, Wayne Swan has been trying to blame everybody else for the failure of the mining tax. The Treasurer has tried to blame volatility of commodity prices. He has tried to blame the loopholes. I would not be surprised if he even tried to blame the member for Griffith. Since the Treasurer released his budget update, iron ore spot prices have actually increased. It simply defies logic for the Treasurer to blame the commodity prices for the mining tax's failure.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister and the Treasurer, Wayne Swan, were the master architects of the mining tax. We can all recall, in the media reporting that occurred, the role that they played and the prominence of their place in the negotiations. Little effort was put into consulting industry. Only the three big miners BHP Billiton, Rio Tinto and Xstrata were taken into consideration in those consultations and deliberations. No effort was put into engaging with the smaller mining companies and there was no attempt to understand the ramifications that such a tax would place on communities. State governments and the territory governments were not even consulted or informed how the mining tax would impact on them. My home state of Western Australia, which is responsible for about 65 per cent of the mining tax revenue, was left high and dry in terms of what it would be facing under this great big new tax. Even the Independent MPs that the government was courting were left in the dark about the true nature of the mining tax. I notice that the <inline font-style="italic">Australian</inline> has an article today citing the member for Lyne, who said that he felt duped by the government about this tax.</para>
<para>This Treasurer has no one to blame but himself. What we have seen with the mining tax is merely a symptom of a greater problem in this government. This is a government that is addicted to spending, and addicted to waste and mismanagement. The Treasurer's attempted cash grab with the mining tax was merely an effort to cover up his inability to effectively manage Australia's economy.</para>
<para>This Labor government sees the mining tax as a way to fund its ongoing addiction to spending. The Treasurer is spending money even before he receives it. Over $15 billion worth of expenditure that he thought he would gain from the mining tax has already been promised as spending.</para>
<para>My concern for my state and my community is the actions that this Labor government will take to fill the budget black hole. This is a government that cannot be trusted. Time and time again this government has broken its promises for its own political gain. With such a massive budget deficit to fill, Western Australia is not safe from the grubby fingers of this Treasurer. It would be no surprise to hear that the Treasurer already has plans for the fifth version of the mining tax and the seventh revenue variation. In fact, the Member for New England has welcomed the opportunity to make another raft of structural changes to the mining tax. Who knows what this will mean for Western Australia?</para>
<para>In my community, I have a large population of fly-in fly-out workers. These workers rely on a prosperous mining industry for their employment. These workers will be the unseen casualties of this mining tax if the Treasurer insists on continuing to undermine the mining industry.</para>
<para>There are significant hidden costs of the mining tax that this Labor government is trying to ignore. It is not only the many families in my community who are reliant on the mining sector. Hundreds of small businesses in my electorate directly depend upon the continued success of the mining industry. Whether the Treasurer and his cronies choose to see it or not, the mining tax is making Australia less desirable to invest in. The mining tax has increased Australia's sovereign risk profile. Small and medium mining companies are now facing an uphill battle with the huge wads of red tape caused by the mining tax. The administrative burden that this new tax is putting on smaller companies is not supporting small and medium businesses and it is not encouraging new business. There is no more sure-fire way to undermine an entire industry than to create a great big new tax for it. There is no better way to deter investment in Australia, stall projects or slow our entire economy than to bring in an ambiguous, all-encompassing new tax—and that is exactly what the mining tax is.</para>
<para>Only this Labor government, dysfunctional as it is, could introduce a tax that not only raises a pittance but singlehandedly undermines the entire resource sector in our country. This Labor government has had an expectation that it can rely on one industry to fund a multitude of reckless spending. But the people of Australia are seeing through this careless behaviour and are calling for an end to it. The next election is a clear choice for Australians. It is a choice between the uncertainty of a Labor government that is so desperate to make a cash grab that it is undermining one of our strongest industries; and, alternatively, the certainty of a coalition government that knows how to manage the Australian economy, a coalition government that has a clear plan to get Australia back on track.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FITZGIBBON</name>
    <name.id>8K6</name.id>
    <electorate>Hunter</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The MRRT is not a perfect tax; no tax is. Anyone who has been in this place for any period of time surely understands that. It is complex and brings regulatory burden; all taxes do. The arrangement with the states with respect to royalties is untidy, inefficient and, I think, unsustainable. Review and reform will be necessary with respect to this taxation regime. But the MRRT is, unquestionably, a good thing. It is a good thing for the nation and it is certainly a good thing for the Hunter region and, of course, the Hunter electorate. It is a tax, I can assure this place, which enjoys the support of those who live and work in my electorate.</para>
<para>Let us return to the objectives of this tax, because there has certainly been little discussion about that on the other side of this chamber.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Dr Emerson</name>
    <name.id>83V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Hear, hear!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FITZGIBBON</name>
    <name.id>8K6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I acknowledge the minister at the table because he was one of the architects of the Petroleum Resource Rent Tax. As has been the case with the petroleum industry for decades, the MRRT taxes profits above normal, so-called 'super-profits'. It does so for three very important reasons, none of them acknowledged by those sitting on the opposition benches. It does so because the resource being extracted by the mining companies is a community owned resource. It is owned by the Australian people and, when the price goes up to exceptionally high levels, they should benefit in that outcome. It is also important because, once the right to mine is granted, that right is an exclusive one. That company then has a monopoly, if you like, on the right to mine that resource. They secure that right when commodity prices are X and exercise that right when they are Y or, in other words, potentially much higher. Thirdly, it is important to return when prices are very high—and I have touched on this—the dividends to the broader community. That is certainly where my community comes into this debate.</para>
<para>The people in my electorate would resent this MPI and anyone in the electorate listening to the debate will resent it. To them, today's debate is just about politics—pure politics. They just do not understand what the debate is about. They certainly do not understand the opposition's position on the Minerals Resource Rent Tax. One moment they hear that the opposition think it is a terrible tax, that they hate the tax and that they want to scrap the tax. The next minute they turn on their radios and they hear the opposition complaining that the tax does not raise enough money. No wonder my constituents are confused. First the opposition say the tax is going to destroy the mining industry. All my coalmines were going to be closed down when the government announced this tax, according to the opposition, but now they say it has no effect at all. Again, no wonder my constituents are so confused.</para>
<para>Let us go back to first principles. We introduced a tax that, as I said, was to tax super-profits. My constituents thought that was a pretty good idea. At the time, those who sit opposite said, 'It's going to destroy the industry.'</para>
<para>I was talking to many of my constituents on this issue over the weekend, because they have heard the noise coming from the opposition and of course they have heard that in the first two quarters the tax only raised $126 million or thereabouts. I say to them, 'It is a funny thing, isn't it. We said we were going to tax the super-profits. And guess what, coal prices have fallen and there are no super-profits, so we are not getting much tax from the coal mining companies.' Surprise, surprise! Wasn't that our intention? We were never going to destroy the coal mining industry. I am talking mainly about coal, because it is in the interests of my electorate, so I will set iron ore aside. We were never going to tax normal profits. So what is the fuss? I say to my constituents, 'Tony Abbott, the Leader of the Opposition, said we are going to destroy the industry.' We always said, 'No, we are just going to tax super-profits. Coal prices have fallen and there are no super-profits, so therefore we are not raising much tax.' And of course my constituents say, 'That makes a lot of sense,' and they are relieved. They know that we got $126 million more than the Leader of the Opposition would have raised, because he is going to scrap the tax, or indeed would never have had the tax in the first place. My constituents find that a very simple proposition, but they cannot understand the position of the opposition, who seem to change their view about this tax every moment.</para>
<para>Now they have moved to the royalties question. I have acknowledged that the royalties question is a difficult one, because the states have chosen to abuse that arrangement. The states now think they can just keep raising royalties and the companies would be rebated back. The problem in that for my constituents, in addition to all the obvious problems, is this: the mining tax is going to be in part returned to my local community to fund infrastructure in my communities, which is necessary because of the impact of the mining industry—the traffic jams and the like, the rail needs et cetera. But if New South Wales Premier Barry O'Farrell keeps raising his royalties and on that basis forces us to give more of the mining tax back, then, instead of the money being spent in the Hunter Valley, it will be spent in Sydney. I apologise to my Sydney colleagues. I will let them look after their interests and I will look after mine. I want the money coming from the mining industry to be spent in the mining region, the region I represent. That is the big difference between Barry O'Farrell taking the money and the Commonwealth taking the money. It is a big difference and it is very important to my constituents.</para>
<para>The mining industry has brought great wealth to the Hunter. We welcome the mining industry. It is a great job creator and a great driver of higher wages. But it also brings problems: pollution, air quality, water quality, traffic jams, higher prices in the supermarkets as prices chase wages and childcare shortages. The list goes on and on. It is a challenge for us to get the balance right. You let mining go to super-profits it will just run away. Governments will take the revenues and we will end up with too much coal mining in a region like the Hunter Valley. In fact, it is arguable that we already have too much coal mining in the Hunter Valley.</para>
<para>Just yesterday I saw an extraordinary piece in the <inline font-style="italic">Newcastle Herald</inline>—I will cite it as a report, because I have not had a chance to check the facts—where the Anglo company, which is proposing to establish the South Drayton mine, is objecting to a tourism development because it is fearful that the tourism development will be impacted upon by the South Drayton mine. It is going to be impacted upon, according to the report, because they expect to exceeded their EPA guidelines on a regular basis. They are admitting that they fully expect to be emitting more dust pollution than they are allowed to, and on that basis the tourism development should not be approved. That is pretty extraordinary stuff. I am a great supporter of the mining industry, but we have to get the balance right. We cannot allow shorter-term industries like mining, as important as they are, to threaten sustainable industries, industries that are going to sustain us for centuries to come: agriculture, viticulture and thoroughbred breeding. These, too, are very important industries in my electorate, bringing great wealth in their own right and employing a lot of people in their own right.</para>
<para>So it is about balance. I remain a supporter of the industry. I want the industry to continue, to thrive and to keep bringing wealth to the valley. I want it to continue employing lots and lots of people directly and indirectly. But I also want there to be balance. I want to protect the sustainable industries. In many ways in economic theory the MRRT is an excellent way of helping to strike that balance. The opposition needs to get back to the facts, get back to first principles, and explain to the Australian community, the community of the Hunter Valley, and in particular my community in the Hunter electorate, what they are going on about in this debate today. Do they support the tax or not? Do they want it to raise more? They do not want it to raise anything. They are going to abolish it and in doing so they are going to abolish the Infrastructure Fund, the small business tax cuts, the super increase for low-paid workers and all those good things that are attached to this tax. They need to explain to the Australian people what they hell they are on about.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr O'DOWD</name>
    <name.id>139441</name.id>
    <electorate>Flynn</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to talk about the adverse effects of the mining tax on the Australian economy and the budget. On royalties, for a start the Queensland government brought royalties in—they were quite within their rights to bring royalties in—and they moved them from 10 per cent to 12.5 per cent. This put the coal mining companies in a situation where they knew exactly where they stood. They did not have to employ a team of accountants to calculate how much tax they would have to pay or not pay under the MRRT.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Perrett</name>
    <name.id>HVP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>What did the LNP object to? When Fraser did that they objected to it.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr O'DOWD</name>
    <name.id>139441</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>To the peanuts on the other side who do not understand the economics, if you can explain to me why your budget—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>YT4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Flynn will resume his seat. The Minister for Trade and Competitiveness on a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Dr Emerson</name>
    <name.id>83V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Ordinarily I would not be talking about this sort of language, given that I serve up a little bit myself, but I think that was out of order and he should withdraw.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>YT4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Flynn would assist the House if he withdrew the reference to members on the government benches.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr O'DOWD</name>
    <name.id>139441</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It is very disappointing that they cannot explain their budget—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>YT4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I would ask the member to withdraw.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr O'DOWD</name>
    <name.id>139441</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I withdraw. They cannot explain why before Christmas they had a surplus budget but after Christmas a deficit budget. They cannot explain why they have never had a surplus budget since 1989. So—shock, horror—they had to introduce a mining tax. They did not calculate that the miners have got better accountants than the Treasury or the Treasurer; they did not realise that. And they got skinned—in fact, our Treasurer became a stuffed duck burnt to cinders with plum sauce poured all over him.</para>
<para>The Treasurer has nowhere to hide. What can he do next? He has pulled all his Houdini tricks out of the bag. Now he is going to have a deficit budget and his surplus is gone. And the mining tax that he relied on so heavily to bring about $15 billion worth of expenditure is no longer there. He based his calculations on the fact that he was going to make all this money out of the mining companies, and that did not happen.</para>
<para>In fact, the mining companies do pay a lot of tax. They pay corporate tax. They pay superannuation to their employees—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Perrett</name>
    <name.id>HVP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It's not a tax!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr O'DOWD</name>
    <name.id>139441</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, call it what you like, mate! It's money in the bank for workers.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>DZY</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Remarks will be through the chair—and that goes to both sides.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr O'DOWD</name>
    <name.id>139441</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It is money in the worker's pocket at the start of his retirement. And there are other taxes mining companies pay. They pay payroll tax. They pay carbon taxes. They pay a renewable energy tax. And of course they pay the highest wages in the industry in the world, and not only coal wages but iron ore wages. And in the last six months, as to MYEFO, iron ore prices have actually gone up by 30 per cent—well over the $120 a tonne benchmark.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Perrett</name>
    <name.id>HVP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Spot prices!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr O'DOWD</name>
    <name.id>139441</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Spot prices—call them what you like; the price has gone up 30 per cent. You cannot deny that. But, if you listened to Mr Swan, you would think that commodity prices had really tumbled through the floor.</para>
<para>Look at the coal mining industry in my electorate: coal mines have closed down; coal mines have been put up for sale. BMA have only just put Gregory Crinum on the map to sell off. If this keeps going, all our mining personnel will end up working in places like Mongolia, Mozambique and Africa. Take Ken Talbot, who used to live in my electorate, and who was unfortunately killed in Africa in a plane crash—his whole team were over there investigating new mining ventures.</para>
<para>So if we keep on killing the goose that lays the golden egg, we will have nothing left. Our manufacturing industry is on the ropes. Retail businesses are not doing well. And, apart from that, it is the foreign investment in Australia that we must continue to attract. Otherwise, we will end up in a situation where we are left as a Third World country, and no-one here would like to see that happen. But if we keep taxing the mining industry, as our Treasurer intends to do, that is what will happen, and you can see it happening at this very moment. Add a carbon tax to a mining tax, and you get businesses like Rio Tinto—who, in Gladstone, employ 6,000 people—starting to look at their balance sheets and asking, 'Do we need this business or do we divest?' of things like the Boyne smelter.</para>
<para>That is what we are faced with as Australians. A lot of our good expertise in the mining industry has gone to places like Mongolia. When I was last speaking to the Ambassador for Mongolia he said: 'We love Australians; their expertise is helping us to expand our coal industry. You know', he said, 'we will soon be in a position to send our coal by rail into China and Russia; at the moment, we are doing it by truck.' So that tells you something about what is happening. Twenty years ago, Indonesia did not export one tonne of coal; now it is a bigger exporter than Australia. Indonesia exports over 30 per cent of the world's coal. We were over 30 per cent; we are now under 30 per cent. So you can make up your own mind. Even blind Freddy could see that.</para>
<para>Wasteful Wayne has wasted the dollars and is trying to get them back through the industry, but—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Perrett</name>
    <name.id>HVP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It's 'the Treasurer' or 'the Deputy Prime Minister'.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr O'DOWD</name>
    <name.id>139441</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, that is right—he is the world's best treasurer; the record is there for everyone to see. He calculated, in last year's budget, a $13 billion deficit; it rose to a $22 billion deficit and ended up at $44 billion. So, yes, he certainly is living up to his reputation.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Perrett</name>
    <name.id>HVP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am just asking you to call him by his correct title.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr O'DOWD</name>
    <name.id>139441</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, it is the Treasurer. He is a Queenslander, too, unfortunately. But he was a good kid at Nambour. He did not go on to great things at school, but he has certainly gone to great heights with the Labor Party. He will be remembered for a lot of things, but not really for his ability for accounting when it comes to the budget he produces. I think that is all I have to add.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PERRETT</name>
    <name.id>HVP</name.id>
    <electorate>Moreton</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Surely the people of Flynn are truly blessed to have such a unique representative! I would have thought that a person who represented so many coalminers would be loathe to say that his constituents are paid too much. I would have thought that a representative who had the Gladstone harbour and seen so many coal ships turn up would have actually understood how those ships are filled with coal, and what impact spot prices actually have on the long-term contracts that are made with coalmines. Considering this gentleman has been here for two years that is an amazing contribution.</para>
<para>We are talking about a serious piece of legislation, a serious matter of public importance: the MRRT and its relevance for Australia. I am glad we are doing this with the member for Rankin, the Minister for Trade and Competitiveness, at the table. I know that he was involved with those PRRT discussions way back—I will not say how far back, not that long ago. However, I imagine that if we went through the <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline> of the day, it would be deja vu all over again. The arguments were incredible. It was going to be the end of this industry, but it has returned billions and billions of dollars to Australia. At the time, it was argued by those opposite that this tax would be the end of that industry, and we have seen the same in the last few years.</para>
<para>Ever since the member for Warringah was elected as the Leader of the Opposition in December 2009 there has been the suggestion that any tax on superprofits would be the end of the mining industry. We heard from Mitch Hooke from the Minerals Council. I saw the Leader of the Opposition and the deputy leader wearing the white T-shirt saying, 'Keeping mining strong'; that the Labor Party would see the end of this industry. That has turned out to be complete rubbish.</para>
<para>How do we know it is complete rubbish? Let us look at the investments in mining, let us look at the Australian Stock Exchange and how it has behaved since the mining tax and the carbon tax have come in. Since the carbon tax was introduced, the ASX has added $260 billion. Yet it was supposed to be the end of things. In my register of interests, anyone can see that I have shares in mining companies. I am yet to get any notices from mining company, though I do not flick through every prospectus, saying how the MRRT is going to have an impact on their business.</para>
<para>Before I was elected to parliament, I worked at the Queensland Resources Council, the peak mining body in Queensland. I do have an understanding about the mining industry, particularly royalties. As anyone in the mining industry knows—and we are not talking about exploration; exploration is a different process altogether—when it comes to developing a resource from a development and production licence, obviously a royalty is a hit right from the word go, from when you cannot afford to be paying royalties. When that first shovel basically goes into the ground, before the mine has properly been developed, before you have even sent off coal to a company overseas to be tested, you still have to pay royalties to the Queensland government or the relevant government. The reality is royalties are an inefficient tax. A profit based tax is much more logical, especially in terms of making sure that the Australian people receive a return on their minerals.</para>
<para>I know that it is a part of the opposition plan to just say 'no', to be negative. Rather than spending their nights arguing policy and the like, when you walk up and down the corridors of Parliament House, all you can hear is champagne corks popping, champagne being put on ice and arguments about what portfolio they will have. The arrogance of this opposition. Rather than the hard work that comes with government or with prospective government, supposedly the alternative government, instead they just say 'no'—that's it.</para>
<para>In one of the arrows the member for Flynn tried to fire, he made a point about the Queensland government and raising royalties. I do remember that. That was a Labor government. It was Treasurer Fraser who did that. It was sprung on the mining industry in Queensland. I remember at the time hearing from some of the mining companies about the impact it would have on their future developments. Obviously in Queensland there has been significant investment since then with coal prices, especially coking coal prices, still holding up reasonably well, not just on the spot prices but in long-term investment.</para>
<para>That is why this attack on the MRRT is just a political tactic rather than a fair dinkum analysis of the policy. There is the heartlessness that underpins this attack, the heartlessness because of the consequences and what the shadow Treasurer said again today. The member for North Sydney reiterated his commitment about who be in the crosshairs, the people who would suffer the most—and, fair enough, small businesses would miss out on some of the advantages that we have given them because of the MRRT. However, to make the commitment that the lowest paid people in Australia would be the people who would suffer first and foremost was most surprising to me, especially when two million of the 3.6 million lowest paid workers are women. To attack them is quite amazing.</para>
<para>We go back to the realities of this MRRT and what will happen. I am not sure if Sportsbet are taking bets this far out, but we know the odds they would give on a coalition government scrapping the MRRT would be phenomenal. There is no way that the MRRT will be scrapped, especially when we look to the next quarter as, thankfully, iron ore prices and coal prices are holding up. When the prices are higher, the profits obviously will flow through and the next quarter will be a much rosier story, I am sure.</para>
<para>Of course, there will not be a correction from those opposite. There will not be an MPI, saying: 'We need to correct the record because we, unfortunately, confused the Australian public or created an atmosphere of fear about this tax.' There will not be a correction then, just like there was no correction after the carbon tax fear campaign, when Henny Penny on steroids was running around the country, at every factory gate, saying, 'Doom is here, doom is here. Come 1 July 2012 the world will end for Australian manufacturing. Towns will be wiped out and coalmines will be closed down.' Every small business was living in fear in case the Leader of the Opposition rocked up at their front gate. He never went through the front gate. He never actually did a fair dinkum talk and sat down with the battlers and the workers of Australia, the people who sit down in their workplaces and actually make a contribution. Instead, it was a case of: quick, photo grab, photo opportunity, rock up for the cameras, take one question and 'I've got to go—I'm out of there.' He never had enough time to stop and answer serious questions and the small target seems to be getting smaller and smaller.</para>
<para>And today we saw it again—they are prepared to trot out this rubbish, this furphy about the MRRT. We know that these profits will increase and mining companies will move through the investment stage to the production stage. There are costs associated with setting up these significant industries. There is one-quarter of $1 trillion-worth of investment taking place across Australia, much of it in Queensland and Western Australia and Northern Australia, but many of these plants are not yet at the production stage. But get up to Toowoomba, to Roma and the Western Downs and look at some of the CSG facilities. Go up around Gladstone and look at what is going on in Gladstone Harbour. There is incredible growth, where they are sending out scouts to do the prebuilding before the builders can be put in for some of these facilities. You cannot get a hotel bed in some of these towns or within 100 kilometres of them.</para>
<para>This is a growth time coming for some parts of Australia, particularly for Queensland. The reality is that the MPI today was a complete furphy. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>DZY</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The discussion is now concluded.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>951</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Courts and Tribunals Legislation Amendment (Administration) Bill 2012</title>
          <page.no>951</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" style="" background="" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint">
            <a type="Bill" href="r4919">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Courts and Tribunals Legislation Amendment (Administration) Bill 2012</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report from Federation Chamber</title>
            <page.no>951</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>951</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr EMERSON</name>
    <name.id>83V</name.id>
    <electorate>Rankin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>951</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Orders of the Day</title>
          <page.no>951</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr EMERSON</name>
    <name.id>83V</name.id>
    <electorate>Rankin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples Recognition Bill 2012 be returned to the House for further consideration and the resumption of the debate be made an order of the day for the next sitting.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MINISTERIAL STATEMENTS</title>
        <page.no>952</page.no>
        <type>MINISTERIAL STATEMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Customs and Border Protection Investigation</title>
          <page.no>952</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CLARE</name>
    <name.id>HWL</name.id>
    <electorate>Blaxland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—In December last year four people were arrested on offences relating to the importation of narcotics into Australia, including one Customs and Border Protection officer. I said then: expect more stings, expect more arrests.</para>
<para>Today five people have been arrested, including two employees of the Australian Customs and Border Protection Service, and their employment has been suspended. It will be alleged that those arrested today are part of the same drug importation ring. Seventeen people have now been arrested as part of a two-year investigation codenamed Operation Marca, headed up by the Australian Federal Police; the Australian Commission for Law Enforcement Integrity, ACLEI; and the Australian Customs and Border Protection Service.</para>
<para>I would like to use this opportunity in the House to congratulate the officers of this task force. You find corruption when you hunt for it—and they are hunting. They are doing a very good job, but their job is not yet done. The acting chief executive officer of Customs has also made the decision today to suspend two officers for potential breaches under the Australian Public Service Code of Conduct. I have said: expect more arrests. I have also said: expect more reform. The reforms that were put through the parliament last year come into force this week. That includes drug and alcohol testing, mandatory requirements to report serious misconduct and the power to terminate officers for serious misconduct. I am advised that the first drug and alcohol testing will start next month.</para>
<para>The task of root-and-branch reform of Customs has now also begun. Major structural and cultural reform of Customs and Border Protection is required. This includes its law enforcement capability, its integrity culture and business systems.</para>
<para>Late last year I announced the establishment of the Customs Reform Board. I take this opportunity to thank the opposition for their support of the establishment of the board. The board is made up of three distinguished Australians: the Hon. James Wood AO QC, former Royal Commissioner of the NSW Royal Commission into the New South Wales Police Service; Mr Ken Moroney AO APM, former Commissioner of the New South Wales Police Force; and Mr David Mortimer AO, former Chief Executive Officer of TNT, former Deputy Chairman of Ansett, former Chairman of Australia Post and Leighton Holdings.</para>
<para>The board met for the first time this month and it will meet every month and report directly to me. Its top priority is to provide me with advice and recommendations on further reform to aggressively target corruption, weed it out and prevent it from coming back. It will provide me with an interim report mid-year.</para>
<para>Justice Wood and the other members of the board have already provided me with a number of valuable ideas, which are being worked on right now.</para>
<para>Mr Deputy Speaker, let me make this point: the overwhelming majority of our Customs and Border Protection officers are good, honest and hard-working people. They want corruption weeded out, and let me assure them that that is happening. After the announcement of the arrests in December, my office received a phone call from a serving Customs officer. He said that he had been a Customs officer for 30 years and that he got his cup of coffee from the same cafe every working day. He said that he always walked into the shop wearing his Customs uniform; he was proud to wear it. That day, for the first time, he wore a T-shirt over his uniform. Customs officers want us to weed this out. Over the Christmas break, I was at Sydney airport and spoke to a number of Customs officers, and their message was the same: good on you; go get them. And that is exactly what we are doing.</para>
<para>I ask leave of the House to move a motion to enable the member for Stirling to speak for five minutes.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CLARE</name>
    <name.id>HWL</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That so much of the standing orders be suspended as would prevent the member for Stirling speaking for a period not exceeding five minutes.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr KEENAN</name>
    <name.id>E0J</name.id>
    <electorate>Stirling</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The revelations that we have what can only be described as systemic corruption within a federal law enforcement agency should shock all Australians. The fact that we could have organised crime infiltrate this agency to such an extent that serving officers have been arrested today, and that is subsequent to arrests that were made late last year, should give all Australians pause for thought about what is going on within the Australian Customs and Border Protection Service.</para>
<para>We have had the minister announce what he is going to do in the future to address these issues, but the threshold question we must ask ourselves today is how this has been allowed to occur in the first place. How is it that a federal law enforcement agency can be so systemically penetrated by organised criminals, and why has this been allowed to occur under the watch of the Labor Party? The hard questions that the government will not ask themselves revolve around the way they have treated Customs and border protection since they came to office. They have systematically attacked Customs and Border Protection Service since the government changed in 2007. We know that when they came to office they had an agenda where they thought that Australia's law enforcement agencies had been too heavily funded by the previous Howard government, and they were going to do something to rectify that—and haven't they got about doing that!</para>
<para>They have attacked every single Commonwealth law enforcement agency in a way that goes to their effectiveness, and there is no doubt in my mind, and I think in any fair-minded person's mind, that the cuts that have been made to Customs and Border Protection Service have contributed to the sorts of things that we are hearing about from the Commissioner of the Australian Federal Police and from the acting CEO of Customs today. These cuts have resulted in 750 staff being taken from the agency. That is in an agency that only has 5,000 staff, so you can see that that is a very significant reduction in the number of Customs officers that we have policing our borders. This reduction is occurring at a time when Customs are well and truly preoccupied with dealing with Labor's border protection crisis, created because of Labor's lax immigration policies.</para>
<para>These staff cuts have been matched by significant funding cuts. On almost every single Labor budget, we have seen the Customs budget significantly reduced. A total of $64.1 million has been removed from Customs and Border Protection Service since the Australian Labor Party came to office. This has resulted in the former CEO of Customs reducing his senior executive service by 20 per cent. We had $9.3 million cut out of so-called low-risk activities in previous budgets, and we have had $34 million cut over four years for passenger facilitation at Australia's major airports. Astonishingly, we have had $58.1 million cut from the budget that Customs has to inspect cargo as it comes into Australia. That means that Customs officers inspect significantly less cargo than when the government changed. At our airports, we inspect less than 10 per cent of cargo that crosses our borders now. Under the Howard government, we used to inspect up to 60 per cent of cargo as it crossed our air borders. What this means is that organised crime has a much better chance of infiltrating Customs and Border Protection Service because of the resource and personnel cuts that have been inflicted on them by the Australian Labor Party.</para>
<para>I believe that the vast majority of personnel at Customs and Border Protection Service are hard-working officers who are doing the best that they can while they are not being supported in an appropriate manner by their government. They have the job of protecting Australia's borders, yet the government does not seem to value what they do, and the government does not support them in a way that the Australian people would expect. That has given criminals a better chance of infiltrating the agency in the way that was revealed in December last year, and has been further exposed today.</para>
<para>We still do not know the full extent of this, but what we do know is that for 5½ years the Labor Party have been asleep at the wheel. They have allowed a culture within a particular part of Customs to fester. We will address this is when we get into office by giving Customs and Border Protection Service the support it deserves. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>954</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Education Bill 2012</title>
          <page.no>954</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" style="" background="" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint">
            <a type="Bill" href="r4945">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Australian Education Bill 2012</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>954</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PYNE</name>
    <name.id>9V5</name.id>
    <electorate>Sturt</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the debate be adjourned.</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the debate be adjourned.</para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The House divided. [17:03]<br />(The Speaker—Ms Anna Burke)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>71</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Alexander, JG</name>
                  <name>Andrews, KJ</name>
                  <name>Andrews, KL</name>
                  <name>Baldwin, RC</name>
                  <name>Billson, BF</name>
                  <name>Bishop, BK</name>
                  <name>Bishop, JI</name>
                  <name>Briggs, JE</name>
                  <name>Broadbent, RE</name>
                  <name>Buchholz, S</name>
                  <name>Chester, D</name>
                  <name>Christensen, GR</name>
                  <name>Ciobo, SM</name>
                  <name>Cobb, JK</name>
                  <name>Coulton, M (teller)</name>
                  <name>Crook, AJ</name>
                  <name>Dutton, PC</name>
                  <name>Entsch, WG</name>
                  <name>Fletcher, PW</name>
                  <name>Forrest, JA</name>
                  <name>Frydenberg, JA</name>
                  <name>Gambaro, T</name>
                  <name>Gash, J</name>
                  <name>Griggs, NL</name>
                  <name>Haase, BW</name>
                  <name>Hartsuyker, L</name>
                  <name>Hawke, AG</name>
                  <name>Hockey, JB</name>
                  <name>Hunt, GA</name>
                  <name>Irons, SJ</name>
                  <name>Jensen, DG</name>
                  <name>Jones, ET</name>
                  <name>Katter, RC</name>
                  <name>Keenan, M</name>
                  <name>Kelly, C</name>
                  <name>Laming, A</name>
                  <name>Ley, SP</name>
                  <name>Marino, NB</name>
                  <name>Markus, LE</name>
                  <name>Matheson, RG</name>
                  <name>McCormack, MF</name>
                  <name>Mirabella, S</name>
                  <name>Morrison, SJ</name>
                  <name>Moylan, JE</name>
                  <name>Neville, PC</name>
                  <name>O'Dowd, KD</name>
                  <name>O'Dwyer, KM</name>
                  <name>Prentice, J</name>
                  <name>Pyne, CM</name>
                  <name>Ramsey, RE</name>
                  <name>Randall, DJ</name>
                  <name>Robb, AJ</name>
                  <name>Robert, SR</name>
                  <name>Roy, WB</name>
                  <name>Ruddock, PM</name>
                  <name>Schultz, AJ</name>
                  <name>Scott, BC</name>
                  <name>Secker, PD (teller)</name>
                  <name>Simpkins, LXL</name>
                  <name>Smith, ADH</name>
                  <name>Somlyay, AM</name>
                  <name>Southcott, AJ</name>
                  <name>Stone, SN</name>
                  <name>Tehan, DT</name>
                  <name>Truss, WE</name>
                  <name>Tudge, AE</name>
                  <name>Turnbull, MB</name>
                  <name>Van Manen, AJ</name>
                  <name>Vasta, RX</name>
                  <name>Washer, MJ</name>
                  <name>Wyatt, KG</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>73</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Adams, DGH</name>
                  <name>Albanese, AN</name>
                  <name>Bandt, AP</name>
                  <name>Bird, SL</name>
                  <name>Bowen, CE</name>
                  <name>Bradbury, DJ</name>
                  <name>Brodtmann, G</name>
                  <name>Burke, AS</name>
                  <name>Butler, MC</name>
                  <name>Byrne, AM</name>
                  <name>Champion, ND</name>
                  <name>Cheeseman, DL</name>
                  <name>Clare, JD</name>
                  <name>Collins, JM</name>
                  <name>Combet, GI</name>
                  <name>Crean, SF</name>
                  <name>Danby, M</name>
                  <name>D'Ath, YM</name>
                  <name>Dreyfus, MA</name>
                  <name>Elliot, MJ</name>
                  <name>Ellis, KM</name>
                  <name>Emerson, CA</name>
                  <name>Ferguson, LDT</name>
                  <name>Ferguson, MJ</name>
                  <name>Fitzgibbon, JA</name>
                  <name>Garrett, PR</name>
                  <name>Georganas, S</name>
                  <name>Gibbons, SW</name>
                  <name>Gray, G</name>
                  <name>Grierson, SJ</name>
                  <name>Griffin, AP</name>
                  <name>Hall, JG</name>
                  <name>Hayes, CP</name>
                  <name>Husic, EN (teller)</name>
                  <name>Jenkins, HA</name>
                  <name>Jones, SP</name>
                  <name>Kelly, MJ</name>
                  <name>King, CF</name>
                  <name>Leigh, AK</name>
                  <name>Livermore, KF</name>
                  <name>Lyons, GR</name>
                  <name>Macklin, JL</name>
                  <name>Marles, RD</name>
                  <name>McClelland, RB</name>
                  <name>Melham, D</name>
                  <name>Mitchell, RG</name>
                  <name>Murphy, JP</name>
                  <name>Neumann, SK</name>
                  <name>Oakeshott, RJM</name>
                  <name>O'Connor, BPJ</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                  <name>Owens, J</name>
                  <name>Parke, M</name>
                  <name>Perrett, GD</name>
                  <name>Plibersek, TJ</name>
                  <name>Ripoll, BF</name>
                  <name>Rishworth, AL</name>
                  <name>Rowland, MA</name>
                  <name>Roxon, NL</name>
                  <name>Saffin, JA (teller)</name>
                  <name>Shorten, WR</name>
                  <name>Sidebottom, PS</name>
                  <name>Smith, SF</name>
                  <name>Smyth, L</name>
                  <name>Snowdon, WE</name>
                  <name>Swan, WM</name>
                  <name>Symon, MS</name>
                  <name>Thomson, CR</name>
                  <name>Thomson, KJ</name>
                  <name>Vamvakinou, M</name>
                  <name>Wilkie, AD</name>
                  <name>Windsor, AHC</name>
                  <name>Zappia, A</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>2</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Abbott, AJ</name>
                  <name>Gillard, JE</name>
                  <name>Macfarlane, IE</name>
                  <name>Rudd, K</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that this bill be now read a second time. I call the member for Sturt.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PYNE</name>
    <name.id>9V5</name.id>
    <electorate>Sturt</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is certainly disappointing to members on this side of the House that the government has not agreed to adjourn debate on the Australian Education Bill 2012. On the weekend the Minister for School Education, Early Childhood and Youth attended a protest outside the office of the Premier of New South Wales. The protest concerned school funding and the minister apparently joined with about 50 present to call on the New South Wales government to immediately release details of their school funding changes.</para>
<para>It is absolutely remarkable—for the past year, we have been calling on the minister to release the details of the new funding model and he has refused to do so. We do not know who will pay or what per cent they will have to pay. We do not know what impact these changes will have on schools and we do not know whether they will force school fees up, further adding to the burden on parents. For the minister for schools to suggest that the New South Wales government should release costings is staggering hypocrisy, and the evidence is this bill we are debating today.</para>
<para>The Australian Education Bill 2012 contains absolutely no detail as to how the government’s new funding model will operate. The government have already flagged that very substantial amendments to the bill will be necessary after the next meeting of the Council of Australian Governments. We have not yet had the opportunity to consider any recommendation that might arise from the House Standing Committee on Education and Employment inquiry into this bill. I find it most odd that the government do not wish to consider any of the inquiry findings before this debate even begins and I find it more peculiar that the member for Melbourne would vote against adjourning the Australian Education Bill when he has put himself on the inquiry into it. He wants it debated before he has even considered the submissions that have been made and before the public hearings, which have been scheduled to commence this Friday. I know that coalition members look forward to engaging with schools and their sector representatives in order to hear what they have to say about the bill over the coming months.</para>
<para>The Australian Education Bill was described by the Prime Minister as the most important bill of 2012, yet the bill is just nine pages and 1,400 words long. It is full of words that signify hope and aspiration for schooling, words that nobody could disagree with, but it lacks any detail at all of how the Prime Minister’s goals for schooling are to be delivered. Because of this the coalition does not oppose the bill in its current form. How could we? As it stands currently, this bill has no financial impact and is not even legally enforceable. It would have to be one of the few bills introduced in the history of this parliament that are not legally enforceable. The paradox of this bill is that the parliament is being asked to legislate a change in law that has no legal enforceability. It is utterly absurd. Only this government could introduce a bill that contains at its heart a paradox—legislation that has no legal enforceability. The coalition will wait for further details from the government on both the financial impact and the future regulatory arrangements that will apply to schools before we finalise our position on this bill.</para>
<para>Given the government has outlined their aspirations and goals for schooling, I too wish to take this opportunity to outline to the House the coalition’s own set of principles that underpin our values for schooling. These principles will guide us as we continue to further deliberate on the bill as it is updated. The coalition has 10 broad principles that we believe should underpin any approach to school funding and reform. We also believe that future government funding should be provided through a direct legislative relationship with schools or school systems and that school communities require funding certainty. These are the matters that I will speak about today, and I will move the following amendment to the Australian Education Bill at the end of my speech:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That all words after "That" be omitted with a view to substituting the following words:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"whilst not declining to give the bill a second reading, the House is of the view that the:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) objects of the bill should be amended to read:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) families must have the right to choose a school that meets their needs, values and beliefs;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) all children must have the opportunity to secure a quality education;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) student funding needs to be based on fair, objective, and transparent criteria distributed according to socio-economic need;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) students with similar needs must be treated comparably throughout the course of their schooling;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) as many decisions as possible should be made locally by parents, communities, principals, teachers, schools and school systems;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) schools, school sectors and school systems must be accountable to their community, families and students;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(g) every Australian student must be entitled to a basic grant from the Commonwealth Government;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(h) schools and parents must have a high degree of certainty about school funding so they can effectively plan for the future;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) parents who wish to make a private contribution toward the cost of their child's education should not be penalised, nor should schools in their efforts to fundraise and encourage private investment; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(j) funding arrangements must be simple so schools are able to direct funding toward education outcomes, minimise administration costs and increase productivity and quality.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) definitions in the bill should be supplemented to define a non-systemic school as a non-government school that is not a systemic school, and a systemic school as an approved school that is approved as a member of an approved school system; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) bill should provide that the current funding arrangements be extended for a further two years, to guarantee funding certainty for schools and parents."</para></quote>
<para>Now I wish to outline how each of our principles for schooling will inform our thinking as this bill is updated by the government. The first coalition principle is that families must have the right to choose a school that meets their needs, values and beliefs. The coalition explicitly acknowledges that no two schools are ever the same and that parents choose an education for their child based on myriad different reasons. There are hundreds of reasons that inform choice for parents in schooling. These include academic reasons, religious reasons, the school's location, the values and ethos of the school, and the teaching methods of curricula, often including the extracurricular activities offered, such as sport. We are lucky to have a diverse range of schools in this country.</para>
<para>Broadly speaking, there are two types of schools—government and non-government schools. Government schools are defined in this bill under part 4, and I quote the definition from the bill:</para>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">government school</inline> means a school in a State or Territory that is conducted by, or on behalf of, the Government of the State or Territory.</para></quote>
<para>Non-government schools, on the other hand, are not operated by the government. In 2011, according to the ABS, there were about 2.3 million students attending government schools and 1.2 million students attending non-government schools. Non-government schooling in Australia is very diverse, and non-government schools serve a wide variety of communities. Accordingly, the way in which these schools are recognised by government is critically important if we are to properly acknowledge the needs, values and beliefs of Australian families.</para>
<para>Catholic systemic schools, for example, operate very differently to some independent schools. The largest non-government systemic school system in Australia is the Catholic school system. It has 1,704 schools, 723,000 students and 83,000 staff. About one in every five Australian students attends a Catholic school. Under the current funding arrangements Catholic schools are mostly systemically funded by the Australian government in recognition that they share a common ethos. This means that the funding they attract is provided by the Australian government to the state or territory Catholic education commission for local needs based distribution between Catholic systemic schools. The Catholic Education Diocese of Cairns, for example, outlines the Catholic education ethos as follows:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The mission of Catholic schools is to be more than providers of high quality education, advancing the common good of Australian society. Their belief in the ultimate intrinsic value of each student is based on a distinctive educational vision inspired by the example and message of Jesus Christ.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Through their culture, ethos and mission, and through the commitment of their staff and their educational programmes, Catholic schools demonstrate that there is no separation between learning and living the Christian life.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Catholic schools teach that a life lived in the love of God and in the Christian community service of others has purpose and meaning.</para></quote>
<para>The diocese then goes on to explain:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Research shows that parents and students choose Catholic schools for reasons including:</para></quote>
<list>the Christian values taught by Catholic schools</list>
<list>the care of students, teachers and staff</list>
<list>a commitment to the holistic development of students - spiritually, intellectually, physically culturally, socially and emotionally</list>
<list>the pursuit of academic excellence</list>
<list>the teaching of self-discipline based on respect for others</list>
<list>a vision of hope for the future</list>
<list>strong partnerships with parents, parish and community</list>
<para>Some 60 independent Catholic schools are not systemically funded, which means, unlike systemic schools, they receive Australian government funding directly. For example, some of the Jesuit Catholic schools are recognised as independent schools by the Australian government for the purposes of funding. There are also over 1,000 independent schools in Australia. Independent schools can also be connected to Christian denominations—for example, Lutheran schools, Presbyterian schools, Seventh-day Adventist schools, Greek Orthodox schools, Uniting Church schools and Anglican schools, just to name some.</para>
<para>Some schools are non-denominational Christian schools, like Pembroke School in Kensington Park, located in my electorate. Pembroke is a coeducational school with an enrolment of 1,600 students, including 130 boarders. The school takes pride in offering a second language commencing in the junior school, being Spanish. They also offer the well-recognised International Baccalaureate Diploma, which requires the study of a foreign language. Then, of course, there are non-Christian independent schools such as Jewish schools and Islamic schools.</para>
<para>Independent schools are unique and attractive to parents not just because of their religious beliefs. Some parents are attracted to the educational curricula offered at the school—for example, the alternative curricula offered at Montessori schools or Rudolf Steiner schools.</para>
<para>There are also many non-religious independent schools. They operate for community reasons and are often established by community groups. These schools might cater for students with a disability, be Indigenous community schools or be schools that cater for students at risk with social or other behavioural issues. One such community school I visited recently is the Albury Wodonga Community College in Wodonga, Victoria. This principal's story is an inspiring one. The school principal enrols the students from the Albury-Wodonga region who are most at risk of not completing their schooling. The community college is an independent school, but it also offers adult learning, childcare services and vocational training qualifications.</para>
<para>This school enrols young people who previously dropped out of their schools due to alcohol or substance abuse, or for other reasons like domestic violence at home. This independent school principal takes in the most difficult students that neighbouring schools either will not, or do not have the capacity to manage. For the model of learning he has adopted, based on programs he had seen work in Maori communities in New Zealand, the principal is supporting and engaging these students not only to finish school but he is also helping them to turn their lives around through broader education, leading to employment opportunities.</para>
<para>I spoke to one single teenage mother who shared with me that she felt that she had only been able to finish year 12 because of enrolling at the Albury Wodonga Community College. As the childcare centre was co-located with the school it meant she was able to study during the day but also visit, feed and attend to her baby as she liked during breaks, or even during class. Having enjoyed completing her studies at the school, she had then been able to progress to undertaking a vocational training qualification at the same college.</para>
<para>Community schools like the Albury Wodonga Community College are a good reminder that non-government schools really can turn lives around for some of the most disadvantaged students in Australia. Recognising and adequately resourcing both government and non-government schools and students are equally as important if we want to address educational disadvantage in this country.</para>
<para>As yet, the government has not included definitions in this bill that accurately recognise the diversity in the non-government school system. In the current Schools Assistance Act there are over 70 definitions relating to schooling. Accordingly, funding is distributed amongst schools based on these definitions, and sometimes funding flows through various authorities dependent on how they are defined under the act and recognised by government. The Australian Education Bill 2012 has just five definitions.</para>
<para>While the government has made clear it intends to update the bill as the detail of a new funding model is worked out, it is obvious that the five definitions in the bill, as they stand now, do not adequately capture the richness and diversity of Australian schooling. At the very least the Australian government must explicitly recognise and define the difference between a systemic and non-systemic school. That would later allow funding to flow from the Commonwealth to non-government system authorities if they are systemic, or direct to the school if they are not systemic.</para>
<para>This was highlighted in the Gonski report, and I quote:</para>
<para>Public funding for school systems would be provided to system authorities for distribution to their schools. There would be an expectation that systems would be publicly accountable for their decisions on the redistribution of that funding. Non-systemic schools would receive funding directly from governments.</para>
<para>In line with the Gonski report recommendation, and in order to better recognise the role diversity plays in our Australian education system to meet the needs, values and beliefs of Australian families, I hope the government will agree with our amendment, which I outlined before.</para>
<para>The second coalition principle is that all children must have the opportunity to secure a quality education. The Prime Minister suggested three goals for this bill; these are outlined at part 1. The first goal includes, and I quote:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… for Australian schooling to provide an excellent education for school students …</para></quote>
<para>The coalition strongly supports this goal in the bill as it is consistent with our values for schooling. The third coalition principle is that student funding needs to be based on fair, objective and transparent criteria distributed according to socioeconomic need.</para>
<para>The bill as it currently stands provides no detail as to how funding will be distributed. We simply do not know how the new funding model will be created, how it will operate, how much individual schools will receive, how this funding will be calculated and what other obligations will be placed upon the sector. Until such as time as the new criteria is added into the bill the coalition cannot make an assessment of whether we think the funding arrangements will be based on need or are fair, objective and transparent.</para>
<para>The fourth coalition principle is that students with similar needs must be treated comparably throughout the course of their schooling. Sadly, this is not the case for some students, such as those with a disability. The Gonski report found that the funding arrangements for students with a disability are unfair and inequitable. The coalition sincerely hopes that the government will act on this finding and do something about it as the bill gets amended in the future, as we propose with our education card, which the shadow minister for finance will remember from the last election.</para>
<para>The fifth coalition principle is that as many decisions as possible should be made locally by parents, communities, principals, teachers, schools and school systems. The coalition notes that this bill suggests that a new National Plan for School Improvement will include reforms in the area of empowering school leadership. But beyond listing a description of reform direction, the bill does not provide any further information about planned reforms to school and principal autonomy. The coalition looks forward to examining the detail of the government's reform agenda in this area as they are added to this bill during the debate.</para>
<para>The sixth coalition principle is that schools, school sectors and school systems must be accountable to their community, families and students. Again, the government suggests that the new National School Improvement Plan will include transparency and accountability measures. However, there is only one small paragraph in this bill dealing with the issue. The paragraph suggests that the schools will be made more accountable to the community, but does not specify how.</para>
<para>The seventh coalition principle is that every Australian student must be entitled to a basic grant from the Commonwealth government. The coalition believes that every child is deserving of some government support toward their education. Given that parents pay taxes, it is only fair that every child receives at least a basic grant from the government. Past Labor leaders have not supported this principle and have not supported students in so-called 'wealthy schools' being eligible to receive a basic grant toward their education. Many interpreted the statement in the Prime Minister's speech at the National Press Club on 3 September last year regarding a citizenship entitlement as a reversal of past Labor policy. The Prime Minister said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Education Act will erect our nation’s support for a child’s education as one of the entitlements of citizenship.</para></quote>
<para>Yet, there is no mention of a citizenship entitlement in this bill, which the coalition believes there should be in order to reflect that every student should be entitled to a basic grant.</para>
<para>If the government agrees to our amendment, that seeks to acknowledge explicitly that every child should receive a citizenship entitlement for education through the form of a basic grant from the Australian government, it will address this government oversight.</para>
<para>The eighth coalition principle is that schools and parents must have a high degree of certainty about school funding so they can effectively plan for the future. This bill does not specify any detail about school funding. States, school systems and schools are becoming increasingly uncertain and some have expressed great frustration that they are unable to plan beyond the end of this school year.</para>
<para>For example, the education minister in Western Australia said just days ago:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It continues to be disappointing and frustrating that the Commonwealth is still yet to provide the states with any proposed funding model, particularly in light of the Prime Minister announcing the date for this year's federal election yesterday, an announcement which is meant to provide the electorate with certainty.</para></quote>
<para>A school principal running a school in the federal seat of Mayo wrote to me recently highlighting this uncertainty. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">My Board is somewhat anxious given there is no information as to our State and Federal Government funding sources … beyond 2013. Given we are an employer of some 91 staff, and we are in a growth phase and attempting to plan building and expansion over the next 20 years, I am at a loss as to the advice to provide my Board.</para></quote>
<para>Schools are becoming increasingly anxious about their future funding arrangements. As such, I have given my assurances to the Minister for School Education, Early Childhood and Youth that he can count on the coalition's support to extend the current funding arrangements—including the same quantum of funds plus indexation—for a further two years in the event this should turn out to be required.</para>
<para>The ninth coalition principle is that parents who wish to make a private contribution toward the cost of their child's education should not be penalised, nor should schools be penalised in their efforts to fundraise and encourage private investment. The bill as it stands provides no information as to how private income will be treated under the government's new funding model. I know the member for Menzies has an electorate replete with non-government schools that are full of parents who are making a contribution of their own private income for the education of their own children yet have no recognition from this government.</para>
<para>While it is clear where both the Australian Greens and the coalition sit on the issue of private income, it is far less clear where the government sits on it. I can only speculate that Labor's policy on this area will be made clear as the bill is updated with new information about the school funding model. Rumour has it that the government are due to largely retain the socioeconomic status—SES—funding methodology introduced by the Howard government for non-government schools as part of the new funding arrangements. This is despite the Prime Minister having suggested many times on the public record that she opposes the SES methodology. For example, in a second reading speech the Prime Minister gave in the year 2000 on school funding she said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The last objection to the SES model is more philosophical, that the model makes no allowance for the amassed resources of any particular school. As we are all aware, over the years many prestige schools have amassed wealth—wealth in terms of buildings and facilities, wealth in terms of the equipment available, wealth in terms of alumni fundraising, trust funds, endowment funds and the like.</para></quote>
<para>She went on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… it must follow as a matter of logic that the economic capacity of a school is affected by both its income generation potential—from the current class of parents whose kids are enrolled in the school—and the assets of the school. The SES funding system makes some attempt to measure the income generation potential of the parents of the kids in the school but absolutely no attempt to measure the latter, the assets of the school. This is a gaping flaw …</para></quote>
<para>If the government have in fact reversed their previous policy on private income they may well have to work with the coalition to get the bill through the House, given the Australian Greens do not support SES methodology. The Greens have long argued that school assets, including income raised through school fees, should be taken into account when determining the need for public funds.</para>
<para>The 10th principle is that funding arrangements must be simple so schools are able to direct funding toward education outcomes, minimise administration costs and increase productivity and quality. As the bill has not yet been updated with any details on conditions to be placed on schools in return for public funding, we can only wait until the bill is updated in order to assess whether the new arrangements will minimise administration costs for schools.</para>
<para>Some non-government school sector authorities—for example, the Catholic Education Office in the Diocese of Parramatta—have expressed concern that the government may impose a range of conditions on the new funding model through the National Plan for School Improvement, which may have the potential to increase the administrative burden on teachers and limit flexibility in driving school improvement at the local level.</para>
<para>To conclude, no-one would disagree with the notion that we would like Australia's schools to be the best in the world. Under Labor's education revolution our schools have fallen further and further behind in international testing in literacy and numeracy, which deeply troubles the coalition. One hopes that Labor's 'education crusade' might fare our students better than the failed 'revolution'. But until the full details on how the new plan is to be implemented by jurisdictions, including how the key elements of the plan are to be monitored, are presented to this parliament we reserve our final judgement.</para>
<para>The Minister for School Education, Early Childhood and Youth has completely and manifestly failed to outline to the school systems—to the Catholic system, to the Independent Schools Council of Australia and to all the other systems such as Lutheran, Orthodox and so on—what this bill will actually mean for students. And yet the government has had the Gonski report since November 2011. A new funding model is due to begin on 1 January 2014. The sector needs much more time to implement a new school funding model. There is no possibility that the government can implement a new funding model even if they get agreement with the states, with the Independent Schools Council of Australia and the National Catholic Education Commission at the COAG in April. They need to pass these bills with a new funding model in what is left of this parliament by the end of June. And schools are expected to implement a new funding model in a six-month period. Usually schools around Australia are given at least a year to change their systems in order to cope with a new funding model. This gross uncertainty that is being introduced into the school education system in Australia is causing real anxiety amongst principals, administrators and parents.</para>
<para>The coalition have been very upfront about our position on education. We have said from the beginning that we will support a model that does not increase the school fees paid by parents in either government or non-government schools across Australia because we do not believe that now is the time to be putting further burdens on parents of school aged children. The government has not given such a commitment. The Minister for School Education uses weasel words to say that no school will be worse off. But, when pressed on whether that means no school will be worse off in real terms, he runs from the debate. He is incapable of giving a straight answer because he is following the lead of his Prime Minister, who is in exactly the same boat.</para>
<para>The government's approach to school education has been all about a mirage, an education revolution that wasted billions and billions of dollars on overvalued school halls. Nobody in the coalition opposed more infrastructure for schools. But we did not want to see parents and schools ripped off as they were in states like New South Wales under the Building the Education Revolution. So embarrassed was the Prime Minister by the failure of the Building the Education Revolution that when she announced the 2010 election she did not even mention it in her speech to the National Press Club, so traduced had it been by the rorts and rip-offs, particularly from the New South Wales government and other governments around Australia of the Labor persuasion.</para>
<para>So we approach this bill with an open mind. We are disappointed that the Standing Committee on Education and Employment has not had time to report before it is considered. I look forward to the debate, particularly from our side of the House, on the impacts of this bill on our students across Australia.</para>
<para>As I flagged in my second reading speech, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That all words after "That" be omitted with a view to substituting the following words:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"whilst not declining to give the bill a second reading, the House is of the view that the:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) objects of the bill should be amended to read:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) families must have the right to choose a school that meets their needs, values and beliefs;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) all children must have the opportunity to secure a quality education;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) student funding needs to be based on fair, objective, and transparent criteria distributed according to socio-economic need;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) students with similar needs must be treated comparably throughout the course of their schooling;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) as many decisions as possible should be made locally by parents, communities, principals, teachers, schools and school systems;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) schools, school sectors and school systems must be accountable to their community, families and students;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(g) every Australian student must be entitled to a basic grant from the Commonwealth government;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(h) schools and parents must have a high degree of certainty about school funding so they can effectively plan for the future;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) parents who wish to make a private contribution toward the cost of their child's education should not be penalised, nor should schools in their efforts to fundraise and encourage private investment; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(j) funding arrangements must be simple so schools are able to direct funding toward education outcomes, minimise administration costs and increase productivity and quality.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) definitions in the bill should be supplemented to define a non-systemic school as a non-government school that is not a systemic school, and a systemic school as an approved school that is approved as a member of an approved school system; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) bill should provide that the current funding arrangements be extended for a further two years, to guarantee funding certainty for schools and parents."</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The original question was that this bill be now read a second time. To this the member for Sturt moved an amendment that all words after 'that' be omitted with a view to substituting other words. If it suits the House, I will state the question in the form that the amendment be agreed to. The question now is that the amendment be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HAYES</name>
    <name.id>ECV</name.id>
    <electorate>Fowler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to support the Australian Education Bill 2012. This bill outlines the government's national plan for school improvement. It is fundamentally the start of reform to our education system, which will ensure quality teaching and provide transparency and accountability at our schools. We want every Australian child, no matter where they live or which school they attend, to receive the best quality of education. We want to ensure that every child gets the best start in life and that no Australian child is left behind.</para>
<para>This legislation represents the first step in adopting the recommendations from the Gonski review into school funding. These recommendations are based on providing adequate funding for the needs of each individual student to help them reach their full potential. This is not only an exercise in delivering quality education but, very importantly, also an exercise in delivering real equity in our education system. Besides equity, one of the main goals of this reform is to ensure that our education system is competitive globally into the future. The fact that we are setting ourselves the target of being in the top five nations of the world in academic outcomes in reading, science and maths by 2025 very much indicates that we will achieve productivity in the future. Providing our young people with the highest possible levels of education and training will ensure our international competitiveness and prosperity for the future.</para>
<para>This is not something that should be subject to politics. This should be something that both sides of the House wish to champion. Equity and fairness in the education sector is very significant for disadvantaged areas of the nation. Regrettably, my electorate of Fowler is one of the more disadvantaged areas in the country. The unemployment rate approaches twice that of the national average while income is about two-thirds the national figure. Much of my electorate relies on inadequate public transport to travel large distances to work. Here again, this is where a good education is vital to improving people's opportunities and to enable them to aspire to and acquire secure, well-paid jobs. It all starts with a good education.</para>
<para>Besides being one of the most disadvantaged electorates, my electorate is the most multicultural in the whole of Australia. Two-thirds of the constituents in my electorate were born overseas. That is 2½ times the proportion for Australia as a whole. Australia as a nation is only second to Switzerland among the OECD countries in the proportion of population born overseas. Three-quarters of my electorate speak two or more languages; therefore, my electorate is one in which this has an impact on the lives of migrants and refugees. For migrants, access to a good education is the most significant advantage that a new country can offer them. Education provides them not only a pathway to a better life for themselves but, more importantly, better opportunities for their children. It explains why so many of those who excel in education at all levels, primary or tertiary or vocational, are from first or second generation immigrant families. They understand the difference between success or otherwise in an economy such as Australia's is a good education.</para>
<para>There is no denying, and much has been put about it in newspapers to date, that the western suburbs of Sydney will become a major battle ground, a contest of ideas, as we approach the 14 September election. I am still very confident that once people in my electorate and in Western Sydney generally start to think about what a change in government will mean they will realise that only a Labor government can deliver on education and other services that are important to their wellbeing and their children's wellbeing.</para>
<para>People will think long and hard about the wisdom of taking a chance on the Liberal Party in Western Sydney because their counterparts are already in at the state level. They came to power two years ago with airy promises to do a range of things for Western Sydney and, indeed, made the Premier the Minister for Western Sydney. Instead, what did we get? A state government that has set about carefully planning to carve up existing education arrangements in New South Wales by savagely cutting $1.7 billion from state, Catholic and independent schools and from TAFE colleges. If you want to see a government that is not committed to Western Sydney look at what they are doing and look at what that means for the communities that the minister at the table, Minister Bowen, and myself represent in Western Sydney. These cuts will inevitably involve larger class sizes, fewer learning resources and an increasingly demoralised teaching workforce. This is a stark difference in philosophy. We are committed through this bill to looking at greater funding going into education while in New South Wales Liberal Party is taking money out of the system as fast as it can.</para>
<para>New South Wales voters will judge for themselves the actions of the O'Farrell state government—actions that clearly run directly opposite to the promises they made at the last election. They will certainly come to the realisation that the same fate awaits them but on a much larger scale should the country ever be saddled with a government led by Tony Abbott.</para>
<para>The Liberal Party clearly does not care about Western Sydney. Nothing demonstrates this more than the recent plan to dump 5,800 tonnes of hazardous radioactive waste from Hunters Hill to a facility in Kemps Creek near my electorate and certainly very close to that of my colleague the member for McMahon. Barry O'Farrell himself admitted in the past that this radioactive waste was seven times the acceptable limit. The waste was certainly too dangerous and too unsafe to be kept and stored in the North Shore where it originated, but it was considered appropriate to dump it in Western Sydney—to dump it in our backyards.</para>
<para>While the Liberal Party is looking for ways to cause additional grief to the already disadvantaged parts of Australia, this Labor government continues to invest in fair access to vital resources such as a good education. This year alone the Gillard government will invest $13.6 billion in our schools, which is almost double the spending of the Howard government in its last budget and a more than 50 per cent increase over that period in real terms. The Digital Education Revolution has now seen computers for every Australian student between years 9 and 12. In my electorate alone that represents an astonishing 8,500 computers. The National Broadband Network will truly revolutionise the delivery of education at all levels across Australia, particularly in regional and rural areas, by giving students access to quality resources and technologies no matter where they live.</para>
<para>The Gillard government is the first Australian government to seriously tackle inequity in the social composition of those students who are attending university. It is doing so by rewarding tertiary institutions that make genuine progress drawing students from disadvantaged areas and social groups. Labor is the only party that has shown any interest in building vocational education and training systems to be delivered for people from all sectors of the workforce. Compare that to the Liberal track record. Do not forget it was John Howard's government that abolished the Australian National Training Authority, slashed funding for skilled vocational training and tried to set up its own National Training Agency in competition with TAFE. In doing so it could only be established provided it followed the principles of Work Choices—in other words, it implemented individual contracts for teachers. He sought to politicise the TAFE system merely for industrial relations purposes.</para>
<para>This was coupled with severe cuts to vocational education and training, a move that the Liberal state governments in New South Wales, Victoria and Queensland have been all too quick to follow. Deputy Speaker Murphy, do you see a pattern here? Under Liberal governments we see the curtailment of opportunities for ordinary workers to progress through skills training. It took a Labor government to reverse this haemorrhaging of funds to the VET system. This Labor government has put more than $18 billion into vocational education and training since 2007. This figure dwarfs the commitment made by any previous government.</para>
<para>In contrast, the Liberal Party in various states, including New South Wales, is destroying our once internationally renowned vocational education system. As quickly as the federal Labor government put the money in, the state Liberal government is promptly taking it out. Our TAFE teachers are currently facing job cuts and redundancies due to widespread casualisation. It is more than likely that we will see the loss of 800 TAFE jobs in New South Wales alone. TAFE students have already seen a 9.5 per cent increase in their fees and an astonishing price being allocated to some of the courses. This will capture your imagination, Mr Deputy Speaker. I only found out last week that if you studied fine arts—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Tudge</name>
    <name.id>M2Y</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise on a point of order in relation to relevance to this particular bill. It concerns federal funding for schools and is nothing to do with state based funding for TAFEs.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Bowen</name>
    <name.id>DZS</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On the point of order, Mr Deputy Speaker, the member for Fowler is being particularly relevant. He is talking about education funding. He is being more relevant than the shadow minister was in his contribution.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the amendment be agreed to. I call the member for Fowler.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HAYES</name>
    <name.id>ECV</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>With respect to those opposite, I know it is embarrassing to hear the fact that the Liberal government in New South Wales, in the face of an education revolution, sees fit to take $1.7 billion out of the system—not only for the state schools, Catholic schools and independent schools; it is right across the whole education system, including TAFE.</para>
<para>People are entitled to see the difference between the philosophies of the respective parties, particularly as we are moving toward an election later this year. As I was saying, they have a track record, whether it is in this place or with their counterparts in state and territory governments, of acting in a way which has been deleterious to education.</para>
<para>It is quite clear that in terms of these cuts, in terms of politicising education, they are taking the view that this is not something they see as clear and vital for the future as we on the Labor side of politics do. We know, as many in my electorate know, that the difference between success and otherwise in a society and country such as Australia starts fundamentally with a good education. On our side of politics we are totally unapologetic about that. Not only is what we invest in our schools developing children now but it is those kids, who will benefit from those resources from the education that they receive—hopefully, 2025 will see them within the top five per cent of the globe—who are going to steer the prosperity of this nation. Those opposite should get out of the way and let us get on with the job. I commend the bill.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RAMSEY</name>
    <name.id>HWS</name.id>
    <electorate>Grey</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to support the member for Sturt's amendment. But I am gobsmacked that we are debating the Australian Education Bill 2012 now, and I must say that I am somewhat personally insulted that we are doing so. I am the deputy chair of the House Standing Committee on Education and Employment. This bill was referred to us during the recess. We called for submissions during the break and are due to commence hearings on Friday; we have not even started our inquiry into the bill. I have put aside three days of my valuable time next week to chase the hearings around Australia. In 2010 there was a hung parliament, and the member for Lyne negotiated his deal to support the government according to his new paradigm: the parliament of cooperation and consultation; the parliament that would let the sunlight in. There was a reform of standing orders, and a more important role was given to the House standing committees. Much more legislation has been referred to the committees as a result, and my experience is that they have worked very hard to try to deal with the legislation. Yet, on this bill, it appears that the government does not really want to hear what the committee has to say at the end of its deliberations.</para>
<para>Standing order 143 says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">After the first reading but before the resumption of debate on the motion for the second reading:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) a motion may be moved without notice to refer a bill to the Main Committee for further consideration as provided by standing order 183;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) a determination may be made by the Selection Committee as provided by standing order 222 to refer a bill to a committee for an advisory report. The determination may specify a date by which the committee is to report to the House. After an advisory report has been presented to the House, the bill may then be referred to the Main Committee …</para></quote>
<para>The tabling of this bill is clearly in breach of standing orders. The government should wait until the committee has reported. Not only does the government not want to hear what the members of the opposition have to say after the committee's hearings; it does not want to hear what the member for Kingston or the member for Deakin or the member for Robertson or the member for Petrie—even though I am not sure whether she is still on the committee—have to say either. The government obviously does not want to know what the member for Melbourne has to say. He co-opted himself onto the committee for the inquiry and then voted today to bring on the debate. Perhaps the government does not want to know what the government members of the committee have to say because it is already known what they are going to say: they will be told to toe the line. So what is the rush in bringing the bill forward?</para>
<para>This bill is the government's response to the much-vaunted report by David Gonski. The Gonski report is 319 pages long, and one of the recommendations in it which has caused the most difficulty for the government is that funding be increased to education by an amount in excess of $6 billion per annum and that the funding be met 30 per cent by the Commonwealth and 70 per cent by the states and territories. Among the other big recommendations of the Gonski report is that each student be allocated a standard resource, which would then:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… include a 'per student' amount, with adjustments for students and schools facing certain additional costs.</para></quote>
<para>Furthermore:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Base funding would be set for every student at the amount deemed necessary to educate a student in well-performing schools, where at least 80 per cent of students achieve above the national literacy and numeracy minimum standard.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The report suggests the base amount could be about $8,000 per primary student, and about $10,500 for secondary students.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">There would be extra loadings for disadvantage such as disability, low socioeconomic background, school size, remoteness, the number of Indigenous students, and lack of English proficiency.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The report says at least 10 per cent of student funding in non-government schools should come from private contributions. The minimum public contribution would be set at between 20 and 25 per cent.</para></quote>
<para>That is what Gonski said; let 's have a look at what is in the bill. Sadly I must report that there is very little in the bill and that what is in the bill are platitudes, aspirations and motherhood statements. The education sector's reaction to the tabling of this bill has been at best muted and bewildered; in fact, an argument could be made that the education sector does not want to buy a fight with the government. The sector is completely underwhelmed.</para>
<para>There are five main points in the bill, and I will paraphrase them. The first is, 'We should develop a plan.' I thought that is what the bill was supposed to be—a plan. But, no, it says that we should develop a plan. It says that teachers should have good skills. Really? Good grief—teachers should have good skills! That is a revelation, isn't it? That really rips the skin off the back of your hands. It says we should have quality learning, but does not offer any strategy; it just says we should have it. It says we should develop benchmarks. Wow; that is a breakthrough! It says that funding is the most central issue of the Gonski report, and you think that the government would offer something to respond to those recommendations in the Gonski report. Sit down everyone here—they all are—and take a deep breath, because here it is: it says we should develop a funding model with the states. No wonder the education sector is underwhelmed.</para>
<para>After getting through that challenging agenda comes the coup de grace on page 9. Bear in mind that there are just nine pages in this bill. I have been sitting on a similar inquiry into the APVMA, and the bill there extends to over 300 pages. So 300 pages for a regulatory regime for pesticides and 10 pages—just 10 pages; 1,400 words—to overhaul our entire school education system. It must be said that the school education system needs some attention, because recent surveys show that, despite the billions of dollars spent during the school halls program and the billions of dollars on the computers in schools program, Australia is in fact going backwards. But, as I said, the coup de grace is on page 9. I quote:</para>
<quote><para class="block">This Act does not create legally enforceable obligations etc.</para></quote>
<para>Et cetera! It goes on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) This Act does not create rights or duties that are legally enforceable in judicial or other proceedings.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A failure to comply with this Act does not affect the validity of any decision, and is not a ground for the review or challenge of any decision.</para></quote>
<para>Well, the government has really stuck its neck out there, hasn't it? There were 41 recommendations in the Gonski report and it did not even attempt to address any of them—none of them.</para>
<para>The bill does not say where the $6 billion comes from annually. It does not address the Commonwealth-state ratios. It does not say how the government will meet its commitment. It gives no modelling showing how any changes will affect individual schools. It does not say at what level will a standard resource be set; in fact, it does not even say there will be a standard resource.</para>
<para>So the bill says nothing, and even that nothing is qualified—if anyone can actually read anything creative into it they are wrong—because the bill explicitly states that the act is not legally enforceable. It says nothing and means nothing and yet is so urgent it must short-circuit the procedures of the parliament. It cannot wait for the report from the House of Representatives Standing Committee on Education and Employment. It cannot even wait for the inquiry to start. In fact, the only reason for any urgency here is for the government to try to tick some political boxes because the Prime Minister said that her government would respond to Gonski by the end of last year. It had to get something out. So, coming ready or not, like kids playing blindfold—'Coming reading or not'; and government definitely was not ready—here comes your policy.</para>
<quote><para class="block">Without the benefit of the committee's findings, rather than to oppose the bill outright or just wave it through because it is meaningless, I do support the member for Sturt's amendments as a genuine attempt to try to assist the government to put some meat on the bones of this bill. A mendment (1) state s :</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) families must have the right to choose a school that meets their needs, values and beliefs;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) all children must have the opportunity to secure a quality education;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) student funding needs to be based on fair, objective, and transparent criteria distributed according to socio-economic need;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) students with similar needs must be treated comparably throughout the course of their schooling;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) as many decisions as possible should be made locally by parents, communities, principals, teachers, schools and school systems—</para></quote>
<para>a very important tenet—</para>
<quote><para class="block">(f) schools, school sectors and school systems must be accountable to their community, families and students;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(g) every Australian student must be entitled to a basic grant from the Commonwealth government—</para></quote>
<para>a point that the bill just does not address—</para>
<quote><para class="block">(h) schools and parents must have a high degree of certainty about school funding so they can effectively plan for the future;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) parents who wish to make a private contribution toward the cost of their child's education should not be penalised, nor should schools in their efforts to fundraise and encourage private investment; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(j) funding arrangements must be simple so schools are able to direct funding toward education outcomes, minimise administration costs and increase productivity and quality.</para></quote>
<para>Further, we have moved for clearer definitions and commitments to different types of schools and groupings to ensure that highly efficient and reputable organisations like Catholic Education are still able to manage their own budgets and that other independent schools will not have their funding channelled through the states to be manipulated as they see fit.</para>
<para>We stress that the legislation must address the disincentives to schools—schools who want to improve themselves either by raising funds to support their efforts or just plainly raising the standards—lest they jeopardise their government funding. This is another very important point, Mr Deputy Speaker. You can imagine how schools are feeling concerned about the fact that if they get off their backsides, and if their community and their parents decide to help them, they may well be penalised by seeing a reduction in the funding that they will receive from the Commonwealth.</para>
<para>Because of all this uncertainty, we call for the government to extend the current funding arrangements for another two years—and we will support the government if they should choose to do so while all this is being sorted out—and for guarantees to be given ensuring schools do not lose funding in real terms. In fact, the Queensland education minister, Mr John-Paul Langbroek, has said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We've had absolutely no detail about numbers … We don't have a model from which we can work and we also don't have any idea about what state contributions are supposed to be, let alone whether we can afford them.</para></quote>
<para>No wonder the schools are looking for guarantees.</para>
<para>It is difficult to really debate the contents of this bill when it says so little. It is difficult to disagree with the bill, because it does not actually say anything and it is, as I said, platitudes and motherhood statements. If nine pages of homework by the education minister is the best he can do in a little over 12 months, perhaps he should go back to school as well. Where is the commitment to the standard resource? This is the central tenet of the Gonski report: there will be a standard resource. There is no commitment from the government. Where is the commitment from the government to grant freedom to schools to appoint teachers of their own liking? On this point I note that religious schools, for instance, may well want to appoint teachers from their own religion to teach children, teachers that reflect their own moral standards, but there are no guarantees within the bill that schools will be given this freedom. Where are the guarantees that will ensure that schools are not penalised for trying to help themselves? How can they be sure that if they motivate their community and their teachers and if they adopt new and interesting teaching techniques they will not be penalised?</para>
<para>This bill is so typical of this government insomuch as we have seen before the MO of the grand announcement—'We are going to solve the problems of the world. We will have peace in our time. We'll flesh out the detail afterwards'—as we have seen with the NBN and project after project rushing to meet a press deadline rather than the government developing its policy and bringing something that is fully researched to the parliament —and nothing could be less researched than this bill.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Before I call the member for Shortland and before the member for Grey leaves the chamber, I would like to share some advice that has been provided to me by the clerk in relation to this debate. It is in accordance with the standing orders, not as you have suggested. I have familiarised myself with standing order 148 and so should you. I call the member for Shortland.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms HALL</name>
    <name.id>83N</name.id>
    <electorate>Shortland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am glad, Mr Deputy Speaker, that you have pointed that out to the member for Grey because I was sitting here thinking what an extraordinary contribution to the debate it was that I was listening to. One that was not based on fact. A contribution that really had no relevance to the Australian Education Bill 2012 that we are talking about here but which referred to an adjournment to an amendment that was nothing more than a motherhood statement and platitudes. It was one of the most disappointing contributions to any debate that I have had to sit in this chamber and listen to, particularly when we are talking about something as important as the education and future of young Australians. What it also said to me is that the opposition is unable to adopt a constructive approach to any issue, even an issue as important as education.</para>
<para>One of the most precious gifts we can give our children is a good education, an education that prepares them for life and gives them the opportunity to enjoy all the benefits that a quality education provides: choice and opportunity. It is the key that unlocks the door and guarantees a person a good quality of life and, generally speaking, educational attainment equates to better jobs and higher income. Furthermore, as a nation, Australia needs an educated workforce for a strong economy and also to position itself in the world.</para>
<para>The legislation before us today creates a framework to ensure Australia's schooling system will be in the top five international performers in reading, science and mathematics by 2025. Through this bill students, regardless of their circumstances, are entitled to an excellent education, allowing each student to reach their potential. There are five core reform directions of the national plan, and this is all about implementation of the National Plan for School Improvement. Those five core reform directions are: quality teaching, quality learning, empowered school leadership, transparency and accountability, and meeting students' needs. It is based on and built on collaboration between the states, territories, the non-government sector and the Commonwealth. To listen to the previous speaker, one would think that this was all done in isolation—quite the contrary. This has been developed through enormous consultation and, in addition to the consultation with the groups and bodies I have already mentioned, it has also been done in consultation with parent groups, educational unions and representatives of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders.</para>
<para>This new funding model that will be implemented is based on a benchmark amount that accounts for the costs associated with providing higher quality education, and loadings which address the educational costs associated with the disadvantaged—something the members on the other side of this parliament have never considered in any legislation that they have presented to the parliament. This is an undertaking to all students in all schools that they will have this access to an excellent education, to reach their full potential and to have opportunities and choices in the future. It is needs based and determined to reduce the educational disparity to all students, including those in regional Australia. It is also about achieving a national goal of being placed in the top five nations in the world, as I have already mentioned.</para>
<para>This plan came out of the Gonski review, which was the first review that has been undertaken by any federal government in the last 40 years, something that those on the other side of the parliament shirked and moved away from or refused to undertake when they were in government.</para>
<para>I put to the House that over the past decade Australian students, because of the opposition's failure when they were in government to address this, have declined. Students have fallen from second to seventh in reading and fifth to 13th in maths in the international PISA exams. We on this side of the House do not think that is good enough. We think we should be right up there in the top five in all areas, and that is what we want to work towards.</para>
<para>The National School Improvement Plan will deliver more money and resources to every school in the country. A new skill-funding system will be based on the recommendations of the Gonski review. This is about a framework; this is about implementing the recommendations. It is a new way of funding every school that will guarantee all our schools are getting the money they need to do the job. There will be higher standards for teachers, with at least a term's classroom experience before graduation. Teachers will get extra training in managing disruptive behaviour and dealing with bullying, and there will be more power for principals. There will be better My School information to make sure no school falls behind.</para>
<para>I add that the Howard government did not implement any reforms when it was in power. What the Labor government has done is provide more information to parents. Every school will have a school improvement plan which outlines the steps that the school will take to improve student results, and students who need extra help to improve their results will get it. The school improvement plan will be part of the national drive to ensure we win the educational race in the Asian century, which is very important. There will be extra money for schools. The Gonski review recommended around $6.5 billion in today's figures, and this is the ballpark: this is what we need to negotiate between the states to put in place a fair share from both the Australian government and the states.</para>
<para>I come from New South Wales, and in New South Wales the state government—the O'Farrell government—has demonstrated a lack of commitment to education. Rather than putting money into education it has been ripping money out of education. That impacts on the amount of money contributed by the Commonwealth as well because there is a ratio between the state and federal dollars that are invested. I find that very disappointing. It has had an enormous impact on the schools in my electorate. I have been approached by both the non-government sector, an independent school, Catholic educators and the public system, and they have all expressed their dismay at the lack of commitment to education by the coalition government in New South Wales.</para>
<para>Here in the House tonight we have had demonstrated to us visually that it is not only New South Wales where there is a lack of commitment to education but also here in the federal parliament. Here in the Australian parliament we have heard how the opposition is negative and committed to saying no to reform on education. We have heard weasel words. We know on this side of the House that at the end of the day the people who are going to be affected negatively are the students in our schools—those young children who look to government to ensure that they get a quality education. It also impacts on us as a nation because we need to compete globally, and the only way we can really do that is if we have an educated workforce that is able to go out there in the international market and put Australia in the position it should be.</para>
<para>In my electorate of Shortland there have been a number of improvements since Labor came to power. There are 20,000 students in the electorate in 48 schools now, since the state government amalgamated two of my schools. There were 114 BER projects worth nearly $90,000,000. There are 7,589 students who have received computers under the Digital Education Revolution; I hear every day how that has benefited the students educationally. There are two trade training centres benefiting 11 schools of which four are in the Shortland electorate. The planned Australian technical college on the Central Coast that did not eventuate has been devolved into the local high schools. That, along with the trade training centres, has really benefited students in an area where there is quite a lot of disadvantage. It is providing them with opportunities that they would not have had otherwise, because of the distances they need to travel.</para>
<para>In addition to the programs I have mentioned, there is a trade training centre at Catholic schools within the area. This has also benefited students enormously. Literacy and numeracy national partnerships programs are in St Brendans Catholic School and St Pius in Windale, which has the lowest SES of any school in New South Wales. Other schools that have also benefited enormously from this program are: Gorokan Public School, Gwandalan Public School, Lake Munmorah High School, Mannering Park Public School, Windale Public School, Gateshead Public School, Gateshead West Public School, which has amalgamated with Gateshead, Northlakes High and Northlakes Public.</para>
<para>The school chaplaincy program has benefitted many schools including: Belmont Christian College, Gorokan High School, Northlakes High School, Swansea High School, Budgewoi Public School, Gorokan Public School, Belmont High School, Belmont North Public School, Warners Bay High School, Kahibah Public School and Whitebridge High School. In addition to that program, which is well and truly appreciated by those schools, I give special mention to Floraville Public School, which received nearly $6 million from the government—$5.95 million, to be exact—under the capital program and this funding has been truly appreciated. I must admit the state government did put some money in: not even half a million dollars, $460,000. It is a school that has made a really big commitment to education. I have seen the school grow under the Rudd and Gillard Labor governments.</para>
<para>This government has made a real commitment to education. The BER program was appreciated by the schools in my electorate. It was put to me by principals that it is once-in-a-generation investment in education, along with the computers, the trade training centres and all the other initiatives that have delivered a better quality education. These programs have made education more attainable. Now we have before us this bill that is going to move Australia forward in the 21st century. It will provide all students attending all schools opportunities that they have not had in the past. This is very good legislation, and I implore those on the other side of the House to rethink and support the legislation. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TUDGE</name>
    <name.id>M2Y</name.id>
    <electorate>Aston</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Australian Education Bill 2012 is an extraordinary bill and this is an extraordinary debate, because we are discussing a bill which expressly says that it does not create rights or duties that are legally enforceable. I believe that this will be unique in Australian history: a discussion in this chamber of a bill which does not appropriate any funds and has no legal impact. We are also debating it at a time when the House of Representatives is inquiring into the bill; we are receiving submissions and hearing evidence beginning this Friday. So it is extraordinary on two counts: a bill with no legal impact and a debate when an inquiry is underway.</para>
<para>The bill, however, does allow us to comment on school education and the proposed Gonski reforms, because at least the intent of this bill is to establish a framework for school funding—not that it has any legal impact, but the intent is there. There is a great deal to discuss in relation to school education, the necessary reforms for school improvement and whether the Gonski proposals will actually make any difference. My fear is that the proposed reforms—what little we know of them—will cost billions but make little or no difference to educational outcomes. Worse, they will penalise schools, particularly Catholic and independent ones, that are already doing very well.</para>
<para>There are two things that the government's reforms seek to do: first, to introduce a new school-funding system, particularly for non-government schools, where the federal government has primary responsibility; and, second, to improve the outcomes of all schools. The government directly links the two together, suggesting that there is a solid causal connection between funding and outcomes. This belief that there is a direct causal connection is indeed the foundational principle of the Gonski report and of the government's direction.</para>
<para>The bill itself adopts the language of Gonski, suggesting that 'funding will be allocated according to a formula that calculates an appropriate amount for every school in recognition of the costs of providing a high quality education'. The assumption is that if the school has the 'appropriate' level of funding—whatever that is, and it remains undefined—then school outcomes will automatically rise. This assumption, which underpins the government's entire approach, does not stack up. There is a considerable body of research that shows that large amounts of money can be spent on education with little impact on outcomes. Indeed, one can examine Australia's own school performance over the last decade. We have increased school funding by 41 per cent in real terms but have gone backwards in standards both in absolute terms and relative to other nations. The Catholic school system in Australia does better than the public school system even after adjusting for socioeconomic backgrounds, and this is despite the Catholic school system operating on 10 per cent fewer resources than the government school system. Finally, some remote Aboriginal schools will have funding of $60,000 or $70,000 per student but have catastrophic outcomes. Clearly funding does not directly equate to better outcomes. Funding is, of course, important, but it is not the essential determinant of outcomes, and to suggest that the answer to our failing standards is simply to give all schools the 'appropriate' level of funding, as Gonski and the government suggest, is not based in reality.</para>
<para>What does matter in relation to funding, however, is certainty and fairness. The current SES system, introduced in 2001, is not perfect and can be improved, but it does provide those two things. It provides certainty for four years in advance based on a model that is non-corruptible. It also provides fairness in that it gives more funding to schools that cater for poorer communities and less money to schools that cater for wealthier communities. Importantly, this funding is indexed according to the real costs of education increases—the AGSRC index, an indexation rate that Labor fails to commit to.</para>
<para>Also importantly, the model does not disadvantage parents who wish to spend more on their kids' education through higher fees. The government has not only criticised this model since it was first announced but made out that it is the worst thing ever passed in this parliament. Indeed, Stephen Smith, when he was shadow education minister, called it the 'destruction of our egalitarian society'.</para>
<para>Of course, Labor's criticism of the SES system was always more about politics than about substance. The fact that it has taken Labor 13 years, including six years in government, to put up an alternative funding model suggests that the SES system may not be all that bad. If it really were the 'destruction of our egalitarian society', why did Labor commit to extending the SES funding system from 2009 through to 2012 when it was in government, and then extend it again for a further year to the end of 2013?</para>
<para>Despite the government's rhetoric, I have concerns that the new funding model that the government will eventually put up for scrutiny will fail the fairness test. I am particularly concerned for low-fee Catholic and Christian schools, which cater for more than 20 per cent of all Australian students. Their funding is likely to be cut in real terms, meaning higher fees for parents already struggling with cost-of-living pressures. We have not seen any detailed modelling from the government, but the modelling undertaken by the state and territory governments and non-government school authorities reveals that some 3,254 schools would have funding reduced under the Gonski formula. This would include several schools in my electorate, including St Luke's, Our Lady of Lourdes, St Jude's and Holy Trinity.</para>
<para>The reason the schools will have funding cut is twofold. First, the Gonski model is based on schools charging fees that Gonski believes parents can afford, even if the school deliberately keeps fees low to make it affordable to all. Second, the government will not commit to AGSRC indexation. Over time, therefore, schools will lose funding in real terms. I encourage schools who are following this debate to do the mathematics. A school could potentially get a small boost to funding in year 1, but if the indexation rate is lower that boost will quickly be lost for every year thereafter. Indexation is critical and the government will not commit to the current formula. I also suggest that Catholic and other religious schools stay vigilant in relation to their right to employ teachers of their own faith. This is a principle that should be in the bill, but it is not. As members will know, Labor and the Greens have form in trying to remove this right. There are other principles that should be included in this bill, and the amendments which Christopher Pyne on behalf of the coalition has put forward should be adopted.</para>
<para>I mentioned that the intent of the government's reforms is to do two things: to introduce a new funding system and to improve student outcomes. Let me now come to the second part of this: student outcomes. We have a serious problem in this area. We are now the lowest performer of any English-speaking nation at year 4 level. We are ranked 27th in year 4 reading. We are ranked 18th in maths and 25th in science. The Grattan Institute notes that, in Shanghai, the average 15-year-old maths student is performing at a level two to three years above his or her counterpart in Australia. The average 15-year-old is 15 months ahead of Australian students in science and 13 months ahead in reading. Similarly, in Hong Kong, Singapore and Korea, 15-year-old students are now one year in advance of Australian students in maths and about half a year in front in science and reading. We are entering the Asian century, yet we are not keeping up with Asia's education standards.</para>
<para>What needs to be done? The research is remarkably clear. First, we need higher quality teaching. Research shows—indeed, the research of the member for Fraser—that a student with a top 10 per cent teacher learns at twice the pace as a student with a bottom 10 per cent teacher. Any person who has been a parent intrinsically understands this. The government acknowledges the desire for higher teacher quality, but its measures will be ineffectual. Its main effort is the teacher professional development standards, which is a huge bureaucratic exercise that will do little to improve teacher quality. Teacher quality will only improve if four things are done—first, attracting higher quality people into teaching. We, unfortunately, have seen a collapse in teacher entrance standards in recent years. Up to 21 per cent of students entering teacher education courses have an Australian tertiary admission rank, or ATAR, below 60, which is the lowest of all the categories listed in government reports that collate this information. In the world's leading performing systems, they only recruit students from the top 20 to 30 per cent of high school leavers, and this should be the model also for Australia.</para>
<para>The teacher education faculties also need to be improved. We have serious concerns about some of the quality there. Some of the things they have been teaching in the past have not been based on evidence—for example, even teaching teacher graduates how to teach phonics rather than just whole language in reading. In some cases, they are almost like quasi-sociology departments rather than teacher education faculties. We think these faculties need reform and they need reform where there is closer connection between schools themselves and the faculties, where some of the leading schoolteachers can be teaching the next generation of teacher graduates and teachers.</para>
<para>Third, there needs to be ongoing feedback from other teachers to constantly improve the existing cadre of teachers. It seems bleedingly obvious to do this, but it is not consistently being done in all schools, and the research says that it makes a big difference. Finally, lifting teacher quality requires being rigorous in moving on those who are underperforming. The Grattan Institute finds that, if the bottom 14 per cent of teachers were replaced merely with average quality teachers, we would have the best performing system in the world. I am not suggesting that those underperforming teachers immediately be removed; what I am suggesting is that many school principals find that there are teachers in their schools who they struggle to move on because it is very difficult to do so.</para>
<para>Teacher quality is most important. The second thing that needs to be done is to have a more rigorous curriculum. The standards of our school children cannot exceed that set in the curriculum. I have previously mentioned that many of the countries in the region are now performing well in excess of Australian standards. I think our curriculum needs to be more rigorous. We need to benchmark it against the leading nations in the world, and we should be keeping up with those leading nations.</para>
<para>Finally, we need more autonomy for school principals to hire, fire and manage their affairs—that is, to be more like non-government schools in that regard. We need to give the school principal the ability to manage their school and then be accountable for the outcomes. No leader of any organisation can be accountable for their outcomes if they cannot properly manage its affairs.</para>
<para>Many other things could be done to improve the outcomes for students in Australia, but these are the essential things that underpin the coalition's position: improve teacher quality; improve the rigour of the National Curriculum; and, finally, give school principals and school communities more autonomy to get on with the job they are supposed to be doing.</para>
<para>We know what needs to be done to improve outcomes, but it needs the courage to implement it. I am far from convinced that the Gonski reforms will have any real impact, but they will cost the taxpayer billions of dollars, and those billions of dollars at present are all being put onto the government credit card. I suggest to the government that they closely examine the proposals that the coalition has put forward: to lift teacher quality, to increase the rigour of the curriculum and to give school principals greater autonomy. If they do those three things I think we can be assured that we can lift school education outcomes once again and be in a position to get Australia back into the top-performing countries in the world, from a school education perspective.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>Robertson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In my opening remarks I want to quote Sir William Deane. The quote was included in the newsletter from my son's school, St Edward's Christian Brothers' College, at East Gosford, on the Central Coast. Sir William Deane showed great leadership in this country and he articulated very clearly that we can tell something about a community by how we treat people. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">You can tell the worth of any community, any nation … by how it treats its weakest members.</para></quote>
<para>We can talk about the weakest members in our society in a range of areas, but as a former teacher and as a mother, I think there is expertise about understanding very deeply that when your child is weak at school or performs weakly at school you know there is a life of disadvantage ahead for them.</para>
<para>Who indeed are our weakest members? From the Gonski review we have a much clearer picture about what that constitutes—it constitutes our weakest students. That presents a challenge to us as a government that seeks to enable people to have access to high-quality education.</para>
<para>In terms of what the Gonski review delivered—which I might say was the first major review of the whole of schooling in 40 years, and not surprisingly the last one was done under Gough Whitlam's Labor government—we found a very disturbing fact. Apart from all of the detail, this is right at the heart of the finding: Australia has a very significant gap between the highest- and the lowest-performing students. In fact, this performance gap is far greater in Australia than many OECD countries, particularly those with high-performing school systems. One of the most alarming statistics that came to my attention was that in the reading literacy area the gap between Australian students from the highest and lowest economic, social and cultural status quartiles were found to be the equivalent of almost three years of schooling. So, if you came from a low economic, social or cultural group you could attend school for all 13 years and finish year 12 and still be three years behind your counterparts.</para>
<para>I have heard much of what has been said by the opposition speakers—the member for Sturt, the member for Grey and the member for Aston. The member for Aston has claimed that the three simple things he articulated at the end of his speech will fix up the Australian schooling system and everything will be okay. The reality is that there is no simple solution to the challenges that have been discovered by Gonski and that are borne out when we compare our data with that of the OECD. A simple argument like teachers needing to be able to teach phonics as being the key for making successful readers exposes how inadequate the member for Aston's understanding is of the complex nature of teaching and getting kids to read. Teachers need every single tool in their toolbox, phonics certainly being one of them, but that alone is no solution to the literacy challenges we are facing in this country.</para>
<para>In addition to that miserly view of what needs to be done, we have had the fear campaign of the other speakers, particularly the member for Sturt, who in his usually strident voice has come in here with a litany of things to be frightened of. 'Be afraid of the future', he almost says—'Be afraid of increased funding. Be afraid of Gonski.' He articulated that the whole of education has 'completely and manifestly failed'—I think those were his words. This hyperbole, this exaggeration, this creation of fear and negativity is something we have seen before. We saw it in the lead-up to the carbon price, but we saw that reality land, and the fear that was generated by those opposite dissipated, because the reality of investing in that structural change has brought about significant positive outcomes for the Australian people.</para>
<para>In the same way, and using the same methodology, we see the opposition in here today creating fear, alarm and a sense of concern about this significant change, which is designed to put more money into education to assist students and enable them to be more and more successful, making sure that we do not leave young Australians behind.</para>
<para>So, in some of this time that I have been allocated to speak on the bill, I do want to get onto the record what it is that we are seeking to do, which is articulated very well in the preamble to this bill, 'A bill for an act in relation to school education and reforms relating to school education, and for related purposes', in the first comment:</para>
<quote><para class="block">All students in all schools are entitled to an excellent education, allowing each student to reach his or her full potential so that he or she can succeed and contribute fully to his or her community, now and in the future.</para></quote>
<para>A pretty common statement that I reckon parents would be making as they are dropping their kids off would be, 'Yes, that is what we believe we should be getting out of education.' Yet those opposite are going to oppose this bill. In our preamble we also say that:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The quality of a student’s education should not be limited by where the student lives, the income of his or her family, the school he or she attends, or his or her personal circumstances.</para></quote>
<para>And that is exactly what is proposed in the Australian Education Bill: to attend to those critical things.</para>
<para>For those who might be listening to this debate as they are driving home, maybe having picked up the kids from school and running around to try and do extra things with them—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Robert</name>
    <name.id>HWT</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And they'd have nothing better to do than listen to this!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member interjects and says that Australians might have nothing better to do than listen to this, but the fact is that Australians do listen to the radio; they do understand that important things are being transacted here today and we should not be making light of the fact that this Australian Education Bill—</para>
<para class="italic">Mr Robert interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83A</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It was a good-natured interjection, but there will not be any more.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>is actually going to change, significantly, the outcomes for those people who have been left behind in a system that was not adequately funded.</para>
<para>This bill will ensure that there is a base level of funding that we know is generally associated, with many, many students, with enabling their success. But there will be other critical dimensions for which there will be additional funding provided, particularly in the areas of kids who come from a low-socioeconomic background. And why does that matter? Because the reality is: when kids get to school they are all at different levels, and it is important that we attend to that difference.</para>
<para>In some of the classes in which I taught my students as they were getting ready to become teachers, I used to show them a video of students approaching their first day at kindergarten. There were two extremes shown in the video. One was of a young boy whose parents were highly educated professionals who lived in a city with access to lots and lots of educational material. He declared that one of the most fun things for him to do on the weekend was to go to a museum and explore and experience that museum. In contrast was another little boy, the same age, born in the same country. He was asked if he liked to read. He was an excited young boy, and he indicated that he wanted to read. But when he went to get his 'books', the things that he pulled out were actually the flyers that had been delivered to the letterbox. They were his books. They were his only books. And his attempts to read were very, very noble. But we cannot begin to think that those two young men were approaching school with the same level of capacity to engage with school—the same level of cultural capacity and cultural assets.</para>
<para>And the fact is: when teachers get those kids in their first year at school, they need the resources to be able to do the job. It makes my skin crawl to hear the teaching profession so maligned, with simplistic solutions: 'If we just raise the score', or 'If we just do this', or 'If we just do that', we will fix the whole problem; 'It is all the teachers' problem.' Many, many teachers—indeed, I would hazard to say, the majority of teachers—want to do a fantastic job but have been debilitated over many years by being unable to access the level of support that they need, the level of support they need for professional development, the level of resources they need to be able to deliver the type of curriculum that individual kids need, the type of resources they need to respond to the different levels of kids in their classrooms. At the earliest age, when you have not got those resources to interact with young people, you end up creating a completely inequitable system where the tail-end drags the whole thing down, and that is what we are seeing, sadly, in our results compared to our competitors internationally.</para>
<para>We are saying with this piece of legislation that where you go to school should not be a problem. The quality of education should not be limited by a school's location, particularly for those schools in regional Australia. This government understands that regional Australia has been overlooked for far too long, and certainly was during those sad years of the Howard government.</para>
<para>In terms of health, we can see statistics that show that people have been dying of cancer in the regions far more than they have been in the cities because of the failure of the coalition to invest in infrastructure to provide access to proper treatment. In the same way, kids in regional schools have not had access to what they need. In health, this government has put in 26 regional cancer clinics. And in this bill we seek to put in the remedy to the distress of students, parents, teachers and the whole community of people in regions who know that their kids deserve a fair go but they are just not getting it. We are ready to redress that. We are ready to put money on the table. We are ready to negotiate to ensure that every Australian has a fair go, a fair crack, at a good education, and those opposite are determined to oppose it. The shameful comments we have on the record so far this evening just indicate how low they will go in their efforts to prevent that equitable outcome.</para>
<para>We say in this piece of legislation that it is essential for Australian schooling to be of high quality and to be highly equitable in order to create a highly skilled and successful workforce, strengthen the economy, increase productivity and lead to greater prosperity for all, because you cannot tell which of those children in each of those classes who needs those extra resources could be the greatest leaders of our country in the fields of business, science, the arts, or political and civic engagement. Every kid needs a chance to have access to high-quality education, and where they are disadvantaged we understand that teachers need to be given more money, more resources and more capacity to pick up those kids where they are and lift that standard.</para>
<para>It is often said that really bright kids will do well wherever they are. However, Australia's statistics are showing that apart from that very top echelon of kids who are indeed doing very well, hugely by their own effort, the system is failing to respond to the students who are lower down. Sadly, I have to say that is particularly the case in the secondary setting. There are many challenges for us to face but we will not be able to fix them by continuing to blame teachers. We need to put money in and make the changes that have to be made.</para>
<para>This bill says that Australia is a prosperous nation with a high standard of living and that if we want to continue to have that we have to continuously improve school performance. This bill is directed to that end. We need students who have the capacity to engage with Australia's region. We do have a focus on Asia in this 21st century. This bill will enable that engagement. Future arrangements will be based on the needs of Australian schools and school students and on evidence of how to provide an excellent education for school students, building on the reforms that we have undertaken so that we can get a picture of where Australian students are. That picture needs to be fleshed out to become much, much richer; a dataset collected about really outstanding success for students in schools. But there is no point in attempting to fatten the pig by weighing it more often. We have to make sure we put in the money to allow the teaching professionals to get on and do the job, and enable our students to become more and more successful so that they can compete with the very best to be in the top five countries by 2025. That is our goal.</para>
<para>Schools are formed when we have partnerships between teachers, students and the community. These schools will change our nation. They will improve our nation, they will improve our productivity and they will improve our civic life if they get the chance to do the right thing. The reality is we are facing a great challenge with incredible cuts in education funding at state level and this is not going to be an easy bill to negotiate through with the states. Since September last year, significant progress has been made and, in the lead-up to COAG in April, I am confident that even the Liberal governments of Queensland, New South Wales and Victoria, who have cut so harshly into the education budgets at the state level, will see the vision that is offered by this piece of legislation, will buy into that vision and actually believe that there is a better future for Australian kids, and get on board and enable us to do that job for the future of our nation.</para>
<para class="italic">Mr Shorten interjecting—</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr WYATT</name>
    <name.id>M3A</name.id>
    <electorate>Hasluck</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the minister for his 'hear, hear' comments before I began to speak. Deputy Speaker, I rise to speak on the Australian Education Bill—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Shorten</name>
    <name.id>00ATG</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Deputy Speaker, the member was getting ahead of himself. I was complimenting the comments of the member for Robertson.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83A</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The minister will resume his seat. We understand. The member for Hasluck has the call.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr WYATT</name>
    <name.id>M3A</name.id>
    <electorate>Hasluck</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you for that, Minister. I rise to speak to the Australian Education Bill 2012, a bill that raises an issue of critical importance to our society—that is, the education of our young people. I am passionate about education and lifelong learning because it has made a difference to me and the options that I have had in my life. I want to see the same for all students. Sometimes we need to step down from the high moral ground of finger-pointing and look at what it is that we need to put into place that will make a difference to the educational options for all children regardless of the choices that their parents make.</para>
<para>When you educate a person, you liberate them from being a victim in life because you create the capacity for them to acquire knowledge to make informed consent decisions within the context of their life. Education develops within a person the wisdom to control their life but equally the capacity to question the way in which a government leads a nation. This is evident in nations where totalitarianism prevails, because they do not have that option; they are led to live a life that does not allow those freedoms.</para>
<para>I want to quote from a great man and an inspirational leader who has touched the lives of so many in different ways. I refer of course to Nelson Mandela, former President of South Africa, whose quote is pertinent to the core business of providing educational and training pathways for Australia's children and youth. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Education is the great engine of personal development. It is through education that the daughter of a peasant can become a doctor, that a son of a mineworker can become the head of a mine, that a child of farm worker can become the president of a great nation.</para></quote>
<para>Schools alone are not the only source of accessing an education within the framework of lifelong learning because learning begins at birth and an individual's family is a partner in the process.</para>
<para>What I did note when I read through Gonski is that recommendation 1 gives strong credence to the fact that we need to consult. It says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian government and the states and territories in consultation with the non-government sector should develop and implement a schooling resource standard as the basis for general recurrent funding of government and non-government schools.</para></quote>
<para>It goes on to expand on those standards. What is disappointing is that that consultation process is not at a stage where I thought it could have allowed for the evolution of an agreed position with states and territories and the Commonwealth government, and then defined legislation as to how that would operate. It would be common sense that those who provide education at state and territory level are those who have a significant say in the modelling and the shape of it with respect to funding.</para>
<para>I have seen the doors that good education open and I have seen the doors that a lack of education close. As a nation, in the interests of our future prosperity, education is of critical importance. I cite the United Nations Education Scientific and Cultural Organization. In the 1980s, at the international consultative forum on 'Education for All' 155 nations participated. As an outcome of their collective deliberations, a joint statement 'Education for all: a goal within reach' was released. Within the context of this joint statement, the principles of education for all is based on an individual:</para>
<list>learning to know, so as to acquire the instruments for understanding the world;</list>
<list>learning to do, so as to acquire the instruments of understanding;</list>
<list>learning to live together in order to participate, understand others and cooperate with others in all human activities; and,</list>
<list>learning to be … the development of a greater capacity for autonomy and judgement, which goes together with strengthening the feeling of personal responsibility for our collective destiny.</list>
<para>Further, and this is what we all should strive for: 'An educated individual must be prepared to play many roles in the course of their life within their community.'</para>
<para>These include: an efficient producer; a public-spirited citizen; a responsible parent/individual; a reliable and convivial friend; a teacher; and a life-long learner.</para>
<para>In the document entitled 'A National Health Policy for Children and Young People' the Australian health ministers made the following statement:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Children and young people represent a country's future. They are also important, now, as valued members of society, each with unique characteristics and potential to contribute to family and community.</para></quote>
<para>Within the context of education for all there is a need to invest in the education and training of all Australians and it is crucial to the attainment and maintenance of high-quality educational and training outcomes for all, both now and in the future.</para>
<para>This bill attempts to re-ignite a dialogue about the education of our young people and how this will impact on the future direction of our country. Unfortunately, this bill is all talk and no action.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister in her own speech has suggested three overarching goals for this bill: firstly, for Australian schooling to provide an excellent education for all students—none of us disagree with that; secondly, for Australian schooling to be highly equitable; and, thirdly, for Australia to be placed in the top-five countries in reading, science and mathematics, and for quality and equity recognised in international testing by 2025.</para>
<para>These are fine objectives but, unfortunately, this bill will only set the stage for further updates after the Council of Australian Governments meeting later this year. At this point, there is little substance to what we see. The real concern about this bill is how it will seek to achieve these broad aspirational goals of our schools. I have a genuine concern about what this is going to mean for our schools, particularly schools in my community.</para>
<para>I have great empathy for the schools which are closely monitoring the activities of this parliament in the hope of finding out what this bill will mean for them, their students and their communities.</para>
<para>This bill has no details at all as to how the new funding model will operate, how much funding individual schools will receive, how this funding will be calculated and what other obligations will be placed upon the sector.</para>
<para>This bill is basically a great big blank cheque for the government. It is difficult on this side of the chamber to have a thorough discussion about the merits of this bill because, at this stage, there is no detail about what the outcomes will be for schools.</para>
<para>However, the coalition is proposing an amendment to this bill. We believe and have moved in our amendment that the definitions in this bill should be supplemented to define both a 'systemic school' and a 'non-systemic school'.</para>
<para>The non-government school sector is very diverse and this diversity should be reflected in the funding arrangements for schools. There should be flexibility in how this funding is provided.</para>
<para>I continually meet and talk with principals and P&Cs within my electorate and one question they ask is about the operational budget that provides the scope and breadth of programs that allow for individualised learning for students who struggle. Most of them perform a shifting exercise in order to provide a diverse educational program. That should not need to happen in this country. We should not have the disparity in education that I often see across this nation. The challenge is how we recognise and define systemic and non-systemic schools, to allow the funding to be allocated to meet those needs—or, if they are not systemic then direct to the school, because there are Independent schools that are not part of a system; they are stand-alone within various jurisdictions. There has to be debate and consideration around the scope of the types of schools, and systemic schools and non-systemic schools that we have in this nation. The Gonski report recognised this need and I quote from the report, which says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Public funding for school systems would be provided to system authorities for distribution to their schools. There would be an expectation that systems would be publicly accountable for their decisions on the redistribution of that funding. Non-systemic schools would receive funding directly from governments.</para></quote>
<para>The last part of our amendment calls on the government to extend the current funding arrangements for a further two years, should this be required.</para>
<para>Parents and schools need funding certainty so that they can adequately plan for the next year and guarantee teaching positions. There is no detail about what this will mean for young students in schools across the country.</para>
<para>The bill outlines five directions for reform including: quality teaching; quality learning; empowered school leadership; transparency and accountability; and meeting student need.</para>
<para>This is the extent of the government's information. As a former educator, I am concerned that the government has made the assumption that schools and teachers are not already striving toward these goals. That is certainly underpinned by the number of national partnership agreements which exist within education and which came about as part of the COAG reform, led by the previous Prime Minister.</para>
<para>We would like to make it clear that the changes to this sector require close scrutiny but, until the government is willing to be transparent and accountable on exactly what changes it intends to make, we are unable to do so.</para>
<para>As soon as the government is willing to provide detail on the changes, we are willing to examine them and determine whether they will be beneficial to Australian schools and Australian students.</para>
<para>I doubt there would be any Australian who would philosophically disagree with the notion that we want Australian schools to be the best in the world. But it is the way in which this government intends to achieve this lofty goal that I have concerns about.</para>
<para>The final Gonski report leaves some serious questions to be answered and raises some deep concerns. Before this government can contemplate moving forward we need to know how this bill will be funded. The bill contains no details on how much money will be available or which level of government will be required to stump up the additional funding.</para>
<para>As we know, the Gonski report recommends an additional $6.5 billion per year be injected into schools. On that basis alone the current commitment is absolutely critical because, unless we provide the framework within which negotiations and discussions can occur between the Commonwealth, states and territories, systemic and non-systemic schools, then the uncertainty will prevail.</para>
<para>At this point in our history as a country we should, based on First World conditions, have an incredible education system that meets the needs of the disparities, the geographically dispersed and those who have need of intervention.</para>
<para>The assumptions we make about schools are sometimes not correct. When you stand in a school, when you sit with teachers and parents and students, you will see that some incredible work is being done. But the Gonski report provides an opportunity not for the imposition of a model but to develop a model that is inclusive of every facet of school and educational and training delivery.</para>
<para>It is probably a turning point that we need to seriously think about, because we lead into a world that is changing technologically. We live in a time when the information available and accessible is far beyond our comprehension. We also live in a time where there are families who are resource poor, and what we do not want to do is take away choices for parents. I know there are kids who come from outside of my electorate to attend schools in my electorate because these schools provide an opportunity; both government and non-government schools. Catholic schools are providing for Aboriginal kids in the Kimberley, but their funding has been affected. However, they are still continuing to provide a solid pathway.</para>
<para>Education is too important to play games with. It is important that we define what is required within the bill. Because if we do not, then the debates that we have here do not create the certainty. It is interesting that, in some areas, we sit on joint committees, and we work through commonality. We work through opportunities to create better pathways in whatever the factor is that we are looking at. Certainly, in the education bill, I would prefer, personally, and as an ex-professional who has worked in schools at both a teaching and curriculum level, and then as an administrator, to see much more detail so that you were able to foreshadow in your thinking some of the changes that will be required, where you need to modify. And let me say, the schools have overloaded curriculum that require teachers to take on much more than they did in the last decade. So there are a number of factors that we should negotiate with every state and territory. We should work cooperatively to put the detail into the bill that will achieve the outcomes that we seek. Thank you, Deputy Speaker.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms BRODTMANN</name>
    <name.id>30540</name.id>
    <electorate>Canberra</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>When I was elected, I used my first speech in this House to talk about the transformative powers of education and how Labor has helped tens of thousands of people like me break free from a cycle of disadvantage through education. I was the first member of my family to finish high school and the first member of my family to attend a university. My mother worked extremely hard so that her girls could have the opportunity of an education. It was an opportunity that was not available to her, to my grandmother, or to my great-grandmother. The achievements of my sisters and myself are testament to my mother's belief that a quality education is one the most important gifts that you can give to a child. It was through her sacrifices and commitment that I am here today, and my story is by no means unique.</para>
<para>There are countless other men and women who have finished school and gained a higher education because of the hard work and sacrifices of their parents or their family. Like me, they were supported by Labor, by a party that understands that a quality and properly funded education system is the vital link to opportunity and is the core responsibility of government. In fact, when I think about it education is one of the main reasons why I am Labor.</para>
<para>When I visit schools in my electorate—which is one of the most rewarding aspects of my life as a local member—I make time to talk with students about my experiences in a world-class public school system, and what it meant to me to have the chance to attend university. I remind students that my own journey shows how the transformative quality of education can really impact on your life. I talked with them about how education can empower, how it opens doors, how it gives options, choices and opportunities—opportunities often unimagined. Young students talk with me about their great teachers—how they are inspired by them, how their lives are changed by them, and how education can lead to totally unexpected careers, travel and life experiences.</para>
<para>Last year while I was visiting a high school not far from us here at Parliament House, students were sharing their stories about volunteering overseas and furthering their education and knowledge through programs that give them incredible opportunities. Of course, these students were also sharing their educational experiences in a school that had recently been the beneficiary of a massive funding investment as a result of the Building the Education Revolution. It is important to remind the conservatives who opposed this investment that great transformations in education have been fostered by Labor, such as the BER, and now this bill. The education revolution that Labor has championed underscores our belief in building Australia's education sector and providing greater choice and greater opportunities. Every time I visit a school in my electorate, I see how beneficial it is and how transformative it is. The investment that Labor has made in ACT schools over the past few years is truly incredible, and these enhancements are in government schools, independent schools and in Catholic schools.</para>
<para>Those opposite are strangely silent on this, because their local members know that every time they visit a school in their electorate, they see modernisation and investment and improvements in IT, thanks to Labor. They see a national curriculum, and teacher standards being improved and enhanced to the benefit of students, teachers and families. They see better teacher training initiatives, and greater decision-making authority for school principals, and they see a doubling of funding to Australian schools thanks to Labor.</para>
<para>Following the Prime Minister's announcement of the National Plan for School Improvement in September last year, Labor has made a great deal of progress on the pathway to implementation. State and territory education ministers have already agreed to work collaboratively on the main points of Labor's plan, such as higher teaching standards, better learning opportunities, individual school improvement plans and a new, needs-based school funding system. It is equally significant that state and territory education ministers, along with just about everyone interested in education, has welcomed and endorsed the Prime Minister's objective of placing Australia in the top 5 countries in the world in reading, maths and science by 2025. Since that announcement, we have also seen agreement by the states and territories to collaborate on greater transparency and accountability measures, to ensure that funding goes where it is intended and produces better results for our students.</para>
<para>An education is one of the strongest threads that runs through the <inline font-style="italic">Australia in the Asian century</inline> white paper. The paper says that by 2025 every Australian school student will have access to learning an Asian language from their first year of school. That is already happening in Canberra schools. Many students in my electorate are already undertaking broad-ranging programs in Indonesian, Japanese and Mandarin. A number of schools in my electorate have little Japanese rooms where they not only learn the language but dress up in little Japanese outfits and do drawings. Their Japanese teacher comes in every day. These rooms are quite extraordinary. They are all decked out in Japanese themes. We have also got one school that has an Indonesian themed room where the children learn Indonesian. They have puppets and dress-ups and all sorts of things. It is a complete experience for these kids. It is not just a case of language; it also involves culture, art, drawing and a great deal of fun.</para>
<para>These are all significant and landmark policies that will have a lasting legacy on Australian education. I want to talk now on this bill. It is the first comprehensive review of school funding in 40 years, a significant length of time. This bill creates the foundation for a legislative framework to ensure that Australia's schooling system is both high quality and highly equitable, while recognising inherent disadvantage. It is a key element of Labor's response to the findings of the review of funding for schooling and it is the first stage of a legislative response to ensure that all our schools are great schools. When we examined our education system a few years ago very critical facts emerged. Although the Australian economy is the envy of the world our school education system was slipping. Over the past decade Australian students have fallen from second to seventh in reading and from fifth to 13th in maths in the international exams. Australia's year 4 students were significantly outperformed in reading and literacy by 21 countries out of a total of 45.</para>
<para>This is not good enough. We can and must do a lot better than this. When we look around the world we see high levels of investment in other countries and we see that this delivers better outcomes. Labor wants to ensure that we have a school system that provides for all Australian children and gives them a real chance to reach their full potential—a world-class potential. And it is not just about disadvantaged kids and gifted kids; it is about all students. To this end, Labor's National Plan for School Improvement will see more money and more resources delivered to every school in the country. Our goal is to see a new school funding system based on the recommendations of the Gonski review. This will include a benchmark amount per student plus extra money for the schools and students who need it most.</para>
<para>I want to take this opportunity to thank St Edmund's College and St Clare's College in my electorate. In the development of the Gonski review and the response to that I went out and did a number of consultative briefing sessions with them. I had one session for staff and one session for parents. They were really worthwhile sessions—getting feedback from staff on the direction in which they thought it should be going and also getting from the parents a very strong sense of what they want out of an education system and their expectations of government and also the schools. In addition to those forums that I held I also spent a lot of time, because of my love of education, out with the school principals and teachers. I go to assemblies probably once or twice a week when we are not sitting. I meet with the union, the Independent schools association and the Catholic schools association to get a sense of the issues that concern them and also their response to Gonski and other education issues.</para>
<para>I want to name a few of the schools whose principals I meet with: St Mary MacKillop College, Saint Edmund's College, St Clare's College, Saint Francis of Assisi college, Canberra Grammar, Richardson Primary School, Bonython Primary School, Conder Primary School, Gordon Primary School, Lanyon High School, Alfred Deakin High School and the colleges. The principals have been extraordinarily excited about this first review of school funding in 40 years and they want to be actively engaged in it. In the conversations I have with them they have been incredibly well-informed and incredibly interested in ensuring that they deliver the best outcomes not just for ACT schools or their particular school but for education across Australia today and into the future.</para>
<para>The Gonski review is not just a question of increased funding, however; it is also about binding extra money to changes that deliver better results. Let me outline what we want to deliver. We want to deliver an innovative funding model for every school that guarantees all Australian schools the money they need to do their job. We want to deliver higher standards for our teachers, with at least a term's classroom experience before graduation and an annual performance review for every teacher. We want to give teachers extra training in managing disruptive behaviour and dealing with bullying so that every school student can learn in a safe environment. We want to increase authority for school principals in hiring staff and controlling the budget—and I know that some of the schools principals I have spoken to about this issue in my electorate have really embraced this concept. We want to improve the My School information to make sure no school falls behind, with more information for parents so they can see how their children are managing. We want every school to have its own school improvement plan that will outline the steps that schools will need to take to improve student results. We want to know which schools need extra help to improve their results, and we will provide the support to ensure that that happens. We want to ensure that school improvement plans are part of a national drive to ensure we meet our goals as set out in the Asian century white paper. And, as I mentioned before, we want every student to have access to learning an Asian language from their first day of school.</para>
<para>The Gillard government is prepared to invest substantially more money to help deliver this plan for better schools and we expect other governments to contribute their fair share too. We know that a quality education is an opportunity that must be available to all Australian students no matter their circumstances or background. This bill lays the foundations for a framework to ensure Australia's schooling system is high quality, highly equitable—that is particularly important bearing in mind my background and that of many here and that of many tens of thousands of Australians—and recognises disadvantage.</para>
<para>This bill is an essential element of our response to the findings of the review of funding for schooling.</para>
<para>What we have before us is legislation that outlines the National Plan for School Improvement and the base for a new national push to improve both school and student results. The bill details the five core reform directions of the plan, which are: quality teaching, quality learning, empowered school leadership, transparency and accountability, and meeting student need. As I noted earlier, these reform directions are based on the collaborative work undertaken by all states and territories, the non-government sector and the Commonwealth to ensure that future funding is directed to what makes a difference in schools.</para>
<para>There has also been extensive consultation with parents groups, education unions and representatives of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and disability education sectors, amongst others. It is the first stage of our legislative response to ensure that all our schools can be great, world-class schools. Most importantly, this bill outlines a plan for further reforms to address educational disadvantage and to ensure that by 2025 Australia is ranked as a top five country in the world for education performance.</para>
<para>I hope every member of this parliament agrees with the Gillard government that all students, regardless of their circumstance, geography or socioeconomic situation, are entitled to an excellent, world-class education, so that every Australian girl and every Australian boy can reach their potential and have the chance to experience the world of opportunity that education has provided for me.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">WYATT ROY</name>
    <name.id>M2X</name.id>
    <electorate>Longman</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today to address the Australian Education Bill, a framework outlining this government's intention to introduce a new funding model for schools as recommended by its review of funding for schooling panel. The panel's work, chaired by leading corporate identity David Gonski, has become known simply as the Gonski review. But this is one equation—adequately funding Australian schooling so that all students have an equitable shot at success—that is far from simple. If the right answer is not reached, this and future generations will be justified in pointing the finger at this place and asking: 'Why did you let us down? Why did you deny us our opportunity to reach our potential? Why did you stand in the way of our being the best Australians that we can be?'</para>
<para>Our current educational standards are notably below par. Just before Christmas, our worst fears were sheeted home with the release of two landmark global studies. The findings of the 2011 Progress in International Reading Literacy Study and the 2011 Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study cast serious questions over one of the Prime Minister's key goals for this bill—that Australia be placed in the top five countries in reading, science and mathematics by 2025. In the tests, Australian students came 27th out of 45 countries in year 4 reading benchmarks—significantly behind the US, England, Canada, the Czech Republic, the Russian Federation and Hungary, and on equal footing with Lithuania, Slovenia and Bulgaria. Twenty-five per cent of our year 4 pupils failed to meet the minimum reading standard for their age. In maths and science, we ranked 18th and 25th respectively for year 4 students out of 52 countries tested. High school students did better, ranking in the top 10 for year 8 maths and science out of 45 countries. But a high proportion of young Australians failed to meet the minimum standard for their grade in maths and science—again, more than a quarter of year 4 and year 8 students.</para>
<para>Minister for School Education and Minister for Early Childhood and Youth, Minister Garrett, described the results as a 'wake-up call', and, admittedly, they were further evidence that national changes to the school system were needed urgently. In an ironic twist, Australian Council for Educational Research CEO Professor Geoff Masters was almost, shall we say, lost for words. He 'could barely believe it' when he first saw the reading results.</para>
<para>Let us be in no doubt. Labor cuts to programs and the hindrance and meddling of the education unions should take a deal of the blame for this damning lag in performance. The previous coalition government pulled out all stops to insure against any slide, including introducing $700 vouchers to cover the cost of extra tuition for struggling students. Such children could have private after-hours tuition as part of a drive to raise standards, but the unions detested this constructive help because it involved the private sector, and this Labor government dismantled the program. It was the carping unions, too, which undermined the Howard government's considerable efforts to raise teaching standards in schools. They saw every move to incentivise good teaching as an attack on their general membership.</para>
<para>Today, the imperative to improve all levels of teacher training is clearly more resonant than ever. The next coalition government will take action, not as a backhander to teachers or teaching—one of the noblest professions—but as a measure of support, through proper resourcing, goal setting and rewards that will return the joy to their vital vocation. Australian teachers deserve this, and their students deserve the benefits that will flow.</para>
<para>On the other hand, Labor's so-called education revolution has lurched from one failure to the next. This Labor government pledged to lavish every Australian secondary student with a computer. But the realities included a cost-of-delivery blow-out of $1.4 billion. Then there is the Prime Minister's supposed schools stimulus program, the so-called Building the Education Revolution or BER, that has resulted in the most extraordinary waste of taxpayers' money. In the program's rushed and reckless roll-out, the government opened itself to price gouging for the building of school halls and other structures. The original budget of $14.7 billion jumped to $16.2 billion. According to some estimates, the amount of wasted BER money is in the vicinity of $5 billion to $8 billion of Australian taxpayers' money. One such tragic illustration from my electorate involved the building of a besser block and tin-roofed shed for the school to assemble in. Only once it was up was it discovered to be inadequate. The entire student body could not fit into the space. A wall was designated to be knocked down to allow the necessary expansion. But, by then, the budget was exhausted. This craziness had cost $1.8 million. Much of it was wasted on bureaucracy and consultancy fees. It is something that could not, and will not, occur under a coalition government.</para>
<para>The coalition has a plan to hand principals and boards or community councils the real autonomy and the authority in the running of their schools. For the aforementioned school, this would have resulted in a proper hall being built, and for a far more competitive price, with surplus funds going to other improvements and upgrades to the buildings and the grounds. It would be the principal and the local school determining where the funding went, ensuring it was utilised in the best possible way. I cannot be more emphatic. Authority must be returned to local school communities so that they can be in control of not just building plans but the array of long-term decisions on the education needs of students.</para>
<para>Nobody would disagree with the aim of turning Australia's schools into the world's best-practice. But the brutal truth is that under this Labor government we are light years away from that ever happening. The coalition is moving an amendment to the bill, and from the government we do await further details. So much uncertainty clearly prevails. What we do know is that the main recommendation of the Gonski review was to implement a new funding model, seeking greater equanimity across schools at an extra cost to all governments of $6.5 billion a year. The panel's original proposal was that the Commonwealth and the states split the cost of introducing the model on a 30 to 70 basis. This would see each government lifting their existing school education expenditure by approximately 15 per cent.</para>
<para>The coalition has consistently maintained that any new funding model should, of course, see no school left worse off in real terms. But leaked government modelling last year suggested otherwise, revealing that approximately one-third of all schools—both government and non-government—would actually lose funding. The government has done nothing to alleviate the concerns, with a reluctance, to this point, to detail the proposed breakdown of funding and the role of indexation. As it stands, the bill currently before the House sets a largely aspirational goal and is due to be updated following discussions at the forthcoming Council of Australian Governments. In the meantime, it contains no detail of how much money will be available, how much individual schools will receive and how this will be calculated. Nor does the bill flag the sorts of new obligations that will be placed upon the education sector.</para>
<para>Since the Gonski report was handed in December 2011 to the government, Labor has spent hundreds of thousands of dollars on consultants to redesign various elements of the panel's original funding proposal. Yet not only has none of the modelling ever been released by the Gillard government, but this same government has never supplied a formal response to each of the panel's 41 recommendations.</para>
<para>Last month Queensland's education minister John-Paul Langbroek publically expressed his dissatisfaction. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We've had absolutely no detail about numbers. … We don't have a model from which we can work and we also don't have any idea about what state contributions are supposed to be let alone whether we can afford them.</para></quote>
<para>Just last week, Victorian Premier Ted Baillieu put his discontent on the record. He stated that he looked forward:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… to the details of the Gonski proposals because nobody knows what they are. All we know is it's going to cost a lot of money …</para></quote>
<para>And away from what some might consider the vested interest of politics these same sentiments reoccur. Last November Bill Daniels, the Independent Schools Council of Australia chief executive, urged the government to produce for stakeholders the information that will determine their future. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">While ISCA appreciates the complexity of the task, many of the 1,100 independent school communities have genuine concerns about the continuing uncertainty of future funding arrangements. Considerable time has passed since the release of the Gonski Review of Funding for Schooling and current Australian Government funding arrangements for independent schools expire at the end of 2013.</para></quote>
<para>Mr Daniels went on:</para>
<quote><para class="block">ISCA encourages the Government to quickly finalise the details of the funding arrangements with state and territory governments and with the independent and Catholic sectors, and to incorporate them into the Australian Education Bill as soon as possible. This is the only way to provide school communities with an assurance that there will be stable, fair, robust and transparent public funding of independent schools from the commencement of 2014.</para></quote>
<para>This Labor government's parlous performance on education is reflected in the test results of students who deserve better, and in the hand-wringing of parents and educators. It is not only arrogant but the height of ignorance for this government to maintain its predilection for an information vacuum on matters pertaining to this bill. We on this side of the House wait with interest for the i's to be dotted, for the t's to be crossed and for the numbers to add up.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PERRETT</name>
    <name.id>HVP</name.id>
    <electorate>Moreton</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise proudly to speak on the Australian Education Bill 2012. The Gillard Labor government is committed to giving every Australian child the right to a world-class education irrespective of where they live, the school they attend or their family background. Sadly, I have been listening to some of the speeches from those opposite. They seem to occasionally touch on this as a topic, as a theory, but not in practice. It would seem to be that they believe in the status quo. I guess that is the brief of conservatives everywhere but it is particularly that of those opposite, the conservatives opposite. They insist on conserving, whereas obviously in the Australian Labor Party, as the progressive party, we are a party of ideas, a party of making sure that there is opportunity for all.</para>
<para>The Gillard Labor government strongly believes in the power of education, and the Prime Minister has made this a central part of her prime ministership. She, as a migrant from Wales, like many of the people in the Labor Party who have been given opportunities through education, knows that the right education can transform lives. We are committed as a party to making sure every school is a great school.</para>
<para>It is in Labor DNA. We have a strong track record that we can be very proud of when it comes to investing in our children's future. As I have said previously, I will stack our 3,000 libraries up against those opposite's 3,000 flagpoles when they were in office for 12 years, any day. I am particularly proud of the Building the Education Revolution that was rolled out across my electorate.</para>
<para>And now today, we have a very resilient economy with low unemployment, contained inflation, solid growth, record levels of investment and low debt. In fact, the level of investment is a bit of a problem in some areas. I know up in the Roma area, in some bits of the Darling Downs, there are some labour shortages—but that is a great problem to have. It would be nice to have a lever that would enable some of the people who need employment, where there are job shortages, to be able to move to other areas—not that we want to go the way of those opposite with their 'troppo' plan.</para>
<para>The reality is that the Gillard Labor government has put in place measures to help Australians with cost-of-living pressures at the same as taking a longer-term view—not just a short-term populist view, but a longer-term view—that improves productivity, which can then flow to all and make sure that the high-wages economy of the future can be a reality for my grandchildren.</para>
<para>We have invested in revolutionary initiatives such as the National Broadband Network, an initiative that will be destroyed by those opposite despite the fact that when they go to their electorate they are happy to say to people, 'I am lobbying for the NBN to be rolled out faster in my electorate'. Yet, they come in here and are prepared to commit to ripping up some of this NBN.</para>
<para>The Labor Party also introduced the first paid parental leave scheme. We have lifted the childcare rebate, not to mention those great environmental initiatives. Some I am particularly proud of include the Coral Sea Marine Park and, although it is a bit outside my electorate, the initiatives in the Murray-Darling Basin Plan.</para>
<para>However, the most significant investment that this Labor government has made toward the future, and the one I am most proud of, is obviously moving toward improving education for all Australian children in all Australian schools. Not just a case of empty platitudes: instead we have doubled the education budget—or basically doubled it—since Labor came to government in 2007. It is five years tomorrow since my first day in parliament, so to be able to tick the box and say in that time we have doubled the education budget is something I am particularly proud of.</para>
<para>The Gillard Labor government is also delivering on helping families make ends meet with things like the schoolkids bonus—something particularly appreciated in my electorate. I know that because parents have been telling me; as my son has gone back to school, parents have said, 'Thank you very much'. Particularly post Christmas, it is appreciated by parents with kids. Sadly, we hear again and again from those opposite that they will cut that scheme, an amazing initiative.</para>
<para>The Gillard Labor government is preparing Australia for the future and delivering on Labor values by investing in school improvements, in aged care, in a national disability insurance scheme—which I am proud to say is being introduced to parliament in this parliamentary fortnight—in dental care, in skills training and in significant investments in infrastructure. I have been waiting a long time for the Leader of the House, in his portfolio, to actually be asked some infrastructure questions, but that is yet to happen. But when he is asked a question, my goodness you cannot stop him on all the changes that we have brought in; changes that I know in my electorate we have been waiting for since Federation in 1901, in terms of some of the rail infrastructure—the archaic rules and guidelines that we had that have been cleaned up by Labor.</para>
<para>The National Plan for School Improvement aims to provide first-rate education for all school students, and to ensure that Australia becomes one of the top five countries in the world in reading, writing and maths by 2025. Isn't that a noble goal that we all support?</para>
<para>As a former teacher with 11 years' experience—I should stress I taught English, not mathematics—in state and Catholic schools, and then a further five years down the track as a union organiser with the Independent Education Union of Australia, I do have a fair knowledge of the education sector. I am proud to stand here today to speak on the progress the Gillard Labor government has made since the announcement of the National Plan for School Improvement in September last year.</para>
<para>Since the announcement of this plan and the release of the Gonski review findings, I have had many discussions with principals, P&Cs, P&Fs, parents and community members at forums, at P&C meetings and at P&F meetings, and they are all concerned about Australian education standards. I have had some great one-on-one meetings with some principals and then some lively debates with other education stakeholders. I do that both as an MP and also as a parent of a student in year 3.</para>
<para>These discussions have always come to the same conclusion, that our federal, state and territory governments need to work together to invest in an improved education system so we are not falling further behind compared to the rest of the world. This is not a blame game exercise; I am proud here in 2013 that I can say that the Labor Party does not judge schools by the name above the gate. However, I think we should judge political parties by the money that they devote to education rather than just the empty platitudes.</para>
<para>In my electorate of Moreton there are around 20,000 students attending 45 schools. I have state schools, private schools, big schools and small schools; some schools with over 1,600 students and one with only 40. I have religious schools and secular schools, single-sex schools and co-education schools: Catholic, Christian, Muslim, Anglican, wealthy, battlers, NAPLAN champions—those I will not single out but there are some of the top 10 schools in Queensland—and some schools that, according to NAPLAN, have some challenges and opportunities. Moreton is home to this large range of fantastic schools and I certainly want to see their students given the best opportunities in life through education.</para>
<para>As I said, both sides agree on this theory, but there is a giant chasm between us on the how and the when. There is my small primary school—Rocklea State School—through to the big primary schools, which are some of the biggest primary schools in Australia—Warrigal Road State School, Sunnybank Hill State School and MacGregor State School, three of the biggest; Graceville State School is also significant and also Corinda State High School. These are some of the biggest schools in Australia.</para>
<para>We also have some great private schools. I could mention St Elizabeth's Catholic Primary School in Tarragindi, St Brendan's Catholic Primary School in Moorooka, St Aidan's Anglican Girls School in Corinda and Southside Christian College. These are wonderful schools, but to complement that education story I need to mention some of the special schools in my electorate. Just before Christmas I visited the Sunnybank Special School to watch their Christmas concert, where I met their wonderful new principal, Nicole Finch. Watching the school pageant, where these people with varying degrees of disability did the <inline font-style="italic">The </inline><inline font-style="italic">Twelve Days of Christmas</inline> in costume, I knew that for some it was like climbing Everest just to do their part of the song. It was very heart warming, and certainly confirmed why we need to have the NDIS and why we need to have individual schemes catering for individual disabilities and the opportunities and challenges that come with disabilities.</para>
<para>I have also been to Tennyson Special School, Kuraby Special School and Runcorn Secondary Special Education Unit—and Calamvale Special School, which is just over the border in the electorate of Oxley. They all do great work. I greatly commend all the education workers, the teachers, health workers and volunteers, that contribute to these schools, and obviously the parents. It is undoubtable that the community benefits from all their hard work. We need them to make sure that we have a bright future.</para>
<para>Moreton is quite a multicultural electorate. Consequently, the schools have a variety of cultural backgrounds. If you go to Yeronga State High School, particularly to their multicultural day, you can see all the countries of the world represented. At Milpera State High School students from all over Brisbane come to learn English in all of their subjects. Nyanda State High School is another very strong multicultural school.</para>
<para>Then I can go to the Murri School in Acacia Ridge. It is a private school set up by the Indigenous community. Southside Education is a school that I have a particular soft spot for. I think it might have been set up by the Baptists but it caters particularly for young women who have children. The school has its own creche to give the young women an opportunity in life. I was amazed, talking to some of the teachers there about some of the problems that are associated with homework, to learn that some of the students may not know where they are sleeping that night and they have a kid to look after. It puts some of the concerns I had, in some of the schools where I taught, in a completely different perspective.</para>
<para>All the schools I have mentioned and the many others in my electorate will benefit from the National Plan for School Improvement. How? They will benefit through the five key areas. First, the plan will endorse quality teaching to make sure we have the best and brightest teachers in our classrooms. I know that as a former teacher I am biased but I think the quality of teachers is the No. 1 factor in improving education. Second, the plan will ensure quality learning through a world-class curriculum while providing individual support for students. Third, the plan will empower school leaders by giving principals more say over how their school is run, within a consultative process to make sure that the parents as well as the broader school community is involved. Fourth, the plan will provide better information to the community regarding their school's performance. That is why My School is a favourite on so many home computers around Australia; it is about giving information to parents. Lastly, and most importantly, the plan will meet the needs of disadvantaged students and schools.</para>
<para>Under the Labor government the schools of Moreton have seen a number of significant improvements. When I attended BER openings in my electorate, in the middle of the GFC and soon after, it made me proud to be a member of the Australian Labor government. I saw the fantastic renovations and infrastructure developments that are promoting better learning environments, curriculum innovation and access to facilities for local students—and also access by the local community.</para>
<para>The federal Labor government is further building its vision for school reforms by continuing to drive change and deliver results across a range of school initiatives. The Building the Education Revolution invested $92 million in Moreton for 151 BER projects, including the building or upgrading of 21 classrooms, 26 libraries, 21 multipurpose halls and three science and language centres. We will continue to see the benefits of this program for many years to come.</para>
<para>There have been 4,384 computers installed under the Digital Education Revolution, National Secondary Schools Computer Fund. There was $1.6 million approved for the Acacia Ridge Trade Training Centre project benefiting local schools in the Moreton electorate. We invest in trades and TAFEs; sadly, we have a Premier at the moment who wants to close down TAFE sites.</para>
<para>My electorate has 15 schools participating in the Smarter Schools National Partnerships. I should declare that St Brendan's Catholic Primary School, where my son goes, is one of these schools. The Smarter Schools National Partnerships program is an agreement between the Australian government and state and territory governments addressing disadvantaged students, supporting teachers and school leaders and improving literacy and numeracy.</para>
<para>There are 26 schools eligible to receive funding for chaplaincy and student welfare services in the electorate of Moreton and I particularly commend the chappies and the great work that they do with students. I know that they save lives sometimes.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr STONE</name>
    <name.id>EM6</name.id>
    <electorate>Murray</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to support the Australian Education Bill—along with the coalition, of course. But as with most things that Labor puts into this House it could have been much better. We only have a fraction of the information we need to be satisfied that we are going to have a more successful education system in the future—one that is competitive and will give us a set of educational outcomes that put us in the top five countries in the world.</para>
<para>Of course in Australia we want to provide excellent education for all students, and that is one of the aspirations of this bill. We also believe Australian schooling should be equitable and, as I said, one of the three goals of this bill is for Australia to be placed in the top five countries in reading, science and maths; for quality and equity to be recognised in international testing; and for this to be achieved by 2025. We do not have a detailed understanding of just what the new funding model will be. There are no details of how much money will be available. And we certainly do not know how, and according to what sorts of principles, the new funding model will operate, or how much individual schools will receive.</para>
<para>Education is not just about cash or about injections of additional grants and funding but they certainly go a very long way to improve the quality of teaching and learning outcomes. You can empower school leadership through properly placed resources. For me, as the member for Murray, all of these matters are of critical concern given the current declining state of educational opportunity in my electorate. There are reasons why those educational opportunities and outcomes are declining. It is very much, sadly, a consequence of this government's neglect of the agricultural sector, and the agricultural sector underpins the economy in northern Victoria.</para>
<para>I need to tell you about the Goulburn-Murray school attainment statistics because they emphasise why it is so important that we drive for equitable outcomes in Australian schooling and for excellent education for all students. These statistics have been put together by the Goulburn Murray Local Learning and Employment Network or GMLLEN as it is locally called. My electorate, particularly the City of Greater Shepparton, is over-represented in the number of refugee students who have very recently arrived both from the Middle East and from Africa. We also have a big proportion of Indigenous students in our schools and we now have a growing proportion of students whose parents' enterprises, particularly farm enterprises and small businesses, are in great financial distress. Given those factors, the statistics I am about to relate to you are not surprising. It is the sort of experience of a rural regional community like ours which must drive a government, like the Labor government that we now have, to try harder. The Labor government has failed regions like mine comprehensively and I am afraid it will probably not be until we have a change of government that the students in my electorate will have some sense of equitable treatment and achieve excellence in education.</para>
<para>The school retention and university enrolment rates in the broader Hume region, including Shepparton, are the lowest of all Victorian regions. Education levels are lower on average in Shepparton among Australian-born students than among overseas-born students. Some of my schools have more than 70 per cent overseas born students in them, but that is also reflecting my Indigenous population. A third, or 33 per cent, of all students who completed year 12 in government schools in Shepparton in 2010 continued on to further or higher education. But that compares with 50 per cent of all Victorian students continuing on to further or higher education, a difference of nearly 20 per cent. In 2011, the total number of students continuing with a bachelor degree or certificate IV in my region was 39.9 per cent, compared to Victoria as a whole, which had 63.4 per cent.</para>
<para>University deferral rates in Shepparton are nearly twice as high as the state average. In 2011 in Victoria the overall deferral rate was 10 per cent. In the Goulburn-Murray area it was 19.8 per cent. There is limited access to TAFE and ACE in the shires surrounding the City of Greater Shepparton. Twenty four per cent of the working-age population in Shepparton is on Centrelink benefits, compared to 17 per cent of that population in Victoria and in Australia. We have many younger people with low aspirations and high welfare dependency because of their family circumstances. They need special support in our schools. They need enthused and talented teachers. Unfortunately, as we know, teaching in Australia is a low-status, low-paid job with very little support for those who excel. And there is certainly not much support for those who enter the profession with bright ideals but are then confronted with poor infrastructure, red tape and bureaucracy that does not support them to grow their professional skills.</para>
<para>Let me go on to tell you more about the younger people in my area and why they need a better outcome than the Labor government is delivering. Unemployment rates among my early school leavers are higher than the state average. In 2010 the teenage unemployment rate in the City of Greater Shepparton was five times higher than that of the overall working age population, and much higher than that of Victoria. The teenage birth rate for 15- to 19-year-olds in Greater Shepparton was 20.9 per 1,000 girls. That compares with the state average of 10.6 teenage births per 1,000, so we have almost double the number of teenage births. Greater Shepparton is ranked 14th out of 67 local government areas for teenage birth rates. Teenage birth rates particularly reflect young girls' lack of alternatives, lack of good information and counselling and lack of choices in their lives. As we know, where you have got 15- and 16-year-olds giving birth it often leads to interrupted education, failure to complete schooling and a lifetime of poverty. That poverty becomes intergenerational too, as we know.</para>
<para>Adolescent and adult offender rates for crimes both against persons and against property are also significantly higher in Shepparton than they are in Victoria as a whole, and they have increased in the past five years—from 77.8 per 1,000 adolescents in 2005-06 to 90.6 per 1,000 adolescents in 2009-10. That compares with 65.3 per 1,000 in Victoria on average in 2009-10. Again, with our young people leaving school early and not being able to go on to higher education, they very often find themselves amongst those accused of crimes and find themselves contributing to the offender statistics.</para>
<para>The increased percentage of early school leavers in my area who are unemployed after six months is also very disappointing, but it is not surprising given the increased pressures on our rural communities. Let me explain why those very sad and damning statistics represent the people in my electorate. Let me also hasten to add, though, that I spend a lot of time in secondary and primary schools in my electorate and I am forever in awe of the quality of the individuals that I meet in those schools, both the teaching profession and the young people who are sometimes struggling against the most difficult family circumstances—where their single parent has limited resources, where there is very little public transport or where there are very few options for them to go to different schools that might better meet their needs. Where English is a second language, the number of hours available to schools to help with their newly arrived, non-English-speaking background, refugee students is not sufficient.</para>
<para>We face an enormous battle because we have been neglected by the Labor government. Even now, when I look at the objectives of this bill, there are so many motherhood statements. There is no detail that will give anyone in my area comfort to think that Labor are serious about addressing the inequalities and the disadvantage.</para>
<para>Why is there such educational disadvantage in my area? The region's labour force is concentrated in the Labor-squeezed and neglected sectors of manufacturing and agriculture. In this area of Victoria, 35 per cent of employment is concentrated in agriculture and manufacturing, compared with just 13 per cent in the rest of Australia. It is extremely difficult when you have a government like this, which pays no attention to the needs of food exporters—and 60 per cent of our food production is exported—and when you have the carbon tax making the costs of production so high that your sector cannot any longer compete with places like New Zealand, the US or the European community, where their competitors are. You have labour penalty rates and laws which discriminate against seasonal labour workforces. You have the carbon tax driving up electricity prices. You have power-intensive industry. All of that makes it very difficult.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Stephen Jones</name>
    <name.id>A9B</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Deputy Speaker, I rise on a point of order, on the question of relevance. We are straying beyond that which even a liberal ruling would say was relevant to the bill before the House.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>BV5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The honourable member's point of order is reasonably valid. I ask the honourable member for Murray to come back to the bill.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Dr STONE</name>
    <name.id>EM6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I will, Mr Deputy Speaker, but that is an example of why Labor are failing students in my area. They just fail to understand the drivers for early school leaving, failure to be employed, teenage pregnancies and incarceration rates of adolescents, all of which are part of an extraordinary environment of disadvantage. This bill, I am sad to say, does not home in on the very serious issues of structural disadvantage that are now affecting much of regional Australia. That is why I stress those statistics.</para>
<para>For example, since 2006 more than 50 per cent of the dairy farmers have exited the industry in the Goulburn-Murray region. They all had children. They had small schools that the local dairy community supported. There were 50 children in those schools; now there are 10 or the school has closed. A school with three teachers can offer better educational alternatives and options than a school with one teacher, but this is what is happening in the declining populations in rural and regional Australia, particularly in northern Victoria. At the Heinz factory, 146 jobs were lost and went to New Zealand. At SPC Ardmona in Mooroopna, part of Coca-Cola Amatil, another 150 jobs were lost. Rochester Murray-Goulburn has lost all of those jobs.</para>
<para>The problem is that our school students once aspired to work in local manufacturing and local agribusiness. They now, quite reasonably, feel they will have to look for alternative occupations and have to train elsewhere. But I am saying that we should have those training options right there in those rural and regional communities.</para>
<para>This bill does not give me much hope that we are going to see funds directed to better regional funding models. It does not give me any hope that our rural and regional teachers will receive better career counselling support so they can direct our students to alternative occupations in agriculture and food manufacturing. When I look at this bill, I think to myself: it is purely a feel-good set of motherhood statements. It should have really driven into the growing distance between the life experiences of metropolitan Australians and rural Australians. It should have looked at the disadvantage that we know exists with Indigenous students. It should have looked at the life experience now of so many refugees, who settle in a place like northern Victoria only to find that the schools do not offer support in English as a second language and the towns do not offer parents the sort of work they would have had even five years ago.</para>
<para>So I am not saying this bill is fantastic. I am saying that the goals expressed in the bill are fine, but the detail is missing. In fact, I wonder if the heart is missing from Labor when it comes to looking beyond the tram tracks and beyond its own electorates. When will you look at rural and regional Australia and understand that the people living there are Australian citizens too? Without decent education they cannot realise their genuine life prospects or opportunities, and that is just not fair.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr STEPHEN JONES</name>
    <name.id>A9B</name.id>
    <electorate>Throsby</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The 43rd Parliament has been fractious but busy, noisy but productive. There is no more important a matter that we could grapple with in the remaining months of this parliament than improving our school education system. The Prime Minister has, rightly, made it her highest priority. Education is what raises us up. It ensures that we have the opportunity to be the best people that we possibly can be and to make the best contribution to our country. That is why it is core business for Labor governments to ensure we do our bit to reform and improve our education system.</para>
<para>This is an important piece of legislation, but it is not our first attempt to improve the lot of our schools, our school staff and our students. Since 2007 we have doubled the amount of money we are spending on the school education system. We have made significant advances. We are working on and introducing a National Curriculum in English, science, maths and history into classrooms right across the country. We have provided record support of over $200 million for students with disabilities. We have put more power into the hands of over 900 school principals through our $64 million Empowering Local Schools scheme. We have delivered an extra $243 million in this year's budget alone for the Literacy and Numeracy National Partnerships in Schools program to enable that important program to continue its work. We have invested an additional $30 million into Indigenous students under the Focus Schools programs. Also, importantly, we have announced another $1 billion for early-childhood education, giving every four-year-old in Australia access to 15 hours a week of kindergarten or preschool. These are the sorts of reforms you would expect from a government that truly prioritises education and reforming our education system.</para>
<para>The bill before the House today has a long history. It started with the commissioning of a review of our school education funding system by Mr David Gonski. He engaged in a national debate, consulting far and wide, not only with educators, with parents and with experts within the field but with business. He looked in Australia and abroad. He found that we have a good education system here in Australia, but when we compare ourselves to other countries in the world, indeed even other countries in the region, we are falling behind, particularly in the areas of maths and science, the keys to our national productivity and to the ability of students from our schools to engage not only in the national economy but the international economy.</para>
<para>He also found that the gap between the highest-performing and lowest-performing schools was growing. Whilst the answer to this problem did not lie solely within the funding of our school system, it was a significant part of the problem, and additional funding was a significant part in reforming and improving our education outcomes.</para>
<para>This bill is not the first part of our reform process, but it is about making sure that every single student can succeed to his or her best ability; it is about creating the conditions for our high achievers to excel; it is about ensuring that we have more high achievers; and it is about ensuring greater success for those who are failing. The bill is about improving education outcomes for all, making all of our schools great, where every school has the capacity to lift each and every student to achieve to the best of their ability. To this end the Australian Education Bill outlines a plan for further reforms to address educational disadvantage and to ensure that by 2025 Australia is ranked as a top-five country in the world for education performance.</para>
<para>The National Plan for School Improvement contains a number of elements that will ensure that every school will have great teachers; the performance of every school is improved; parents and the community have more information about school performance; and more help for students who need it. The bill commits the government to provide funding on a needs basis to support schools in the future. Funding will be tied to parties agreeing on implementing reforms to ensure that funding is directed in an accountable and transparent way to where it needs to go, and in the ways we know make a difference. Funding will be based on a benchmark amount for each student in each school. In addition to the benchmark, loadings will be added to address educational disadvantage, which will ensure extra funding for students who need extra support.</para>
<para>This is a once-in-a-generation opportunity to improve our schools and ensure every student gets the opportunity to reach their full potential. When negotiations are completed with the states and territories, the government will update through further legislation to improve the operation of the agreed new schools funding model.</para>
<para>I have had the opportunity to have a discussion with schools, parents and educators within my electorate. I have asked them what implementing the recommendations of the Gonski review to school funding would mean for their schools, for their students and for their kids. I had some impressive responses. Dapto High estimated that they could receive up to $1.4 million in additional funding for their school. What would they do with that money? They would provide a special needs teacher in every faculty to support students who needed it. They would improve faculties and resources for their autism classes. They would improve online resources for students and teachers. It means having a textbook for every student in the school for every faculty. It means having an interactive white board in every classroom. It means more staff training, a specialist literacy teacher, an additional teacher librarian to teach literacy and promote reading, and renewing the library, because it has not been upgraded or had any modifications on it since it was built in 1975. It would provide resources to assist students to move into the workforce. It would provide funding for a specialist AIM teacher to assist Aboriginal students. It would fund a homework centre, provide a breakfast club every morning of the week instead of the one morning of the week that they currently operate. The list goes on and on. These are not exorbitant or immodest requests. Indeed, if you were to ask many people in this place they might be shocked to know that a school in an electorate such as mine did not have access to these sorts of facilities.</para>
<para>I asked teachers at Albion Park High School to share their hopes with me about what the Australian Education Bill might mean if it was passed by this parliament. Suzi Roth, a teacher at the school, told me it would make a dramatic difference having a teacher's aide. In her experience, having a teacher's aide caters to the diverse needs of all the students in her class. I happen to know many of the students in that school and I know that there are diverse needs, with many coming from disadvantaged or challenged backgrounds. A teacher's aide would make a real difference.</para>
<para>Edward Kent, a language teacher, said the principle of funding schools on the basis of need would enable his school to provide individualised support and learning opportunities to their students. Stephen Taylor, a science teacher whom we spoke to, put in a plug for a new science lab at his school. Phil Seymour, the principal at Hayes Park Public School, thinks that the Gonski funding will mean his students will have the best opportunity to reach their full potential, with more resources and the flexibility he needs to drive improvements in student outcomes. Dorothy Cass, the principal of Primbee Public School, speaks of the great work her teaching and support staff put in in improving the outcomes at her school—another disadvantaged area. Dorothy believes that significant additional funding allocated on the basis of student need will help her school continue to make the great improvements they have been making with the national school partnerships funding. Cheryl Trusket, another local teacher, looks forward to accessing effective resources and programs with a shift to needs based funding. I have had feedback from Elizabeth Negro of Dapto, who talked and wrote about the importance of the funding benchmark and the school resource standard, which will ensure all students, including our brightest, will receive an equitable amount of funding. Local parent Bronwyn O'Keefe hopes that all students will have access to the same support that her daughter had when she was at school. Ron Watt, another local parent, believes that needs based funding will mean improved outcomes for non-English-speaking students in his area and an improved curriculum for all students. I thank everyone who has contributed to the debate within my electorate: teachers, parents and students—all of them, because they have played a part in ensuring that this bill came before the House today.</para>
<para>There is a great appreciation for the work that the Gillard Labor government has done in improving the education system in the 63 schools in my electorate. They know that they have already received over $96 million through 136 BER programs in the electorate, including the upgrading of 27 classrooms, 14 libraries, 20 multipurpose halls and two science and language learning centres. We have 19 schools participating in the Smarter Schools National Partnerships, and we have had over $7 million approved for four trades training centres in my electorate—all great commitments to improving education outcomes for students in Throsby.</para>
<para>I would like to make a few observations about some points that have been made within this debate here in the parliament and elsewhere. Some have said that the most important thing that we can do in the education system federally is to ensure that parents have a choice in what school they send their kids to. Well, I believe in choice. I am the product of both state and Catholic education systems. But we have to be frank: a parent does not have real choice in the education of their kids if the only reason they are sending their kids to a private school is because the local public school does not have sufficient resources to provide a decent standard of education for their kids—that is not a real choice. Parents should have the choice of sending their kids to a private school or a selective school on the basis that the curriculum meets their needs, or it aligns with their faith or religious belief, or they have an expertise in sports or engineering or the arts—that is a choice. But you do not have a choice when you have to divert your child from the state system to a private system because the state system does not have the resources.</para>
<para>We have had a discussion about the importance of teacher quality, and I concur with those who say that teacher quality is key to improving education outcomes for our students. But if you are serious about this you need a plan to improve teacher quality, and all I have heard from the other side so far in this debate—their only plan for improving teacher quality—is to make it easier to sack teachers. Well, that is not a plan for improving teacher quality. You can get a lot of improvement in teacher quality if you have additional funding in a school which will enable the school to employ relief teachers so that existing teachers can go off and engage in a course of further learning or professional development in a specialised area needed in that school. You can get teacher quality by better funding and assisting that school to improve the quality of their teaching.</para>
<para>You can get improvements in education through a better curriculum, and we are doing that, but funding is critical. I will tell you one way that you will not improve education outcomes, and that is by slashing $1.7 billion from the school education system as the New South Wales Liberal government has done. They have slashed over 2,400 jobs from public schools and TAFE. They have cut funding from 272 special needs schools and axed a program to replace over 5,000 demountable classrooms. They promised 200 new literacy and numeracy teachers in schools by the end of this year, but that will not occur; they will only deliver 50. So funding is not everything, but it is important.</para>
<para>What will not work is if we, in embracing the Gonski recommendations to improve funding of and quality in our school education system, seek to put more money into the top of the bucket while, at the same time, the state premiers, like Premier Newman in Queensland and Premier O'Farrell in New South Wales and Premier Baillieu in Victoria, are getting a big tool and sticking a big hole in the bottom of the bucket and draining money out of the bottom of it. That will not improve teacher quality. That will not improve education outcomes for our kids. We need to enlarge the size of the funding pool—not by putting more money into the top of the bucket and having it drained out of the bottom, but by ensuring that the federal government and state governments work hand-in-hand to ensure that we take this once-in-a-generation opportunity in the interests of our kids.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs ANDREWS</name>
    <name.id>230886</name.id>
    <electorate>McPherson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Let me start by saying that I do not see that we should be debating the Australian Education Bill today. The Manager of Opposition Business, the member for Sturt, moved to have the debate adjourned and he moved that adjournment for some very good reasons. On 29 November 2012, the selection committee asked the House Standing Committee on Education and Employment to inquire into and report on the Education Bill 2012. There have been two submissions to that inquiry, both of which are available on the APH website. The first day of hearings for the inquiry is Friday of this week. We are here today debating a bill that has been referred to a House standing committee for inquiry and we are debating it before those hearings have even begun. This debate should be adjourned until the inquiry has been completed; it should not be rushed through.</para>
<para>Having said that, there are a number of issues that I would like to place on the record with regard to education. I have spoken many times on education at the primary, secondary and tertiary level. Education is an important part of any child's life. At primary school, they learn essential skills in literacy and in numeracy. As they continue through to secondary school, they expand their interests and begin to make pathways into careers that they wish to pursue into the future. It is the right of every Australian child to receive a world-class education. This parliament bears the responsibility to ensure that we deliver that to every student regardless of geography or demographic.</para>
<para>To ensure that each and every child is receiving the opportunity to pursue their ambition, we need to have a resilient yet diverse education system. The only way that we can do this is to provide the education sector, schools, teachers and parents with certainty in the way that the government will fund schools and provide resources.</para>
<para>The bill before the House attempts to set out aspirational goals for Australian education through the implementation of a national plan for school improvement, which the states, and territories, and non-government school sector authorities are expected to agree to in exchange for future funding. However, there are no details as to how the government will implement the plan or even those key elements by which the plan will be monitored. Astoundingly, or perhaps not given its rushed nature, this bill still contains no detail on a funding model for schools. It contains no information on the amount of funds that will be made available or which level of government will have to provide any additional funding.</para>
<para>I understand and my coalition colleagues understand that schools need to have funding certainty so that they can plan for the years ahead. They need to know what funds they will have before they order resources, hire teachers and staff, and investigate future works. Without funding certainty, none of these things can go ahead. It is peculiar to say the least that a bill of such significance to this government is only nine pages and 1,400 words long, with no funding certainty contained in it. Perhaps that is why there have only been two written submissions to the inquiry—there is actually not a lot to comment on.</para>
<para>As many in the House would recall, this bill is supposed to encapsulate the government's response to the Gonski review handed down in December 2011 which recommended a new funding model for schools. However, this new funding had a $6.5 billion price tag attached to it. The review panel's original proposal was that the cost of introducing the funding model would be split between the Commonwealth and the states on a 30:70 basis. Many technical issues arose with the theoretical model and leaked modelling in August 2012 showed that approximately a third of all schools would lose funding. Any new funding model that is introduced must not see any school left worse in real terms.</para>
<para>I understand that the modelling has been substantially revised but this has not been made public. Again, we have a lack of detail and what that lack of detail means is that there is virtually no opportunity at this time for property scrutiny and open debate about a funding model that will potentially run to billions of dollars. The lack of detail fuels the concerns of schools as they look for funding certainty. As I have said before, they need that certainty to plan, for example, for their class sizes, teaching and support staff requirements, and fee structures. For schools to have that certainty, the funding model must be known and this bill does not contain sufficient detail for that to take place.</para>
<para>Providing funding certainty will benefit not only the schools but also parents. I am sure we would all agree that school is a large part of any child's life and parents understandably want to be in a position to consider all the information available before deciding what they believe is best for their child. They want to know that when they send their child to school, the school is going to be able to keep its doors open or be able to afford the resources they need to teach their students.</para>
<para>Parents who do choose to send their child to a non-government school and wish to make private contributions towards their child's education should not be penalised for making that choice. In my electorate of McPherson on the Gold Coast there are 12 non-government schools and 19 government schools. If parents choose to send their children to one of those 12 non-government schools, they should not be penalised for doing that. We also need to ensure that students at government or non-government schools are not being deprived of a quality education just because of the school that they attend. We need to ensure that we provide families with the right to choose a school that meets their needs, values and beliefs, as well as providing students with similar needs with comparable treatment throughout the course of their schooling. The right of choice is fundamental to schooling and parents should be entitled to choose a school that they believe will provide the best opportunity for their child. I believe it is our responsibility to defend this right and to make the ability to choose easier wherever it is possible.</para>
<para>The coalition have been consistent with its approach to education as we want to ensure that every student gets the quality education that they deserve. We recognise the importance of both government and non-government schools in delivering this fundamental service to all Australian children. To ensure that no school is disadvantaged by any new funding model, the current quantum of funds for every school and indexation should be maintained as the basic starting point going forward. Any funding must be on the basis of fairness, objectivity and transparent criteria, and distributed on the basis of socioeconomic need.</para>
<para>Funding arrangements for schools need to done in a way that will allow schools to direct funding towards education outcomes and increasing productivity and quality, rather than increasing paperwork and administration costs. Increasing the red tape associated with providing funding to schools would make any funding increases to schools redundant, as schools will allocate more of their new resources to ensuring they are compliant with regulations rather than expanding on the services they already provide.</para>
<para>That is the last thing that we should be doing. Funding should be directed towards directly delivering quality educational outcomes.</para>
<para>Schools are local organisations and we can make them stronger by placing the power to run schools back in the hands of their local communities. Local teachers, principals and communities know what is happening on the ground and what the needs of their schools and students are. Empowering schools, their principals, teachers, staff and parents to make as many decisions as reasonably possible at the local level will give schools an appropriate amount of flexibility to address any issues that they face.</para>
<para>Last week I spoke in this place about one of the schools in my electorate, the Currumbin Valley State School, which has 127 students and prides itself on working closely with students, parents, carers and the school community. I think it is a very successful school and I believe that its success is due to three factors in particular: firstly, a 'students come first' culture where the needs of the students are paramount in the school decision-making process; secondly, the involvement of parents, carers and the school community in the running of the school—the school carnival last year was attended by about 5,000 or 6,000 people from the local community and it raised a significant amount of money for the school; and, thirdly, the leadership of principal Heidi Mackenzie and her staff.</para>
<para>Providing local communities with input into and responsibility for their own schools is a good thing and this has been ably demonstrated by the Currumbin Valley State School. It is in the southern part of my electorate, but in the northern part of the electorate we have a much larger, non-government school, All Saints Anglican School, with about 1,800 students, from pre-prep to year 12. All Saints has an excellent academic record and, last year, 20 of its year 12 students achieved an OP1. It too encourages the involvement of parents, carers and the community, and it empowers its staff.</para>
<para>All Saints participates in international student and teacher exchanges with schools in many countries around the world and I encourage and congratulate the school on the work it has done in this area. I believe that an international exchange program should be available to all students, as these experiences will benefit them not only in their academic pursuits but also in their personal development. A number of schools in my electorate have established exchanges with schools in other countries and I am working to establish further programs with schools overseas, in particular in Taiwan.</para>
<para>Student exchanges should not just be limited to school students, though. They should also be actively encouraged in tertiary institutions. The two universities in my electorate, Bond University and Southern Cross University, currently have student exchange programs with universities across the globe. That provides their students with the opportunity to not only study at an overseas institution but engage with another culture and to often learn another language. This gives them an opportunity to give themselves an edge in a highly competitive modern marketplace.</para>
<para>Student exchanges are just one way that our next generation of professionals will set themselves apart from the rest of the world. I want to see Australia's best and brightest travel the world to learn more about the countries in our region. I also want the best and the brightest in our region to learn in Australia and to share their experiences with students here. I am already encouraged by what opportunities are currently available to our students. I am excited and I look forward to seeing what further progress can be made in this area.</para>
<para>Education is vitally important to the future of our nation and perhaps our world. Funding reform for our schools should be done with care and attention, and the right for all students to have a quality education should be the paramount consideration at the front of our minds. It will be my primary consideration when I participate in the committee inquiry into the Australian Education Bill 2012 and I personally look forward to ensuring that Australian students are given the best opportunities possible throughout their education.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr NEUMANN</name>
    <name.id>HVO</name.id>
    <electorate>Blair</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I speak in support of the Australian Education Bill 2012. There are 69 schools in the electorate of Blair in South-East Queensland, 13 of which are non-government schools—Lutheran schools, independent schools, grammar schools, Catholic schools and also Indigenous schools. These schools do a great job in educating the children in my electorate of Blair, based in Ipswich in the Somerset region, ensuring the children fulfil their potential. There are many dedicated teachers and I strongly believe that every parent has a right to choose the school they want for his or her children. But I also believe that every child has a right to go to a great public school. In Queensland we call them state schools.</para>
<para>The legislation here creates the legislative framework for the government's response to the Gonski review, setting out the five core reform directions of our National Plan for School Improvement—quality teaching; quality learning; empowering school leadership—that is, school principals and teachers—transparency and accountability; and meeting the students' needs, goals and aspirations. Why are we doing this? We are doing this because Australia has not had a comprehensive review of its school system for 40 years. Those opposite would say: do nothing.</para>
<para>Forty years is a biblical generation. We need to know what is going wrong, and we have looked at that at under the Gonski review. The statistics show that while our economy may be going strongly, our school education system has fallen behind. Over the past decade, the PISA exams—the international criteria which set out how students are going—show clearly that Australian students have fallen from second to seventh in reading, and from fifth to thirteenth in maths. It cannot go on. If we want a high-wage, high-skill economy, and if we want to get the jobs of the future, maintain our standard of living, have economic growth and economic development in this country, we need to educate the children we have in the next generation and those after that to the best of their respective abilities. If we do this, it is possible for us to lift, according to Gonski, our annual income by about $11 billion a year over the next few decades. That is what we could do: empower our economy. The Gonski reforms can be a catalyst, not just for educational opportunity and socioeconomic justice for our young people, particularly those from low socioeconomic areas, they can be a means to drive our economy forward.</para>
<para>This legislation sets out the framework for what we need to do. It is important to look at where we have come from using the Gonski review. In April 2010, the Australian government—this federal Labor government—commissioned a review of funding for schooling. We had eminent business people like David Gonski AC on it. We even had people from the other side of politics, like Kathryn Greiner AO. We had Carmen Lawrence and other persons of eminence in Australian community life. They had a look at it, and they found that our system is not working. We are falling behind, and the gap between our students is widening. The kids from low socioeconomic backgrounds had more disadvantage; many kids cannot do as well as they would like to do and as their parents would like them to do.</para>
<para>We need to take action, and it is no good sitting around on our laurels, sitting around and saying that we should do nothing. That seems to be a standard Liberal response—whether it is education, superannuation, industrial relations and the like. Doing nothing is not an option. Our living standards will go backwards. This is why, when I listen to those opposite making their speeches during this debate, I have been puzzled; I have been bewildered by those over there. They say great words, platitudes, words of eminence and words of comfort to the mums and dads in their communities, but the reality is that the experience of people in the mainland states—in Queensland, New South Wales and Victoria—has been that Liberal governments cut funding for education. They leave young people behind; they leave those from low socioeconomic backgrounds behind. They do not consider loadings with respect to Indigenous heritage or disability or remoteness or kids from low socioeconomic backgrounds or kids with poor proficiencies. That is what Gonski recommends. It recommends a schooling resource standard and loadings, and that is what this legislation is about today.</para>
<para>I have heard Queensland MPs from the Liberal and National parties talk with words of consolation and with words that show that they have concern for their schools. But what they do not say is what the LNP state government in Queensland has done to education. Not a whisper, not a word from any of them about that. It is the context of this bill that they should be talking about it. They should be talking about education generally. They should be talking about what is happening in their electorates—whether it is in TAFE, whether it is in universities, or whether it is in schools. We have seen, in my home state, a terrible wrecking-ball budget from the Campbell Newman government in September this year. We have seen proposals to cut TAFE, cut funding, cut jobs and cut funding in all aspects of school and community life. We have seen it carried out in part, and it is still continuing. Just this week, we have seen, in my electorate, the <inline font-style="italic">Queensland Times</inline> report yet again on more cuts to education funding in Ipswich. Bremer TAFE is set to lose 24 jobs after state cuts, not included in the 14,000 people who lost their jobs after previous cuts by Campbell Newman.</para>
<para>Those opposite have said that we should have more time: more time to do things, more time to respond to Gonski, more time to respond in a more considered way about education reform. I would have more respect for that if the shadow education spokesperson had taken a little bit more time himself to respond to the Gonski review. He went on camera to condemn the Gonski report within half an hour of its release, notwithstanding the fact that it is 300 pages in length, with 26 findings and 41 recommendations. He might be an intelligent and articulate fellow, the Manager of Opposition Business, he might be able to spin a good speech, but I do not think that even he could have read 300 pages within half an hour! So do not come into this place and say that we should delay this because you have not had enough time to consider all of these reforms. When he was asked questions in relation to this issue by interviewers, the opposition spokesman also thought that one of the determinants of the outcome of school education was not socioeconomic background.</para>
<para>That is exactly the opposite of what the Gonski review found in relation to the challenges, particularly in low-fee-paying Catholic schools, independent schools and state schools. They come in here and tell us that we should be looking at leaving the SES model in place, and they criticise us for our education investments. I have heard many speeches tonight criticising us about funding that we have put into schools and what we have done. The reality is that in this financial year we are investing $13.6 billion in our schools, compared to $8.5 billion invested by the Howard government in its last budget. This comes on top of our record funding in our first four years of $65 billion in school funding, and around $17 billion for early childhood education. That is far more than the coalition ever did.</para>
<para>Unless those opposite say that we are wasting money—and they do say that—they really have hidden in their speeches tonight what they really believe they should do about education. They went to the last election with a pledge to cut $2.8 billion in funding from our education system. That is what they did. Their comrades and colleagues in Queensland did similar things. They got get rid of more than 1,100 full-time equivalent workers in the Department of Employment, Training and Education. They slashed about $9.9 million from that department. They slashed so many programs in that department—it was a disgrace.</para>
<para>The coalition say nothing about those funding cuts. I have not heard any of the LNP members from Queensland talk about this when they are talking about education, but $160,000 was cut from the Association of Special Education Administrators in Queensland; the Pyjama Foundation lost $100,000; the Keep Australia Beautiful Council lost $20,000; the Education Minister's Arts Awards lost $30,500; the Science Education Strategy lost $150,000; the Positive Parenting Program lost $291,000—and the list goes on and on and on. That is what they did. All of those worthy programs in Queensland they got rid of. There was not a word from any of the LNP members about that. That is what they did in Queensland. Unless we should think Queensland was an aberration, let us look at their colleagues below the Tweed River and the Murray River. You will see that they repeated that.</para>
<para>And the LNP have backed that up; in this place and elsewhere they have announced further cuts since the last election. They announced on 8 February 2011—and they have not said any of this tonight—they would get rid of the Reward for School Improvement Program, at $160 million; the online diagnostic tool for parents and teachers, at $150 million; Helping our Kids Understand Finances, at $8 million; and the rest of the Building the Education Revolution program. Those opposite were very, very happy to stand in front of those libraries and school halls because their school communities loved them. In my electorate we got $107 million across 64 local schools, and we have had about five schools added since then. These were projects which not just the school communities but the whole communities in country towns liked. Often that new hall or new library was important. In fact, in the floods we have had in Queensland those school halls were the evacuation centres in many country towns. Not content with voting against the funding for the flood reconstruction in Queensland, they then of course opposed the BER program and those school halls, some of which were used as evacuation centres.</para>
<para>They opposed also the Digital Education Revolution. We have seen 950,000 computers put into high schools across Australia at a cost of $2.4 billion. Those opposite opposed every one of those computers going into the schools. They must think that it is all paper, that you never use computers in high school. They have opposed and criticised the national partnerships for literacy and numeracy and boosting teacher quality. Go to Silkstone State School, Leichhardt State School and Riverview State School in my electorate and talk to the principals. They will talk about how important that program was—but the opposition opposed it.</para>
<para>Those opposite also opposed the trade training centres. They called them 'glorified sheds with lathes'; that is what they say about the trade training centres. But go to the trade training centre in Ipswich, a partnership between St Edmund's Boys College, Ipswich Girls Grammar School and Ipswich Grammar School and have a look at that great program. Have a look at those wonderful facilities established in Ipswich. Those opposite are very happy to own them on the ground, but they disown them in Canberra. That is what they are like. When it comes to education, look at what their comrades and colleagues have done in the states, look at how they vote in the House of Representatives and look at their inconsistency back in their electorates.</para>
<para>If we do Gonski, as I anticipate we will, we will see big improvements in school funding in my electorate. We will see an extra $1,500 per student based on enrolments on the 2011 My School website. Toogoolawah State School can expect about $269,000 extra; Rosewood State High School will get $829,500 extra; Ipswich State High School will get $1.6 million extra; my old high school, Bundamba State Secondary College, will get about $1.27 million extra—and it goes on and on and on. All the schools in my electorate—state, Catholic, Lutheran, and grammar schools—will benefit from the Gonski review.</para>
<para>Those opposite, with the terrible record of their colleagues and comrades in the states and their platitudes and prophetic claims here in this place, should have a good look at themselves when it comes to education and get on board with the Gonski review. We should do Gonski and so should they. Commit to it. Do it.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HARTSUYKER</name>
    <name.id>00AMM</name.id>
    <electorate>Cowper</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I welcome the opportunity to speak on the Australian Education Bill 2012. A quality education for young minds is of the utmost importance. The young people in the education system today are the doctors, lawyers and community leaders of tomorrow. Australia must provide the best quality education to give the next generations the very best chance to make use of the opportunities that will present in the time to come. Adequate funding for schools is required for providing this quality education. Australia is fortunate to have a diverse range of schools, which gives parents the opportunity to enrol their children in the school that best suits their needs.</para>
<para>But unfortunately we are currently burdened with the worst government in our nation's history. When we look at education and this government, all we see is more broken promises and more policy failure. Despite all the rhetoric from the government about their commitment to education, the reality is that we have had five years of policy failings from federal Labor. To say Labor is the champion of education is like saying Labor is the champion of economic management—and, after more than $260 billion in government borrowing and the trashing of consumer confidence and business confidence, we all know this government's record on managing the economy is abysmal. Indeed, instead of delivering a better education for the next generation all this government has succeeded in doing is to saddle teenagers, undergraduates and all Australians in their 20s and 30s with a mountain of debt. It is these Australians who are going to have to pay for the reckless spending of the Rudd-Gillard era and the waste and mismanagement which have been its hallmark.</para>
<para>This bill confirms to all members that this government is all talk and no action; it is long on rhetoric and short on policy detail; it is great at creating expectations but rarely delivers. We have seen this with their commitments to a surplus, we have seen this with their border protection policies and we have seen this with their broken promises on private health insurance.</para>
<para>This government believes that delivering on policy commitments can be done through the distribution of a press release. The Labor way is to forget all the crucial detail, not worry about the real cost and make sure the delivery date is after the next election. That is the Labor way of implementing policy and it is the reason they have failed Australians in so many policy areas. It is no wonder that the government is now in a shambles and that it is scrambling together an uncosted dream in relation to Mr Gonski's recommendations and the National Disability Insurance Scheme.</para>
<para>Before going to the specifics of this bill, it is worth reminding members of the government's poor track record on education. In the past year, the government cut $600 million from the computers in schools program. This was the program that the former Labor Prime Minister promised would give every student in years 9 to 12 'a toolbox for the 21st century', but it now sees funding cuts that will put pressure on the families that it was established to assist.</para>
<para>Then in MYEFO, the Treasurer announced, in his words, 'responsible cuts to education'—some $3.9 billion. That was $3.9 billion not going to schools for the sole reason that those opposite wanted to claim that they had returned the budget to surplus, not that this claim lasted long. In fact, within two months it was abandoned and the surplus claim was laid bare. Then, to end the year, the government introduced this bill into the House with a section that clearly states that the bill does not create legally enforceable obligations, nor will the failure to comply with the act affect the validity of any decision. If no part of the bill is legally enforceable, the question must be asked: why has this bill been introduced at all?</para>
<para>This government likes to talk about education, but, when you look at the results from just the last 12 months, you can see that the delivery does not match the promises. Since this bill has been introduced, there have been reports that state governments are still waiting on payments from August last year for rolling out the computers in schools program. While a number of computers in schools will become obsolete this year—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Laming</name>
    <name.id>E0H</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Landfill.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HARTSUYKER</name>
    <name.id>00AMM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Landfill, indeed. There is no certainty that this program will continue.</para>
<para>To illustrate my point about the failure of this government to deliver meaningful policy for all Australians, I would like to note some of the details in this bill. Most of this bill focuses on aspirations rather than the implementation of good public policy. For example, the Australian Education Bill sets three goals: firstly, for Australian schooling to provide an excellent education for all schools. Well, that is pretty exciting! We all think it is a good idea but I do not think we needed this bill to tell us that. The second goal is for Australian schooling to be highly equitable. I do not think anyone would disagree with that. The third goal is for Australia to be ranked as one of the top five highest performing countries based on the performance of Australian school students in reading, mathematics and science, and based on the quality and equity of Australian schooling, by 2025.</para>
<para>The bill outlines five directions for reform under the National Plan for School Improvement, which states, territories and non-government school sector authorities will be expected to agree to. The directions are: quality teaching, quality learning, empowered school leadership, transparency and accountability, and meeting student need. But that is about the extent of the bill. There is no meat on the bone. The bill represents little more than a regurgitated thought bubble which the minister somehow convinced himself would be a good idea. There are no further details on how the plan is to be implemented or how the elements of the plan are to be monitored. As the member for Sturt pointed out, the government could try and show they are serious about education by answering some key questions on how they are going to implement the Gonski recommendations.</para>
<para>I share the concerns of other members of the coalition who are genuinely seeking answers in relation to education, Gonski and this government. I would like to place on record some of the questions which the government must answer in relation to education and the Gonski review. Where will the $6.5 billion per year that is needed come from? How much will the Commonwealth contribute and how much are the states expected to fund? What programs will be cut and what taxes will the government increase to pay for it? With Gonski modelling showing 3,254 schools will be worse off, how much extra will it cost for every school to receive more funding, as the Prime Minister has promised? Where is the modelling showing the impact of this funding for each school? Will the Prime Minister guarantee no school will have to increase school fees as a result of her changes? Where is the detailed response to the 41 recommendations in the Gonski review? How much indexation will each school and school sector receive? What will be the benchmark funding per primary and secondary school student? How much funding per student will be allocated for students with a disability? That is a very important issue. Will this funding be portable between the government and non-government sectors? What, if any, future capital funding arrangements will be provided for schools? What new reporting requirements and other conditions will schools have to meet in order to qualify for government funding? All these are legitimate questions which the government must answer if they are to be taken seriously.</para>
<para>The review of funding for schooling, chaired by Mr Gonski, made a number of recommendations in relation to funding for schools. Also recommended was a new funding framework, although technical issues arose once the panel's model was tested by the government. Both the National Catholic Education Commission and the Independent Schools Council of Australia reported serious anomalies, and leaked modelling revealed that approximately a third of all schools would lose funding. Since the report was given to the government, there have been hundreds of thousands of dollars spent on consultants to redesign the Gonski panel's original proposal for a funding model. With the funding agreement to commence next year, none of this modelling has ever been made public and no formal response has ever been provided by the government to each of the panel's recommendations. This bill adds no further detail. In fact, since this bill was introduced into parliament, representatives from key stakeholders, including state governments and the non-government education sector, have raised concern about a lack of certainty and detail as to the government's plans.</para>
<para>It is clear that this bill was introduced last year so that the government could issue a press release. The explanatory memorandum indicates that the bill will be updated once agreement is met with the states on the parameters of a new model. And, while the amendments are to be introduced, schools are becoming increasing anxious about the future funding arrangements and cannot plan beyond the end of this year. From the minister that presided over pink batts, we now have no certainty about funding for school education. It is also worth noting that we are debating this bill before the House Standing Committee on Education and Employment commences public hearings into this bill.</para>
<para>The coalition believes that the current arrangements for funding and indexation must be the basic starting point for any new funding model. No school should be worse off as a result of a new funding model. Nobody would disagree with the notion that we would like Australia's schools to be the best in the world. However, this government has seen a decline in Australia's standings in the international school rankings. Nobody should disagree that the Australian schooling system should provide an excellent education for school students. However, this bill does not have any details of what an excellent education is, just that school students should have one.</para>
<para>The coalition do not oppose the directions in this bill but are concerned about the lack of details provided to date. The coalition have our own values for schooling, as set out in our amendment. These values guide our approach to school funding and are as follows: first, that families must have the right to choose a school that meets their needs, values and beliefs; second, that all children must have the opportunity to secure a quality education; third, that student funding needs must be based on fair, objective, and transparent criteria distributed according to socioeconomic needs; fourth, that students with similar needs must be treated comparably throughout the course of their schooling; fifth, that as many decisions as possible should be made locally by parents, communities, principals, teachers, schools and school systems; sixth, that schools, school sectors and school systems must be accountable to their community, families and students; seventh, that every Australian student must be entitled to a basic grant from the Commonwealth government; eighth, schools and parents must have a high degree of certainty about school funding so they can effectively plan for the future; ninth, that parents who wish to make a private contribution towards the cost of their child's education should not be penalised, nor should schools in their efforts to fundraise and encourage private investment; and, tenth, that funding arrangements must be simple so schools are able to direct funding towards education outcomes, minimise administration costs and increase productivity and quality.</para>
<para>In conclusion, while the coalition do not oppose this bill in its current form, we fear that it is like so many other issues: this government just will not be able to deliver on its commitment. The budget is in crisis. Government borrowings are at historic highs. And the reality is that this government is in a desperate state. As a result, we can expect this government to come up with more hollow rhetoric, and no doubt they will try and blame state governments across the nation for the Gillard government's failure to deliver. But the truth is that when it comes to national reform it is the federal government that is responsible for delivering. And when one looks at this government's record of delivery we can see a litany of waste, mismanagement and failure that is without peer in our nation's history.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr LEIGH</name>
    <name.id>BU8</name.id>
    <electorate>Fraser</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Each of us comes to this place with the perspective of the work we did before we got here. So it is not surprising when we hear former businesspeople calling for less regulation, former union organisers calling for better protection for workers, farmers calling for more assistance to agriculture or, as in my case, former professors arguing for more investment in education. But I think there is some fairly strong evidence to back up the notion that great investment in education not only pays off in a more affluent society but also in a more equitable society. In my first speech here I described education as being the best antipoverty vaccine we have yet developed, because a great education gives you opportunities in life which are greater than you can achieve without that opportunity.</para>
<para>Education allows people to make more choices. We know that raising education levels boosts health and boosts happiness. We also know some other things about our education system over recent decades. Work that I did with Chris Ryan found that Australian numeracy scores had flatlined since the 1960s, and our literacy and our numeracy scores had flatlined since the 1970s. Chris and I also showed that the academic aptitude of new teachers fell from the early 1980s to the early 2000s, with students in the top tier of their own class less and less likely to choose teaching. I have also done work looking at the relationship between pay and the academic aptitude of teachers, showing that when states raised the pay of new teachers the TERs of those in teaching went up, and that it is indeed possible to attract more academically gifted students into teaching by raising the pay of the teaching profession. So it is very pleasing to me as a Labor MP to recognise the importance that teacher quality has in the government's reform agenda. As John F. Kennedy once said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Let us think of education as the means to developing our greatest abilities, because in each of us there is a private hope and dream which, fulfilled, can be translated into benefit for everyone and greater strength for our Nation.</para></quote>
<para>And the way we fulfil that ambition is through having great teachers.</para>
<para>I recently carried out a survey on education in the Fraser electorate. We got responses from around a thousand electors and a good distribution from across school sectors, with 67 per cent saying that their children were in government schools, 25 per cent saying that their children were in non-government schools and eight per cent saying that their children were in both systems. We asked respondents what they thought was the most important issue in education. The issue that topped the list was attracting and retaining great teachers—43 per cent of respondents. That was followed by boosting literacy and numeracy, 18 per cent; maintaining a well-rounded curriculum, 15 per cent; reducing bullying and cyberbullying, eight per cent; smaller class sizes, seven per cent; helping students with disabilities, five per cent; and assisting students from disadvantaged backgrounds, four per cent. We asked respondents whether they felt that the school that their child attended was well resourced. Of those whose children attended both government and non-government schools, 19 per cent said the school was not well resourced. Of those whose children attended non-government schools, 20 per cent said the school was not well resourced. And of those whose children attended government schools only, 29 per cent said the school was not well resourced.</para>
<para>A majority of respondents had used the MySchool website and a majority of respondents had seen a BER project, indicating that in my electorate many people are taking advantage of important reforms that have occurred under this government. This history of education reform goes back to the Hawke and Keating era, where funding for schools was considerably increased and a greater emphasis was placed on school completion. It often worried me in the Howard era when you would hear then Prime Minister Howard, and sometimes his ministers, suggest that education was not for everyone, that finishing school might be the right approach in some cases but not in others.</para>
<para>It particularly worries me when I hear politicians give different advice to kids from low-income backgrounds to what they give to their own children. Once was the day when you could leave school in year 9 and get a well-paying job in a factory or as a mechanic. There was a range of good jobs available to, say, a young man who was good with his hands but who had not completed year 12. But these days if you want to be a mechanic, you had better be able to reboot the on-board computer systems and probably download some upgrades. That requires good literacy and numeracy skills, and it requires good people skills because working on cars is a different job from what it once was.</para>
<para>We need an Australia in which everyone finishes school, not just as the Leader of the Opposition said last year, 'the right kids'. This government believes that we need a system which addresses equity and which invests in all schools. We have repeatedly said that the debate over government and non-government schools is a debate of the past. Our passion is in investing in all schools. You saw that when the global financial crisis hit. It was an opportunity then to carry out major infrastructure spending, knowing that the impact on the economy of infrastructure spending is greater than the impact of cash handouts. We used that as an opportunity not just to support jobs, local architecture, construction and tradespeople around Australia but also to provide schools with facilities that would improve the learning experience.</para>
<para>In my electorate, Florey Primary School encourages students to follow in the footsteps of the great Howard Florey, the inventor of penicillin. They used their BER money to invest in better science classrooms. At Amaroo school, they used their BER money to invest in new classrooms with removable partitions to encourage team teaching and allow teachers to learn from one another. That infrastructure investment was right for the times for Australia, and from so many schools the message that came back to me was that this was a once-in-a-generation investment.</para>
<para>But as I said before, we recognise that teacher quality is the No. 1 issue in education. It is the issue that came out as No. 1 from my Fraser education survey. Certainly, if you speak to education researchers it is very likely they will place teacher quality at the top of their list.</para>
<para>This government has agreed the first ever teacher performance and development framework, including annual teacher appraisal processes, starting this year. We have introduced new pathways into the teaching profession through Teach for Australia and Teach Next. I am looking forward to speaking at greater length on Teach for Australia in the Tax Laws Amendment (2012 Measures No. 6) Bill 2012, which is giving Teach for Australia deductable gift-recipient status.</para>
<para>Our plan is to ensure that by 2025 Australia is ranked as a top five country in the world for education performance. As I said at the outset, our test scores have flatlined—in some cases, even gone down. So this is a big ask. Looking back over past generations, the challenge of raising school performance to amongst the best in the Asian region is a major one. But there is strong support for it in the local community, and there is strong support for making sure that we raise the performance of all children.</para>
<para>One constituent of mine in response to the education survey wrote, 'We have one son who attends kindy. He has delayed speech and because of his disability he has fallen behind in literacy and numeracy. More funding for disabled students at both government and non-government schools is highly required as schools don't have resources to deal with children with disability'.</para>
<para>Many respondents spoke about the passion of their staff. One person wrote, 'The staff at our school are extremely hard working and dedicated to providing the best educational experience for our children. This would be enhanced by better resourcing and additional funding to enable them to focus on what they do best, and that is teaching'. Another constituent noted, 'We have been informed that the ACT has only one school with dedicated music teachers for students, with teachers who are actually trained in this subject'. We have listened to experts and to many, many people who have spoken out around Australia about the importance of placing quality teaching at the core of the government's reform agenda.</para>
<para>The bill will commit the government to providing needs-based funding to support schools in the future. It will be tied to parties' agreement on implementing reforms, and that will ensure transparency and accountability. There will be benchmark amounts for each student and, on top of that, loadings for educational disadvantage will make sure that those who need extra support get it.</para>
<para>In closing I would like to acknowledge the many Canberrans and those around Australia who have worked to make the Gonski reform a reality. There is a spectrum of views in the education policy debate, but I pay great tribute to those who have passionately backed the Gonski reforms. In the ACT I would acknowledge AEU Secretary Glenn Fowler and officers Peter Malone, Cathy Smith, Bill Book, Sue Amundsen, Sascha Colley, Mike Fitzgerald and Penny Gilmour.</para>
<para>I acknowledge the executive: Phillip Rasmus, Roger Amey, Piers Douglas, Stuart Gilmore, Ingrid Bean, Jo Larkin, Roseanne Byrne, Murray Chisholm, Peter Curtis, Nina Leuning, David Stone, Shane Gorman, Janet Harris and Lana Read. There are many other active AEU members who have written, emailed, telephoned, visited, letterboxed and 'given a Gonski'. I am sure David Gonski's mother never imagined that his name would go from being a proper noun to being used in that way.</para>
<para>I acknowledge former president of the AEU Phillip Rasmus, current president Lana Read, vice-presidents Roger Amey and Ingrid Bean, and the active parent community under the leadership of the P&C's Vivienne Pearce and, before her, Jane Tullis. The hard work of other organisations in the community has also been vital to bringing this bill before parliament.</para>
<para>This is a mass movement from the Australian community recognising that Australia is at our best when it has an education system that supports all students. The promise of Australia is not fulfilled if a child who grows up in poverty is destined to stay in poverty for the rest of her life because the schools that she attends are not able to bring her out of poverty. The great promise of Australia—the Australian dream—relies on ensuring that we have great teachers in every school, that we address educational disadvantage through targeted investment and, in particular, that we make sure that we get great teachers in every school.</para>
<para>Teaching disadvantaged students is, I think, among the most important jobs in Australia. It is, at times, an extraordinarily difficult and challenging job, but it is a job which can change lives. If you read autobiographies of Australians who have grown up in poverty you will often see that there is a single teacher in the author's life who, at a certain moment, encouraged that child to change their life course and to see the opportunities that lay ahead of them. That is why, in so many first speeches—particularly by Labor members—you will hear stories of education. I know that my colleague the member for Canberra will often tell of the important role education played in her life. It is a powerful story indeed.</para>
<para>We need education to change more lives. We need an education system that reaches out to the most disadvantaged and encourages the top. Our education system can reduce poverty and produce more Nobel laureates. I hope this bill will do just that. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms MARINO</name>
    <name.id>HWP</name.id>
    <electorate>Forrest</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Australian Education Bill 2012. I was expecting a significant bill, given the title, and I ask: what does the government intend with this bill? I use that term loosely. What does this bill tell schools? What does it tell parents and their communities? What does it tell people in my community in the south-west of WA, who might be watching this tonight? The answer is: not much. It does not tell you much at all. It tells you that the government has a plan to have a plan to have a plan. That is why there is great concern and uncertainty in my electorate.</para>
<para>When I read through the bill—the nine pages and about 1,400 words—I thought, 'This should really be a very important piece of legislation.' I looked for the financial impact statement and I printed it off. Under the heading 'Financial impact statement' it says: 'There is no financial impact associated with this bill.' The rest is a blank page. There is no detail. There is no certainty for the schools, the parents or the teachers in my electorate. There is nothing legally enforceable. The bill actually states that it is not legally enforceable. There are no funding arrangements—a blank page—and no plan. The bill does, however, have a lot of uncertainty, as I said, for schools, parents, students and communities—particularly for schools in regional and rural areas, where often the school is the centre of the community, so issues that affect the school affect the whole community.</para>
<para>We would all like our education system to be the very best possible, and I see this in schools in my electorate. However, this bill before the House does not tell us how this is going to be achieved. Even the explanatory memorandum cannot bring itself to claim that the bill provides the answers, because it does not—it is a plan to have a plan. Instead the explanatory memorandum says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill provides the foundation for a legislative framework that puts an excellent education for every child at the heart of how Australia delivers and funds schooling.</para></quote>
<para>The bill itself is not the answer but may perhaps provide that foundation for a legislative framework that might one day provide an answer—thank you, Sir Humphrey! The answer will be provided in the fullness of time at the appropriate juncture!</para>
<para>The bill apparently sets out a vision for the development of a national plan for school improvement. I thought this was the Australian Education Bill 2012, but let us be really clear: this bill does not deliver a national plan for school improvement; it delivers a plan to develop and then ultimately deliver a plan. It does not, itself, deliver at all.</para>
<para>The bill outlines five directions for reform: quality teaching, quality learning, empowered school leadership, transparency and accountability, and meeting school needs. Those are fine words of aspiration, but beyond listing the five reform directions in the bill there is no detail. What is there for us to discuss from the nine pages of this bill? How does the government mean the plan to be implemented or delivered on the ground? It is the lack of detail that is of great concern, and it is creating significant uncertainty for schools, parents and students. They do not know, any more than we do, what is intended.</para>
<para>It should be noted that the coalition is not opposed to the bill. However, I certainly support the amendments proposed by the shadow minister, the member for Sturt. One of the issues that will be of concern right across Australia—not just in my electorate—will be the definitions of 'systemic school' and 'non-systemic school'. That is a critical issue.</para>
<para>We, the coalition, have set out principles to outline our values for schooling that will guide our coalition government in delivering a real education policy. At any time that we get into government, the principles will include the fact that families must have the right to choose a school that meets their needs, that meets their values and that meets their beliefs. All children must have the opportunity to secure a quality education. Student funding needs to be based on fair, objective and transparent criteria distributed according to socioeconomic needs. Students with similar needs must be treated comparably throughout the course of their schooling. As many decisions as possible should be made locally by parents, communities, principals, teachers, schools and school systems. Schools, school sectors and school systems must be accountable to their community, families and students.</para>
<para>Every Australian student must be entitled to a basic grant from the Commonwealth government. Schools and parents must have a high degree of certainty about school funding so they can effectively plan for the future—that should be a basic right. Parents who wish to make a private contribution towards the cost of their child's education should not be penalised, nor should schools be penalised in their efforts to fundraise and encourage private investment. Funding arrangements must be simple so schools are able to direct funding towards education outcomes, minimise administration costs, and increase productivity and quality.</para>
<para>These principles define the education agenda of the coalition. Even in this form they provide more detail than we see in the government's bill before the House. Until such time as these details are made available, key questions remain to be answered following the handing down of the Gonski report.</para>
<para>There are a few questions that need answering. Where will the at least $6.5 billion per year the government floated come from? How much will the Commonwealth contribute and how much are the states expected to find? What programs will be cut and what taxes will the government increase? If the Gonski modelling shows 3,254 schools worse off, how much extra will it cost for every school to receive more funding, as the Prime Minister has promised? Where is the modelling showing the impact of this funding for each school? These are the sorts of questions every school in my electorate wants to know the answers to. Will the Prime Minister guarantee no school will have to increase school fees as a result of the changes?</para>
<para>Where is the government's detailed response to the 41 recommendations in the Gonski review? How much indexation will each school and each school sector receive? What will be the benchmark funding per primary and secondary school student? These are the sorts of things we should be seeing in any bill entitled an education bill. How much funding per student will be allocated for students with a disability? Will this funding be portable between the government and non-government sectors? What, if any, future capital funding arrangements will be provided for schools? What new reporting requirements and other conditions will schools have to meet in order to qualify for government funding? They are pretty simple questions. You would have thought that, in a bill that is entitled 'Australian Education Bill 2012', exactly these types of questions would be answered and very clearly laid out. These questions do need to be addressed before the government can make any real progress in education reform.</para>
<para>But the key question remains: where is the money? The explanatory memoranda tells us that this bill, the Australian Education Bill 2012, has no financial impact; there is no money in this apparent deal. The Labor government has a well earned reputation, as we all know in this place, for making unfunded announcements. It also has a similar reputation for cost shifting to the states. The current actions of this bill will only enhance that reputation.</para>
<para>The review panel chaired by David Gonski handed down the final report into schooling to the government in December 2011. The main recommendation was to implement a new funding model, at an additional cost to all governments of $6.5 billion per year. The panel's original proposal was that the Commonwealth and states split the cost of introducing the proposed model on a 30 to 70 basis. That would require each government to lift their existing expenditure in school education by approximately 15 per cent.</para>
<para>Dozens of technical issues arose once the panel's theoretical model was tested by the government. Both the National Catholic Education Commission and the Independent Schools Council of Australia reported serious anomalies. Leaked modelling in August 2012 revealed that approximately a third of all governments, both government and non-government, would lose funding. The explanatory memoranda tells us that the Commonwealth commits itself to work collaboratively with the states. That is something that we certainly need to see, and we will believe it when we see it.</para>
<para class="italic">Honourable members interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms MARINO</name>
    <name.id>HWP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>As the member says, it is easy for me to say—so I challenge him to do the same.</para>
<para>When we talk about the education of the next generation of Australians, I really want to point out the desperate need for education on cybersafety. When we talk about education needs of Australian students, cybersafety education must be part of the conversation. Our young people are at risk. With the advances in the science of communication and of the internet, this risk continues to grow. We can no longer afford to sit on our hands while our young people remain at risk. I believe the major way to effectively protect people from such a risk is education. This is a national problem that needs a national coordinated solution. Everything that I have seen and done on this issue tells me that education of our great young people is the real key. I saw a recent report from Europe that revealed that, of the 30 countries and regions that participated in a study, online safety education is included on the school curricula of 24. The UK has cybersafety in its national curriculum and starts the program at five years of age. The threat is real and looms large, and our response needs to be rapid and effective.</para>
<para>Debate interrupted.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>ADJOURNMENT</title>
        <page.no>1017</page.no>
        <type>ADJOURNMENT</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Renewable Energy</title>
          <page.no>1017</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SCHULTZ</name>
    <name.id>83Q</name.id>
    <electorate>Hume</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The renewable energy target was designed to assist with climate change by reducing Australia's greenhouse gas emissions. The unfortunate reality of this is that it has become what I have described as 'the biggest government sponsored fraud in the history of our country'.</para>
<para>Yesterday, Senator John Madigan asked questions of the Department of Climate Change and Energy Efficiency regarding the operation of the Waubra Wind Farm in Ballarat, Victoria. The Waubra Wind Farm is not compliant with its planning approval. Under the Renewable Energy (Electricity) Act 2000, state planning compliance is a prerequisite for a power station's eligibility for Commonwealth accreditation. Without lawful accreditation, a power station is not eligible to receive government subsidy. In this case, I am referring to being issued with large-scale renewable energy certificates by the Clean Energy Regulator. The issuing of RECs via fraudulent applications could well be considered to be the proceeds of crime—a white-collar crime that is ultimately financed by fleecing the Australian electricity consumer.</para>
<para>I have recently sighted written communication from Mr Paul Jarman, of the Department of Planning and Community Development in Victoria, which confirms that the Waubra Wind Farm is not compliant with planning legislation. The Clean Energy Regulator has issued the Waubra Wind Farm with large-scale RECs illegally since it began operation in July 2009. As per the renewable energy target, the monetary value of the large-scale RECs issued to Waubra exceeds $80.6 million. This wind farm has not ever satisfied the terms of state planning compliance for accreditation.</para>
<para>Current court cases suggest that non-compliance with state planning legislation is common in the wind industry in Australia. Since the implementation of the renewable energy target in April 2001, over 195 million RECs have been created by the Clean Energy Regulator. RECs issued are expected to exceed $50 billion. In my electorate of Hume, the REC subsidy for new turbines, excluding existing ones, is set to reach $500 million to $1 billion per year. Wind turbine developments are issued with large-scale RECs to the value of approximately $500,000 per turbine per year. I am starting to be provided with proof of developments that have issued falsified information in relation to planning and noise compliance. There are many cases of wind farms that have been approved with grossly inaccurate environmental assessments in New South Wales, Victoria and South Australia.</para>
<para>RECs are being issued fraudulently to $2 shelf companies that follow the model of declaring bankruptcy only to be reborn under a new name. Australia's biggest corporate collapse, Babcock and Brown in 2011, recorded losses upwards of $10 billion. Babcock and Brown Wind was then renamed Infigen Energy. The large majority of Australian wind farms are owned by foreign companies. That is billions of dollars going overseas to fraudulent corporations under the guise of renewable energy. Queensland's Ergon Energy confirmed to a Senate inquiry in October 2012 that energy costs would be the predominant driver of increased electricity prices due to the renewable energy target placing upward pressure on wholesale electricity prices. We are all paying more for our electricity, and for no evidential benefit to the environment.</para>
<para>Wind turbines should not be classed as renewable energy as the industry is unsure of whether they are actually reducing greenhouse gas emissions or not. Studies of performance based data suggest that wind turbines do not reduce emissions. Wind turbines are industrial power generators that require baseload power to operate and are inefficient, intermittent, damaging to the environment and very expensive to the electrical consumer in Australia. People in the Gillard government have vested interests in electricity prices continuing to skyrocket.</para>
<para>A major developer of wind farms in South Australia is Pacific Hydro, a company under the control of trade union industry superannuation funds that have close links in the Gillard government. Pacific Hydro operates the Clements Gap wind farm and now wants to develop wind farms at Keyneton and Gulnare. The Clement Hill wind farm is worth approximately $13.5 million a year and $21 million in RECs issued. The chairman of Pacific Hydro is Garry Weaven of the Australian Council of Trade Unions. Pacific Hydro is owned by Industry Super Holdings through the Australian Infrastructure Fund.</para>
<para>The snouts in the easy-money-making renewable energy trough are many and varied. There is an urgent need to eliminate conflicts of interest within our government. The only reason people are not rioting in the streets about the unjustified— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Asylum Seekers: Sri Lanka</title>
          <page.no>1019</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms OWENS</name>
    <name.id>E09</name.id>
    <electorate>Parramatta</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I was shocked last week to hear the shadow minister for immigration, Scott Morrison, and the shadow minister for foreign affairs, Julie Bishop, declaring that if elected to government they would return all Sri Lankan asylum seeker boats to Sri Lanka without first testing any refugee claims. I was appalled to hear the shadow minister for immigration and citizenship repeat his statement in the House this week.</para>
<para>The act of turning a boat back is itself dangerous. We have already heard from the Navy about the dangers of this policy and we saw the results in the Howard years, when people learned very early to scuttle their boats rather than be turned around. But perhaps more outrageous is to declare by their statements that there are no legitimate reasons for any person from Sri Lanka to seek asylum. Or perhaps they simply do not care if they send back a legitimate refugee. According to the Human Rights Law Centre, this new policy:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… would expose at least some asylum seekers to a real risk of torture, persecution or other flagrant human rights violations and therefore violate Australia’s non-refoulement obligations under international law;</para></quote>
<para>These statements by the opposition, their heartless policy and their complete disregard of our international obligations are of profound concern to many people in my electorate. I represent a diverse and quite wonderful electorate. Within it are many Tamils, some from India and many others from Sri Lanka. I also represent Sinhalese and a few Buddhists from Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka is a country that has endured decades of brutal conflict, with some terrible behaviour on both sides of that conflict. An estimated 100,000 Sinhalese and Tamil civilians lost their lives in the nearly four decades of conflict between 1972 and 2009. As I said, we know that terrible acts were committed by both sides in that conflict over those four decades.</para>
<para>We all hoped the circumstances would improve. I have stood with my local community in hope and despair, and hope again and despair again. Yet there is credible evidence that arbitrary arrests, detention, disappearances, torture and extrajudicial killings remain widespread in Sri Lanka.</para>
<para>We know the path to reconciliation will be long. We know that the stories from within the Tamil community in Sri Lanka paint a picture that is far from rosy and certainly would not support the opposition's claims that there is no reason for any Sri Lankan to seek asylum. My colleague Ed Husic, from the electorate of Chifley, and Michelle Rowland, from Greenway, both spoke last week on this appalling situation. Ed Husic drew the House's attention to the position of some of our allies on this. Shortly before the visit by the coalition shadow ministers, a three-member US delegation travelled to Sri Lanka to discuss progress in implementing the recommendations of Sri Lanka's own official investigation into the war, including the prosecution of persons on both sides suspected of killing civilians during the war. But since returning from Sri Lanka the delegation has reported such a level of dissatisfaction with progress that it has announced it would repeat its action of last March and sponsor a resolution at the UNHCR urging Sri Lanka to implement the recommendations of its own investigation. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State James Moore has since confirmed the US will sponsor a procedural resolution against Sri Lanka at the March 2013 sessions of the UNHCR. Yet our representatives from the coalition came to a completely different conclusion. They did not find any reason why a Tamil would seek asylum. Julie Bishop, in particular, stated that view publicly in response to a question from Fran Kelly.</para>
<para>My Tamil community has talked to me about their concern for Tamils in Sri Lanka. They are also concerned that a growing proportion of recent Sri Lankans who are seeking asylum are doing so purely for economic reasons. They are concerned about that, just as the government is. They and I would hope that our asylum-seeker efforts could be focused on those most in need and not tied up and distracted by people seeking a backdoor way into our country. The government does return people who are not found to be genuine refugees and has returned almost 1,000 people to Sri Lanka since 13 August last year, when they were found not to be genuine refugees. Others returned voluntarily, and Sri Lankan boat arrivals have currently eased to a relative trickle.</para>
<para>As uncomfortable as it might make some Australians, there is one line that we should not cross. It is a line that the opposition shadow ministers have suggested we do cross. A civilised society does not return people to likely death or torture. It beggars belief that after 40 years of brutal conflict and 100,000 deaths there would not be people in Sri Lanka after so short a time who would fear for their lives and have genuine reasons to seek asylum. As a civilised people we can show compassion to a war-torn people and assess claims for asylum without the politics of the issue and offer it to those who are in genuine need.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Health Care</title>
          <page.no>1020</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms O'DWYER</name>
    <name.id>LKU</name.id>
    <electorate>Higgins</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The waste and mismanagement of the Rudd-Gillard government is having a very real and direct impact on the health care of Australians. 'We will end the blame game'—that was the promise that the Labor Party made when it came to hospital reform. Yet, to try to cover for Labor's economic incompetence and unprecedented borrowings, rather than ending the blame game the Minister for Health has launched a national attack on hospital funding and tried to shift blame to the states.</para>
<para>The federal government has cut $1.6 billion from the health budget that otherwise would have gone to local hospitals. As a result up to 350 beds in my home state of Victoria will be closed. But don't take my word for it; look at what the hospitals themselves have had to say about it. A memo to staff at Alfred Hospital, on the border of my electorate of Higgins, said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The recently announced reduction of $7.815 million in funding to Alfred Health by the federal government can only have a detrimental impact on our continuous improvement and for that I am greatly saddened as I know you will be. It is with this in mind, and with great regret, that Alfred Health will reduce its elective surgery program to only the most urgent cases for six weeks around Easter from March 29 to May 10.</para></quote>
<para>We are left in the ludicrous situation where the hospitals themselves are saying point-blank that cuts in services are having a direct impact on the healthcare of Australians and are due to federal cuts by a federal health minister who is trying to pretend otherwise.</para>
<para>But the attack on our health system does not end at these budget cuts to our hospitals. The health minister has treated the private health insurance of middle Australia and the private health system as her own private piggy bank. Forget the so-called 'education crusade', the health minister is on her own crusade against the Prime Minister's so-called 'working families'. Through means testing rebates, linking funding increases to CPI rather than the standard measure of average industry premium increase, and changes to Lifetime Health Cover component rebates, the government has ripped almost $4 billion out of the private health sector. These cuts are now being reflected in the increases to private health insurance premiums announced last week. The increases will average 5.6 per cent. So, whilst the funding increases are now linked to CPI, the rates and premiums will increase by over double the CPI. This will put extra cost-of-living pressures on the millions of families and individuals who chose to have private health insurance. Moreover, those who can no longer afford the price increases will potentially leave the private system altogether or decrease their cover, thus putting more strain on an already stretched public sector, including in particular our hospitals.</para>
<para>Something that the Labor Party has never fully comprehended is the importance of mental health reform, and mental health is also in the minister's sights. At least $550 million is being cut from the Better Access program as rebates and referrals are reduced.</para>
<para>But I leave the best till last. In what must be the most extraordinary example of the health minister's sophistry we see her announce a new dental scheme while being rather silent on the fact that this dental scheme is replacing an already functioning scheme, one that serviced people who, in over 80 per cent of cases, were on health concession cards.</para>
<para>She scrapped that in September 2012 and her new scheme will not come into effect until 1 January 2014 for children and until 1 July 2012 for adults. This of course saves $1 billion from the budget. This is to make up for the economic incompetence of Treasurer Wayne Swan to deliver the supposed surplus that was promised over 500 times but which the government has now acknowledged will not be delivered.</para>
<para>These are just some of the examples. They contrast to the very strong and positive record that the coalition had in health and health reform. They contrast particularly to the record of Tony Abbott as health minister. We in the coalition will ensure that we have a strong, prosperous, safe and secure Australia and we will have a health system that functions for all Australians. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Hindmarsh Electorate: West Lakes Tennis Club</title>
          <page.no>1021</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr GEORGANAS</name>
    <name.id>DZY</name.id>
    <electorate>Hindmarsh</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise tonight to acknowledge and highlight an event that I attended in my electorate last weekend, and that was the match of the inaugural Charles Sturt Adelaide International tennis tournament, which was hosted by the West Lakes Tennis Club at West Lakes in my electorate. The event is part of the ATP Challenger Tour and the Australian Pro Tour, and is the highest-level tennis tournament in South Australia since 2008.</para>
<para>This tournament came from very humble beginnings and now is Adelaide's biggest-money tournament in recent history. I would like to congratulate the City of Charles Sturt and Mayor Kirsten Alexander for supporting this wonderful event. It is a brand-new event for the Australian Pro Tour and is one of only two events of its kind in 2013. As well as the $50,000 prize money, players also compete for points on the coming year's challenger circuit.</para>
<para>This tournament was a great opportunity to watch amazing tennis talent. A total of 32 Australian and international professional players, including Australian Davis Cup player Chris Guccione and South Australia's own Luke Saville. This was a great event not only for the high quality tennis but also for my local community. Local children were trained to be the tournament's ball kids and entry was free for spectators. There were special free events on Sunday, including cardio tennis and come and try tennis hot shots.</para>
<para>The West Lakes Tennis Club is a community club which I am proud to support. They offer competition and social tennis to players of all ages and skill levels from beginners to advanced players. The club has hosted other significant events such as the masters games and the university games. They also have lawn bowls on the premises, indoor bowls, bridge, dancing, yoga and many other events and activities for their community all year round. The West Lakes Tennis Club is a shining example of what can be achieved when you work in partnership with local communities. The club was built between 1985 and 1987 in partnership with the Charles Sturt council and residents and neighbours of the West Lakes area. This was a hugely successful international tournament which also supported the local community and I hope that the tournament stays here for many more years to come.</para>
<para>For the West Lakes Tennis Club, their hard work does not stop here. They have plans to use this tournament to grow membership of juniors, seniors and social players, and to leave an infrastructure that will suit these tournaments and allow spectators to watch their players coach and train, and, of course, be a first-class facility for the community to use as well.</para>
<para>This event was a great opportunity for the next generation of young tennis players to be inspired. Who knows, in a few more years we could have another South Australian tennis champion like Lleyton Hewitt, who grew up in the West Lakes area and who was inspired by these sorts of international competitions.</para>
<para>The tournament also allows our own home-grown Australian talent to compete in an international tournament on home soil and helps improve their game. Australia's Matthew Barton won the inaugural Charles Sturt Adelaide International, defeating Great Britain's James Ward in straight sets 6-2 6-3 in the final at West Lakes Tennis Club. The game was played in front of an enthusiastic crowd of more than 500 people. In the doubles, Australian pair Sam Groth—the man with the fastest serve ever recorded, at 263 kilometres per hour—and Matt Reid defeated Greg Jones and James Duckworth in an all-Aussie match.</para>
<para>I want to acknowledge and congratulate the West Lakes Tennis Club, club president Col Lawson, Tennis Australia, Tennis SA and the City of Charles Sturt, as well as all of the staff, officials, volunteers and competitors who all made this event such a huge success. I also want to make special mention of Jan Blake from the West Lakes Community Centre, who is a tireless volunteer worker in the community; Jan looked after us on the day and was a great host. I look forward to working with and supporting them to make sure our local community and the residents of South Australia will enjoy many more years of outstanding tennis when they come to support the Charles Sturt Adelaide International held at the West Lakes Tennis Club.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Northern Australia</title>
          <page.no>1023</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr EWEN JONES</name>
    <name.id>96430</name.id>
    <electorate>Herbert</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We have heard so much negativity from this government over the last week about the coalition's draft discussion paper on the development of Northern Australia. Why should we not have the discussion? Why should we not look at the natural evolution of our country? We have had the Assistant Treasurer screaming about different tax rates for this zone and how unfair it would be to have them. To some extent, though, they already exist. Zone rebates have been in place since I started paying tax in 1978, and even before that. Why can't we talk about a special economic zone? There are over 3,000 special economic zones in the world. China has used hundreds to lift over 600 million people out of poverty. China can see the benefit of support, but our government thinks it is stupid. Why cannot we encourage investment and development? Why cannot we consider lowering taxes for people who move to this area to live and work? Look at Dubai in the United Arab Emirates to see what happens when you put out the welcome mat and tell the world you are open for business. Such zones already operate, sort of, in Australia. When every job in the motor vehicle manufacturing industry in Australia is subsidised by the Australian taxpayer to the tune of $164,000 per job, why can we not look at such zones for the future of our country?</para>
<para>There are a number of things we can discuss but there is only one thing about which we have spoken enough, and that is the Bruce Highway. It must be brought up to standard. It is vital for any development that we have secure and safe transport options. We need to ensure that we can get to Cairns and Mackay and further south 365 days a year. The people in my electorate do not care who pays for it; they want the thing fixed. It is flood-proof between the Gold Coast and the Sunshine Coast.</para>
<para>To my knowledge, their sea level is no higher or lower than our sea level. It can be done and if we are serious about the development of the north of Australia we must get to work.</para>
<para>I believe we have to talk about what we want to do. Any sales strategy must start with who is our market and what do they want. Whatever we do, we must fit into the broader market base for the tropical world. Once we have that broad mission statement, we can develop a firm path on which we can embark. But there can be certain inalienable tenets to this development which can be discussed. They would be water security, power security and getting the base right. I would like to address each of those in reverse order.</para>
<para>Getting the base right means getting the science right. We have river systems about which we know very little which must be researched. We have ports and dredging issues, which must be addressed. We have the Great Barrier Reef and the Gulf of Carpentaria to think about. We must get it right. Anything we do will have an impact and that has to be addressed. We will have to address power security and the form that that will take. If it is renewables such as solar, wind and hydro are the answer, then let us have the discussion. If it is a coal fired power station, let us have that discussion as well. Reward for risk and management of that risk is the key to everything.</para>
<para>Water is the key to life. We all know that. We live on a dry continent. We all know that too. But if you asked people across this country which river system carries the most water, I am willing to bet that the Murray-Darling would win the popular vote. They would, of course, be wrong. With the Fitzroy, the Burdekin, and the Ord river systems, we can do anything. Let us have the discussion. Let us all have our say. But let us all have an open mind about the outcome.</para>
<para>We can grow the north of this country. We can have this discussion. We can make decisions. This is not about Gina Rinehart; this is about Australia. This is not about paying people $2 per day; this is about getting Australia to work and work brilliantly. This is about getting rid of the bad taxes and rewarding those people who will have a go. This is about our future and we should not be shy about it. I thank the House.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Kingston Electorate</title>
          <page.no>1024</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms RISHWORTH</name>
    <name.id>HWA</name.id>
    <electorate>Kingston</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Over the last five years, I have seen this Labor government deliver in my electorate of Kingston. We have seen this Labor government deliver many services on the ground in my local area, services that were desperately needed and indeed many infrastructure projects that have also been desperately needed for many years.</para>
<para>Just to name a few, we have seen the new superclinic opened recently. We have seen a whole lot of stormwater harvesting infrastructure that has been designed to conserve stormwater and be re-used, as well as a whole network of new trade training centres at our local high schools. That is to name just a few important investments in my local area.</para>
<para>Over the last couple of weeks, I am pleased to inform the House there have been a number of announcements that will improve and help people in my local electorate. Firstly, I am very pleased that the Southern Early Intervention Service, the Reconnect Services in Onkaparinga, have been funded for a further three years. This service is incredibly important to ensure that young people in southern Adelaide who may have fallen on hard times are provided with an avenue to get their lives back on track. It is not acceptable that in our society today there are still Australians, especially young Australians, who fall below the poverty line and as a result do not have a roof over their head. That is why I have always been a very passionate supporter of organisations that assist those who are less fortunate. I have in my electorate many of these. The Reconnect Services run by Mission Australia do a great job. In 2011 and 2012 alone, they helped more than 57,000 people across the country to work their way back from homelessness. I am very pleased that funding has been granted until 2016 to continue this work. By assisting those in the community who are most vulnerable, the Reconnect Services have really strengthened our community.</para>
<para>Another important recent announcement in my local electorate is the improvement to road safety, in particular the intersection between Happy Valley Drive and Taylors Road. This acts as a major thoroughfare and has a major shopping centre in it. Between 2003 and 2008, 12 serious crashes and many minor incidents have occurred there. I was very pleased that as part of the Nation Building Program the federal government has invested $1.7 million, which will be matched by the state government to make this intersection a lot safer. This has been critically important to ensuring that safety concerns in our local area have addressed. This builds on the most recent opening of the McLaren Vale Main Road and Victor Harbour Road intersection for which the Commonwealth put in $14 million to actually make this safe. I was very pleased that in late January this intersection was opened which now has an elevated bridge. That means you can enter and exit Victor Harbour Road into McLaren Vale in a safe way. We have seen many accidents there, some fatal accidents and many near misses at this intersection. I was very pleased that that infrastructure has now been delivered.</para>
<para>I have also been very pleased that the NBN has just announced that construction has now started in the suburbs of Sellicks Beach and Sellicks Hill to connect them to the NBN. I have said many times in this place just how bad the internet connections are in my local area. In fact, many people are struggling without even ADSL2 because there is not enough copper in the ground. I am very pleased that Sellicks Beach and Sellicks Hill will join Noarlunga, McLaren Vale, Seaford and Aldinga to be connected to the NBN to ensure that they can really participate in a new digital economy. Indeed, I have heard many people in Noarlunga who are now very pleased with the service they are getting. For one business, it has saved them significant time and money just with the new NBN.</para>
<para>This is just a small snapshot of announcements and investments this government has made in my local electorate of Kingston. I look forward to working with this government to continue to deliver the things that matter to the people of Kingston, whether it is the further rollout of the NBN, whether it is the electrification of the Noarlunga rail or the building of the Hallett Cove library, just to name a few. These are important investments that we need to ensure continue— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Indi Electorate: Bushfires</title>
          <page.no>1025</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs MIRABELLA</name>
    <name.id>00AMU</name.id>
    <electorate>Indi</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As I stand here right now there is a fire burning out of control near the foot of Mount Hotham, just above the small and beautiful village of Harrietville in my electorate of Indi. A recent inspection of the CFA website also indicates that the fire, which started on 21 January as a result of a lightning strike, is currently covering an area greater than 27,000 hectares.</para>
<para>From discussions I have had with locals in the last week I am led to believe that this fire could have been extinguished within a day or two. I am advised that, by around 8pm on the night of the 21st, the fire had been successfully contained by local CFA volunteers and was covering an area no larger than approximately five hectares. I am told that it was around this time that DSE fire crews stood down the CFA volunteers, despite the fact the fire had not been completely extinguished.</para>
<para>Upon being stood down, the CFA reported the fire to be safe, controlled and contained without further incident. I am told that the DSE were using two bulldozers to create a control line. One of these dozers was sent in the wrong direction and was lost for approximately one hour and the other broke down. There are reports that suggested this bulldozer had actually fallen off the vehicle trailer some two months earlier and should never have been at the scene in the first place. The decision to stand down CFA volunteers was apparently made by one incident controller from the DSE and I am advised that other DSE officers had voiced their frustration at this decision.</para>
<para>Clearly, something has gone terribly wrong here. It appears that this fire should never have got to the point that it has. As it stands, the economic losses in Harrietville alone total, to date, around $500,000. It is also estimated that the management of this fire is costing around $1 million a day.</para>
<para>I have in front of me a series of questions that require an urgent response from the DSE. These are some of the questions which are being asked by locals in Harrietville. Were sufficient resources initially deployed to a fire that clearly had the capacity to cause significant harm? Why were CFA crews stood down when containment was not complete? Who made the decision and was this the correct decision to make in hindsight? Was there a night watch team employed to monitor the fire? At what time on Tuesday morning did the DSE crews return to the fire? At what time was the dozer used to complete containment lines? Was the bulldozer in an appropriate condition to be used to combat this fire?</para>
<para>Two years ago I stood in this place and made a plea to governments and departments to listen to people who live in bushfire-prone areas and not to ignore local knowledge, local folk, when it comes to managing these areas and fighting fires because, as I said at the time, they know what they are doing and we need to take that local knowledge into account in the event of future bushfire disasters and the like. The situation is no different from the fires that raged in north-east Victoria for 60 days back in 2003. Again, Harrietville, the same town, was besieged by fires for many days. It was during those early days that, as the member for Indi, I experienced firsthand the extraordinary knowledge of locals who have lived, experienced and fought fires and how they were ignored and their extraordinary frustration. There were over 200 submissions from my electorate to the parliamentary inquiry that followed those fires and that was significant, considering it was a national inquiry with over 500 submissions.</para>
<para>So I feel very deeply the local anxiety and anger because, to ignore local advice in these situations is not just arrogant but foolish, and it appears once again that we may be living with the economic consequences of this foolishness. It is of no comfort to those who run businesses and who are losing money every day. On behalf of the residents of Harrietville I will be writing to the Victorian Minister for Bushfire Response, seeking a response to these questions, as I have done in the past to other ministers.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Chinese New Year</title>
          <page.no>1026</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PERRETT</name>
    <name.id>HVP</name.id>
    <electorate>Moreton</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I say to you, Speaker, kung hei fat choy and, in doing so, can I offer my warmest wishes to all of those celebrating their Chinese Lunar New Year—the Year of the Snake. I know that your electorate, in particular, will be celebrating this. In fact, my Chinese zodiac symbol is the snake, so therefore I am predicting a very successful year for the electorate of Moreton. The Year of the Snake is where all things will be possible. We should look forward to saving money and to using our talents wisely. In terms of using money wisely, that is not necessarily great news for the many Moreton projects that my constituents have approached me about—but, as a snake, maybe anything is possible.</para>
<para>Obviously, the Chinese Lunar New Year is a highly celebrated event around Australia, particularly in my electorate of Moreton, with many festivals and events from many different local organisations that, over the years, have always shown great success in bringing together not only the Chinese and Taiwanese community but the broader community to celebrate the year that is coming. It brings people from all over Brisbane, particularly to Sunnybank, and also from all over the south side. Even people from the northern side of the river come down to celebrate the Lunar New Year. I particularly think of great hardworking organisations in the electorate of Moreton such as the Queensland Federation of Taiwanese Associations; the Taiwanese Friendship Association; the Taiwan Women's League of Queensland, which always do great work but did particularly during the floods; the Mainland Chinese Society; the Tzu Chi Foundation; and the World Arts and Multi-Culture Inc.—I was at their AGM the other day—and the Taiwanese Centre. There are so many others that I could mention. Chinese restaurant owners, in particular, are very active community members and good business people at this time of the year. I would also like to mention the Vietnamese community groups who will also be celebrating this event, particularly those out in the suburbs of Oxley and Corinda.</para>
<para>The Lunar New Year is a time to celebrate family, first and foremost. That is what it is about. But it is also a time to recognise the important people, businesses and community organisations not only in the electorate of Moreton but also throughout Queensland and across the nation. I do so as co-chair, with Senator Matt Thistlethwaite, of the Chinese Ministerial Consultative Committee.</para>
<para>My Asian community leaders will be pivotal in the Gillard Labor government's plans for the nation, as detailed in our Asian century white paper. The expertise that they have and the context that they have will be crucial in helping to develop our connections with our neighbouring Asian nations.</para>
<para>I look forward to the input from such legendary community leaders from my electorate, like Lewis Lee OAM, Anthony Lin, Yvonne Wu and Michael Yao, just to name a few who are standout members of the Chinese Ministerial Consultative Committee. I would also like to mention Melody Chen; Wayne Ko; Danny Yeo, who had a great write-up in the <inline font-style="italic">Courier Mail </inline>on the weekend; Peter Low; Patrick Lu; and Tina Lei, who was just recently appointed as the new President of World Arts and Multi-Culture Incorporated. This is to name but a few. I would take this time in the federal parliament to especially mention Melody Chen for the great work that she has done over the last decade. She has made significant contributions to the local community in her time as president of World Arts and Multi-Culture Incorporated. She is just one of those many members of my community—the glue that keeps the humming multicultural south side together—who play an important part in a society that often has challenges and people trying to sow the seeds of fear.</para>
<para>I would also like to take this opportunity to express to the parliament how proud I am to represent such esteemed members of the Asian community. I think it could be said that I am the proudest snake in Australia—and I never thought I would be saying that in federal parliament when I started here five years ago! Our Lunar New Year celebrations are more significant than ever in 2013, with the recent release of the Gillard Labor government's Asian century white paper. Australia's engagement with the Asian region has a long history and we are in a good position to make the most of the opportunities that will flow from the Asian century.</para>
<para>My connection with the local Asian communities in Moreton has helped me to have a deeper and broader understanding and connection with these Asian nations. The Asian century will be a time for developing stronger partnerships across the region, through science and innovation, professional networks, interfaith and community groups, sporting connections and cultural links. It will create new jobs in new industries in new countries for the kids in Moreton who are going to school right now, and I look forward to these challenges and opportunities. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Gillard Government</title>
          <page.no>1028</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CRAIG KELLY</name>
    <name.id>99931</name.id>
    <electorate>Hughes</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Last week, a constituent drew to my attention the amazing resemblances between the Treasurer and this government with the dysfunctional Clark W Griswold, played by Chevy Chase, and his family in the 1989 movie <inline font-style="italic">National Lampoon's Christmas Vacation</inline>. In yet another colossal forecasting error by this Treasurer, he has promised $15 billion worth of spending, expecting this revenue to come from the mining tax. But with the mining tax only raising a fraction of what he has forecast, Australia now has no revenue to pay for Labor's promises. Likewise, in <inline font-style="italic">National Lampoon's Christmas Vacation</inline>, expecting to receive a Christmas bonus, Clark W Griswold wrote cheques before he had received the bonus. Instead of a bonus, he received one year's free membership to a Jell-O of the Month Club. Although Labor's mining tax has grossed $126 million, when you remove the lower company tax payments and the administration costs, it has raised almost nothing. In fact, Australia would probably be better off with a free membership to a Jell-O of the Month Club than with Labor's mining tax.</para>
<para>Just as the Treasurer's and this government's reckless spending has set off a domino effect of disasters and chaos, the same happened for the Griswold household. Just as the Treasurer has overcooked the books and failed to deliver a surplus, in the Griswold household at Christmas, they overcooked the Christmas turkey. In trying to excuse this mistake, Clark says, 'It's just a little dry'. When he goes to cut it, it cracks open, with the dust going everywhere, leaving everyone to chew on old bones for their Christmas dinner. That seems like a perfect analogy for this government's promises.</para>
<para>Next, take the analogy of what former members of the New South Wales Labor government are doing to Labor's already tarnished reputation in Western Sydney with their toxic culture. In <inline font-style="italic">Christmas Vacation</inline>, Clark Griswold's cousin, who is coincidently called Eddie, turns up uninvited with his family in their mobile home, and then starts to empty his chemical toilet down the stormwater drain. Clark laments:</para>
<quote><para class="block">He oughta know it's illegal. That's a storm sewer. If it fills with gas, I pity the person who lights a match within ten yards of it.</para></quote>
<para>Then later, Uncle Lewis lights up a cigar and tosses the match down the sewer, setting off an explosion and sending their Christmas decorations into orbit. Madam Speaker, doesn't that remind you of the current ICAC inquiry in New South Wales?</para>
<para>And then there is the analogy of the EU's imploding carbon price, undermining the entire premise of the carbon tax and leaving a smouldering multibillion-dollar black hole in the forward estimates. In <inline font-style="italic">Christmas Vacation</inline>, Aunt Bethany's cat chewed through the electrical cable of the Christmas lights and electrocuted itself, destroying Clark's favourite armchair, and leaving a smouldering black hole in the Griswold's carpet.</para>
<para>And then there is the analogy of the treatment of the family's Christmas tree in the National Lampoon's movie with the Prime Minister's treatment of Senator Crossin. In <inline font-style="italic">Christmas Vacation</inline>, when Clark brings home the tree, he undoes the branches in the living room. Expecting applause from everyone, he instead sees the branches fling open and smash the windows of the house. Then later, Uncle Lewis manages to burn down the Christmas tree, setting himself on fire in the process. With Clark's response to this despair, he says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">So what's the matter with you … it's finally out of its misery.</para></quote>
<para>Then there is the analogy of what many of the Labor members must have been thinking of this Christmas time. With chaos and confusion reigning in the household, Clark's good wife, Ellen Griswold, says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I don't know what to say except it's Christmas, and we're all in misery.</para></quote>
<para>Then there is the analogy of the resignations of senior government ministers. While we are left to ponder the words that the Prime Minister might have used to lift her dispirited troops and dissuade more of them from jumping ship, in <inline font-style="italic">Christmas Vacation</inline>, with disaster after disaster unfolding, Clark demands of his family, in what could be a word-for-word quote from the PM:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Where do you think you're going? Nobody's leaving. Nobody's walking out on this fun … No, no … We're gonna press on.</para></quote>
<para>And finally, there is the analogy with the message that the member for Griffith might likely be telling the PM's wavering supporters. As disarray, disorder and dysfunction engulf the Griswold household, Clark bemoans:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Could things get any worse? Take a look around here, Ellen … We're on the threshold of hell!</para></quote>
<para>No question, Madam Speaker, the similarities between Clark W Griswold and this Treasurer are uncanny.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Redlich, Mr Peter, AO</title>
          <page.no>1029</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DANBY</name>
    <name.id>WF6</name.id>
    <electorate>Melbourne Ports</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to mourn the passing of my friend and a leading lawyer in Melbourne, Peter Redlich, AO, who sadly passed away on 3 January this year. Peter was 76 years old. Philip Chubb, in the <inline font-style="italic">Age</inline>, put it well when he said: 'Peter's influence spanned across many industry and fields. His dedication to Labor ideals and social justice will be fondly remembered and missed.' I am pleased that Lou Farinotti and the firm Holding Redlich, which Peter so ably led, is going to be having a special memorial. Of course, the funeral was very well attended, including by former Prime Minister Bob Hawke, who said of Peter: 'Redlich put his heart and soul into everything he is about, and he is very much committed to see Labor getting itself into a position where it could win government.'</para>
<para>Peter Redlich was crucial to helping the Victorian ALP form its new constitution following Whitlam's victory in 1972. He was a president of the Labor Party and a key figure in state and national politics. He is a person who was responsible for the Victorian Labor Party reviving itself and was one of the strong supporters of the essential act of federal intervention.</para>
<para>Peter Redlich was admitted to practice in 1959. In 1962 he became a partner in the firm Holding, Ryan and Redlich, which subsequently became Holding Redlich, of which he became the leading partner. He was crucial and active in the legal fallout from the blackest days in Victorian industrial history when, on October 15, 1970, a span of the West Gate Bridge collapsed and he was responsible for looking after many of the injured workers.</para>
<para>Peter's life is remarkable. His family's great migration story to Australia began with one of the most terrible things I have heard. At the funeral, Rabbi Aviva Kippen recounted that Peter's father, Julius, when getting visas in Austria, was tipped off while volunteering for the Jewish Aid Society in Vienna, following the confiscation of his family business under the Aryanisation laws following Anschluss, by none other than the notorious Adolph Eichmann that he should get out of Vienna. The Redlichs arrived in Australia. Of course, they are famous in Melbourne for the gourmet food shops that they established, particularly that famous butcher shop.</para>
<para>But I remember Peter Redlich as a great figure of Australian politics and business who strode state and national life. He had many important roles, including with the Victorian Arts Centre and the Mental Health Research Institute. He served on the boards of the Australian Industry Development Corporation. He was the chairman of the TAB, he was on the Telstra board and the board of Qantas, and he served on the council of Monash University. Quite deservedly Redlich, the renaissance man, was appointed to the Order of Australia for his service to business and the arts, in 1992.</para>
<para>I have particular gratitude to Peter. He sponsored and supported many people across diverse ideological views within the Labor Party in difficult times. He stood with me and my friend Mark Dreyfus at a particularly difficult time for me. I will always recount with gratitude his steadfastness and his penetrating intelligence which enabled him to understand difficult things that other people did not have the complete understanding of. But I think his crucial role, along with a number of other people, was seeing that Labor was electable prior to 1972. He saw the terrible effects of some bureaucrats in the Victorian Labor Party branch on Gough Whitlam. In that role, people like Peter Redlich enabled Labor to be elected in 1972 and to see that Gough Whitlam was not constantly sabotaged by the Victorian Labor Party branch.</para>
<para>Peter is remembered by his entire family, including his wife, Sally; his brother, Max; his sister-in-law, Eva; his first wife, Janette; his children, Nicole, Jackie, John, Cassie and Sam; and a recently added grandchild, Ari, who gave so much joy to his grandfather Peter. Peter Redlich is sadly missed by all in Victoria, in the arts community and in the Labor Party. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Hasluck Electorate: Crime, Hasluck Electorate: Tertiary Education</title>
          <page.no>1030</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr WYATT</name>
    <name.id>M3A</name.id>
    <electorate>Hasluck</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise tonight to share some concerns that have been raised with me by the local community in my electorate. Late last year I was contacted by a group of my constituents who live in the suburb of High Wycombe in my electorate. My constituents contacted me because they have become concerned about living in their own homes. They have become increasingly worried about the number of break-ins in their neighbourhood and feel disempowered by the lack of report they are receiving from authorities. My constituents tell me that they have observed an increasing amount of crime around them. What was a safe and family-friendly neighbourhood is becoming an increasingly safe haven for young criminals.</para>
<para>A couple of these constituents who contacted me, Malcolm and Gloria, wrote to me to share the story of how their home was recently broken into. They said, 'We are retired and we feel we are not safe in our home anymore.' Malcolm went on to tell me that he and his wife were burgled and family heirlooms that were of value and to which they had significant emotional attachment were stolen. Malcolm and Gloria's daughter shared with me that their home had been broken into, an office chair had been thrown out of the window and a safe containing documents and jewellery had been carried out and then wheeled away on the office chair.</para>
<para>My heart was touched by Malcolm and Gloria's story. This was a tragic event to experience. What is worse, Malcolm and Gloria's experience was not a one-off. After hearing their story I contacted the entire High Wycombe community, calling for feedback about residents' thoughts on home safety. Overwhelmingly, people told me they were concerned about burglaries and break-ins. They were also concerned about hoons and groups of young people loitering in public access walkways. This is a cause of great concern and these residents need to have their voices heard on these issues.</para>
<para>I have been doorknocking in High Wycombe with the local state Liberal candidate, Nathan Morton. Together we have personally visited the entire High Wycombe community to hear from residents their concerns about home safety. Last weekend I also invited residents of High Wycombe to join me for a community meeting, where they called for an increase police presence to offset some of the antisocial behaviour that we are seeing in High Wycombe.</para>
<para>I want to thank my state colleague Nathan Morton for his work in High Wycombe and for joining me at this community meeting. This was a fantastic opportunity for residents to be able to share their views and suggest practical changes that they want to see to build a safer community in High Wycombe. I also want to assure the residents of High Wycombe that I will not rest until we have seen a resolution to their concerns. I am committed to building a safer community for the residents of High Wycombe.</para>
<para>I also want to take this opportunity to offer my congratulations to the West Australian Barnett Liberal government for their announcement today that they are committing $22 million to be invested into a university in Midland. Midland is a vibrant and growing community. It is the future growth corridor for our region. In the coming few years Midland is slated to have unprecedented growth. Being the site of a new university campus is an excellent opportunity for the Midland community to accommodate the needs of our growing population. My community has been working hard for a long time to see a university in Midland come to fruition. I also believe in the critical importance of building stronger communities through education.</para>
<para>A group of dedicated individuals has been passionately advocating for tertiary education opportunities for our region. I know that my state colleagues Alyssa Hayden MLC and local Liberal candidate Daniel Parasiliti have been fighting hard for Midland, and it is due to their efforts that we have seen this announcement today. I know that my local chamber of commerce, Swan Chamber of Commerce, has been lobbying for the past 20 years to see this outcome. A university in Midland will not only provide excellent education opportunities for our young people; it will also be a fantastic partnership for our local businesses. This university campus will also provide a platform for local medical students at the nearby Midland Health Campus. We will benefit immensely from the collective knowledge gained through a university campus contributing to our community. I look forward to working closely to see this project come to fruition, and I sincerely congratulate the Premier for his determination to deliver education opportunities in my electorate.</para>
<para>As federal members of parliament, it is a pleasures when we are able to deliver to the communities that we serve and provide them with the infrastructure and the pathways into careers that will make a difference in their lives.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Workplace Relations</title>
          <page.no>1031</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr LAURIE FERGUSON</name>
    <name.id>8T4</name.id>
    <electorate>Werriwa</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Given the subject on which I want to address the House tonight, it is very timely and positive that the Minister for Employment and Workplace Relations raised the question of workplace bullying and proposed that the Fair Work Commission might be utilised to try and conciliate disputes so that people can quickly resume normal relationships, get on with the job and overcome these deep problems. He made the point that people have actually suicided, particularly young people, in these situations. He conditioned that with the comment that reasonable management practice requiring reasonable performance at work is not bullying. I raise that issue because I want to talk about a few industrial relations matters this evening.</para>
<para>On Sunday night I spoke to a constituent who had been to my office about a matter on which I had written correspondence to two ministers on behalf of her and her son. In commenting in passing on public policy in this country, she said that nobody is making sure that young people are protected. She further noted that parents often would not have a clue about their rights and ability to fight for their kids. This woman is a very competent person in the clerical sector, and being involved in enterprise she knows a fair bit about the way the world works. She mentioned the problems she is having in trying to fight for another son and commented, 'A whole week—we tried to pursue it but it was just too difficult.' And she has more ability than most citizens in this country. She raised the question of her son's unpaid work as a building apprentice, which comes under the provisions of the Joinery and Building Trades Award. He has to travel vast distances from my electorate on the far fringes of the city, where head office is, throughout Sydney. There are hours of travel involved and, under the provisions of the award, no money is given to him for the cost of travel. His mother makes the point that it is difficult for a young person to gain a licence and to maintain a car. It is indisputable that he could not work without a car. Yet the award makes no provision for the associated expenses.</para>
<para>I note that the ministers have said that Fair Work Australia is undertaking a very drawn-out process in reviewing awards and that it will cover relativities, appropriate demographics and competence, and will perhaps look at based progression of wages et cetera. I also raised the question of this apprentice's wages. That is a very real problem in this country with regard to industrial relations.</para>
<para>I further note recent comments in a report by Andrew Stewart and Rosemary Owens on unpaid work in this country. It is worthwhile noting that journalists and people in the media are amongst the main group of people who are suffering as a result of unpaid work. I have not had too many volunteers for unpaid work from parliamentary colleagues. Andrew Stewart and Rosemary Owens talk of unpaid work experience, internships and trial work that could be seen as undermining the award system and other labour standards. In one case a person doing a four-week course was unpaid until they were hired later.</para>
<para>The Australian Chamber of Commerce and Industry chief executive, Peter Anderson, in very comforting comments said that the report deserved considered thought but 'there should be no rush to judgement or knee-jerk responses by the inspectorate or the government'. He further said, 'Short periods of informal work experience and properly developed internships have for many years been a feature of the labour market.' I do not he think we are talking about short periods. This report analysed gross exploitation of people, people that need money, people that are suffering but that are not paid for long periods of involvement.</para>
<para>On this front also we have had restaurants' dirty secrets revealed after an analysis in Sydney of underpayment in the restaurant sector. Fairfax Media commented that it was aware of 40 restaurants that are paying their staff wages as low as $8 an hour, but it could not name them for legal reasons. The opposition, including the member for Mayo and the member for Kooyong, along with Peter Reith of mobile phone fame, are saying to Tony Abbott: 'Keep quiet. Don't tell them what you are going to do after the election. Make sure we put this on the back-burner. Don't threaten people with reduced conditions in this country. Don't threaten to undermine the unions further' et cetera. This is a very real threat to people who, even in the current situation, are not protected enough. These are young workers who are not getting paid for large parts of their working day, others who are not paid for periods before they become fully employed and people who are bullied on the job. These are real problems facing my constituents, and it is ridiculous for people opposite to say that industrial relations in this country is too intervening. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<para>House adjourned at 22:29</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>1033</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo></debate>
  </chamber.xscript>
  <fedchamb.xscript>
    <business.start>
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          <span class="HPS-MCJobDate">
            <a type="" href="Federation Chamber">Tuesday, 12 February 2013</a>
          </span>
        </p>
        <p class="HPS-Normal" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
          <span class="HPS-Normal">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">The DEPUTY SPEAKER (</span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">Ms Livermore</span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">) </span>took the chair at 16:01.</span>
        </p>
      </body>
    </business.start>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>CONSTITUENCY STATEMENTS</title>
        <page.no>1035</page.no>
        <type>CONSTITUENCY STATEMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Small Business</title>
          <page.no>1035</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BILLSON</name>
    <name.id>1K6</name.id>
    <electorate>Dunkley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It has been a very grim fortnight for the small business community of Australia. We have seen time and time again this terrible Gillard Labor government insult the small business community, ignore their interests and demonstrate this pattern of disinterest that we have all become used to. What happened last night in Senate estimates? Well, the Prime Minister's own department has revealed that the Prime Minister rarely concerns herself with small business issues, further demonstrating this government's neglect of the sector. Asked whether the Prime Minister has met the inaugural Small Business Commissioner, Mark Brennan, a representative of the department said: 'No. Small business and issues of that kind do not represent the priorities of the day that the Prime Minister turns her mind to.' The department representative went on to say: 'Small business issues don't often come up in terms of issues that are before the Prime Minister or before the cabinet, and I guess our focus of resources tends to focus on those issues that are before the PM or the cabinet, so I guess we would move our resources in accordance with these priorities.'</para>
<para>What a disappointment this must be for my constituency and the electorate that I represent, and small businesses right across the country. It comes off the back of the neglect and the forgetfulness of this government to actually invite a small business representative to be a part of the B20—this business advisory group supposedly helping the government understand what is going on in the economy. Never mind the fact that small business generates half the private sector workforce. The new minister forgot to be reminded by the previous minister—the fourth in 14 months—that small business is a crucial part of the economy.</para>
<para>But it gets worse. This revolving door of ministers seems to have revealed itself in other ways. The Prime Minister set out, at her Press Club address, to 'do three things: to take stock of our nation's position, to outline the actions needed to shape our future, and to detail a plan for this year'. Well, again small business did not crack it for a mention in the account of how things are going—because things are very challenging, and there is a reason the Prime Minister would not turn her mind to the challenges that small businesses face. On any issue about shaping the future, we know the coalition understands, believes and demonstrates time and time again that our economic prosperity is interwoven with the success of small businesses. And small business economy is the economy of where people live, and how crucial it is to the future. But no; the Prime Minister could not manage to do that either.</para>
<para>So here we have this pattern of disinterest and neglect. One forgetful action you could almost understand, but this is a systematic approach. Small business owners and operators and those interested in this crucial part of the economy are absolutely bewildered as to why the Gillard government never misses an opportunity to show any disinterest at all. They forget every time. Every opportunity when small business should be front of mind for this government, they ignore it. Contrast that with the real solutions plan of the Abbott government: the centrepiece, our plan for small business; many policy commitments; and, even in the last fortnight, another constructive suggestion about how to make disaster relief more responsive to small business. Yet still no interest— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Jagajaga Electorate: Feelix Library 10th Anniversary</title>
          <page.no>1036</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms MACKLIN</name>
    <name.id>PG6</name.id>
    <electorate>Jagajaga</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Lilly Cascun is six years old and attends Ivanhoe Primary in my electorate of Jagajaga. Lilly is very clear about the fact that the Feelix Library has given her a head start in her education.</para>
<para>Lilly wrote her speech in braille and read it out at an address for the 10th anniversary celebrations of the Feelix Library at Vision Australia headquarters in Kooyong on Sunday. She was joined by nine-year-olds Ella Edwards and Sam Valavanis, each of whom spoke very bravely to the audience of parents, friends, supporters and children, who, like Lilly, Ella and Samuel, have vision impairments or are blind. They spoke about what reading means to them and about the world that the Feelix Library, with its dedicated staff and volunteers, has opened up to them.</para>
<para>The Feelix Library is an early-childhood braille resource for children aged from birth to seven years who are blind or have low vision. It gives children and their families access to braille materials for the whole family. The staff, led by Louise Curtin and Robyn Sainsbury-Vale, and volunteers produce high-quality, tactile reading materials—feathers for the ducks and zipper teeth for the crocodiles—so that the stories come to life for young children with low vision or who are blind. For 10 years they have been working with children and their families to introduce them to books and reading and to introduce them to braille. This is critical early support, which allows young people to learn and grow, to adapt to a life without sight and to make the most of the opportunities that come their way. For 10 years the Feelix Library and Feelix the echidna, their mascot, have been making an enormous difference to the lives of young children with vision impairment and their families right around the country. It was a real privilege to share the celebrations with the library's family on the weekend and I look forward to continuing our support for the library and its work as we open up the world to children with a disability. Congratulations to everybody at Feelix.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Casey Electorate: Australia Day</title>
          <page.no>1036</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TONY SMITH</name>
    <name.id>00APG</name.id>
    <electorate>Casey</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Like all of us, I attended a number of fantastic Australia Day celebrations. In the morning of Australia Day I had the pleasure of attending two functions organised and hosted by local Rotary groups. The first was the Rotary Club of Wandin, which had an Australia Day breakfast that packed the Wandin Town Hall with more than 300 locals. I want to pay tribute to the president, John Sanders, to the MC, Neil Tassell, and to the many volunteers who helped bring about a fantastic and successful event, including Carol Pitman and Heinz Budweg. I would also like to pay tribute to Wendy Bartsch and her daughter Natalie, who sang the national anthem to kick things off.</para>
<para>Later in the morning I had the pleasure of attending the Rotary Club of Monbulk's Australia Day breakfast. I would like to pay tribute to president Barbara Clark, secretary Darrell Hayes and to Peter Hayne, Ross Byrne, Keith Corbett. I also pay tribute to the two guest speakers, locals Leo and Carla Van Alphen, who told their story of becoming Australian citizens after migrating from Europe, and to the local Hills Jazz Orchestra which made the morning very eventful indeed.</para>
<para>Local Rotary groups do so much for so many throughout our community. On Australia Day, of course, it is a great chance to reflect on all of the great aspects of our national character. One of those is surely the volunteer contribution and the volunteer spirit. Rotary epitomises that in so many ways.</para>
<para>While I am speaking of volunteers and their critical contribution to our local and national community, can I also take the time to mention three people to whom I had the pleasure of presenting National Volunteer Awards in the final weeks of last year. There were Colin Matheson and Shaun Caulfield of the Lilydale SES. Colin is the unit controller and Shaun is the deputy controller of operations, and both were recognised for their dedication to the Lilydale SES with 35 years' and 20 years' service respectively. The third award was to Lis Guldager-Nielsen from the Lilydale and District Community Information Centre, of which she has been an integral part for more than 30 years.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Richmond Electorate: GP Superclinic</title>
          <page.no>1037</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs ELLIOT</name>
    <name.id>DZW</name.id>
    <electorate>Richmond</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am very pleased to be able to update the House about a great infrastructure investment in my electorate—that, is my GP superclinic, which is nearing completion. I was very pleased that on 21 January, a couple of weeks ago, I was able to inspect this soon-to-be completed superclinic, and we are looking forward to it being officially opened in May.</para>
<para>Prior to the last federal election we made a commitment that if the federal Labor government were re-elected we would be delivering $7 million for a superclinic in the Tweed Heads area. So I am very proud to be at the stage where we are almost officially opening that; it will make a huge difference to the local community. As I say, prior to the last election we made the commitment for $7 million, and I am very pleased to be delivering on that election commitment as it is nearing completion, nearing reality, now.</para>
<para>Of course, after the election we then had it put out to tender, and the successful tenderer, the preferred applicant, was a company called AusTender, which is a consortium of local GPs, all of whom have extensive experience within our area—decades in fact. They are an outstanding group to be running a GP superclinic and have a strong history with the community.</para>
<para>There was huge community support for this GP superclinic in our area, not just because these local doctors are outstanding but also because of the huge need to have a superclinic, to have applied medical health services in one spot. Its location at Corporation Circuit, Tweed Heads South is ideal for providing services to our local community, many of whom in my area are elderly people. They are very excited about this new superclinic, particularly because of the variety of allied health services—which is the whole idea behind GP superclinics. You can have a whole series of services co-located, so they will have not just a number of GPs but also a dentist, a pharmacy and lots of other services as well.</para>
<para>I would also like to note that when I toured the superclinic the other day it was great to speak with the architect, Andrew Armstrong, who has done an outstanding job in looking at the needs of locals in designing a superclinic so that it provides really good services, particularly for elderly people. It is often a very stressful time when the elderly go to the GP, but they have done a remarkable job in terms of the actual infrastructure they have built there.</para>
<para>Of course, this will be taking pressure off our hospitals, which is vitally important. The other good thing is that the superclinic will be providing a lot of important educational services and a training institute as well. All round, it is a wonderful resource for our area, and not just for the allied medical health services; it will also take the pressure off hospitals and provide much-needed training to many GPs who are coming through our area. I am really proud, as the local MP, to have delivered the $7 million for this superclinic that will make an outstanding difference to the people of Tweed Heads and surrounds.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Bradfield Electorate: Chinese New Year</title>
          <page.no>1038</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FLETCHER</name>
    <name.id>L6B</name.id>
    <electorate>Bradfield</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On Sunday, 10 February the Chinese or Lunar New Year was celebrated around the world. Indeed it was celebrated with particular vigour and enthusiasm in the electorate of Bradfield. Over four per cent of the residents of Bradfield were born in China and almost 10 per cent of the residents of Bradfield described themselves in the most recent census as being of Chinese heritage. The Chinese community makes a remarkable contribution to the electorate of Bradfield, and the people in that community work extremely hard in the professions, in trade and commerce and in so many other ways in giving back and in supporting our community.</para>
<para>Celebrations of the Chinese New Year do not, of course, occur just on 10 February but last from the first new moon of the Northern Hemisphere spring through until the full moon rises 15 days later. This Chinese New Year we are welcoming in the Year of the Snake, characterised, I am advised, by intuitiveness, introspectiveness and grace. In Chinese culture the snake is seen as not outwardly emotional but as contemplative and private. My further research indicates that 1965 was the Year of the Snake, and I merely note that that was the year in which I was born, without drawing any other conclusions.</para>
<para>There are many customs and traditions that are normally observed during Chinese New Year, including cleaning your house before new year to get rid of any bad luck from the previous year; decorating your house with apricot and peach blossom; and settling all debts before new year and not borrowing or lending money over new year—clearly that would present problems for the present government, but it is a matter of importance within the Chinese culture, which is a culture that is celebrated within the electorate of Bradfield.</para>
<para>So I am very pleased to wish all of my Chinese constituents—indeed, all of my constituents—a happy Chinese New Year. I look forward particularly to being in Chatswood this Saturday, when the Willoughby Council will hold its usual Chinese New Year celebratory event. At that event and a whole range of other events across the electorate of Bradfield, Chinese New Year is being marked as a significant and important event in the life of the electorate of Bradfield, as indeed it is in the life of Australia, a nation enriched by people from so many cultures and backgrounds, including people of Chinese background. So I wish all of my Chinese constituents a happy new year. Kung hei fat choi!</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Superannuation</title>
          <page.no>1038</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>Robertson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am very happy to speak in this place today about how this government is helping thousands of individuals in my seat of Robertson by scrapping the 15 per cent contributions tax on superannuation. We have been, are now and will always be the party of superannuation in Australia. Thanks to successive Labor governments, workers have $1.5 trillion of retirement savings. From the earliest days of compulsory superannuation, the coalition has been absolutely against it and has voted in this place on numerous occasions—on every occasion when faced with the possibility of supporting superannuation, and as recently as last year—to deny Australians the best that super can offer. Last year they denied a three per cent increase in super to all working Australians.</para>
<para>With this most recent development, scrapping the 15 per cent contributions tax on super for individuals earning less than $37,000, 3.6 million workers around this country will pay up to $500 less tax each year. That is one in three workers. In my electorate of Robertson it is 23,100 people—locals on the coast—who will be paying hundreds of dollars less in tax under this Labor government. But what will it look like under a coalition government? A frightening picture. Tony Abbott, during his address to the National Press Club, made it very clear as he stated that he will be introducing a brand-new tax for 3.6 million workers, including those 23,000 in my local electorate.</para>
<para>People rely on their superannuation payments to grow and not to be eaten away by taxes, and that is the only contribution to the superannuation debate that the others have: to shut it down, to reduce it and to make it harder for hardworking Australians to save and take away any advantage that this Labor government fights to give them. For someone on $36,000 accruing about $3,600 in superannuation each year, to lose $500 is a massive hit. For retirees to be able to live independently is a great goal. Many Australians are really proud of the fact that they have, through their work and their savings, been able to live a life of dignity in retirement without having to access the pension. For Australian workers when they leave employment to have that capacity, they have to have a strong, accumulating retirement nest egg, and that is precisely what Tony Abbott proposes to take away. This government is also committed to protecting the tax-free status of superannuation withdrawals for people over 60. So what we have here is a very clear choice: 3.6 million Australians getting a new tax from the opposition or a $500 decrease under a Labor government—a very easy choice for 23,100 people in my electorate.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Cowan Electorate: Law Enforcement</title>
          <page.no>1039</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SIMPKINS</name>
    <name.id>HWE</name.id>
    <electorate>Cowan</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Today the state Liberal Party of Western Australia made an election commitment to build a new police station in Ballajura. I welcome and in fact applaud that decision. In 2009, when the commissioner of police identified that the existing station at the time, opened by the previous Liberal government in Western Australia, was to be closed, I wrote to the police minister opposing that decision. I am therefore pleased that a new station is to be built at a cost of $12.5 million within three years.</para>
<para>I note that the police commissioner, at the time of the closure, and now the new Minister for Police, Minister Harvey, have described the previous shopfront of the local shopping centre as being 'an occupational health and safety nightmare' and said that there was no choice but to close it. Having visited that shopfront on many occasions, I agree that it was not a great example of an effective environment for police operations and that the new station built for general policing and criminal investigations and operations will be a better result.</para>
<para>The new station is to be completed in 2015-16. It will cater for 21 police officers, who will use it on a 24-hour basis. It will include holding cells, modern fingerprinting facilities and secure parking. As I said, I welcome this commitment and the fact that it is a fully costed proposal and therefore Ballajura residents can have confidence that it will be built.</para>
<para>From my recent doorknock in Ballajura with Liberal candidates Natasha Cheung for West Swan and Andrea Creado for Mirrabooka, I know that there are drug dealers that operate in Ballajura and that there are burglars living in and around that suburb. It is worthwhile to make the point that a police station is not a cure for crime. The police still require the people to be witnesses and to stand up to these criminals so that they go to jail and are accountable for their actions. I also appreciate the great focus that the state government of Western Australia has on fighting crime. This includes additional resources for closed-circuit television and minimum jail terms for aggravated burglaries.</para>
<para>I welcome 7½-year jail terms for offenders who seriously assault someone whilst breaking into their house. I also welcome 15-year sentences for those who break in and sexually assault someone. I also believe that it is good for juveniles aged 16 and above to face a minimum detention period of three years for either of these sorts of offences.</para>
<para>I have said before that law-abiding people believe the police do a good job under very difficult circumstances, but, when cases go to court, the outcomes for convicted offenders are not what the general community would consider appropriate. It is therefore right that community expectations are provided by the people's representatives in terms of minimum sentences. It is also right that, when people in the future look at the incarceration rate of particular demographic groups, the point should not be outrage at the figure of those in jail but outrage as to why so many are criminals. It is about personal responsibility for the choices one makes. If someone makes a decision to be a criminal, then the Liberal state government of WA will hold them to account.</para>
<para>I also pay tribute to the candidate Natasha Cheung, who lives locally, for her fight for the police station and for her listening to the concerns of local people in terms of securing penalties appropriate for criminal behaviour.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Blair Electorate: JBS Australia</title>
          <page.no>1040</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr NEUMANN</name>
    <name.id>HVO</name.id>
    <electorate>Blair</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Just over two weeks ago, I had the great privilege of delivering some very good news to about 2,000 Ipswich locals and the company which employs them—Ipswich's largest private employer, JBS Australia. This is a good outcome also for local farmers who sell their beef to JBS Australia.</para>
<para>Along with the federal Minister for Climate Change and Energy Efficiency, the Hon. Greg Combet, I announced a $4.4 million federal government grant to JBS for its Dinmore abattoir facility and meat-processing plant. This announcement was opposed by the LNP members from Queensland every step of the way. Why is this important to me personally? Because I started my working life as a cleaner at the JBS site. It was then known as AMH, and I worked as a cleaner on the kill floor.</para>
<para>This grant is possible through the federal Labor government's $200 million Clean Technology Food and Foundry Investment Program. What will the grant do? By this grant, JBS will slash its electricity costs by $1.1 million every year by covering its settlement ponds, capturing the methane and generating electricity for its site. The amount of pollution produced per kilo of beef will be reduced by 81 per cent.</para>
<para>We have had to endure some loud and very laughable protestations by the coalition in relation to carbon pricing, particularly in relation to the meat-processing sector. Who could ever forget Senator Joyce claiming that it would cost $575,000 to process one head of cattle in a meat-processing plant? Simply: what rubbish! The Minister for Climate Change and Energy Efficiency recently reminded us that none other than Senator Joyce also claimed that the introduction of a carbon price would lead to us all paying $100 for a leg of lamb. I have to confess that I did a fair bit of cooking over the Christmas break and cooked a lamb roast on more than one occasion. It did not cost me $100 at IGA; it cost me about $20 at IGA in Flinders View, the suburb in which I live. In reality this $4.4 million grant from the federal Labor government shows that the federal Labor government is working closely with industry to make sure that we protect jobs, promote growth and do what we need to do.</para>
<para>I thank John Berry, the CEO and spokesperson for JBS Australia, for his tireless work. Together we trod the floors of Canberra, convincing the government that a $1 federal government commitment for a $3 private commitment should be reduced to a dollar-for-dollar commitment.</para>
<para>I also thank my electorate officer, Madonna Oliver. Madonna was with me in many of these meetings and worked closely with John.</para>
<para>This is a great outcome for local producers of cattle in the Ipswich and West Moreton region—particularly in the Somerset region. It is good for local jobs, it is great for growth and economic development, and sadly it is opposed by those opposite.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Citizenship</title>
          <page.no>1041</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CHRISTENSEN</name>
    <name.id>230485</name.id>
    <electorate>Dawson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I had the great pleasure of attending a number of citizenship ceremonies throughout the Dawson electorate on Australia Day, 26 January. I would like to thank the mayors, councillors and organisers at the Bowen Shire Council and the Whitsunday Regional Council for citizenship ceremonies that they held in Ayr, Bowen and Airlie Beach. I would also like to congratulate those who had Australian citizenship conferred on them at these ceremonies. Due to time and distance, I was not able to attend all the ceremonies in the electorate. At the northern end of my electorate, new citizens including Laura Camilleri, Samantha Crawford, Thomas Theverumalayil, and Noman Unar, were welcomed with a warm day of nearly 34 degrees for Australia Day, backed up by a 38-degree Sunday, so it was a great warm welcome for our new Aussies in Townsville.</para>
<para>Further south, the new citizen list in Mackay may be a reflection of the region's strong population growth in recent years. My congratulations to new citizens including the Abria family, the Ackermann family, the Agustin family, Jonathan and Jon of the Arcega family, the Bajamundi family, Maxwell Cameron, the Chabata family, Maria and Miguel Clutario, Rachel Constantin, Danilo and Darren of the Cruz family, Sasmit and Sweta Dahall, the Dimarucut family, Charles and Dylan of the Gosling family, Nicholas Gover, Adline Graffini, Mr Gurtej, Samantha and Shane Jones, Liz McGann, Ebony Newton, Mark Nixon, Edgard Pascual, Jeffrina Prinsloo, Jesse Rademeyer, Edith Radke, Michelle Ranola, Danilo and Queenie Salomes, Palmer Sanga, Donna Sanim, Amitava Sarkar, Prabha Srinivasan, the Strydom family, Faith Tshuma, Sheldon and Ethan-Lee of the Upton family, the Veldez family, Yogesh Vasudeva, Briony and Peter Wilson and the Wooldridge family. I want to say to all of those people: congratulations on becoming an Australian citizen.</para>
<para>They say that Australia is the lucky country, but the reality is: many of us—me included—are lucky to be born here, inheriting all the rights and responsibilities that come with Australian citizenship. But these men and women that I have known here in parliament today made the choice to be Australian, and that is a big thing. We look forward to their contributions to our community as Australian citizens. As our national anthem says in the second verse, 'With courage let us all combine to advance Australia Fair.' Well done to them all.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Lindsay Electorate: Australia Day Honours List</title>
          <page.no>1042</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BRADBURY</name>
    <name.id>HVW</name.id>
    <electorate>Lindsay</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to acknowledge residents of the Lindsay electorate who were recently named in the 2013 Australia Day Honours List. Firstly, commended for his service to rugby league and to our local community through a range of charitable organisations, I recognise Mark Geyer, who was awarded a Medal of the Order of Australia. Mark has been one of the Penrith Panthers' best players and clubmen over the years, and he has also made an invaluable contribution to local charities, including by helping people with disabilities to get involved in sport. I congratulate Mark on this well-deserved accolade.</para>
<para>Another worthy recipient of a Medal of the Order of Australia was Diane Langmack. Diane was recognised for her great contribution to our community through charitable and women's organisations. Diane is particularly well known for her work with Women in League at Penrith Panthers and her role as chair of the Cure for the Future Foundation. I congratulate Diane on receiving this well-deserved honour.</para>
<para>Also recognised on the Australia Day Honours List, I congratulate Kenneth Charles Wheeler, who was awarded an Ambulance Service Medal. Kenneth was one of only four people in New South Wales to receive this prestigious award. This is an extremely well-deserved accolade for Kenneth, after 42 years of dedicated service to the New South Wales Ambulance Service.</para>
<para>I also recognise all of the recipients of the 2013 Penrith City Australia Day awards. Named Penrith Citizen of the Year and Penrith Sports Person of the year, I congratulate Jessica Fox. Jessica's performance in the 2012 London Olympics and her ongoing sporting and academic success have been a great source of pride to many in our local community. I congratulate Jessica.</para>
<para>Honoured with a Penrith Appreciation Award, I congratulate Michael and Jo-ann Morris. After nearly losing their two-year-old son Samuel to a drowning accident, Michael and Jo-ann have worked tirelessly to raise water safety awareness and to support families of children suffering from severe disabilities following near-drowning accidents. I pay tribute to the strength of the Morris family and I thank them for their ongoing contribution to our community.</para>
<para>Recognised for his work as a local GP, surgeon and former Penrith mayor, I congratulate Penrith Appreciation Award recipient Dr William 'Bill' Gayed. This award acknowledges Dr Gayed's dedicated service to the Penrith community through a range of local organisations. Also receiving a Penrith Appreciation Award is Jan Bradley, who was recognised for her long-term commitment to the Wallacia and Mulgoa Rotary Club. Jan has a great sense of social justice and I commend her for her dedication to helping those in our community who need it most. Finally, I congratulate Benjamin Egge, who was awarded a Penrith Appreciation Award for his work to empower the vulnerable in our community through teaching self-defence, anti-bullying strategies and boosting work ethic. I wish to acknowledge all these outstanding contributors to the Penrith community and beyond. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83A</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! In accordance with standing order 193 the time for constituency statements has concluded.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>1043</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Marine Safety (Domestic Commercial Vessel) National Law Amendment Bill 2013</title>
          <page.no>1043</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" style="" background="" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint">
            <a type="Bill" href="r4953">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Marine Safety (Domestic Commercial Vessel) National Law Amendment Bill 2013</span>
              </p>
            </a>
            <p class="HPS-Normal" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
              <span class="HPS-Normal">Debate resumed.</span>
            </p>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TRUSS</name>
    <name.id>GT4</name.id>
    <electorate>Wide Bay</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Maritime Safety (Domestic Commercial Vessel) National Law Amendment Bill 2013 amends a drafting error which prevents the effective operation of the national law for maritime safety and, as such, will be supported by the coalition. We supported the original bill and so we naturally will support correcting the errors that were included in the original draft.</para>
<para>The original bill appointed AMSA as the national regulator for maritime safety and gave them various powers and responsibilities in relation to maritime safety. It is expected that, by March this year, the national system will be fully operational and that we will have consistent laws with respect to safety in domestic shipping. The national law establishes a system of vessel identification and the issue of certificates in relation to vessel identification, vessel survey, the commercial operation of vessels and seafarer competencies.</para>
<para>As I have mentioned previously, currently there are eight different marine safety regulators in Australia, each implementing their own rules and regulations. The bill will mean that Australia will have one national maritime safety law, replacing 50 separate pieces of legislation across the nation. The national maritime safety laws will mean that companies that operate nationally will not have to comply with multiple safety regulatory regimes. Designers and builders will have to comply with one certification system rather than applying for re-certification in each jurisdiction. This will stop jurisdiction shopping and will remove conflicting and contradictory vessel survey requirements, which add to the compliance costs of many businesses in the industry. The coalition supports the concept of a national law and, as such, supported the legislation enabling AMSA to take on the role of national regulator in August last year.</para>
<para>The bill amends two sections of the act to replace the term 'Commonwealth' with the term 'National Regulator' to reflect the original policy intention, as agreed by the state and the Northern Territory governments through the Council of Australian Governments process and the Standing Council of Transport and Infrastructure Ministers. As the law presently stands, the Commonwealth rather than AMSA would be required to receive revenue from infringement notices issued under section 138 and section 162 of the act. However, the Commonwealth has no power to reimburse the amount collected to the states and the Northern Territory, as was agreed to at COAG. So this bill simply corrects the drafting error to ensure that the national law can operate as intended and, as such, it will be supported by the coalition.</para>
<para>Whilst I do not like the concept of reliance on fines to fund the core business of governments, I am conscious that in reality this revenue stream is significant for many of the jurisdictions, allowing for a broad range of maritime safety activities undertaken by the maritime regulators.</para>
<para>The legal and operational effect of the drafting error means that the Commonwealth rather than AMSA will be required to receive the revenue from the infringement notices. However, as I said earlier, the Commonwealth has no power to reimburse the amounts to the jurisdiction because the national law does not contain an appropriations power. I am advised that only this amendment to the national law will achieve the original policy intention and ensure that there is no unintended impact on revenues collected by the various jurisdictions.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83A</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The minister has not been able to join us in the chamber, so I will put the question immediately. The question is that this bill be now read a second time.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a second time.</para>
<para>Ordered that this bill be reported to the House without amendment.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Appropriation Bill (No. 3) 2012-2013, Appropriation Bill (No. 4) 2012-2013</title>
          <page.no>1044</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" style="" background="" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint">
            <p>
              <a type="Bill" href="r4956">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Appropriation Bill (No. 3) 2012-2013</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>1044</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ROBB</name>
    <name.id>FU4</name.id>
    <electorate>Goldstein</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on Appropriation Bill (No. 3) 2012-13 and Appropriation Bill (No. 4) 2012-13. The two additional estimates bills seek to appropriate funds from the Consolidated Revenue Fund for additional expenditure requirements which have arisen since the May budget was brought down. In effect, they give effect to the announcements in the Mid-Year Economic and Fiscal Outlook, which was brought down around October.</para>
<para>The irony is that these things are probably just another mere introduction to endless other blowouts since that time. Since October we have had the Treasurer walk away from a surplus, given up on a surplus. There are no financial accounts which would inform us and the rest of the community, the finance sector, the people trying to do business out there, anyone trying to assess the state of the nation's books, trying to make investment decisions with some confidence, trying to make multi-million or multibillion-dollar investments when no-one has the foggiest idea about what the state of the books is. The government has walked away from it. This appropriation bill is probably a foretaste, a forerunner of more that might be introduced into this place to overcome further reckless spending of this government to further fill black holes. We know of $120 billion in unfunded promises: what else is there? We have got a raft of things here, many of which just happen in the course of normal government, and I accept that, but they are a symbol, if you like, another $1.27 billion symbol of a government that really has become quite inept at in any way managing the books. So much so that here we stand today several months after the Treasurer has stepped away from a surplus with absolutely no idea what the state of the books is. Yet every day we hear in the main chamber in particular, and I presume here and in the other place, cries of 'Where are your costings?'</para>
<para>Of course the costings have been done. What no-one knows, including us, is how any of these things can be funded. What money is there to fund them? Are the government telling us how they are going to fund dental schemes, an NDIS or the Gonski recommendations in education? Are they telling us anything about the funding? Not on your nelly! That is not going to occur. Yet they want some anodyne discussion on the cost of things. We have put out the cost of things, if you had not noticed—so many things. What we are still waiting for, and what the community is waiting for—what everyone is waiting for—is what money is going to be there. What is in the piggy bank? What will be in there? The government do not know themselves. The Treasurer does not know.</para>
<para class="italic">Dr Leigh interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ROBB</name>
    <name.id>FU4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>There is embarrassment on the other side, and feigned smiles and all the rest. Well, you had better go away and sort out your Treasurer. Get him to release what the books are and what is in the books so that we can have a sensible discussion not only about appropriations but about the general finances of this nation.</para>
<para>This is serious business. No wonder no-one is investing out there. No wonder no-one is taking risks. No wonder there is an investment strike in the business community. No wonder people are not buying houses. It is because there is no confidence. How could there be when they look at a Treasurer who is growing whiter by the day, who stumbles through question time and who one day says on the basis of some shonky legal advice that he cannot tell us what revenue they are going to get from a certain tax and the next day releases it after pressure from the Greens and us?</para>
<para>It is government by mistake, day in, day out, and the community absorb it. They feel it, they see it and they are shaken by it—so much so that many of the problems in the retail sector are because no-one is spending. They are paying back the mortgage and paying back the plastic because they are fearful of spending money and of making any commitments. They are not buying houses as they normally would. The general run of business—the turnover of business—has just stopped in its tracks in many cases in many parts of the country. There is a crisis of confidence, and there need not be. There should not be if there were prudent, sensible management.</para>
<para>The thing is that they have seen the wanton waste in so much of what has been done. People understand that governments spend money. They vote a government in, and they will accept that government will make decisions about expenditure on their behalf. They might not understand it and they might not even like it, but in many cases they will accept that that is the responsibility of government. What they will not accept is wanton waste, and that is what they have seen now for five years. So much of the reckless spending by this government that has taken place has led to irresponsible, pathetic, wanton waste, with no attention to detail and no attempt to implement policies in a considered, rational and prudent fashion. People get fed up to the back teeth with it. They cannot understand it, they are angry about it, they are confused about it and they feel deeply let down by this process.</para>
<para>Through all of this, all we hear as a reason for it—and, again, this is an insult for people; it is adding to that crisis of confidence and it is designed, almost, to undermine people's confidence in the government—is endless crying wolf. 'It was somebody else's fault.' 'The dog ate my homework.' Month after month, parading in through this chamber, the main chamber and other chambers, the Treasurer and his colleagues on that side of the House are saying that it is somebody else's fault. As the Treasurer said, we have here a huge revenue whack, if you like, out of the blue, which has made it very hard to get to a surplus in 2012-13. Instead of crying wolf endlessly, why not take responsibility for their own mistakes? Why not take responsibility for the problems that this government has created?</para>
<para>Of course, the truth is that over the first four months of this financial year revenues were 9.2 per cent higher than in the previous year. This is at the same time that the Treasurer was on his feet saying, 'We've taken a whack out of the blue.' There had been a nine per cent increase in revenue since the budget.</para>
<para>There are a lot of families who would do quite well and be quite satisfied with a 9.2 per cent increase in revenue. But what did we see accompanying that revenue increase? A further four per cent increase in spending—in four months. The record level of spending of this government just continues to go on, year in, year out, despite the sort of spin that we hear. People understand that. They see the waste. They know that four per cent is on top of what was already bloated and unnecessary spending of a massive order, so much so that the government have spent $172 billion, would you believe, more than they have received in revenue.</para>
<para>It does not stop. No bells are ringing. No-one in the government is saying: 'Hang on. We'd better pull our heads in here.' Even if you just stopped new programs, over time it would reduce the proportion of government spending in the budget and take the pressure off, but, no, there are no programs of any order being cut. It is all new program after new program. They say, 'Don't worry about gross debt.' Well, that is what we pay interest on. We are paying $7 billion-plus a year of interest that was not being paid five years ago. We were not paying one cent five years ago. Now it is $7 billion a year. That could pay for seven first-class, world-centre-of-excellence hospitals, if you wanted them, but in one year it is just being given away in interest payments. It is money that could go to fund the NDIS. We would not have all the double backflips and machinations and—I can see it coming down the track—tricky accounting to try and get through how the government are going to fund the NDIS. Future governments will have to fund it, not this government. That is for certain.</para>
<para>So we have got revenue steadily growing, but the government cannot catch up with their spending increases. Why not? What happens—and you can see it over every budget of this Treasurer—is that they deliberately assume unachievable levels of future revenue. I have seen it in business. I have seen CEOs with start-up businesses tell their boards they are going to make millions of dollars in revenue, and they get the boards and investors to commit to a lot of funding. They go and spend it, and then the revenue does not turn up. They do not get the contracts. They make it up. They deliberately assume unachievable levels of revenue.</para>
<para>I look across the chamber each day and see the Treasurer, and I am looking at things I have seen before in another world, in the business world. This Treasurer is no different to some of these CEOs who make it up for their boards and their investors, get commitments of large lumps of money, either borrowed or invested, and then the revenue does not arrive. That is exactly what has happened here. In the budget, the Treasurer makes these politically inspired, deliberately unachievable assumptions of future revenue, and spends the money. Then, when the revenue does not come in, and there is a more realistic revenue stream—which is still increasing; revenue has increased every year—he cries wolf. 'Woe is me,' we hear all the time. Well, take some responsibility for the wanton and gross miscalculation on revenue forecast, the unachievable assumptions that have been made.</para>
<para>We have been saying this for years, at every budget: 'These revenue forecasts are not achievable.' Lo and behold, that is what happens, and yet we hear: 'Woe is me. We've got some write-downs.' They are writing down their own forecasts. It is a joke, but it is just part of the usual spin and management that we see from this government—the media management rather than the housekeeping management, which is really what they were charged to do when they were voted in, or when they assumed a minority government with others, Independents and Greens.</para>
<para>We have a situation which has been created by the government unnecessarily, and they say: 'The world is a difficult place. We've had a global financial crisis.' I accept that.</para>
<para>The government took funding decisions which I think were grossly excessive. If they had not wasted and billions and billions of it, it would have been somewhat better. The fact of the matter is that an inherited strong balance sheet, monetary policy, 3¼ per cent reduction in interest rates, the devaluation of the Australian dollar—it went to 60c in the first quarter of 2009; we had the highest trade result in our history the quarter after the global financial crisis and it brought billions of dollars into our economy and into the pockets of households. In addition to that, we have had the heavy lifting by China—demand. Those were the four things—an inherited economy in great shape, monetary policy, the automatic stabiliser of a devaluation, and China—that got Australia a 150-year high in our terms of trade. We have been so blessed compared with other parts of the world.</para>
<para>They were the things that got us through. The government then came along—six, eight or nine months later—with a massive injection of spending on school halls, which was wasted in many cases. They could have done most of that work for half the price. Lots of school in my area were saying that the buildings could have gone up for half or less than what they did. Then we had the pink batts debacle, cheques to dead people—for goodness sake! This is the sort of thing that leaves people just scratching their heads. It is why there is a crisis of confidence. There we are with a situation created, and yet they say to us: 'But it's such a difficult climate out there. How could we get to surplus with Europe going so badly? Europe has pulled us down into the mire. Europe is still hurting us.' Well let me tell you, there are seven other countries—including five in Europe—who are in surplus already. If European countries can be back in surplus, then there cannot be any excuse for Australia, which is at 150-year highs in their terms of trade.</para>
<para>We are still 20 per cent higher in terms of trade today than when the Howard government lost office. They keep telling us that the Howard government benefited from the 'rivers of gold'; well the terms of trade are still 20 per cent higher. They are coming back, but they are still 20 per cent higher! Yet the Treasurer is saying he has got a whack out of the blue. How could that be a whack out of the blue when we still have record levels of terms of trade compared with over the past few years? What is going to happen when the terms of trade come back to more normal levels? I will tell you what is going to happen: we are going to find ourselves in the out years—next year, the year after, the year after that—with growing and increasing structural deficits, all of which have been assumed away by unbelievable forecasts of revenue or are being funded by taxes that turn out not to return any income. Can you believe it? So we have either got unbelievable and unachievable assumptions about revenue, which never materialise, or we have got taxes that have been introduced—27 new or increased taxes—and we even get a tax that does not produce any money.</para>
<para>But not only does it not produce any money of any consequence and leaves a further black hole, which further undermines confidence and worries people deeply, but also people are waking up at 2.30 in the morning all over this country worried about whether they are going to keep their jobs. Why? Because they see a government in total disarray. They see a Treasurer who fumbles and mumbles through question time looking ashen and standing next to a Prime Minister who does no better, who keeps telling us things which you cannot trust, who signed a document and said, 'We won't change the mining tax,'—in black and white—and now, today, virtually admits that they are going to change the mining tax. How can business operate like this? How can people make decisions and feel comfortable that this country is in good hands when they keep seeing this charade of mistake, dissembling and incompetence. It is serious, people! Why is there anxiety at a time when we are so blessed with the resources we have got and the demand out there?</para>
<para>It should not be this way. It should not be this way, but it is, and it is because of the government's incompetence and inability to focus on the job that they have to do: to tell people as it is, to make truthful statements about what they think is going to happen with the books and to stop playing politics endlessly. Stop worrying about your own jobs and worry about other people's jobs out there. That is the responsibility of governments. It is just not acceptable that this would happen.</para>
<para>I should raise my voice! People are cross about it. I am cross about it. But it is not about us here; it is about the people out there. That is what it should be about, and yet here we are. We are going to go through this charade, I know, for months. There will be more dissembling. There will be more suggestions of other people's faults. There will be more misrepresentation of the accounts. There will be more clever accounting tricks, and there will be increases in taxes. We can see it coming.</para>
<para>Some way or other, the super is going to happen. Already there has been so much speculation that people are frightened to invest or spend, go to the movies or do whatever. They are putting the money aside. They are not sure whether they can afford it or not or what is going to happen. We have had another month of speculation. Clearly the government are going to do something on super. They are going to get money from somewhere. They are going to try and tax people who have worked their tail off for years to put money aside. Now they are going to see it taxed. Now they are going to see a threat, a doubt, over their security in their later years.</para>
<para>We will see a change to the mining tax. The government will say: 'How clever are we? We have just raised some more revenue.' But, of course, what they have done at the same time is cause a major problem with sovereign risk. That is forgotten. Forget about business! Don't put yourself in the shoes of people looking to risk billions of dollars!</para>
<para>I went into Asia for a few days before Christmas to talk to business leaders, government leaders and others—investors. I wanted to see: what were the opportunities coming down the pipeline? What was our standing? What was going on? I sat in a meeting with the head of one of the region's major banks, an Asian bank. He said to me: 'Mr Robb, could you explain something to me? Over the last four years, we have backed investments to the tune of billions of dollars into Australia. What has happened since is that there have been lots of rule changes. There have been new taxes which have affected these investments.' And he said: 'The ROI, the return on investment, in nearly all these projects has now been deeply undermined. Could you explain what is going on? Australia historically has been associated with being able to invest with some certainty, in that a deal is a deal. Once things are signed, once contracts are done, once we have reached some accommodation and understanding with the government, Australia historically has stuck with it.' Here I was not being lectured to, but in a way I was, and it is so galling. He was really saying that Australia and sovereign risk are now in the one sentence. That has never been the case.</para>
<para>This is what is happening with this mining tax. This is what is happening when you change things. This is what happens when you change super rules having said you never will, you won't do it, of course you won't, not one dot, not one whatever—no, you will not do any of that!</para>
<para>Government members interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83A</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ROBB</name>
    <name.id>FU4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You are just undermining the ability and the confidence not only of investors in this country but of investors outside this country, people who have already put big money in here and are confused themselves. You are confusing the world with the way in which you are managing the shop.</para>
<para>Government members interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ROBB</name>
    <name.id>FU4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You can try and shout me down.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83A</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Excuse me. No.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ROBB</name>
    <name.id>FU4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You can try and shout me down. You will have your turn. You get up and explain.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83A</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And the member for Goldstein will stop using the word 'you', please.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ROBB</name>
    <name.id>FU4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Okay. Those opposite will.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83A</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And they will cease interjecting. Let me deal with that. You will continue, in silence.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ROBB</name>
    <name.id>FU4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. That would be nice, thank you. So here we are with a bill which has become almost a symbol of the uncertainty and lack of knowledge that anyone, including ourselves, has on what the state of the books really is. It is just another chapter of many chapters of overspending.</para>
<para>Sitting suspended from 16:59 to 17:12</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ROBB</name>
    <name.id>FU4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I should bring my comments to a conclusion, given the list of speakers who are following and given that I have made the principal point, which is that, as normal practice, we will not oppose or seek to amend this Appropriation Bill, although it does again demonstrate—and it has become a symbol of—the overspending, unexplained spending and confusion. So much of it could be clarified if the government were to show some transparency. Tell us the numbers and tell us really what the circumstance is, and it is not just 'us' the opposition, but us the community. That is why in this important election year we have again chosen what has been the normal practice: not to rely on the Treasurer and on what have been inflated or misleading forecasts or numbers or dissembling and all of the rest. This budget this year will be the first budget in the history of the parliament which will fall in the middle of an election campaign. We could not trust the last four budgets over the last four years, and so what hope would anyone have to trust what will come out in May this year? In many ways it will be a fiction. That is my expectation. That is why we have to wait and do what the head of the new Parliamentary Budget Office suggested: wait for the real numbers. The real numbers will help us understand the ability we and others have to fund policies that we would like to introduce. Those numbers will best come when Treasury and Finance, independent of the government of the day, come down with their forecasts and state of the books within 10 days of the writs being issued.</para>
<para>When that happens, we will look at the capacity to fund on the real numbers, not on the fictional numbers, and we will put to the people a program which will return this country to prudent, stable, sensible, adult management. We will remove the waste. We will seek to restore the certainty and stability that people need to make decisions and get on with their lives. We will seek to remove the crisis of confidence which so envelops this country at the moment and which is not and should not be necessary given the blessings that this country has. What we need is good government, and the opportunity will present itself this year.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr LEIGH</name>
    <name.id>BU8</name.id>
    <electorate>Fraser</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>There are several old chestnuts the Liberals can be relied on to trot out every election year, and one of those that we hear so often in the ACT is the line, 'Labor ignores Canberra'—the suggestion that somehow Labor governments take Canberra for granted. But, unfortunately for the Liberals, the people of Fraser are a clever bunch. They are able to see through this line easily, because it is so demonstrably false. The investments that this Labor government has made in Fraser are visible everywhere, from the Majura Parkway to the National Broadband Network rolling out and the many schools enjoying new facilities thanks to the Building the Education Revolution program.</para>
<para>If you were to take the time to visit all of the sites where Labor has invested in my electorate of Fraser, you would be taking a pretty comprehensive tour of Canberra's north. I can even provide you with a loose itinerary. You can set off from the flourishing suburb of Braddon, where my electorate office is located and where Minister for Human Services Kim Carr and I opened a one-stop shop for Medicare and Centrelink in October last year. The co-location of these facilities is a core part of Labor's service delivery reforms. It is making access to housing, health, crisis support, education and training, and family and financial support easier for Canberrans.</para>
<para>If you were to then drive north, you would pass North Ainslie Primary School, one of the 804 schools around Australia to have been awarded grants of up to $50,000 to install renewable solar energy systems, rainwater tanks and other energy efficiency measures to cut pollution and save money on their electricity bills. You would also be seeing schools that have benefited from those grants if you drove through the suburbs of Campbell, Charnwood, Dunlop, Florey, Fraser, Hawker, Kaleen, Latham, Lyneham, Macgregor, Macquarie, Majura district, Ngunnawal, Palmerston or Turner.</para>
<para>If you visited any primary school in my electorate, you would be proudly shown their new facilities and you would hear firsthand how that community worked with the design firms, the department of education and the architects to construct a new building that improved the learning experience. In Florey Primary School, you would be shown new science labs where children can follow in the footsteps of the great Howard Florey, who discovered penicillin. At Amaroo School, teachers can teach in their traditional classrooms or they can remove the dividing walls between classrooms and teach in teams. At the Forde campus of Burgmann Anglican School, the new multipurpose hall has sharply raked seating so all children can see the stage. At Black Mountain School you would be shown a school hall that allows all children to come in and enjoy the school community together and a stage that allows children in wheelchairs to go up and speak and receive awards just like children who are not in wheelchairs. If you were to go up the road to Jervis Bay, you would see a purpose-built learning centre with Smart Boards designed in close consultation with the local Indigenous community. The Building the Education Revolution program has seen an unprecedented level of investment in our community's schools, improving the facilities Canberra's schools need. At the same time, we have also provided transparent information to parents about their child's school. If you were up at Jervis Bay, you would probably also see the new $18 million training facility at HMAS <inline font-style="italic">Creswell</inline>.</para>
<para>You could also follow Prime Minister Julia Gillard's footsteps and stop for morning tea in Amaroo, where she met with pensioners to discuss carbon pricing assistance in May of last year.</para>
<para>Thousands of Canberra pensioners also benefited from Labor's historic 2009 increase in the pension—the biggest increase since the pension's inception, worth $1,600 a year for someone on the single full rate age pension.</para>
<para>Moving a little further south you might see the revamped Belconnen skate and BMX park, funded in part by the government's stimulus package. It is a great resource for Canberra teens to show off their ollies and kickflips, and a chance to get together and build community spirit on the shores of Lake Ginninderra. It provides a space for Canberra's youth to not only stay fit but also create lasting friendships. If you were not a particularly skilled skateboarder and you took a tumble in the park, you would be glad to know that the nearby West Belconnen Health Co-op in Charnwood provides a bulk-billing GP medical service. It currently has over 5,400 people with co-op memberships. That centre began thanks to $220,000 in seed funding from the Commonwealth government in 2009, and now has another outlet in Belconnen, bringing more GPs to the electorate of Fraser.</para>
<para>Speaking of Labor's investing in health facilities in Fraser, you could drop into the University of Canberra, my equal favourite university in my electorate, and see how the new GP super clinic is coming along. The federal government has provided $15 million for the clinic, which will soon have another hub site in Casey. These investments provide training opportunities for young doctors, nurses and allied health professionals, not only bringing new doctors to the ACT but also improving the training of young doctors, making Canberra's health services even stronger and providing important regional services to Canberra's surrounds, such as the mobile health clinic that I was pleased to open at the University of Canberra last year.</para>
<para>Before you leave the University of Canberra campus I am sure you would want to have a chat to some of the staff or students about the $26 million of investment the government is making in bringing new courses and new entry pathways and ensuring the latest learning technologies are available. You would find that since Labor came to government the University of Canberra's funding has increased by 59 per cent. Enrolments are up by 45 per cent. That is thousands more students, many the first in their family. They are able to pursue careers in health, journalism, law and finance.</para>
<para>You could then take a drive through the post code area of 2615, in which ACT Labor MLA Chris Bourke and I ran a campaign to help residents find their lost superannuation. We saw from government statistics that people in that post code had a particularly high rate of lost super. Residents in suburbs like Dunlop, Flynn, Holt, Melba and Spence are among the many who will benefit from our decision to remove the tax on superannuation earnings for the lowest paid one-third of Australians. Many other Canberrans will benefit from federal Labor's raising universal superannuation contributions from nine to 12 per cent.</para>
<para>If you are passing through the suburbs of Bonner, Bruce, Crace, Harrison, Nichols or Watson you will see over 17,000 new homes, built for low- to moderate-income households to rent below the market rate. That is on top of an exciting NRAS investment on the ANU campus. It is all part of the Gillard government's National Rental Affordability Scheme and complements other initiatives to improve the community's access to affordable housing, including the $450 million Better Housing Affordability Fund and the $100 million Building Better Regional Cities Program. Housing affordability is a particular challenge here in the ACT, and the ACT is to receive a disproportionate share of federal funding to address housing affordability.</para>
<para>Heading out to Gungahlin, you might want to take stock of the NBN rollout. It is already becoming available for residents in Gungahlin, Harrison, Watson and Macgregor, with Acton, Braddon and Canberra City soon to follow. I recently joined ministers Conroy and Lundy at the switch-on of the Gungahlin connection. There we saw students at Harrison school speak by video link with Japanese students who were practising their English while the Harrison school students practised their Japanese. Anyone can use the Gungahlin digital hub, ACT's first public connection to the National Broadband Network. Canberrans can learn more about how to access the exciting features of the National Broadband Network through free training sessions covering a range of computer basics, everyday online activities, online safety and security and connection options.</para>
<para>Working your way back down south, you might go through Mitchell, where the Gillard government put $90,000 from the billion dollar Clean Technology Investment Program to help the Elvin Group, a local manufacturer, reduce energy costs, improve efficiency and lower carbon pollution. As you continue to tour, if you are travelling at peak times, you might notice that traffic in the inner north gets a bit congested. You might therefore be pleased to learn that the Majura Parkway, 50-50 funded by the Gillard and Gallagher Labor governments, will help reduce the amount of time that Canberrans spend sitting in their cars, making us a more productive city and freeing up time for us to spend with family and friends. Construction on the Majura Parkway is underway. It will be the biggest road-building project in the ACT's history, reducing commuting times, taking trucks off our local streets and making us a happier and more productive city.</para>
<para>You would also notice how Labor's record $22 billion investment in early childhood education has helped the many talented early childhood educators throughout the ACT, including the terrific staff at the Acton Early Childhood Centre, which my children attend. Labor has increased the childcare rebate from 30 per cent to 50 per cent, which has seen a massive injection of desperately needed funds into the sector and has improved access to child care for Canberrans.</para>
<para>While you are on the campus of the Australian National University you will see where the new Lena Karmel Lodge will be housing 550 new students. Take a moment to remember that, since Labor has been in office, enrolments at the ANU have risen from 6,350 to 7,086, and these new students are among the additional 150,000 Australians studying at university nationally. At the ANU, $5 million has gone to refurbishing student learning and living areas, and total funding for the ANU has been boosted by over $130 million.</para>
<para>You might meet some of the many extra students who are able to receive youth allowance, thanks to the Labor government's lowering of the age of independence from 25 to 21, a reform that benefits not just students at the University of Canberra and the Australian National University but also students studying at UNSW@ADFA and at the Australian Catholic University. These students are able to earn more money while they study before it cuts into their Centrelink payments, thanks to Labor, and that has ensured more students from disadvantaged backgrounds are able to study at university.</para>
<para>Now you are near the city, and you might want to head over to Civic, where you can visit the community dental surgery. The Gillard government is investing $5½ million in the ACT's public dental system over the next 2½ years to reduce public dental waiting lists. That funding will enable almost 4,000 more ACT residents to get low-cost dental care. I was pleased on Monday of last week to visit the dental surgery with Chief Minister Gallagher and Minister Plibersek to see the great work that has been done in that state-of-the art dental surgery.</para>
<para>After seeing all those Labor investments in the electorate of Fraser firsthand, you might find yourself a bit exhausted, but the tour has not finished yet. Labor in the ACT has also invested $6½ million in carbon pricing assistance; $6.4 million for energy efficient upgrades to community facilities; around $300,000 for the launch site for the National Disability Insurance Scheme, which was kick-started with a launch at Black Mountain School; and over $1 million each year to the black spots program to improve our roads. I am very proud to be the chair of the ACT Black Spot Consultative Panel, using federal funding to make our roads safer with a program that requires that public benefit be at least twice the expenditure. The million dollars of spending that go into the ACT annually translates into at least $2 million of community benefits.</para>
<para>ACT households have also seen millions of extra dollars in their pockets through the schoolkids bonus, worth $410 for every child in primary school and $820 for every child in high school for eligible families; and thousands of dollars through Labor's Paid Parental Leave scheme to assist new parents in welcoming home their babies and easing the transition back into the workforce for new mums. As a city with high female labour force participation, the ACT particularly benefits from Labor's Paid Parental Leave scheme.</para>
<para>We have also seen additional expenditure to make it easier for dads to spend time with their newborns through dad and partner pay, not to mention the benefits of Labor's economic management, which is bringing down interest rates for Canberra's mortgage holders. I mentioned housing affordability before, and a Canberra family with a $300,000 mortgage is now saving around $5,000 a year on its mortgage compared to when the Liberals were last in government. You might even schedule time to meet with the thousands of Canberra workers who, thanks to Labor, were not subject to the unfair workplace relations scheme that the then Liberal government had in place. You could talk to the many Canberra public servants who value a government that values them—a government that is not committed to getting rid of 20,000 public servants.</para>
<para>Ours is a great city. It is the bush capital; it is Australia's social capital. We are a leafy, walkable and friendly city with a vibrant multicultural life, and I am proud of the investments the Gillard government has made in Canberra. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MORRISON</name>
    <name.id>E3L</name.id>
    <electorate>Cook</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This has become an annual event under this government: every February rolls around and every February the immigration minister—this time a new Minister for Immigration and Citizenship, taking the place of the last one—comes before this parliament and asks for more money. It happens every single year. Every year they put forward a budget, every year they blow that budget and every year they come back here and they ask this parliament for yet more taxpayers' money.</para>
<para>Just to remind the House of this government's failure in the area of budgeting for their border protection failures, it is worth going back and just looking at their history. This is a government whose failure to manage our borders has directly translated into its failure to manage a budget. These two failures are hardwired, one to the other. In 2008-09, the budget blow-out from the original budget, as revealed in the additional estimates, was $2,257,000. The following year, 2009-10, the blow-out in that budget from the original estimate was $167 million. In 2010-11, the blow-out from the original estimate for that year was $765 million. In 2011-12, the budget blow-out leapt to a whole new level, and the variation from the original estimate first advised by the government was $1.3256 billion—that was the blow-out from the government's original estimate of the expenditure for that year. In the current year it has exponentially gone to a whole new level. In 2012-13, the government is now estimating that it will spend $2.2328 billion on asylum seeker management costs. That is a variation from their original estimate, when the estimates for this year were first published in the forward estimates, of $2.1263 billion.</para>
<para>This is a level of border cost blow-out which has no precedent. There are many costs to this government's failure on our borders. We know of the chaos, we know of the tragedy, but the financial costs are also significant. They have gone beyond testing the patience of Australians as they see billions upon billions of dollars having to be sucked in to this whirlpool of border failure, drawing resources from other important objectives that a government should be funding—resources that, at the very least, would be ensuring that the deficit would not be at the stratospheric levels it has been at under this government in recent years.</para>
<para>A habit, a practice of border protection failure, has led to this habit and practice of constantly underestimating the costs and constantly having to come before this parliament and ask for more money. The cumulative budget blow-out as at this point in time, when the costs of the increase in the refugee and the humanitarian program to 20,000 are taken into account, is more than $6.5 billion over the last four years. $6.5 billion—that is the level of blow-out.</para>
<para>Let us reflect on what the government have asked for over the last few years as these appropriation bills have come before this parliament. Following the 2009-10 budget, they brought forward the appropriation bills, now acts, No. 3 and No. 4, and in those bills they sought $54 million extra for recurrent and $34 million extra for capital—some $88 million. In the following February of 2011, they came into this parliament and they said, 'Please, sir, can we have some more?' They asked for $298.5 million in recurrent appropriations and a further $192.956 million for capital—a grand total for that year of an extra $491.5 million on top of what had already been appropriated to the Department of Immigration and Citizenship. The following year, in February 2012—groundhog day—Appropriation Bill (No. 3) sought an extra $332.546 million in recurrent and a further $9.3 million in capital for a grand total of $341,815,000 extra to cover the recurring blow-outs in this government's border budget through asylum seeker management—year on year on year.</para>
<para>Then, of course, came this current budget year, and such has been the level of blow-out that the government have had to ask twice. Last year, in November or thereabouts, the government came before the parliament and asked for another $1.674982 billion on top of what had already been appropriated in the budget of the previous May. The government tried to dress that up as funding the implementation of the Houston panel, but that is an absolute deceit, because the overwhelming and vast majority of those funds were not going to the implementation of measures from the Houston report, they were going to fund the sharpest increase in illegal boat arrivals that our country had ever seen. Too many people had just turned up, and it had absolutely collapsed the budget. So, the then Minister for Immigration and Citizenship came before the parliament and asked for $1.674982 billion. You would think that between November and February that should have been enough to tide them over, but, no. Once again, here we are in February, despite that enormous appropriation of last November, and the government is now asking, in these bills that are before the House, for $64.7 million in recurrent and $32.4 million in capital appropriations. That brings the grand total of these additional appropriation acts and bills since 2009-10 to some $2.7 billion.</para>
<para>As we reflect on those numbers, it is the score card of this government's fiscal failure and of their border failure. They are failures which the government are only too aware of. I mean, you just can't go around asking for that much money every year and not notice—you tend to notice that you always have your hand out to this parliament. That is what the government do in this area. Asking for that much money in this particular area is unprecedented. So they ask again, and the parliament is asked to shell out once more on behalf of the taxpayer. The government have gone even further on this bill, though, because the additional estimates that were released last Friday are a record. There has been an escalation in the budget from just $85 million for asylum seeker management related costs in 2007-08, when the government inherited management of these issues, to the current year's budget of $2.2 billion in just five years. Remarkably, next year they say that the costs involved in asylum seeker management are going to fall by a billion dollars, and then the year after that they are going to fall by another billion dollars. Within the space of two years, the government are budgeting to cut the cost for asylum seeker management by $2 billion.</para>
<para>You would have to think that a reduction of that magnitude could be assuming only one thing: that they had actually stopped the boats. The budget for 2012-13 as revised by the portfolio additional estimates, which was saying where the expenditure would be in the out years, down to $871 million and $833 million, has now been revised down by this government in those out years to just $451 million and $338 million. I asked a simple question in estimates yesterday, through Senator Cash: 'Is that what the budget looks like when you stop the boats?' The answer was yes. So that is what it can look like. But the government have missed one fatal point, and that is: you have got to actually put the policies in place which stop the boats before you bank it in your budget—and this government have failed to do that consistently. They have resisted, for years, putting back the measures that are absolutely necessary to achieve the very outcome that they have now budgeted for in this desperate raid on out year savings that can be legitimately claimed by the coalition but cannot be even remotely credibly tamed by a government that has the worst border protection record of any government in our history. The estimates are based on a belief that Labor's policies can achieve that objective, and they simply will not.</para>
<para>If we look at what has happened with boat arrivals over the last five years, we have gone from an average of two per month in 2007-08 to an average of more than 2,000 per month. That is where the arrow is going. The arrow is going up in terms of arrivals, and this government is claiming that the expenditure is going to come down. That is the parallel universe we live in here in Canberra when we sit around this place, where the government believe they have delivered a surplus and that they have stopped the boats. They are living in an absolute fantasy land when you look at these estimates. They cannot stand. This sort of deceit in a budget document cannot stand. Today in estimates the finance department secretary indicated that they had accepted this assumption on the basis of offshore processing being the central component of what was announced following the Houston report. At no stage have the coalition ever claimed that the simple introduction of that one measure is necessary. We have always argued that it has been a suite of measures.</para>
<para>There were two other very critical measures in place back in 2001-02. There were temporary protection visas, which this government continues to reject, and there was Operation Relex—the process of turning boats back and sending people back. Those measures are not in place under this government and therefore they cannot budget for coalition policy outcomes if they are not going to put coalition policies in place. One could be forgiven for thinking that the budget revision which was released last Friday was assuming the election of a coalition government, because that is the only way that the figures that are maintained in this set of budget estimates and that are funded by this bill, at least for the current year, would ever be realised.</para>
<para>There is a great measure of responsibility that will fall on the Secretary to the Department of Finance and Deregulation and the Secretary to the Department of the Treasury when they put the non-political estimates out there for budget prior to an election and we ensure that the true figures, based on the actual performance of this government's policies—not on their imagined performance, which is what is before them in these figures we see here today—and it will be incumbent on them to ring true. But there is an opportunity for the government to get this right. They can stop putting across this absolute fiscal furphy and they can correct these measures when they prepare the estimates for the next budget. As a result, I seek leave to table the letter that was sent to the Secretary to Department of Finance and Deregulation and the Secretary to the Department of the Treasury last night by the shadow Treasurer and I, highlighting these very points that there has to be confidence in the budgets and the estimates upon which costings will be based.</para>
<para>What we have before us at the moment is only a demonstration, once again, of why the numbers that this government is putting out in terms of expenditure are pure fantasy and are not a basis for anything in assessing the relative costs of the government's programs and what the impact will be on taxpayers. It is absolutely critical that we get this sorted out.</para>
<para>There is an opportunity for the government to come clean. They are a government that point-blank refuse to implement the coalition policies that they have abolished. That is their choice. They have made that choice. It has cost us $6½ billion in budget blow-outs and far more in the chaos and tragedy that we have seen since. But they have the opportunity to at least get the estimates of their expenditure right, and what is currently in the portfolio additional estimates is nothing more than fantasy on behalf of the government. It is nothing more than an absolute fiscal furphy. It is imperative that they remedy this, because we know that they have not delivered a surplus, despite their claims, and they are certainly not going to deliver these figures with their border protection record and the policies that they have put into place, because they just do not measure up.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>M38</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Is leave granted?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Melham</name>
    <name.id>4T4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No, it is not. If he had followed the protocol and given it to us before he wanted to table it—that is the protocol. After that speech, I would not give it to you anyway.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>M38</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I notice that the member for Fowler is in another place and speaking at the moment, so I call the member for Banks.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MELHAM</name>
    <name.id>4T4</name.id>
    <electorate>Banks</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am compelled at this stage to make some comments about what I regard as a mean-spirited speech by the member for Cook in this debate on Appropriation Bill (No. 3) 2012-2013 and the cognate bill. Not only is it mean spirited; it is pretty miserable, but it shows one of the problems that the Labor Party has had to face since 1995, when John Howard took bipartisanship out of the migration debate. What we have seen for the last five years from the opposition is that, for political purposes, asylum seeker immigration matters are placed front and centre with no cooperation from both sides of parliament. That has damaged the fabric of the country. It has sent the wrong message overseas to the international community about this country's behaviour towards asylum seekers. And it has actually resulted in a situation where, quite frankly, the people who have benefited from this illicit trade know that there is a gridlock situation here similar, for instance, to the US congress and what President Obama has had to face on a number of matters. The opposition should not be allowed to get away with the fact that they have been responsible for the surge that has taken place because they have sent the wrong message.</para>
<para>When we were last in opposition, on a number of issues we might not have agreed with the then government, but we cooperated with them in the national interest. The classic was in 2001, and it created some problems within the Labor Party. That has resulted in the figures that have been a blow-out. I served on the Joint Select Committee on Australia's Immigration Detention Network with the member for Cook, and it was a very productive committee. Nineteen of the 31 recommendations were unanimous. The government picked up 26 out of the 31, to do with reviews by ASIO, community detention and a whole range of other things.</para>
<para>The Leader of the Opposition is to be commended in terms of Indigenous affairs, because that is an area now where we do not have the partisanship that we once had. But in relation to migration we need to get back to a situation where both sides are able to sit down and have a civil discourse, because, if the opposition wins and the member for Cook becomes the minister, he is going to inherit the problems that he created. It is not a simple situation.</para>
<para>Additional appropriations have been around since time immemorial. Both sides of the House have always requested additional appropriations because they are a finetuning, a tweaking, from the climate of a budget at the time of the budget. Before, the budget used to be in September; now it is in May, and you get your estimates in December. Of course the finetuning is there.</para>
<para>The basic philosophy behind this government is that we have placed importance on jobs, the protection of jobs and job creation. That comes through in the additional expenditures that we are dealing with in the appropriation bills that are before us today, because without those additional appropriations there would be job cuts, and those job cuts would have a multiplier effect on our community.</para>
<para>The proudest thing that I saw at the time of the global financial crisis when we were in government was the infusion of money into our community on a host of programs that included Building the Education Revolution, where schools throughout Australia, in Labor, Liberal and National Party electorates, all had capital expenditure put on them. That created jobs, but it also created infrastructure that created better learning environments in all communities, and the communities are repaying the investment that the government put in. Social housing was another classic example. I was with Minister Plibersek, who was the Minister for Housing at the time, and we opened up a social housing program in the St George area, which is now part of my electorate. They told me that, but for that program, they would have lost their jobs; the companies would have folded.</para>
<para>We need to acknowledge that what the government has been about is protecting jobs and creating jobs. Frankly, the fact is that we do not have a surplus at this point in time because of the world economy and a combination of factors in terms of slowdowns in sections of our community. We as a government need to provide the safety net, and that is what these appropriation bills do. We should not apologise for that. If we had done nothing, the Treasury estimate was that an extra 200,000 people would have been put out of work as a result of the global financial crisis. Instead, at this point in time in the life of this government, we have 840,000 jobs to date having been created. What does that mean for local communities?</para>
<para>The opposition tell us that what they will be doing is $71 billion worth of cuts. With a multiplier effect in the community by four, that is a $280 billion impact in terms of the whirlpool of money washing around in our economy. That will create devastation, and we have seen it in Queensland. In March we saw 25,000 jobs lost in Queensland when Premier Newman went berserk and cut the public service and other things. These are not just public service jobs. There are on-costs.</para>
<para>I happen to have the privilege of being the President of the Revesby Workers Club, a licensed club in New South Wales, and for the last seven years we have been working on a diversification program—a $100 million program where we are diversifying our income in relation to the club. We now have a 90-place childcare centre with over 29 new staff and a fitness centre with over 4,000 members and over 60 staff involved in that centre. These are extra jobs that are being created. The fitness centre was a smaller fitness centre earlier. We have a situation where we are going to the next stage. In April the first sod will be turned for a commercial development which involves a Coles supermarket, six specialty stores, a 4,000-square-metre medical centre and a 26-lane AMF 10-pin bowling facility. At the moment we have 380 full-time, part-time and casual members of our staff. We will build the next stage of the commercial facilities and there will be people leasing those buildings. We estimate a doubling in the number of jobs on the footprint of the site that the club owns, so they are not all going to be jobs where people are employed by the club. I have seen a growth up to now from 220 jobs—roughly a third full-time, a third part-time and a third casual—to the next level. As I say, we are relying on poker machines to be able to fund the loan facility, but it is also about an economy that is not burnt out. There are not a lot of loans around. We have been very fortunate in terms of our tendering process, getting very good tender prices because of the economics.</para>
<para>I dread to think what will happen if the Leader of the Opposition is elected as our next Prime Minister and his government does what the opposition say they are going to do in relation to cuts and sending people to Northern Australia. What we would be dealing with is different sorts of appropriations. We would be dealing with cutting and savagery on a scale that we do not know.</para>
<para>The last time we saw this was when the coalition was elected under John Howard and they had that horrific budget of 1996 when they slashed and burned across the sector, and ATSIC, as it then was—and I was the shadow minister for Aboriginal affairs—had $470 million cut. We still have not seen a recovery from those savage cuts. Many community facilities that were run by women in those local communities folded—and then you ended up with the intervention.</para>
<para>So we should not apologise—and I do not apologise—for the fact that we are not having a surplus at this point in time. It is our ability to service and to protect our community that counts. In terms of our economic performance and rating, everyone outside Australia sees Australia as the shining light, as the beacon. They cannot get it. President Obama and Prime Minister Cameron in the UK just cannot get what all this negativity is about. We have just been hit in the last couple of years by an economic tsunami and Australia has come through it better than any other country in the world. I think part of the problem is that there is a bit of cynicism out there. Because we have so effectively protected our workforce, they do not really appreciate what the government has done. That is life. We have got to be able to sell the message.</para>
<para>But the message really is: the coalition are not about creating jobs. It is in their interests to create an extra pool of unemployed so that they can attack the conditions of the working people of this country. What you will have will be a different attack. Rather than a Work Choices attack, there will be a greater pool of unemployed so that they can attack the conditions of the workers and take away their conditions—the further casualisation of the workforce.</para>
<para>So I am quite proud to be standing up and giving extra money to the Department of Immigration and Citizenship in relation to these matters when it comes to community detention and infrastructure. What the member for Cook does not tell you is that if you actually keep people in detention it costs you about $100,000 a year and if you put them in community detention outside detention centres the cost is a fraction of that. So you are actually saving money because it is much cheaper. That is why there were, and always are, alternative sentencing options in our courts for juvenile offenders and others to putting them into high-security or maximum-security prisons or detention centres, because the cost is much more. And it is more humane.</para>
<para>Yes, there has been a surge—we know there has been a surge—but the opposition does not take the blame because they say that they are not in government and they seek to sheet the blame home on the government. In my opinion, they are culpable because of the environment they created. People have mobile phones. People have computers and there is a communication network. When we got that piece of legislation through the parliament that time as a result of the expert committee, there was a slowdown at that stage. But when you cannot get stuff through the parliament, that sends the wrong message to the people smugglers. It is a good thing, I would have thought, that there is an estimate that the cost will come down in the future. In a difficult area the government is trying to get around it. So I get a little bit annoyed at the cant and hypocrisy that I hear, not from all members but from some members on the other side, because they take glee in human misery and see political advantage in that human misery. It is not a place where we should go to. It is not a place they should go to, and I know that there are many members on the other side who do not go there, members who have crossed the floor in relation to the harsh measures that were introduced by the former government.</para>
<para>So as far as appropriation bills are concerned that give extra money, I am not frightened of them—I welcome them. In effect, they protect what I think is the most valuable role of government: protecting the jobs in our society. I saw what happened when youth unemployment went from 17.1 per cent in 1996 in the Canterbury-Bankstown area to 34½ per cent in 1998 as they closed the Skillshares, as they put fees on for TAFE, as they coordinated a whole campaign of cuts. Kids were on the streets, and you can trace some of the problems in Bankstown back to that time. We should learn from those mistakes. We should be creating opportunities for people. We should not be apologising in additional estimates for extra expenditure when they try to do these things.</para>
<para>Mr Somlyay has a bit of knowledge about economics. He has been around for a while, not just as a member of parliament but as an adviser before that. The budget itself is not the only night upon which a government puts forward its economic blueprint. There is tweaking that takes place, so it is no longer all done on the one night, it is done throughout the year—through MYEFO and a whole range of other things. So I am quite happy to stand here and support the appropriation bills and commend them to the House, but I express disappointment at the tone of the member for Cook's speech. It was a mean-spirited, nasty speech. I expect more from him. If he wants to be a future minister in a government I expect better of him. I expect the better side of his character to come forward. He was, of course, the state director of the Liberal Party at one stage, and that is what I think we heard today. He needs to grow up from that and act a little bit more responsibly, because I thought it was a rubbish speech.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr STONE</name>
    <name.id>EM6</name.id>
    <electorate>Murray</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on these appropriation bills. I represent the regional electorate of Murray, in northern Victoria, which has been a major contributor to that state and to the national economy through manufactured food exports and food for the domestic markets. We generate billions of dollars through agricultural production, which generates more employment than any other industrial sector. The food and beverage, grocery and fresh produce sector is not only Australia's largest manufacturing sector, it represents 28 per cent of total manufacturing turnover. It is comparable in size to our mining sector and is more than four times larger than the automotive sector, which enjoys such regular largesse and subsidy from this government.</para>
<para>In 2010-11, when all of the value adding and activity along the food chain was taken into account, agriculture provided over 1.6 million jobs in the Australian economy. Half of those jobs were in regional Australia and 99 per cent of the approximately 130,000 farm businesses are Australian owned. When all of the value-adding processes that food and fibre go through are aggregated, agriculture's contribution to the GDP averages around 12 per cent or $155 billion per annum. So why aren't we in awe of this industry sector? Why aren't we paying it attention? Why is it so often the butt of bad government policy? Why don't we understand the market failure that is so evident in both our domestic and international markets? And why do we have some 700 to 800 people gathering in the Western District of Victoria just the other day with a new group called Farmer Power, which tomorrow will be participating in a gathering in my electorate where we expect 700 or 800 people again saying 'enough is enough'? We have an agricultural sector in rural and regional Australia which is in despair, which is not getting a fair go and a decent livelihood. They cannot sustain the environment as they know they must, and have always done, because they simply are not getting enough to cover the costs of doing business in Australia.</para>
<para>The farm sector has outperformed other sectors in growth over the last 30 years, with an annual rate of about 2.8 per cent. But in very recent times this has slowed to one per cent, reflecting, amongst other things, the government's neglect of vital research and development spending, which is necessary for innovation and to grow productivity, and the removal of water out of the Murray-Darling Basin from food and fibre producers. Over 1,500 gigalitres of water is now out of production and in the Commonwealth's own environmental water holder's bucket, with no advantage or additional sustainability for the environment.</para>
<para>When the coalition left office, a free trade agreement with China was almost ready for signing. That FTA languishes unsigned, and today's media carried stories about how our Prime Minister, Julia Gillard, was going back to try and repair the broken bridges in China—a result, unfortunately, of her naivete and clumsiness when last there. New Zealand has an FTA with China and so their dairy products, meats and wines enjoy significant cost advantage over Australian exports. They also enjoy tariff advantages with Japan and the Republic of Korea while our DFAT effort is underfunded and underskilled and totally ineffective. The carbon tax has been particularly brutal in raising the cost of energy for food producers and food manufacturers who are energy intensive. They are also price takers; they cannot pass the extra 15 per cent on their electricity bills to buyers in export markets, where we are already less competitive because of the high Australian dollar. And none of our EU or US food market competitors are serious about reducing their massive subsidies to their own primary producers and manufacturers.</para>
<para>Australian farmers export about 60 per cent of what they grow and produce, but in our domestic food and beverage markets we also have significant market failure. You cannot pretend we have free trade or fair trade in our domestic markets. Labor members of parliament proclaim that we live in a free-trade international-domestic environment so no support is needed for our struggling producers. Nearly 80 per cent of market share being held by just two supermarket chains in Australia means that they can compete on price alone with each other, boasting about charging just one dollar for a litre of milk. There was in fact a price per litre of milk of 62c in the Western District recently in a supermarket which thought it was a wonderful thing for their buyers, the people with the shopping trolleys. Sadly, those same people with shopping trolleys might not have an option of Australian produced milk in the near future. 'Down, down, down', we hear our supermarkets cry. They are referring to their prices but they could be referring to their suppliers' viability and capacity to survive. They could be referring to what our next generation of farmers actually think about continuing in their fathers' and mothers' footsteps.</para>
<para>We have labour costs pushed up by this Labor government because it has no concept of the flexibility needed to compete when you do not have a nine to five Monday to Friday workplace, where seasonal peaks and troughs in labour requirement mean you must have a flexible and fair approach, not just a punitive set of penalty rates for weekends or before or after regular hours of work. We are 30 per cent higher when it comes to comparing labour costs with our nearest neighbour, New Zealand, so it is no wonder that Heinz's Girgarre tomato sauce factory marched out of that town last year and headed straight for New Zealand, where they do not even grow the tomatoes required to manufacture tomato sauce. We now have food manufacturers in Australia who can import ingredients like fruit juice concentrates or tomato paste or preserved or frozen fruits, vegetables or seafoods at a fraction of the price of buying that same food for processing from an Australian farmer or fisher. In 2011 and 2012 total imports of foods and beverages exceeded industry exports by $2.8 billion. Not surprisingly there was also a decline in employment in the Australian food and beverage grocery and fresh produce sector by 7,000 in the year 2010-11.</para>
<para>This Gillard government has produced a National Food Plan. I so wanted this plan to be a thoughtful, useful, innovative plan. Unfortunately, it is a joke. It failed to focus on the problems of Australia's competition policy failure. It did not talk about the market power of the supermarkets and what had to be done in relation to the confused food labelling laws in Australia where you can get away with implying that much of the product is from locally produced ingredients. The supermarkets continue to get away with squeezing prices and increasing the demand for home brands production at the expense of Australian manufacturers' own branded products. All of this is the reality in Australia's agricultural and food sector. But the Australian National Food Plan failed to even mention that this is the context in which Australian food producers try to survive.</para>
<para>I was recently bemused when one of the big two supermarkets told me that their contract with suppliers always includes the capacity for the supplier to revisit the agreed price if the cost of the production had risen.</para>
<para>They assured me that they rarely, if ever, receive an approach to renegotiate a price on a contract—'So everyone must be happy!' they said. Even they knew that that was laughable. If any supplier complained about price to one of the big two, they would know that outside the door there was a queue of alternative and desperate suppliers waiting to cut just a little more off their bottom line. They have nowhere else to go. The export markets that they have to compete in are corrupted and there are the costs of doing business with the high Australian dollar, our non-competitive carbon tax—the refrigerant gas tax—and our labour costs. All of those factors mean that, if you happen to sell some of your product in the domestic market, you just might limp by for another season.</para>
<para>There are no complaints to the Produce and Grocery Industry Ombudsman either, because retaliation can be so swift and so deadly. For example, there are seven or eight Australian-based dairy manufacturers all jostling to supply basically two buyers—Coles and Woolworths. To suggest that there is any market power in the hands of suppliers in the Australian food and beverage value chain is to demonstrate you know nothing about the realities of life in that sector in Australia.</para>
<para>In my electorate there is a town called Tongala. It is a dairying town in what was once—and will be again one day, I hope—a rich dairying area. It boasts a Nestle factory, which produces the best condensed milk in the world, sought after particularly for confectionary and fudge making. There is a big export abattoir that converts surplus dairy cows into ground beef for export to the USA. Tomorrow this town of just a few thousand people is expecting close to a thousand local primary producers and other business and community members—all of them dependent on a decent go—to gather in the Tongala Shire Hall to protest and to plan. The dairy industry cannot survive and thrive with the prices now being paid for their output. These primary producers can survive droughts, floods and fires, but they cannot survive the policy and market failures that characterise our country.</para>
<para>These people cannot survive in an environment where the government of the day sees them as simply superfluous to need—out of sight, out of mind. For example, why do we not spend some of our foreign aid dollars on buying purposely manufactured product in Australia, which could be highly nutritious—for example, milk powder based product—which we can send to the most drought-affected or disaster-affected communities elsewhere in the world. Other countries do that—the United States and New Zealand, for example. That means that you have further employment in Australia, your surplus Australian food and juices unable to be sold can be utilised outside of Australia, rather than our aid programs depending on simply cash donations—and we know a lot of that cash goes astray. We can then be assured of the quality and nutritional levels of the food supplied to save the Syrian refugees or the desperate people in Mali. Of course this government would have to see that this is a subsidy, not protection, and is plain common-sense. At this point in time, however, I am not getting very much sympathy for an option that was taken up long ago by European, United States and New Zealand governments.</para>
<para>Let me, in my final minutes, talk about one of the greatest and most extraordinary disasters now occurring in Northern Victoria. There is an irrigation system managed by the Goulburn-Murray Water, which is a state-owned authority with over 600 employees. That authority is now spending $1 billion of federal money to reduce its irrigation footprint by 50 per cent. It wants to reduce the channel system from 6,300 kilometres to just 3,000 kilometres—and, no, it is not going to replace all of those channels with pipes or alternative systems of water delivery. It wants to have at least half of the irrigators convert to just stock and domestic or dryland farming only. The productivity of the region is already being affected by this reduction in water security.</para>
<para>Before 2007 we had 1,900 gigalitres of water to put into food and fibre production in this area; since 2007 we are down to about 1,000 gigalitres. This area in northern Victoria, which has wide brown plains with only about 15 inches of rainfall, but with glorious soils and a glorious climate, is just ideal for irrigated agriculture. That is why we were the food bowl of Australia. That is why we had the biggest dairy exports out of Geelong year after year—magnificent country with water security. That is, as we speak, being destroyed by government policy. I find this just too difficult to explain to people who say, 'That can't be true; that can't be right.' Well, come and see how a 100-year-old irrigation district is being destroyed in order to save a state owned government instrumentality that is heavily in debt and cannot manage the whole of the system by itself. Obviously, an irrigator cooperative is the answer, as in New South Wales, Western Australia and every other irrigator state in the country. But, unfortunately, at this point in time no-one is seeing reason. Farmers are being killed by a thousand cuts.</para>
<para>Food and fibre production in this country will continue to suffer as long as such stupidity prevails. We have to listen to the voices on the ground who know best, because our growers can meet the demand for additional food into Asia and more in the future if only they are given a chance.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HAYES</name>
    <name.id>ECV</name.id>
    <electorate>Fowler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to support Appropriation Bill (No. 3) 2012-2013 and Appropriation Bill (No. 4) 2012-2013. I noticed in the papers that this bill includes, amongst other things, recognition of funding of settlement services, particularly with respect to refugees and new arrivals, and the fostering of multiculturalism. In doing that, I thought this might be an opportunity to talk about multiculturalism as I experience it in my electorate. As most members of the House are aware, because I say it regularly, I do have the most multicultural electorate in the whole of Australia. That is something I am indeed very proud of. I am very honoured to be their representative in this federal parliament.</para>
<para>Last weekend, the Vietnamese and Chinese communities from all over the world came together to greet and celebrate the arrival of the Lunar New Year. This marks the transition from the Year of the Dragon to this year, the Year of the Snake, which carries the meaning of wisdom, intelligence, opportunities and change—not as I joked in one of the speeches during the course of that celebration, the year of politicians. It has nothing to do with us at all, other than the hope that we have the necessary wisdom in this place.</para>
<para>Since becoming the member for Fowler I have been very fortunate to have had the opportunity on three occasions to attend and join a number of the celebrations that mark the Lunar New Year. Vietnamese New Year, commonly known as Tet, marks the arrival of spring in the Vietnamese homeland. Tet or Chinese New Year is considered one of the biggest and most popular festivals in the Vietnamese and Chinese community, and is celebrated on the first day of the first month in the lunar calendar. No matter where Tet or Chinese New Year is celebrated, the beginning of the new lunar year is not just a day, but occupies several days of celebration. I have been attending celebrations throughout my electorate over the last two weeks. I am reliably assured that it is likely to continue for the next couple of weeks.</para>
<para>To give an indication, on Saturday 2 February I had the pleasure of attending the Tet festival at Fairfield showground in Sydney's south west along with Prime Minister Julia Gillard, who formally opened the Tet festival celebrations. Despite the very inclement weather that Sydney had been experiencing over that weekend, which left Fairfield showground a quagmire of mud, the rain did not stop the joy of the celebration and it certainly did not stop the 30,000 people that attended over the three days that it was held. It was a remarkable contribution with respect to multiculturalism.</para>
<para>Not minding the rain, my wife, Bernadette, and my four grandchildren, Nathanial, Noah, Charlie and Maisy—Maisy has just turned two—turned up at the festival wearing traditional Vietnamese ao dais, much to the photographer's delight. Again it was certainly one of the festivals that really lends itself to the true practice of multiculturalism.</para>
<para>The spectacular colours, music and, of course, fireworks mark a tradition in Vietnamese culture that has now been celebrated for centuries. I congratulate the Vietnamese Community in Australia New South Wales chapter, in particular their President, Mr Thanh Nguyen, for once again holding such a successful event under very challenging circumstances in south-west Sydney. Mr Nguyen is a very good friend, and I see the work that the association does on behalf of the community. I commend him, his committee and the volunteers for all the hard work and great efforts in organising an event that enables the larger Vietnamese community to come together and celebrate. One thing that was remarked on and that was a key point of the celebrations was the recognition of all those Vietnamese students who had in excess of 99 per cent in their higher school certificate. Again, it is a showcase of education and attainment.</para>
<para>On 3 February I also had the opportunity of attending the Sydney Indo-Chinese Youth Sports Association's new year celebration. For many years now the association has provided sporting, training and cultural activities for the younger Chinese generations in my electorate. Mr Thay Lim, president of the association, has given local young people an opportunity to learn about the traditional and cultural performances within the Chinese tradition. I was very impressed with the work undertaken by Mr Lim and his management committee and was certainly captivated by the talented performances including martial arts, acrobatics and a taekwondo self-defence display that was demonstrated by the young people.</para>
<para>Last Friday the president of the Asian Chamber of Commerce, Mr Tranh Nguyen, together with the Mayor of Fairfield, Mr Frank Carbone, invited me to attend with them and hundreds of other residents the Lunar New Year celebration in Canley Heights. The Asian Chamber of Commerce has supported and provided a strong voice for local Asian business men and women that have settled in Australia and is helping them with networking and innovative marketing as well as helping to expand their businesses in our country.</para>
<para>Having celebrated the lunar new year for three years now I am well aware that the lunar new year is an occasion for family reunion and a time for both Vietnamese and Chinese to express their respect for and remembrance of their ancestors. It also has a long and deep rooted tradition for families to visit pagodas and pay their respects at the various temples. I was honoured to be invited to the Phuoc Hue Temple by the Most Venerable Thich Phuoc Dat for the new year celebration and the countdown to the actual new year. The temple is one of the biggest and most popular in Sydney's west, and there were more than 40,000 people attending the temple for celebrations last Saturday.</para>
<para>The new year celebrations involved live entertainment, traditional foods and sensational fireworks display. A major part of the celebration each year is the energetic and vibrant line dancing. In that respect I should indicate that, by tradition, the lion represents joy and happiness and, I understand, lions are often summoned to bring luck and good fortune.</para>
<para>I acknowledge the hard work of Dong Tam, an association that is comprised of many school students who have worked very hard in developing their skills in martial arts and also in producing a spectacular line dancing display that they did.</para>
<para>On Sunday I attended, together with many of our community leaders, the Mingyue Lay Temple, which is the Buddhist temple in Bonnyrigg, for their new year's celebration. This temple follows the Chinese tradition. The temple is led by the President of the Australian Chinese Buddhist Society, Vincent Kong. The vice-chairman of the temple is James Chan, who has been a very good friend over many years before I came to represent Fowler. I have spoken in this place on many occasions about him, his goodwill and his generosity to the community. This event certainly showcased the value of multiculturalism in South-West Sydney.</para>
<para>After attending that temple I visited the Australian Chin Lien Chinese Association. Their temple is the Kuan Yin Temple. It is led by President Michael Chan and they took me through their Buddhist religious celebrations. I also had a chance to talk to Michael Chan and his committee about their involvement with aged care. They are very committed to providing services within the community. They are trying to provide specialised aged-care arrangements for vulnerable members of the Chinese community in Western Sydney. We should recognise the very good work they are doing on behalf of the broader community.</para>
<para>On Sunday I also visited the Vietnamese Catholic Association to pay my respects. As a Catholic I attended mass with Father Paul Van Chi and his parishioners at Our Lady of Mount Carmel Church in Mount Pritchard. Father Paul Van Chi is a remarkable person. He is very strongly committed to raising awareness of human rights abuses in Vietnam. It is in that respect I have worked very closely with him over the past three years. He is certainly a man who understands that the success of a modern Vietnam must start with the country recognising and honouring the human rights and dignity of the people of Vietnam.</para>
<para>I have always taken pride in Australia's multiculturalism. Particularly in Western Sydney it is not just words; it is something you feel out there. This is something we do very well. My grandchildren growing up in this environment will take for granted being able to become involved in various traditions and cultures and to experience their spiritual as well as their culinary delights. That is going to be something that is part and parcel for the up-and-coming generation.</para>
<para>I am very proud to represent this community in the federal parliament. In excess of 30 per cent of my community have an Asian background. The opportunity to learn about the different Asian customs and traditions has made me as an individual more respectful of the cultural values and beliefs of these communities. We as a nation should be particularly proud at times like this that bring the broader Australian community together. We should savour the depth and vibrancy of our multiculturalism because this is something we do very well.</para>
<para>It also reminds me of the valuable contribution that the Asian community have made to Australian multiculturalism. Clearly the Vietnamese have called Australia home for no more than 38 years, since the fall of Saigon, yet it is hard to think of any other group of immigrants to this country that have made such a remarkable contribution in such a short period of time, whether it be through academia, the professions or the trades. Their general involvement in the community is to my way of thinking unparalleled. I recall that, within two weeks of the Queensland floods, a group of Vietnamese doctors in my local community set up their own fundraising.</para>
<para>They raised $140,000 over that period through the generosity of the Vietnamese community. One of the doctors, Dr Lieu, told me there was an old Vietnamese saying, and it loosely translates like this: when you eat the fruit of the tree, you have regard for the people who planted the seed. He said that, within Vietnamese custom, coming to Australia was something that gave them opportunity. Therefore, when other Australians were in need, it was their turn to try to help—and they take that very, very seriously. I have to say, to see that in action is something that is quite humbling.</para>
<para>I hope the Year of the Snake brings reward and prosperity for all, particularly those on this side of politics come 14 September. I wish all the Chinese and Vietnamese communities a very joyous and happy New Year as they celebrate the Year of the Snake. So allow me to try this: kung hei fat choi; gong xi fa cai; kinh chuc moi nguoi mot nam; manh khoe, vui ve; chuc mung nam moi.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SOMLYAY</name>
    <name.id>ZT4</name.id>
    <electorate>Fairfax</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I wish the member for Griffith were here; he could tell me what those last few words spoken were! Appropriation bills are a good opportunity for members of parliament to address any issue—and you do not necessarily have to speak about the contents of the bill itself! So I am taking the opportunity today to talk about a number of issues that are very important to my electorate, which I have represented for almost 23 years now—and I think I have six months to go, probably! I will become an armchair expert, a blogger and all that, to drive all you people crazy, if you are back here!</para>
<para>Volunteering is a thing that I have come to really appreciate over the time that I have been a member of parliament, especially in my area. The Sunshine Coast in my electorate of Fairfax is a tourism area, it is a retirement area; the main industry is retirement, believe it or not: retirement! Retirees spend more money in retailing, shopping et cetera than any other sector of the community, so they are a very important part of my community. But as retirees get older, they need care. And because they have moved from interstate or from elsewhere in Queensland, they do not have family to look after them, and it falls upon volunteers to step in and carry out those little things that families normally provide for the elderly.</para>
<para>My electorate of Fairfax was named after Ruth Fairfax. She was the founding president of the Queensland Country Women's Association, a great organisation of volunteers. Recent national statistics reveal that more than six million Australians undertake some form of volunteer activity and that the most represented demographic is the 45 to 54 age group. By no means do I dispute these reassuring revelations about our country and our extraordinary capacity to give so selflessly of our time and energy. Simply, volunteering is in our veins and our communities are indeed richer for the diverse contributions people make.</para>
<para>However, my own observations in my electorate of Fairfax have prompted me to reflect on how local Sunshine Coast volunteers may or may not match this demographic profile. During these 23 years I have been to countless meetings—AGMs and events and with community based and not-for-profit organisations across the entire Sunshine Coast. Looking back to 1990, my first year as a federal member, I have wonderful memories of walking into rooms and halls throughout the region and meeting volunteers, many of whom were associated with those organisations well before my political arrival. Now they still seem to be there; they have been there for the last 20 years—and they are getting old. And I suspect they will be there long after my political departure, because today, more than two decades later, when I am invited to these same events I see the same people still there, and I see the same people at different events.</para>
<para>If I go to a Red Cross meeting and then I go to a CWA meeting, I see many of the same faces. There is a brigade of volunteers who just do nothing else. It is not that I am tired of seeing the same faces of those wonderful volunteers—quite the contrary—but I am thinking that they must be exhausted from their many years of dedicated service. It is volunteer fatigue of a different kind.</para>
<para>We know Australia has an ageing population, and my experiences on the Sunshine Coast confirm that mature members of the community are generously represented in the volunteering ranks, and that is not a bad thing. However what causes me concern is the likelihood that these volunteers are obliged to continue the good work because there is simply no-one to take their place. Would their departure leave unfillable gaps? Would organisations with proud traditions, such as I mentioned, the CWA, cease to exist? I hope not. The individual contributions of these organisations are part of the social fabric of our communities. Let us not lose them through unintended neglect.</para>
<para>So how can we foster the sustainability of our volunteer based community groups? How can we 'succession plan' for our volunteers into the future? Does government have a role? I believe so. In my small way every month when the Electoral Commission sends me a list of new constituents in my electorate, I invite them if they are new to the area to join volunteer groups and give a bit back to the community. That is one way of recruiting.</para>
<para>The collective contributions of volunteers are well documented by the ABS. I know through the ABS reports that Australians share extraordinary amounts of their time going on volunteer courses. It is also estimated that the volunteers provide billions of dollars of unpaid labour—billions. No level of government—state, Commonwealth or local—could ever hope to pay or to compensate for the work that volunteers carry out.</para>
<para>We can acknowledge this generosity and encourage even greater participation by simple things like tax incentives and making sure that it does not cost people too much money to be volunteers. The cost-of-living pressures that people have at the moment are acting as a disincentive for volunteers to volunteer. Volunteers have been building the social capital of our community for generations and I think it is about time we thought about how we can in some way repay the favour. It may be the lifeline that some organisations need.</para>
<para>The other issue that I want to raise is, of all things, coal seam gas. Australia has an abundance of natural gas supplies with reserves found throughout our continent. For millions of years these gases have been forming under our country's vast tracts of earth but it has only been in the last hundred years that we have tapped into this resource for commercial and domestic applications.</para>
<para>In very recent times Australia's gas industry and more specifically coal seam gas exploration projects have surfaced publicly, becoming the subject of much political, social and environmental debate and scrutiny. These are issues within our community which are divisive and which do polarise opinions. It is certainly in Australia's best interests, both in the short and longer term, to focus on achieving the right outcomes.</para>
<para>But let us not lose sight of some very simple facts. Natural gas is generally recognised as a clean, safe, convenient form of fuel, an alternative to electricity, the other energy elephant in the public debate. As a nation, we are prolific at producing and exporting this gas, but do we really maximise this resource domestically to our international advantage? I ask then: why are we losing the argument about coal seam gas in the court of public opinion? I do know why. It is because the general public hear the negative arguments about fracking and the effect on aquifers and other environmental concerns. They see farmers and others protesting.</para>
<para>Mr and Mrs Average say, 'What's in it for me?' They see no positives for themselves in this great natural resource. Really, this is a great opportunity. We should see this as an opportunity. The opportunity is there for a national project at least as important as the Snowy Mountains scheme of the early 1950s and 1960s. It will not be impossible for the NBN to deliver optic fibre to every home and every business. Why don't we roll out gas lines at the same time so that Australia can reap the benefits domestically that we are exporting to China, Korea and Japan?</para>
<para>We are ambitiously promising to lay out these fibre optic cables across the length and breadth of the country as part of making our indelible mark in the new world of cybercommunications. As part of this undertaking, it seems pragmatic to me to simultaneously install these gas lines to our homes and businesses with energy for tomorrow, potentially infinitely. It is a real pipeline for our future. Without energy there is no NBN. If we take this infrastructure leap of faith now, we are providing a valuable resource for our population that has ability over time to reduce domestic energy costs and to lower the cost of living for all Australians. I do not know anyone who does not want cheap, more convenient and safe power sources. To make our business and industry more competitive in global markets by reducing the current burden of high energy costs presently through our export mechanisms for gas, we are making our trading partners more competitive.</para>
<para>Currently, Australians have no or little affinity with the natural gas industry because as consumers we have come to rely on other fuel sources because of its unavailability and its price, and because of taxes. Australians should be given access to more economic alternatives. We have to prepare better for the future and investment in the domestic application of natural gas is equally as prudent as delivering on our export aspirations. Wider mainstream use of natural gas brings other advantages in terms of opening up greater research and development into gas exploration and safe extraction. Collectively, let us choose to be the guardians of Australia's ample natural gas business. We have an obligation to the current and future generations, so let us change our energy destiny. Other countries have done that. If you look at Norway and the oil rich countries, they have all provided access to these low-cost energy sources for their domestic consumption. Australia should do the same.</para>
<para>There is one word that really irks me and that is the word 'branding'. I hear the word 'branding' regularly. There is the Labor brand, the Liberal brand. It reminds me of a story I want to tell the parliament that I heard some years ago. There was a board meeting in this pet food company in New York and they sat through the late hours of the night and the early hours of the morning because the sales of their cans of dog food had fallen dramatically. They were there at three o'clock in the morning when the cleaners turned up to work. The cleaner knocked on the door and came in. They had all these things up on the board and they thought they would market-test the branding on the cleaner. They said to her: 'What do you think of the branding? What's the problem?' She said: 'It's not the branding. The dogs don't like the dog food. The dogs don't like what's in the tin.'</para>
<para>Politics is not about branding. I do not want to be branded as a 'Liberal' and therefore have an identikit image. I am an individual. I am a person. Politics is about people. It is the people of a political party who are important, and their performance, and not the 'brand', in the terminology that the advertising gurus would have us use. I wanted to say a few more things but I will save them for another day.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms KING</name>
    <name.id>00AMR</name.id>
    <electorate>Ballarat</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to support appropriation bills Nos 3 and 4, and it is a delight to follow the member for Fairfax, whom I genuinely will miss in this place. I worked alongside him when he was the Chair of the House of Representatives Health and Ageing Committee and a proud champion of the tradition of the Country Women's Association, after whose founder his seat of Fairfax was named. I want to thank you, Mr Somlyay, for being an incredible champion for breastfeeding. I note that may not be something many of your colleagues know about, but your work on the Health and Ageing Committee and the report you did on Australia's breastfeeding rates was a very outstanding piece of work. I want to thank you for the great leadership you showed on that committee. You will be missed.</para>
<para>The additional estimates represented in the bills before us seek appropriation for measures announced since the 2012-13 budget. Our 2012-13 budget focused on assisting families with cost-of-living pressures. The budget has continued our commitment to advancing the skills and education of all Australians. It reflects our significant investment in our nation's infrastructure—roads, rail and ports—and in new infrastructure such as the National Broadband Network. It is a true Labor budget. I particularly want to highlight our commitment to ensuring the health needs of all Australians and to talk a little about that in my constituency.</para>
<para>Since the election of the government back in 2007, my region has seen unprecedented investment in the health and hospital system. Year after year the federal budget has delivered on a major health infrastructure in our region, and the 2012-13 budget was no different. That budget included two major new health investments in Ballarat. The first was the expansion of facilities for Ballarat District Nursing and Healthcare to support nurses who deliver incredibly important services in people's homes, supporting people staying longer in their homes and recovering from often fairly awful health circumstances. In addition, there was $2.6 million to enable La Trobe University to buy house and land packages in Ballarat to accommodate allied health and dental students on clinical placements in the region. Obviously, increasing the number of students who do their placements in our region will increase the chance that they will settle and conduct their practices in regional and rural areas.</para>
<para>Ballarat District Nursing and Healthcare had been discussing their project with me for a long time. Their funding provides for podiatry clinic rooms, a wound clinic, a diabetes education clinic and the upgrade of their IT infrastructure. The demand for their services across our region is continuing to grow. The upgrade of their facilities is going to ensure that this healthcare provider can provide the services needed for the people of Ballarat and the region well into the 21st century.</para>
<para>The $2.6 million funding for house and land packages for La Trobe Uni is also warmly welcomed. The work to provide those is well underway and I look forward to many of those students operating within another federally funded project, a new dental clinic, in my electorate. Ballarat is a great place to work, to live and to raise a family. We want health professionals to experience our region and the advantages of living and working in regional Victoria. That funding to La Trobe University is doing just that.</para>
<para>The budget also saw a $3.3 million boost to Ballan and district health services. The funding is in addition to $1.4 million we have already provided for the GP superclinic, which is up and running. Ballan and district health services have seen incredible improvements over the past five years. It was the first GP superclinic in the country and it continues to thrive and attract doctors and nursing staff from across the state. There was significant funding from the federal government, and the centre now includes 24-hour emergency care, dental, physiotherapy, dietetics, podiatry, occupational therapy, psychology, pathology, echocardiograms, audiology, district nursing, community health nursing, a women's health clinic, chronic disease management, drug and alcohol support services, welfare support services, emergency relief, optometry and transport connection services which were not available in that community previously.</para>
<para>The $3.3 million committed to that service under this year's budget is providing additional consulting and treatment rooms, rehabilitation facilities, pharmacy, education facilities and space for additional staff, as well as a hydrotherapy pool to help with rehabilitation for both young and old residents to exercise and to rehabilitate all year round—a very significant commitment to the Ballan community.</para>
<para>The funding for health project follows on from other major commitments that have previously been announced and are well underway in terms of construction: the Ballarat Regional Integrated Cancer Centre, $42 million from the Commonwealth; the Ballarat dental clinic, $8.3 million from the Commonwealth; Ballarat primary care facility, $11.6 million from the Commonwealth to build a new community health centre; Ballarat headspace; Bacchus Marsh and Melton Regional Hospital, the upgrade of $2 million there; the Creswick Medical Centre upgrade; the Daylesford Springs Medical Centre upgrade; and Daylesford student placement accommodation—all Commonwealth funded programs under this government for health in my region.</para>
<para>Labor has invested heavily in transforming health services and the way health is delivered in my electorate. Yet, on health, we have seen in Victoria one of the most extraordinary misinformation campaigns that I have ever seen in the time that I have been involved in politics. Investment in health has been a very serious priority of the Gillard government, and in this budget and the appropriation bills we are talking about tonight, the government has been providing $3.2 billion of funding for the day-to-day running of Victoria's hospital system. It is a $196 million increase from last year, so every hospital in Victoria should be getting more money than last year, and that money is coming from the Commonwealth government. By 2015-16, this will rise to $4.5 billion in health funding coming from the Commonwealth to the state of Victoria, and that is an increase of $900 million over four years.</para>
<para>Under that funding agreement, Victoria's health system has received $1.2 billion more than they would have under the opposition's old health funding model, the Healthcare Agreement. This is in addition to the infrastructure capital payments that I have just spoken about, that are funding projects right the way across the state of Victoria.</para>
<para>While federal Labor is providing record investments in revitalising Victoria's health system, the Liberal state government has cut $616 million out of the health system and has sought to use the Commonwealth's increases to mask their own cuts. The federal government is providing extra funding to Victoria under the National Health Reform Agreement, and, despite claims to the contrary and despite MYEFO adjustments, that money is continuing to go up every single year. Hospitals and patients in Victoria have a right to feel that they have been let down by the Victorian Liberal state government, and that they have been taken for mugs on health.</para>
<para>In addition to all of that funding, under the national partnership agreement—a separate agreement from the National Health and Hospitals Reform agreement—the Commonwealth is investing more money specifically in projects to relieve pressure on elective surgery, to relieve pressure on emergency departments and to provide for extra hospital beds. That is in addition to the National Health and Hospitals Reform program. Victoria has already received, under that partnership agreement, an extra $556 million on top of the health funding that I have already outlined, and of this money $128 million was paid to the Victorian Liberal state government on Thursday. That agreement and that money are for specific projects in specific health services in Victoria. This includes $4.4 million that has been earmarked for Ballarat health services.</para>
<para>There are some media reports today that are also a bit worrying; they clearly show that $2.4 million was also on the table and available to be provided to Victoria on Thursday, but because the Liberal government has not provided the data it had agreed to provide that money cannot be paid under the agreement. We are very keen to pay that money, but unfortunately the Victorian state government needs to come to the party and actually honour its commitments under that agreement. The federal government is keen to provide that investment to Victoria, and to Victorian health services as soon as the Baillieu government provides the promised assurances that that funding will go directly to front-line services.</para>
<para>As part of health reform an independent administrator provides information on how each state and territory is spending Commonwealth money across its public hospital system, including funding that goes to each hospital. Not surprisingly, it is Victoria which is the only state or territory government that has not properly provided that data. In Victoria we have had a state Liberal government that has slashed some $616 million from Victoria's health system. That is a figure that is in its own budget papers. The Commonwealth in the meantime has increased funding by $900 million and will do so over the next four years, including this year. Yet the Victorian Liberal government continues to withhold data and refuses to adequately report data as part of its agreement under the health and hospitals reform.</para>
<para>The question needs to be asked about what is happening to Commonwealth funding in health as it goes to the state of Victoria. Where is it going? Hospitals in Victoria should be asking very specifically, 'How much of my money is money that is coming from the Commonwealth,' and are they getting every single dollar of Commonwealth funding they should be? My concern is that they are not. My concern is that Commonwealth funding to the state of Victoria is not being passed on to front-line health services as it should be, and the Liberal state government of Victoria needs to tell us why. Having been around in this space for a while, I know that state governments tend to like squirrelling away a bit of Commonwealth money—they tend to like doing that. We talk about <inline font-style="italic">The Blame Game</inline>, a very good report that the member for Fairfax and the member for Shortland were intimately involved in. I want to know whether every single dollar of Commonwealth money, all that extra money that is coming in from the Commonwealth to Victoria, is going to front-line hospital services. On Thursday an extra $128 million is coming under the partnership agreement into the state of Victoria, agreement that there are specific hospitals that it should go to. Ballarat Health Services is one of those, and $4.4 million is quite a lot of emergency service procedures. It is 18 beds in the hospital. I want to know that money is directly going to the hospital. It has been paid to the state government and the hospital needs to be asking where it is.</para>
<para>I want to be very clear that there is a stark difference between the federal Labor government and the Liberal state government in Victoria when it comes to health funding. Labor has invested in health and has increased its investment in health. We want to see better health services across this country. The Liberal Party in Victoria has cut funding. We have seen Mr Baillieu slash funding in Victoria and I am concerned about what the consequences nationally will be if the Liberals are in power here. I am pleased to support these appropriation bills and the additional expenditure that they represent. These bills show our long-term investment in health, our long-term commitment to health infrastructure for families across my electorate.</para>
<para>Our budget supports families with cost-of-living pressures. Families and pensioners are receiving payments to assist with bills. We are delivering tax cuts to working families and have tripled the tax-free threshold so that up to a million Australians are no longer required to lodge a tax return. We will continue to support families with things like the Schoolkids Bonus, something that has been very well received in my electorate and I know was very much needed and was very timely for the many families as their children return to school. The budget has significant investment in roads, education, aged care, dental care and skills training as well as the initial commitment to the National Disability Insurance Scheme. I am pleased to signal my support for these appropriation bills and to have had the opportunity to outline the significant investment both in capital and recurrent funding that comes from the Commonwealth to the state governments directly into health and directly into health in my own electorate.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr McCORMACK</name>
    <name.id>219646</name.id>
    <electorate>Riverina</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This is the second time today I have followed the member for Ballarat to make a speech. She, like me, represents an electorate with a major regional city—in her case it is Ballarat and I represent Wagga Wagga in the seat of Riverina. Ballarat and Wagga Wagga are not dissimilar inasmuch as they are both really important economic hubs in agricultural regions and regions with diverse economies.</para>
<para>I am sure that when the member for Ballarat goes down her main street she, like me—when I journey along Baylis and Fitzmaurice streets—hears stories about how difficult it is for families to meet day-to-day cost of living pressures. I listened to her speech very carefully, and much of it centred around blaming the Victorian Department of Health for, she alleged, not putting forward Commonwealth money into important medical funding, hospitals and the like. But that is what we are hearing so much from the federal Labor government—that is, blaming the states. We hear what a terrible job Campbell Newman is doing in Queensland and Barry O'Farrell is doing in New South Wales and Ted Baillieu is doing in Victoria. Those three premiers inherited parlous state economies following on from wasteful Labor state governments.</para>
<para>I am sure when the Liberal-National coalition is re-elected federally—hopefully this year—we will, unfortunately, also be lumped with an economy with huge debt and deficit which will take some recovery and which Mr and Mrs Average will expect us to fix. The way things are going, many people's grandkids are going to be paying off the debt that has been racked up by this federal Labor government. We are all familiar with the phrase 'another day, another dollar' but at the moment it is 'another day, another $106 million' that we are having to borrow to make ends meet. Anyone who has run a small business, as I have, knows that you cannot spend more than you make. Unfortunately, that maxim does not fall in the lap of the Treasurer, who continues to borrow—offshore mostly—to make up for his waste and mismanagement of the economy. When he announced the mining tax on 2 May 2010, the iron ore price was $161 per dry metric tonne. In January 2013 it was $150, a reduction of seven per cent. Thermal coal was $100 per tonne in May 2010 and in January 2013 it was $93, a reduction of seven per cent. The mining tax covers only iron ore and coal. The Treasurer said in his recent press conference:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The data being released today shows that the MRRT has collected less revenue in its first two instalments than was forecast originally. Now clearly, the huge drop in commodity prices in the second half of last year had a dramatic impact on MRRT revenues …</para></quote>
<para>There has been no huge drop in commodity prices since the mining tax was announced, and yet, despite all the fanfare around the introduction of the mining tax and Labor saying that people were going to get their fair share of mining tax revenue, it has really returned only $5.50 per person. If you put in a tax and get only $5.50 per person, the tax obviously is not working—according to the Treasurer's own figures.</para>
<para>This government's atrocious record in finance is well known, and it seems that every day that Labor makes an announcement it is another embarrassing gaffe for those opposite. The first amongst these is the fact that when Labor came to office in 2007 it inherited a $20 billion surplus and $70 billion worth of net Commonwealth assets.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms Hall</name>
    <name.id>83N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And a GFC.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr McCORMACK</name>
    <name.id>219646</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I hear the member for Shortland say, 'and a GFC', and that did have an impact. I will admit that certainly did have an impact. But we cannot keep using the global financial crisis again and again and again. When the Treasurer comes out with his budget and says that he is going to put the country back into surplus, we cannot keep harking back to the GFC five years earlier and saying that things are still so bad that he just cannot get his figures right. I take the interjection, and as a member of the coalition I accept that the GFC did have quite a dramatic impact on finances globally, and we are still seeing the meltdown in many overseas economies.</para>
<para>The member for Shortland would probably say, 'And we've done very well despite that.' Yes, we have—I would agree with her—but we have done well because of a coalition government: 12 years of a Howard-Fischer-Anderson-Vaile Liberal-Nationals government which actually managed to balance the books and managed to produce surpluses so that Mr and Mrs Average, as our friend the member for Fairfax talks about, were able to get funding initiatives for their electorates and were able to know that their government had integrity and fiscal responsibility.</para>
<para>To date, Labor has delivered the four largest deficits in Australia's history, topping a whopping $172 billion. This Labor government has borrowed more in its five years than every other Commonwealth government had borrowed since Federation in 1901. It is an amazing thing. This is after the Howard coalition government delivered four of Australia's largest surpluses in history over its time in office. But unfortunately it has all been squandered by those on the other side on such things as school halls—not a bad initiative on paper but the delivery of it was terrible—pink batts in roofs and so many other initiatives which, on the surface, could have been reasonably worthwhile if they had been put into place with some accountability, with some economic rationale. But no, no: in typical Labor style, it was just policy on the run, done on the back of a beer coaster and implemented without any thought for the fact that this was going to cost taxpayers and hit them in the neck again and again. Because of this, the Labor government is accruing billions and billions of dollars in net debt.</para>
<para>The member for Shortland might be surprised to hear this, but I do say her government is praiseworthy in some respects, inasmuch as there have been times when federal Labor has rolled out some good initiatives in the Riverina, in my electorate. The funding for the Life Sciences Hub at Charles Sturt University at Wagga Wagga; the rail freight hub at Bomen, north of Wagga Wagga; and the medical facilities at Wagga Wagga Base Hospital, Griffith and Hillston have all been welcome initiatives. People say to me: 'What does all this net and gross debt mean? What does that actually mean? I'm still getting three feeds a day. I know it's costing me more and more to fill up my car at the petrol station and I know it's costing more and more when I go to the supermarket to buy groceries, but what does this debt really mean to me?' What I say to them is that it lessens our ability to get more funding for the sorts of medical and educational programs and projects that we so desperately need.</para>
<para>The member for Ballarat was highly critical of the states in this respect. I believe that in many instances education and health should be quarantined when it comes to cuts. You would perhaps agree with me there, Deputy Speaker O'Neill. Education and health are the great enablers of our country and, before state governments go and take huge swipes at those sorts of funding initiatives, they should really think carefully about how that is going to have an impact on the people that they represent. That goes for our side of politics as much as it goes for the other side of politics. As I say, I know the blame game has been played out in the chamber about the states and how 'dreadful' the coalition state governments are. However, they have inherited huge financial messes and they have had to make very prudent and at times wholesale cuts to balance the books.</para>
<para>We all know what Labor is like at delivering surpluses. Time and again we have heard the Prime Minister and the Treasurer tell parliament that Labor would deliver a surplus in 2012-13 on time, as promised—their words, not mine. In fact, on 650 occasions the Prime Minister, the Treasurer and Senator Wong have repeated their promise to deliver a surplus, but the Treasurer has now announced that it will not be. It will not come true.</para>
<para>On Christmas Eve, when the government thought it could nearly get away with it, the Treasurer unceremoniously abandoned the government's non-negotiable surplus, blaming a huge revenue whack—'Out of the blue', he said—rather than years of wasteful spending and illusionary forecasting.</para>
<para>We look at some of the areas Labor has taken a scythe to and, sadly, defence is one of them. We talk of things being quarantined, such as health and education; this country really needs to ensure that funding is made available to defence so that our troops overseas are best equipped and trained, and that the training being done here in Australia at such places as the Army Recruit Training Centre at Kapooka in Wagga Wagga enables our soldiers, and Air Force and Navy personnel to be best equipped and best trained to meet the challenging needs of these troubled times. As many members are aware, defence spending is a huge issue in my electorate. Wagga Wagga is a tri-service city, with Air Force, Navy—believe it or not, even though we are many miles inland—and Army being very prominent military bases and important players in the community.</para>
<para>Among this culture of mismanagement and splashing cash around like there is no tomorrow and it will not have to be paid back, Labor has seriously neglected the Australian Defence Force, cutting the defence budget by at least $5.5 billion this year alone and over $25 billion since coming to government five years ago. That is shameful. When I talk to ex-service personnel they are not only annoyed at the fact that this government is cutting spending in defence, they are also annoyed that there has been no real commitment on their superannuation benefits, no real commitment to ensuring that they are paid the amount that they should have been or should be paid for the service they have rendered this nation. Those people put their lives on the line for the defence of our great nation, and they are not being shown the same faith by this Commonwealth government. I do hope that when the coalition comes to government—hopefully, this year—we will certainly look after these people who certainly looked after our nation.</para>
<para>By the government's own account in the Asian white paper, we are entering a period in our history when regional flashpoints are likely to increase, and Australia will be required to take on an increasingly active role in our region. There is no doubt that the Riverina electorate will have much to do with ADF training for this period. This assessment is at complete odds with the government's decision to cut defence funding to its lowest level since 1938, the year before World War II began. The share of gross domestic product being spent on defence is now just 1.56 per cent, and next year it drops even further to just 1.49 per cent. For a portfolio area that is as important as Defence that is indeed disappointing, embarrassing and shameful.</para>
<para>We could talk about agriculture. In fact we will talk about agriculture because it is an area that Labor is not all that much across when it comes to ensuring money is spent on such important things as food security, quarantine measures and ensuring that farmers are given the support and help they need to do the job they do so well, and that is feeding our nation and others too. I was pleased that, when the opposition leader announced the coalition's Real Solutions plan, agriculture was one of the five pillars that he put forward. The coalition will take agriculture to the next election and put solutions in place to ensure a better and more prosperous regional Australia. Our famers are the best in the world. Even the member for Moreton across the other side would agree with me on that. But farmers are not being looked after, unfortunately, by Labor, and I will certainly continue to lobby loudly and often on behalf of those people who do such a fine job farming. The coalition will make sure that sector, which made this country great, is preserved and protected at all costs. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PERRETT</name>
    <name.id>HVP</name.id>
    <electorate>Moreton</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to support the two bills currently before the House, Appropriation Bill (No. 3) 2012-2013 and Appropriation Bill (No. 4) 2012-2013, which will appropriate $600 million and $366 million, respectively. Obviously, as most students of politics and economics would know, this is the standard fine-tuning process that occurs when you have a budget in May and then in September you have the figures and costings, and this is the usual process.</para>
<para>Tomorrow it will be five years since I have been in this parliament, and I certainly remember that first day in parliament. I know that it will be acknowledged around the nation tomorrow, because that was the day of the apology to the stolen generation. We started the day with a welcome to country—first time ever in the history of the Australian parliament—and then we had the apology. It is amazing what we have seen over the five years that I have been a member of this parliament. I know the member for Shortland has been a member for a few years longer than that. So the member for Shortland can comment on things before Labor was in power and with Labor in power.</para>
<para>In the five years that Labor has been in power I have certainly seen that we have had to make some tough economic decisions to ensure that this nation remains in a strong position, especially when compared to other advanced economies, other OECD countries, and especially over that amazing time of the global financial crisis—something which some amateur historians on the other side of the chamber seem to put a bit of whiteout on and say that it did not occur. If you go to Spain and talk to the young unemployed—with unemployment running at 50 per cent to 60 per cent—they will say that we did have a global financial crisis and the effects are being felt still. Thankfully, under the guidance of Prime Minister Rudd and Prime Minister Gillard and Treasurer Swan throughout, we have seen Australia pull the right levers to make sure that we stay in a strong position.</para>
<para>On 14 September I hope that the people of Australia make a decision based on how this Labor government, the Gillard Labor government, has handled the books. I know people vote for lots of reasons, but I would hope that, when they look at the books and they make their decision on 14 September, they will recognise that, for the first time in history—and the indicators are there—we have got all three of the ratings agencies giving us a AAA rating. If that AAA rating is lost, you pay more for your money. That is just basic economics that most Australians would understand.</para>
<para>I have been out and about a lot in my electorate since Christmas and New Year and, sadly, people are doing it tough. We had a fair bit of water come through—not like the floods of two years before—and people were particularly worried. On Australia Day this year I had a chat to a lot of people in my electorate just to get a bit of a sounding for the year and find out what is going on. I had an awards ceremony on Australia Day where I recognised a lot of the hardworking volunteers from my electorate. Many of them were talking about the people they help and how they were doing it tough.</para>
<para>These volunteers, whether they do a few hours each week at their local school P&C or their P&F or keeping our streets safe in terms of volunteering with Neighbourhood Watch, which has a role for everybody—young or old or anywhere between—or taking time to deliver food packages through the Meals on Wheels program, something which I used to do before my children came along and ruined my mornings or my ability to volunteer outside of this job—do wonderful work. I am particularly proud to be able to recognise the work of these members of my community, and I was particularly proud to acknowledge the winner of the Moreton volunteering prize, which was won by Adele Rice, the founding principal of Milpera State High School. Adele worked at Milpera State High School for 28 years.</para>
<para>Milpera, which is located in Chelmer—one of the wealthier suburbs in Brisbane and in my electorate—is a school that reaches out to new refugee and immigrant children who come from all around Brisbane to this school where they teach English right across the curriculum. Milpera has changed the lives of hundreds of refugee and immigrant children over the years, and Adele played an important part in that. She actually received the James Killen award that I give out, which is actually handed out by Lady Killen on behalf of her late husband, a former member for Moreton, who was from the other side of the chamber but was recognised as a great volunteer in the electorate. My thanks go to people like Adele Rice who make a generous contribution, in particular, and to the many new Australians in the Moreton community.</para>
<para>I am especially proud of the $16.2 billion of investment in the nation's future that has been rolled out all around this land through the Building the Education Revolution program. This is the single biggest investment in Australian schools in the nation's history: 45 schools received over $92 million in investment in education infrastructure in Moreton alone. These projects have resulted in schools and their communities using better, modern facilities that have given schoolkids the best opportunity to learn and to develop into young adults and obtain skilled jobs. We will continue to see the benefits of this program for many years to come.</para>
<para>I note the member for Wright is here. Probably the same thing happened for him. Many of these BER facilities were actually used as flood recovery centres. Certainly, in my electorate two of them were used as flood recovery centres back in 2011 as well. So they are both a community benefit and a benefit for education. These facilities are an investment in our nation's future. It was a GFC stimulus program but they are an investment in our nation's future. Today they are changing the way our students learn and are giving teachers and staff more enjoyable places to work in and the ability to deliver innovative curriculum by having these new places. The bricks and mortar of these buildings are merely the foundations on which long-term educational benefits will be built and will continue to flow to Australian students for years to come, setting up higher skills for the future.</para>
<para>As a former teacher with 11 years experience at the chalkface I take a very strong interest in the schools in my electorate. I am a passionate advocate for the National Plan for School Improvement and it has been great to see so many passionate teachers and parents advocating for their children's future by contacting me by emails and petitions and by knocking on my door, turning up to street stalls and also by letting me know at my son's school. I am an education ambassador, a member of the parliamentary education committee and Chair of the Caucus Education Committee and a parent of two young children, one who is at school, so I do take a great interest in education—and I know that you, Deputy Speaker, do as well with your background. That is why I am pleased to see Labor taking on the difficult task of changing the current education funding model and I will continue to advocate for the implementation of the national schools improvement plan in Moreton and in this House.</para>
<para>The education sector initiatives that we have seen, which I have discussed, are complemented by our National Broadband Network, which is a piece of infrastructure that is not only great for education but also crucial for economic productivity. Unfortunately, productivity in Australia has been flatlining for approximately 10 years. As economists know, productivity is the real indicator of whether the economic engine is finely tuned. Sadly, in the quarter when we came to office five years ago it was actually running at zero. It is starting to improve but there is still a long way to go. That is why we need to invest in education, the NBN and some of those big infrastructure projects such as the Kessels-Mains intersection in my electorate.</para>
<para>This Labor government has remained committed to improving productivity not by lowering wages—that is not the smart way to do it; it is a simplistic way and it does not bring real productivity gains—but by building infrastructure and by delivering services more efficiently. That is what the NBN is about. How have we done this? How have we invested in a productivity boost? Well, obviously by investing in education. I am proud to say that we have doubled the education budget. But we have also done other things to improve it. Our economy has been under strain but nevertheless it has proved to be very resilient, despite the jeremiahs amongst the many people in the community, particularly those opposite, and we have seen investments on the rise and those investments will come to fruition in a few years time once we have moved from investment in infrastructure and into the production stage.</para>
<para>When I go around my schools I take a little sly look, as politicians tend to, at plaques, ones with my name on them, just to say, 'I'm proud of that.' I do see other plaques. I often walk past a flagpole and see the former member's name on that flagpole—a great flagpole, and I love flagpoles as a great contribution to schools. But I would put our 3,000 libraries up against the opposition's 3,000 flagpoles any day. In my electorate I see the improvements of 21 classrooms, three science and language centres, 26 libraries, 21 multipurpose halls. I think they are great contributions.</para>
<para>What else have we done? Obviously we have been investing in doing things smarter, investing in the health agenda, particularly combining that with the NBN, the eHealth agenda and the personal health records. It is not enough just to build classrooms; you also need to give people the opportunity to learn and for the services to be delivered in a new way. This is how we will improve productivity. The NBN, as people who are a lot more savvy than me will tell you, is not just about sending emails and doing a bit of banking and searching Google. It is much more. It is about letting smart businesses, particularly from remote communities—not my electorate—compete with businesses all over the world, particularly as we move into the Asian century with that emerging middle class in Asia. The NBN will also improve health and judicial systems through initiatives like telehealth, connecting remote and regional hospital patients to major hospital networks and giving patients access to specialists with the click of a button rather than having to come down from Cunnamulla or Mount Isa or places like that. They will now have diagnoses made, even by psychiatrists, over the internet. Obviously teleconferencing is one thing that assists business, but the NBN has the capacity to transform how we do things in so many ways, even the judicial system, so that people will not have to travel for miles to get access to justice or to attend a minor court hearing for a minor civil dispute, and that is a good thing. All of these advances will combine to improve Australia's productivity, and I am pleased to be on this side of the House where we are investing in the nation's future and where we are positive that we see the glass is half full, not just trying to smash the glass entirely.</para>
<para>I am saddened to say that the leader of opposition business, the shadow spokesperson for education, has made a conscious effort to move away from the national plan for school improvement. We saw the amazing thing today where he was trying to gag debate on the education legislation. The opposition has opposed an initiative that the education sector strongly supports and, sadly, after their 11 years in office they cannot tick off a lot of things in terms of setting up a national curriculum or fixing the broken education model. The SES scheme had great intentions, but the reality is that in over half of the schools where funding was maintained it did not work. They failed to give more power to school principals and they invested in flagpoles rather than in those other essential things. They are some of the things that we can tick off. From what we can glean between the last election night and what the opposition has said so far, they have a commitment to cut $2.8 billion out of the education system and they we able to reject the Gonski review reforms within half an hour of it being delivered. Surely that is speed reading taken to an extreme. We have had a comment from the member for Sturt that he is prepared to sack one in six teachers, not realising the collegiality that is so important in the education system and not realising the important role of nurturing younger teachers and how much of that is taken up by experienced teachers in the system.</para>
<para>The Labor government is focused on investing in education for all Australian children. Education is something I am particularly proud of, in terms of the opportunities that we had during the global financial crisis. From memory, not every single one of the appropriations that were necessary for the global financial crisis was voted down by the opposition. I should not say that, in terms of the stimulus packages. With one in particular, I remember, the most significant one, the Leader of the Opposition literally slept through the vote—one of the most significant moments in Australian history and he was found wanting. Not just found wanting; found snoring. It was an amazing insight into how he approached the mums and dads and workers that would have been affected if we had not stimulated the economy, and I am proud to have been associated with a government that invested in education and those other stimulus packages that made sure that Australians did not lose the 200,000 jobs that it was projected we would lose. I commend this legislation, the Appropriation Bill (No. 3) 2012-13 and the Appropriation Bill (No. 4) 2012-2013, to the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BUCHHOLZ</name>
    <name.id>230531</name.id>
    <electorate>Wright</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The electorate of Wright consists of families, small businesses, farmers, sporting groups and organisations. It is not that dissimilar to most electorates throughout Australia.</para>
<para>As a government we ask each of those organisations or groups or families to do one particular thing. It is appropriate that, in speaking about appropriations bills Nos 3 and 4, which we are debating here tonight, and talking about managing finances, as a government we ask these organisations and families, we ask mums and dads, to live within their means, to live within the parameters in which they can survive without getting themselves into financial risk. This is an election year. One of the greatest things we have about democracy is that people have the final say. They will determine who they believe is better able to manage this economy, and they will base those decisions on the track record of the coalition and the track record of this Labor government. I suggest that this election will also come down to a position of trust. As a person voting this year in an election year, who do you best trust to manage the economy and the future of our nation?</para>
<para>I want to take you on a journey. I want you to remember that, recently, Labor decided to walk away from their not-negotiable budget surplus for 2012-13. It was a concession that they had lost control of the nation's finances. On over 650 occasions the Prime Minister, the Treasurer and the Minister for Finance and Deregulation repeated their promises that they would deliver the nation a surplus. In fact, there was an embarrassing situation in the chamber the other day when nine members of the government were brought to task over pamphlets that had been circulated in their own electorates by the government stating that they had already delivered a surplus. Surely the economic credentials of those members are such that they must have known that at the last budget Labor actually delivered a $44 billion deficit, a far cry from a surplus. When we ask the electorate to take politicians into their trust in the next campaign, it is right up there with the Achilles heel of the Australian Labor Party: 'There will be no carbon tax under a government I lead.' I would be very surprised if we do not run it and run it. How can you trust a Prime Minister who says one thing one day and another thing the next day to suit her political survival strategy? Just in case you thought the Prime Minister got it wrong and she was out there on her own, let me tell you that, no, she was flanked by the Treasurer of the nation, who said during the 2007 campaign that it was hysterical that Australians believed we were moving towards a carbon tax.</para>
<para>The government has delivered four of the biggest budget deficits in history, with an accumulated value of $172 billion. To put that into perspective, that is $172 billion worth of deficits in four years. I would challenge anyone who has the capacity to go to the library or to go back through Australia's history books to as far back as Edmund Barton, our very first Prime Minister at the beginning of Federation. This is not a Liberal line, this is not just the rhetoric that we roll out on both sides of the House. If you go back and have a look at the cumulative deficits from both sides of the House since the beginning of Federation and add them together, you would come to a figure of only $123 billion. But in four years this Labor government has stuck on $172 billion, more than the entire deficits since Federation. Admittedly, in that calculation there is not an equalling calculation—</para>
<para>An honourable member: Let's be honest!</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BUCHHOLZ</name>
    <name.id>230531</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, to change it—a pound would have been worth more then. That is at face value.</para>
<para>I am glad the interjection from the other side spoke about honesty because I am going to get to honesty. As I said in my opening comments, this election will be about trust and who you trust to best run this economy.</para>
<para>In effect, the government has spent $172 billion more than it has earned over that period. That is how a deficit comes about. In 2011-12 the net debt hit an unprecedented $147 billion. Every day this government has been in charge of the budget, debt has increased. That is a fact. The Prime Minister loves that saying. Well, that is a fact. Since Labor has been in government, debt has increased. Labor has now sought to increase the government debt ceiling limit on four separate occasions. We had only one GFC; we did not have four of them. The government amended its debt ceiling limit in 2008 to $75 billion. It was again increased in 2009 to $200 billion during the global financial crisis, and rightly so. In 2011 the government increased this limit yet again to $250 billion. Then in the budget the government increased the limit to $300 billion.</para>
<para>Government debt on issue at the moment is well over $250 billion. There are still further spending projects, such as the NBN, which is around $56 billion when the initial estimates for that project were that it would come in at $4 billion. That is a big difference. The Clean Energy Finance Corporation is $10 billion of government expenditure that does not get counted in the deficit, so that is extra again. As a result, that money is going to finance subprime commercialism that our banks will not pick up. We boast that we have the best banking structure in the world. If our banks will not touch these projects, why is it that, when this nation is drowning in debt, that would be a priority project for this government? Who knows where these figures will end up with reference to the increased deficit next year?</para>
<para>Labor cannot manage money; Labor cannot manage the books. Regardless of the government's rhetoric, it has a spending problem and a forecasting problem. It does not have a revenue problem. Let me take you back because the best way to understand the integrity of future forecasts is to go back in history and look at what the forecasts were four years ago. This will demonstrate that your budgeting expertise is right. I take you back two years ago to when the forecast for this budget was a $10 billion deficit. At the 18-month mark that $10 billion figure was revised to $22 billion. Six months after that, at the 12-month mark, that $22 billion figure was revised to $36 billion. They were substantial jumps. Finally, the deficit that was delivered upon the mums and dads of this nation to be paid back in the future was none less than $44 billion. So it started at $10 billion and went to $44 billion. I encourage the Australian people when they cast their vote and are making their assessment on trust to look at the facts.</para>
<para>It consistently assumed unrealistic high levels of future revenue and spend levels and then cried, 'Woe is me,' when the politically aspired forecasts were not realised. The government is now spending more than $90 billion a year more compared to the last year of the Howard government. So, from a stimulus perspective, this government is spending $90 billion more than when we last left office. Federal government revenue was more than $70 billion higher compared to when Labor took office. How can that be? We have $70 billion more revenue going through the coffers. You will often hear the Treasurer say on the floor that forecasted revenues are down. The fact is that there is $70 billion more revenue being generated today than when we left office. Why is there more money coming through? Because of the 27 new taxes.</para>
<para>Again, the people of Australia will get their democratic right to say whether they have had enough or to continue down this track. I suggest the longer this Labor government stays in power, the greater the chance we will see more taxes. In the first four months of the financial year, government revenues were 4.2 per cent higher than previous years. Despite crying poor, the government has benefited from a mining boom that has delivered the strongest terms of trade in 150 years. You would think that if you were in that rush of gold and the rivers of gold were flowing, that would be the ideal time from an economic perspective to pay down debt. When revenues are peaking is the time you should be paying down debt, but not this government.</para>
<para>Spending was four per cent ahead last year. Labor has proven to be incapable of living within its means. Yet we ask families to do it. The problem with this government is this: when the forecasted revenues are coming back, as we have heard the Treasurer say, a householder would reduce their expenditure, but not this government. The Treasurer says that on the back of the resources sector revenue forecasts are coming back, but this government is talking about Gonski reforms and the NDIS with absolutely no idea of where the coin is going to come from to pay it let alone balance the books. I would suggest that between now and the election date we will see some very tricky manoeuvring with the management of the books for the so-called surplus that we were to have at the end of this financial year. I will not be surprised if you see that figure blow out. As they have done in the past, I would not be surprised if they bring forward expenditure to make that figure look bad so that when they get to the pre-budget economic fiscal outlook that will look a lot better.</para>
<para>Respected forecasters Independent Economics believe that the budget should already be back in surplus by about $15 billion or around 0.1 per cent of GDP at this point in the economic cycle. We have seen unprecedented levels of waste. Pink batts, overpriced school halls, cheques to dead people and blow-outs in border protection are symbols of this government's incompetence. Talking about the waste of money, it was interesting to hear speakers in the House during the last couple of months talking about the way some of the federal government money has been appropriated. I thought it appropriate to remind the Australian public tonight that this government spent $140,000 on a study to look at the sleeping habits of snails. This government spent $340,000 to see whether climate change is affecting fiddler crabs—fact; I am going to use that every time. This government spent $314,000 to study whether birds are shrinking. There was an additional—</para>
<para>Honourable members interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BUCHHOLZ</name>
    <name.id>230531</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Interject, but you need to question where you guys spend money as a government, because this is ridiculous. Another $578,000 was spent on research on an ignored credit instrument in the Florentine economic, social and religious life from the 1550s. The previous speaker spoke about how as a nation we need to increase productivity. Guess what? I have just given four great ways how as a nation we can increase productivity! We need to spend money more wisely. We need to be more diligent. I suggest that the capacity of this government to bring the budget into surplus is beyond it. Only a coalition government will truly be able to deliver the nation to prosperity. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr GRIFFIN</name>
    <name.id>VU5</name.id>
    <electorate>Bruce</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today in this debate on the Appropriation Bill (No. 3) 2012-13 to speak of a delegation to Myanmar that I had the privilege of being a member of late last year that was sponsored by the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunisation, GAVI. We had the opportunity to see firsthand some of the excellent work being done to ensure that the need of people in underdeveloped countries around the world for access to vaccination and immunisation programs. This was in a country coming back into mainstream international society. Myanmar is a nation that faces a range of challenges arising from the last 50 years that many members would be aware of. There are challenges there of a democratic nature and certainly challenges from a developmental point of view.</para>
<para>I had the privilege while I was there with colleagues to see what is being done by GAVI to try and ensure that the children of Myanmar get access to vaccinations that we in Australia take for granted, vaccinations that save lives and that provide people with the opportunity to live active lives and to be productive members of their society. GAVI takes an innovative approach to ensuring that aid dollars are spent effectively and efficiently. How effectively our aid dollar is spent is often a cause for debate in Australia. On particular occasions one could look and scratch your head and wonder whether that is in fact the best way to go. But I would like to ensure the House that, when we look at the money from Australian and international sources through GAVI, we can be very confident that the work that is being done is producing fantastic results.</para>
<para>GAVI came out of a recognition internationally that there were real problems around immunisation levels. There had been significant improvements through the mid 1970s up until the early 1990s thanks to WHO and the UNICEF Universal Child Immunisation campaign and a remarkable 80 per cent of the world's children were being immunised with the six EPI vaccines—tuberculosis, diphtheria, tetanus, pertussis, measles and polio. But in the 1990s, that pretty much ground to a halt. We were still in a situation coming up to the start of this millennium such that there were some 30 million children not immunised. These 30 million children in developing countries were in need of assistance.</para>
<para>This was something that caught the interest of a range of people, in particular people like the head of the World Bank, James Wolfensohn, who convened a summit of WHO, UNICEF, academics, health ministers, international agencies and the pharmaceutical industry in March 1998. Their agenda was: how do we start getting vaccines to children who need them most? Bill and Melinda Gates, through their foundation, also got involved some six months later. They hosted a dinner at their home for leading scientists to discuss what could be done to overcome the barriers preventing millions of children from receiving basic vaccines. Bill and Melinda challenged their guests to come back with proposals for breakthrough solutions. A second summit occurred in March 1999 in Italy. Rather than the setting up a new international organisation, out of that process came a commitment from the existing major players to work together in a new partnership, the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunisation.</para>
<para>The point of that process was to try to work out the best way to work with what we had and to try and address the key problems with respect to the operation of the system. It focused on four major strategic goals: accelerate the uptake and use of underused and new vaccines; contribute to strengthening the capacity of integrated health systems to deliver immunisation; increase the predictability of global financing and improve the sustainability of national financing for immunisations, and; shape vaccine markets to ensure adequate supply of appropriate quality vaccines at low and sustainable prices to developing countries. It is an innovative model. Through significant funding from 20 donors they have been doing great work. GAVI has been able to contribute to the achievement of major progress. More than 370 million children have been immunised to data and more than 5.5 million children's lives saved in 72 countries—not counting many more children who will not become ill and will therefore be able to achieve the full potential of their lives.</para>
<para>Currently, GAVI supports vaccines such as pentavalent, pneumococcal conjugate vaccine, rotavirus, human papillomavirus, measles second dose, meningococcal A conjugate, rubella and yellow fever. It also has measles campaigns in selected countries, outbreak responses to meningitis, and yellow fever vaccine stockpiles. The GAVI Alliance is also looking ahead to see what else might be able to be done. It is looking at what new vaccines are coming forward. It is seeing what it can do to ensure that it does not stop where it is but moves forward to ensure that the needs of developing countries and their communities are met.</para>
<para>GAVI are not just about providing support; they are also about making countries more able to help themselves. This is about working together to ensure that we build the capacity within developing countries and that there is a commitment from those developing countries with respect to what is being done. GAVI do that by working with governments and by seeking commitments from those governments around the question of what the priorities should be, and they do this by trying to build, with international organisations, the health infrastructure in countries to ensure that they are able to most effectively deal with these issues.</para>
<para>In 2011, GAVI set itself an ambitious target to help vaccinate nearly a quarter of a billion additional children and to help avert an additional four million future deaths by 2015. Since 2000, GAVI has approved support for vaccines in 77 countries, including locally in Indonesia and Timor-Leste. A review by the Australian government and multilateral organisations in 2011 found GAVI to be among the world's top performers in delivering cost-effective results, with a measurable life-saving impact. This follows GAVI's strong performance in similar reviews undertaken in the UK and also in Sweden. As I said, GAVI brings together the World Health Organisation, UNICEF, the World Bank, civil society, the vaccine industry in industrialised and developing countries, research and technical agencies, the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation as well as other foundations and philanthropists who are working together to produce real outcomes.</para>
<para>The work that we saw in Myanmar was significant. We went to towns and villages and saw what was actually happening to assist the provision of these vaccines. We saw lives being saved. We saw children who will live as a result of the assistance and help they got and are getting through these programs. There is no doubt that it is working on the ground. We visited cold stores, which are part of the delivery supply chain. We spoke to experts in country. We spoke to families about what this program meant for them in their circumstances. From all of that, we got a real understanding of the significance of this program and the work that it is doing in this nation and right throughout the developing world.</para>
<para>As I said, GAVI work on building a commitment with countries who are being provided with this assistance. GAVI are doing this by ensuring that they determine jointly what the needs are, they applying for funding and they oversee the implementation of their programs. They also work through innovative finance mechanisms to ensure that money can be provided. Through one particular international finance facility for immunisation they have raised more than $3.6 billion over the last few years by tapping into the capital markets—and this was on top of the work being done by a range of nations, including Australia.</para>
<para>It is also all about a private-public partnership developing advanced market solutions—commitments that actually ensure that we do things that can be done, we use markets effectively and, in that way, we maximise the value of the dollar. That is what it is about: ensuring that we maximise the value of those dollars, because there are many millions of children who are in danger; there are many millions of children who need assistance. The GAVI Alliance is providing assistance to many of those children, and it has been doing so over the last few years and it will be doing so in the years ahead.</para>
<para>Myanmar, which I mentioned, is very much a country that is moving out of international isolationism and, hopefully, is seriously looking at how it engages with international society. I think GAVI and its programs are part of that and are showing the way in which the authorities in Myanmar are prepared to consider new approaches in providing for the needs of their communities and, through those processes, providing real and lasting solutions to some of the health crises that they face.</para>
<para>I was joined on the delegation by a number of colleagues, including the honourable Teresa Gambaro, the member for Brisbane; Stephen Jones MP, the member for Throsby; and Senator Anne Urquhart, from Tasmania. We were also joined by two New Zealand MPs, Ms Katrina Shanks and the honourable Maryan Street, National and Labour MPs, as well as a range of international organisation representatives—Marc Purcell, the Executive Director of the Australian Council for International Development, and Mr Bill Bowtell, the Executive Director of Pacific Friends for the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria.</para>
<para>I would particularly like to put on record my thanks to the GAVI people who looked after us and who accompanied us on this trip, particularly GAVI board chairman, Mr Dagfinn Hoybraten—who luckily is not here to hear me mispronounce his name! Dagfinn was a very gracious host and an excellent leader of the delegation and ensured that we got a real hands-on understanding of what GAVI is doing in this developing market. He is a Norwegian member of parliament—and a very dapper dresser. GAVI Secretariat Deputy Chief Executive Officer Ms Helen Evans was also of great assistance in ensuring that our questions were answered and our understanding of what is being done was complete. They were assisted by a number of others, including Ms Nilgun Aydogan and Ms Li Zhang, as well as Phil Davey, a media consultant acting on their behalf to ensure that these messages got out back here in Australia—that the message of the excellent work that is being done was understood in the broader Australian community.</para>
<para>We were also joined by Mr John Hill and Mr Peter Mullins, a reporter and a cameraman from Channel 10. They sent back some really interesting segments for Channel 10 news, which went to not only the issues facing Myanmar as a society that is in transition but also the nature of the excellent work that is being done through the GAVI programs to ensure that children get access to the medications they need. Through that and through a range of meetings with local officials, as I said, as well as with officials from international organisations based in Myanmar, we had the opportunity to really get an understanding of the excellent work that is being done.</para>
<para>There is no doubt that this is a commitment that the Australian government should maintain, and it is a commitment that the international community must maintain. I note that Australia announced, from June 2011, new multi-year funding of $200 million over 2011 to 2013. I think this shows that, as per that aid review, there is absolutely no doubt that this is a program that ought to be supported strongly and that this is an alliance that we should all be very proud to be part of. I would say this to members who are out there in the community when people ask: 'Do we really get value for money when it comes to aid dollars? Are we really helping the people who really need it? Are we in a situation where all the money is going on administration?' The fact is that there are programs like this that show that there is excellent work being done, and that excellent work is work that we should all be supporting.</para>
<para>The international circumstances around this particular area have been congratulated by many throughout the world. Just to give you a few quotes, Ban Ki-moon, the UN Secretary-General, said on 15 November 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">These funds … can deliver a promise of a future free from the threat of cervical cancer to millions of young women thanks to the HPV vaccine. This is critical to the Every Woman Every Child campaign.</para></quote>
<para>The Hon. El Hadji Malick Diop, an MP from Senegal, said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Pneumonia is a leading cause of death among children under five years in Senegal. Thanks to the support provided by the GAVI Alliance and its donors, my country will soon be able to introduce the pneumococcal vaccine and contribute to saving the lives of thousands of children. A big thank you for your support.</para></quote>
<para>And Bill Gates, whom I mentioned earlier, said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">GAVI is a great investment because it really gets into the countries and gets these new vaccines out there. It is now that we are going to start to get the last two vaccines that rich kids take for granted—the pneumococcus and rotavirus—and over these next five years get them out to every child everywhere. That means, for the first time ever, that we have equity in vaccines.</para></quote>
<para>That gives the children of the developing world the chance to be all that they can be.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RANDALL</name>
    <name.id>PK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Canning</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am delighted to speak on the Appropriation Bill (No. 3) 2012-13 this evening because I have much to say. It is always difficult to follow a quality contribution by the member for Bruce, so I will do my best to bring to this chamber an examination of some economic issues that are very relevant to my state of Western Australia.</para>
<para>At the outset I want to cut to the chase and say that this Labor government is intent on damaging Australia's mining sector. Why is it intent on doing that? Because it wants to tax it out of existence. I will explain this as we go. Any responsible government should support rather than hinder the nation's most important industry and Australia's unique economic advantage. However, the policies produced by this government have made it abundantly clear that they are uninterested in supporting this industry in any meaningful way. Furthermore, both the Rudd and Gillard governments have shown a preference to do backroom deals with multinational miners BHP, Xstrata and Rio rather than dealing with Australian people who have produced mines and resource companies from scratch such as Gina Rinehart and Twiggy Forrest. They should be applauded rather than the disgraceful attacks that have been made on them by the Labor Party, particularly the Treasurer, the member for Lilley, Wayne Swan. They should be applauded rather than scorned.</para>
<para>We have spent a lot of time in this place exposing the flaws associated with a carbon tax so I will not spend too much time on it tonight other than to explain to this House that this carbon tax is a direct assault on the mining and resources industry of Australia and particularly Western Australia, as that is where most of the action is happening in terms of resources and mining. We are all aware today that the West Australian Labor leader, Mark McGowan, has tried to dissociate himself from the Prime Minister, Julia Gillard. He does not want her in the state for the state election and he does not want her over there at all in relation to her policies. In fact, he has made it quite clear in the last few days that he does not support a carbon tax. He is also dissociating himself from federal Labor's mining tax. Federal Labor's taxation policies take a direct aim at our mining sector. Indeed, Mr McGowan has made it clear that he is very aware of this and this tax is a taxation of envy on states like Western Australia and dare I say Queensland.</para>
<para>As Kevin Rudd, the member for Griffith, has pointed out today, this was a tax generated by the Treasurer, Wayne Swan, as a result of Ken Henry's investigations into taxation. He sold it to the then Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd, and Kevin Rudd today has said that this is a tax that Wayne Swan, the Treasurer, sold to him in a flawed way. We will not go through the whole details because it has been enunciated beautifully by the shadow Treasurer, Joe Hockey, today in the fact that it has raised only 10 per cent of its income predictions. They said that in the first 12 months on their modelling it would raise $2 billion. They attached to it a whole lot of programs that will be paid for by this $2 billion. Those include not only superannuation and a whole lot of other wages support but in Western Australia, dear to our heart, there is a program to produce roads to the airport and in association with the airport which is going to be one of the largest road projects in Western Australia, closer to a billion dollars than half a billion dollars, which they are going to open in July this year. It is all dependent on the mining tax. Let us take a middle figure of $700 million and it is based on the mining tax and that has only raised $126 million in its first six months, who is going to pay for it? Not the mining tax, the taxpayers of Australia are going to pay for it. They have fallen short in their estimates by anyone's measure. It is just ridiculous that they would come out and suggest they would raise this massive amount of money from a mining tax which they now put this florid language on, saying it is a variable tax so it will go up and down.</para>
<para>When it went down, I could understand that. But it is at $170 a tonne now, which is almost at record heights, and the spot price is up to $190 a tonne. So forget the business about it being variable and not raising the money; it is raising the money.</para>
<para>So at the end of the day, yes, Kevin Rudd was quite appropriate in saying it was a dog of a tax. It is the responsibility of the Treasurer and the responsibility of the negotiation by Prime Minister Julia Gillard with the three major mining companies. Forget the juniors; forget the mid-caps. Fortescue Metals is a company that has been targeted and vilified. Twiggy Forrest has been vilified by this government because he is successful and is doing great things in the resources industry. But you hear the Treasurer stand up and lambaste someone who is successful like Gina Rinehart. He lambastes Twiggy Forrest, even though he is doing a great thing by employing Australians, paying a lot of tax and employing a whole lot of Indigenous people in the mining sector. But, no, this is the class warfare you expect from the other side. This is what is happening in a perverse way.</para>
<para>They see Western Australia as a cash cow. They see us as a place where they can come and rob us because we are actually successful in producing not only income in terms of the Australian terms of trade but also income in terms of taxation and jobs. This is going to have a big impact on Western Australia. This sort of attack on Western Australia will cost Labor dearly. They hold only three out of the 15 seats in my state. Dare I say the member for Brand—and he is a good friend of mine—is looking at this carefully because he holds the seat which has the highest number of fly-in fly-out workers of any seat in Western Australia. He is cognisant of that. That is probably why he made the comments he did today.</para>
<para>One of the things that really caught my attention today—and I just find it unbelievable—is this report that was 'leaked' on the front page of the <inline font-style="italic">West Australian</inline> newspaper. It was the Standing Committee on Regional Australia's report on the use of FIFO and DIDO—fly-in fly-out and drive-in drive-out—workforces. I will just demonstrate that drive-in drive-out is important. I have potentially the largest goldmine in Australia in my electorate. It is called the Boddington goldmine—800,000 ounces of gold a year. They drive into Boddington because they cannot live there—land is very scarce and the taxation issues surrounding settling a family in a town like Boddington are prohibitive. My electorate has the second-highest number, by the way. My electorate has the second-highest number of fly-in fly-out and drive-in drive-out workers of any electorate in metropolitan Perth, in Western Australia and, I suspect, in Australia.</para>
<para>The subtitle of this report was 'Cancer to the bush or saviour to the city?' It likened workers to cancer. The fact that it said that is distasteful; however, most concerning about the report is not its title but its contents and recommendation. The committee is set to recommend that fringe benefits tax exemptions be removed from FIFO and DIDO workers, who are at present driving the mining boom in WA.</para>
<para>As a young schoolteacher, I began my working life at a place called Wickham in the Pilbara where Robe River had a mine. It was a company town. It was built by the company. It is very expensive to put a place like that in situ and to transport the workers up there. They stopped doing mining towns. They stopped doing company towns like that because it just was unaffordable. If you do not believe me, look at what every commentator says—Australia is becoming the dearest place in the world to do business. To start a mine, a business, a resource project, it is the dearest place in the world. Think about South Africa, other places in Africa, South America—they are far cheaper because of the cost of workers and infrastructure. But this committee is about to ask this government to take away the fringe benefits tax exemptions.</para>
<para>This decision by the Labor government flies in the face of the fact that the Labor government in 1986 imposed the fringe benefits tax on housing subsidies for workers in remote communities. That has been blamed for this FIFO workforce. What they did is they said that if you gave concessions to people who lived in north-west towns you would have to pay full tax on it; you could not get the fringe benefits tax removed. So if a company subsidised a worker's house in Wickham, Karratha or Dampier the Labor Party took it away. So it generated a proliferation of fly-in fly-out workers. As a result, we are now seeing that electorates like mine and the rest of Western Australia are dependent on these people. Good people buy a house in electorates like mine and they go up for two weeks and they come back for a week and they continually supply this incredible, reliable workforce to our resource projects, which generates billions of dollars not only for Western Australia but also for the rest of Australia.</para>
<para>What does this government want to do through this suggestion? They get people like the member for New England to go and do their dirty work for them. He comes up with this recommendation and they want to grab some income back but they do not realise the big picture. He is out doing this for them on behalf of his committee. He is supposed to be an Independent member of the parliament, but we know his voting pattern and, at the end of the day, this committee will recommend taking away fringe benefits from mining companies. It will take away something like $48,000 a year that a mining company can attract on a fringe benefit exemption. So why wouldn't that be sensible? Because, at the end of the day, if you take that across every mining sector, gas and the projects that are about to start up, it would be prohibitive for a company to have someone fly into and fly out of a camp, receive the benefits of the flights, the food, accommodation and care.</para>
<para>It has been put to us by people like Mitch Hooke from the Minerals Council that the fly-in fly-out workforce actually spreads the benefits of the boom, because you would never have got people in that region in the first place. People go up there and they spend money on developing camps, towns, roads, infrastructure and ports. It is growing the size of the cake in the north-west and other places. We should remember that the mining tax was promoted as a chief instrument for spreading the benefits of the boom; however, it has not happened. So far this disastrous dog of a tax has returned something like only $5.50 to each Australian as a result.</para>
<para>People in my electorate are very aware of what this government wants to do to them. The editorial in today's <inline font-style="italic">West Australian</inline> enunciated the argument well, saying that any debates about the development of projects worth billions of dollars cannot be started without the assumption that they are going to happen and will keep going. Bankers and investors and boards will have to be convinced that the numbers stack up, risks are well known and things can be done to mitigate most possible dangers. In other words, financiers are not going to back these things unless they stack up financially.</para>
<para>Just remember that, until the fly-in fly-out industry happened, we had bad towns like Shay Gap, where social problems and other problems occurred because they were just towns stuck in the middle of the desert and then after the resource ran out they just crumbled. At the end of the day, one has to understand that the banks will not lend money to people who want to go and live in these areas. For example, Boddington, the drive in, drive out area, is a postcode that the banks will not lend money to. Try to build a house in Paraburdoo and see if the bank will lend you money. They will not lend you money because it does not stack up. A 30-year loan in a town that only has a 30-year life in a mine—how ridiculous—is not going to happen.</para>
<para>So I say to this government and to those who are supporting this government that, if you want to go and attack the very industry that actually makes this country a unique country in terms of its resources industry, destroy the mining industry with another tax. We know that this government has not seen a tax that it does not like and a tax that it does not want to hike. It is a disgrace. As a Western Australian I say that we must stand up against this attack from Canberra—not only gouging our state but also treating us like a cash cow.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr KELVIN THOMSON</name>
    <name.id>UK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Wills</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Australia's economy stands as a beacon of resilience in the world. Unlike virtually every developed economy, we avoided recession and we saved hundreds of thousands of jobs in the face of the worst global conditions since the Great Depression. In 2008, private aggregate demand collapsed and the Labor government had to step in with an economic stimulus to shore up demand. There were 225,000 jobs created through the government's $43 billion spending program. In fact, since November 2007 over 800,000 jobs have been created, including in mining, retail, health and skilled trades. Unemployment is well below the previous Liberal government average of 6.4 per cent. The OECD—the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development—found that Australia's fiscal stimulus measures were amongst the most effective in the OECD in terms of stimulating economic activity and supporting employment. The Nobel-prize-winning economist Joseph Stiglitz lauded the Labor government's stimulus spending, saying:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Not only was it the right amount, it was extraordinarily well structured, with careful attention to what would stimulate the economy in the shorter run, the medium term and the long term.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">When I look around the world, it was, I think, probably the best-designed stimulus program in the world and you should be happy that in fact it worked in exactly the way it was designed to work.</para></quote>
<para>The global financial crisis wiped a massive $160 billion off government revenues. If we had not implemented a timely and targeted stimulus, we would have experienced a deep recession and much higher unemployment, with all the destruction of capital and skills that comes with that. Such a devastating blow would have set our economy and budget back for years, as we have seen occurring in other countries, particularly in Europe.</para>
<para>There is no serious issue of public debt in this country as a result of the stimulus. Gross debt is peaking as a percentage of GDP at 18.4 per cent in 2011-12 and 2012-13, and net debt peaked in 2011-12 at 10 per cent. Australia's net debt is peaking as a percentage of GDP at only one-tenth the level of the other major advanced economies. So, for us, that is like someone earning $100,000 a year owing $10,000. The net interest payments in 2012-13 will be 0.5 per cent of GDP, or $7.1 billion, and that is like someone who earns $100,000 a year paying $500 a year in net interest. We are paying down net debt as a percentage of GDP right now, and gross debt as a percentage of GDP falls from next year. The opposition's attempts to compare our nation's debt levels to debt-stricken parts of Europe are completely and utterly without foundation.</para>
<para>The government's actions have ensured that we have one of the strongest economies in the world. Australia has a AAA credit rating with a stable outlook from all three ratings agencies. We are one of only seven nations in the world to have this. We have a comparatively low unemployment rate at 5.4 per cent. We have less than half the unemployment rate seen in Europe, which is 11.7 per cent, and our rate is significantly below other advanced economies. We have contained inflation: we have underlying inflation in the middle of the RBA's target band—2½ per cent through the year to September. We have low interest rates: the cash rate is currently sitting at three per cent, lower than it was at any time under the last Liberal government and less than half what we inherited. This means that a family with a $300,000 mortgage is paying around $5,000 less in repayments each year than it was when the change of government occurred, so such a family is nearly $100 a week better off as a consequence.</para>
<para>More than $1 trillion of business investment has occurred in our economy since Labor came to office in 2007. A strong investment outlook remains for Australia, with a record $268 billion at an advanced stage helping to boost the productive capacity of our economy. We have cut taxes for Australian workers: we have delivered tax cuts worth over $2,000 a year for those on $50,000 and tax cuts worth $2,150 for those on $100,000, and we have tripled the tax-free threshold to $18,200. This is a terrific thing. One million low-income workers no longer have to pay tax or even fill out a tax return. But it is a great initiative at risk. The opposition would introduce the lower threshold—the $6,000 threshold—if they were to be elected.</para>
<para>We have instituted business tax reform—a new loss carry-back initiative which provides tax refunds worth up to $300,000 for eligible businesses.</para>
<para>We have increased the superannuation guarantee. The Labor government will boost retirement savings for 8.4 million workers by progressively increasing the superannuation guarantee from nine per cent to 12 per cent, starting from 1 July 2013. We are supporting manufacturing. We are investing $5.4 billion in a new car plan and providing stronger protection against unfair competition from overseas by reforming the anti-dumping system. We have introduced small-business tax deductions. Small business now gets an instant asset write-off for each business asset below $6½ thousand as well as an instant asset write-off for the first $5,000 of any car purchased.</para>
<para>There is the Paid Parental Leave scheme. The Labor government has delivered the first ever Paid Parental Leave scheme—18 weeks of leave paid at the minimum wage. Then there is the Schoolkids Bonus. Eligible families get $410 a year for kids in primary school, and $820 a year for kids in high school. Payment is automatic, in full and up front, but like the tax-free threshold this will be in jeopardy if there is a change of government. The opposition has said they would get rid of the Schoolkids Bonus. Then there is the Child Care Rebate: fifty per cent of out-of-pocket childcare expenses, providing families with up to $7,500 per child per year.</para>
<para>We are building an economy based on clean-energy jobs, technology and skills. We are doing this by rolling out the NBN, which will make businesses more productive and deliver better government services by increasing our skills base through trade training centres, historic reforms to our skills system and an expanded education system from primary to tertiary, equipping Australians for current and future jobs, and by continuing to improve our schools and early childhood education.</para>
<para>The government is reforming the transfer system to ensure that people with a weaker attachment to the workforce have the incentives and the capabilities they need to participate. For example, the government has reduced the taper rate for sole parents on Newstart allowance to 40 per cent, meaning a single parent will be able to earn almost $160 per fortnight in additional income. The government has increased the number of hours that a person on the Disability Support Pension can work and retain access to their pension from 15 to 30 hours per week. Tripling the tax-free threshold from $6,000 to over $18,000, and then further to $19,400 from July 2015, together with these transfer reforms, reduces the negative incentives created by the interaction of the tax and transfer systems, so as to ensure that low- and middle-income earners see more of the rewards from their work. This in turn encourages greater workforce participation.</para>
<para>Manufacturing is an essential part of Australia's economic success. It employs nearly a million Australians and provides all sorts of knock-on jobs and skills right throughout the economy. A key part of our manufacturing base is the car industry. Fifty-five thousand Australians are directly employed in the auto industry, spread across over 200 companies. It trains the engineers, pays for the machinery and drives the innovations that support other manufacturing industries. There are some 200,000 jobs relying on business created by the auto industry in fields from metal manufacturing to scientific services. Four in 10 of Australia's top-selling cars are locally made. Only 13 countries have everything it takes to model, make and market a car. Australia is one of them. People talk about the cost of co-investment. The per capita cost of co-investment in the car industry for Australians is $17.40. This compares with $90 in Germany and $264 in the United States.</para>
<para>Labor's $5.4 billion new car plan saw the industry through the GFC. Our future investment to support the development of new models will come from within this commitment and will give the car industry the policy certainty it needs to attract long-term investment in the 2020.</para>
<para>At a time of ongoing global instability, the opposition's flawed economic vision is based on the discredited market fundamentalist world view and, along with their $70 billion budget black hole, represents a huge risk to our nation's economic future. Despite everything we know about the global financial crisis and what caused it, the Liberal Party are still devotees of free-market fundamentalism. They believe that cuts to government services, the so-called austerity measures, are the way forward from Australia. In January this year, the <inline font-style="italic">Guardian</inline> columnist George Monbiot wrote that neoliberal economic policy is just a get-rich-quick fraud which brought the developed world to its knees in 2008:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Last year's annual report by the UN Conference on Trade and Development should have been an obituary for the neoliberal model developed by Hayek and Friedman and their disciples. It shows unequivocally that their policies have created the opposite outcomes to those they predicted. As neoliberal policies (cutting taxes for the rich, privatising state assets, deregulating labour, reducing social security) began to bite from the 1980s onwards, growth rates started to fall and unemployment to rise.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The remarkable growth in the rich nations during the 50s, 60s and 70s was made possible by the destruction of the wealth and power of the elite, as a result of the 1930s depression and the second world war. Their embarrassment gave the other 99% an unprecedented chance to demand redistribution, state spending and social security, all of which stimulated demand.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Neoliberalism was an attempt to turn back these reforms. Lavishly funded by millionaires, its advocates were amazingly successful—politically. Economically they flopped.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Throughout the OECD countries taxation has become more regressive: the rich pay less, the poor pay more. The result, the neoliberals claimed, would be that economic efficiency and investment would rise, enriching everyone. The opposite occurred. As taxes on the rich and on business diminished, the spending power of both the state and poorer people fell, and demand contracted. The result was that investment rates declined, in step with companies' expectations of growth.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The neoliberals also insisted that unrestrained inequality in incomes and flexible wages would reduce unemployment. But throughout the rich world both inequality and unemployment have soared. The recent jump in unemployment in most developed countries—worse than in any previous recession of the past three decades—was preceded by the lowest level of wages as a share of GDP since the second world war. Bang goes the theory. It failed for the same obvious reason: low wages suppress demand, which suppresses employment.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As wages stagnated, people supplemented their income with debt. Rising debt fed the deregulated banks, with consequences of which we are all aware. The greater inequality becomes, the UN report finds, the less stable the economy and the lower its rates of growth. The policies with which neoliberal governments seek to reduce their deficits and stimulate their economies are counter-productive.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   …   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Relearning some old lessons about fairness and participation, the UN says, is the only way to eventually overcome the crisis and pursue a path of sustainable economic development.</para></quote>
<para>The International Monetary Fund has also publicly acknowledged the failings of austerity and the deep cuts to government spending which we have seen in Europe. Olivier Blanchard and Daniel Leigh of the fund published a working paper entitled 'Growth forecast errors and fiscal multipliers', which conceded that they underestimated the negative effects of the fiscal consolidation in the eurozone. So rather than things getting better as a result of these cuts, things got worse.</para>
<para>In conclusion, the Labor government is building on economic fundamentals that are the envy of the world. Solid growth, low debt, healthy public finances, contained inflation, low interest rates and a AAA credit rating. We are not done yet. We are investing in Labor reforms for the future—the NDIS, education, the NBN, superannuation and clean energy. We stand for an Australia where every child can get a quality education, where their parents can have a decent paid job and where their grandparents can retire with a dignified income.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ROBERT</name>
    <name.id>HWT</name.id>
    <electorate>Fadden</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Before I pass some comments on the very important issue of the appropriation bills, and with your concurrence and that of the minister, I will just rise quickly to acknowledge the student leaders of the northern Gold Coast in the electorate of Fadden. I believe it is important for us all in this great place to recognise our young leaders, as many of us do. It is they who leave a lasting impression in their schools, their communities and, ultimately, our great nation.</para>
<para>These young leaders, who we all recognise, play an important role in setting an example through their actions, making positive choices, collaborating with others, listening and encouraging those they lead, especially in challenging and difficult times. They have the potential not only to leave a lasting impression but ultimately to change our world—which is what we are all here to try and achieve—and, of course, to make the world a better place. Such roles should never be understated, and I know that we do not do that here.</para>
<para>Let me urge these new student leaders to strive to achieve their very best in their current roles, as through their influence they now carry a torch of great responsibility. The great leader never sets himself or herself above their followers in carrying responsibilities. So I say to all of our young leaders: do not rely on your position to convince people to follow you. Instead, build relationships, care for people, show compassion and thoughtfulness, listen to and develop others and leave a legacy that we can all be proud of. Do not raise your voice and prove your argument.</para>
<para>I am pleased to seek leave from the minister to present the names of Fadden student leaders, knowing that their leadership journey will take them to considerable heights and potential.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ROBERT</name>
    <name.id>HWT</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you Mr Deputy Speaker, and thank you to the minister at the table.</para>
<para>This brings me on to the issue we are addressing tonight, Appropriation Bill (No. 3) 2012-2013 and Appropriation Bill (No. 4) 2012-2013. I wish to confine my remarks simply to Appropriation Bill (No. 4) 2012-2013, as it deals with $666.36 million of expenditure, which includes an equity injection of $468.77 million within the Department of Defence to support its work program, including operations.</para>
<para>I note the injection is to be offset through a reduction in the defence department's appropriation. Of course, the challenge is that there is no further detail in the explanatory memorandum as to the basis of the appropriation. I can only assume it will cover the cost of capital works, and that there will be some injection in terms of our operational requirements for our nine overseas missions. The largest, of course, is Afghanistan. But there is no wider information and I will seek that through the proper process, through the minister.</para>
<para>I also note that it will be offset in the reduction of the departmental appropriation and, again, I will seek the advice of the minister. But what that generally means is, 'We'll give you the money now, but we are seriously going to take it off you at the next budget round or before.' We will be watching that very carefully, and put the minister and his department on notice that we will not accept any further reduction in the defence budget. Once more, I put on the record very clearly that the coalition will not make any cuts to the defence budget. No cuts; it will be quarantined—guaranteed. We will commit, once we understand the budgetary horror we may well inherit—if indeed we are entrusted with the government's finances—to increase the defence budget at the appropriate time, depending on the budget, by a three per cent real increase per annum, back towards two per cent of GDP.</para>
<para>It is important at this stage of the appropriation debate to recognise that on 650 occasions—it is a staggering number—the Prime Minister, the Deputy Prime Minister and the finance minister repeated their promise to deliver a surplus in this financial year, 2012-13. Six-hundred and fifty times, the three top ministers responsible for the nation's finances promised, including 150 times by the Prime Minister, only to junk it a few days before Christmas.</para>
<para>What is tragic is that this government has overseen the four biggest budget deficits in the history of our nation, with accumulative value in net terms of $172 billion. The government does like to boast that it has offset all new spending since 2009, yet it has been unable to pay for its existing commitments. Net debt has hit an unprecedented level of $147 billion and gross debt of over $261 billion.</para>
<para>But the issue is not revenue, as the government likes to say. It is expenditure. The government is now, as a statement of fact, spending $90 billion per year more than the Howard government did in its last year. The government now is spending $70 billion more compared with its first budget when Labor took office. In the first four months of this financial year, as a statement of fact, government revenues were 4.2 per cent higher than the previous year. Despite crying poor, the government has benefited from a mining boom that has delivered the strongest terms of trade in 150 years: fact. Unfortunately, the government has proven incapable of living within its means. Respected independent forecasters Macroeconomics believe that the budget should already be in surplus by at least $15 billion, or one per cent of GDP, this far in the economic cycle.</para>
<para>One of the areas to feel the greatest pinch of a government desperately trying claw back its finances, but proving unable to despite having revenue of more than $90 billion in the last Howard years, is defence. Defence now has weathered a crushing storm of cumulative cuts, deferments and delays of over $24.5 billion. Let's call it $25 billion since Labor came to power. In this budget alone, 2012-13, $5.5 billion has been cut over the forward estimates; 10.5 per cent has been cut from the defence budget this financial year, and a further $1.66 billion in absorbed costs through the Mid-Year Economic and Fiscal Outlook. That $1.66 billion was for a 6C17, 240-odd Bushmasters and, of course, the conversion of 12 Super Hornets into advanced electronic weapons, the Growlers—three areas of technology and expenditure that, on the surface, are good sets of equipment to purchase. But rather than providing the funds, they said to Defence, 'You must find the funds'; that is, 'They are absorbed; you must find savings.' Therefore, this financial year there is $5.5 billion in the forward estimates from the May budget and a further $1.6 billion from MYEFO—$7.1 billion in cuts, deferments or delays.</para>
<para>What does that mean in real terms? They are just headline numbers. In real terms, you are seeing ADF Reserves' salaries and payments now being cut by 20 and 30 per cent, where many reservists on face value may not be able to achieve their 20 days, which will disadvantage them in terms of their housing, their loans or their health benefits. It is incumbent upon the minister to guarantee that all reservists will have a minimum of 20 days, noting that a competent and capable reservist needs about 35 days to be an effective reserve soldier, especially in Her Majesty's loyal army.</para>
<para>Thirty-seven per cent of all defence projects have been cut, deferred or delayed—including phase 2 of the counter-IED, the improvised explosive device project. If there was ever a catchcry of a project that highlighted the difficulties that we are in now in terms of the budget cuts, it is cutting a counter-IED program. If there was ever a challenge in terms of what our soldiers, sailors and airmen and women face in combat operations in Afghanistan, it is the existing and all-pervasive threat of improvised explosive devices. In terms of further supporting the weapons intelligence teams and the technology on the ground, for phase 2 a delay of 12 months is unacceptable. I have informed the minister of this personally and asked him to look into it when we addressed the ministerial response in the House last week.</para>
<para>Funds for cadet units have been savagely cut, so that there are no longer entitlements to ration packs, there is no travel overseas, there is no subsidised travel to other annual camps and the like. Budgets for existing units in terms of the signal squadrons, the engineering regiments, the cavalry regiments, existing operational budgets in terms of the training activities on a day-to-day basis have been cut by up to 30 per cent. A report by John Kerin in the <inline font-style="italic">AFR </inline>on Monday indicates that Defence may well be short by up to $1 billion just in doing its day-to-day functions here.</para>
<para>I take at face value what the minister has said, that our operations and our operational tempo have not been impacted by the defence cuts, but I can tell you absolutely everything else within our Defence Force has been impacted—in many cases, significantly. The logistics program, in terms of pulling logistics together and saving money over the long haul, has been thrown into disarray, with a cut of $145 million to the logistics program at Lavarack Barracks in Townsville. It was delayed just before Christmas, found out by the Townsville <inline font-style="italic">Bulletin</inline>—and, again, the minister still has not confirmed it, yet everyone knows what has happened. The cuts to defence are palpable.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister tries to assure everyone it is business as usual, going down to DSD, no less—only the second time a media event has been held in such a sensitive place, which looks like recklessness in terms of using a defence establishment of that sensitivity as a media stunt—to announce a new cybersecurity centre. But she cannot say where it is, what it is going to cost, what it is going to do that is different from the DSD Cyber Security Operations Centre, when it is going to open and who is going to run it. Smells like a media stunt, looks like a media stunt; perhaps it is a media stunt.</para>
<para>This year's total spending will be 23.8 per cent of GDP. The Treasurer, in full flight, said Labor has always had budgets that are a lower percentage of GDP than the coalition's, which is odd because the Howard-Costello spending in their last year was 23.1 per cent of GDP. So I am not too sure where the Treasurer's mathematics came from.</para>
<para>Twenty-seven new or increased taxes are what this government has brought about since coming to power, and the impacts are all too easy to see: a 10.5 per cent reduction in the defence budget this year—10.5 per cent. I served in the Defence Force in the 1980s, during the last, long period of Labor government, and watched the defence budget cut to the bone then. The impact of that was not seen until 1999, when we deployed 5½ thousand of our combat troops to East Timor on stabilisation operations. We were poorly equipped. We were well trained and we were well led, but we lacked the necessary capability and resources. The Howard government swore that would never happen again and went on the greatest re-equipping, modernisation, hardening and networking of our Defence Force in the modern era, to the point where, in their last six budgets, the defence budget increased in real terms by 3.9 per cent.</para>
<para>Labor came to power promising a defence increase of three per cent in real terms, up to 17, 18 and 2.5 per cent thereafter. In fact, before the last election in 2010, the Prime Minister and the Minister for Defence promised on no fewer than 38 occasions that they would increase the defence budget in real terms by 3.8 per cent. But all we have seen are cuts; that is all—10.5 per cent this year alone and over the forward estimates, or $5.5 billion. When you add in the MYEFO absorptions of $1.6 billion, it takes you to a staggering $7.1 billion. You cannot cut a military force by that enormous quantum over five years and not expect to see an impact. Over the last five years, a cumulative $25 billion has been cut, delayed or absorbed. That is the equivalent of an entire defence budget—an entire defence budget—for a year that has been taken out. If the government think that has no impact, no adverse consequences, they are kidding themselves. The impact is only too obvious and ready to see.</para>
<para>The good news is that the coalition guarantees there will be no cuts—quarantined, guaranteed. I simply ask the Minister for Defence to provide the same guarantee. Provide it. The problem is, even if he did—notwithstanding I think he is an honourable man—Labor said 38 times before the last election that there would be a three per cent real increase, but we have seen a 10.5 per cent decrease. Six hundred and fifty times, the top three finance leaders of our nation—the Prime Minister, the Deputy Prime Minister and the Minister for Finance and Deregulation—said we would have a budget surplus this year. They said it 650 times and that promise was broken before Christmas. Then of course we have the ultimate betrayal of 'there will be no carbon tax in the government I lead'. So I fear that, even if the Minister for Defence were to make that promise, when trust has been betrayed to the extent it has, it would fall on deaf ears within the nation.</para>
<para>The coalition will not allow this to happen. We will rebuild our Defence Force. We will rebuild the nation's trust in our defence capability and we will not sacrifice future operational capability for a budget surplus for a political fix.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SYMON</name>
    <name.id>HW8</name.id>
    <electorate>Deakin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I speak in support of the Appropriation Bill (No. 3) 2012-2013 and the Appropriation Bill (No. 4) 2012-2013 in this cognate debate. With an additional appropriation of just over $1.27 billion being sought through both these bills, there are a range of topics and subjects. Some are things which are quite local to me and others are, I suppose, quite out of the box.</para>
<para>One of the first things that I picked up out of these bills when looking at them was the additional expenditure for the now superseded General Employee Entitlements and Redundancy Scheme, GEERS, which, although closed as from 5 December last year, is being topped up by $48 million to cover claims that were made later in the year. It is very fair to say that I have been a critic of GEERS for many, many years, and there are very good reasons for that. What we have done now with the changeover to a legislative solution through the Fair Entitlements Guarantee is put in a system that picks up on the deficiencies that were embedded within the administrative scheme that was GEERS. We should not forget that this scheme was introduced by the current opposition leader, the member for Warringah, in his time as Minister for Employment, Workplace Relations and Small Business in September of 2001—the very same member who proclaimed himself the workers' friend. As a worker, I would not like to have him as my friend.</para>
<para>As I said, I have long been critical of GEERS, as it has never had a legislative basis and it has always been difficult for some employees to access the scheme. It was back on 20 February 2008, in my first speech to this place, that I spoke about the deficiencies of GEERS and my belief that there could and should be a better solution. So it was that during the 2010 election campaign Labor released a policy called the Protecting Workers' Entitlements package. This policy foreshadowed three areas: protecting workers' entitlements, strengthening superannuation compliance measures and targeting phoenix company arrangements, all of which are very important when it comes to someone who is suddenly out of a job and wants to know where their entitlements are.</para>
<para>It has happened so many times—not only in my role as a member of parliament but also in my previous roles over many jobs—that I have had to deal with employees who have gone to work one day and found a padlock on the gate and also found that their tools and possessions inside the facility, the factory or the site having been taken over by a receiver. They have also found, of course, that their accrued entitlements are now in the hands of someone else, and the process of getting through that is always long and tedious. But, of course, it is even worse if you as a worker were relying on that week's pay to pay off a mortgage or a debt or just to meet your basic day-to-day living expenses.</para>
<para>The Fair Entitlements Guarantee covers workers entitlements if they lose their job as a result of their employer becoming insolvent, and it now covers—better than GEERS—unpaid wages of up to 13 weeks, including allowances, loadings, amounts payable for overtime and amounts paid at penalty rates. With an initial maximum weekly wage of $2,364 as a continuation of the threshold under GEERS, there is provision for that to be adjusted as costs of living and wages go up over time. There is redundancy pay of four weeks pay, at a rate relevant to the pay for which the employee was working, paid for each full year of service depending on the industrial instrument, along with pro rata provisions, and there is payment in lieu of notice not exceeding five weeks pay at the relevant rate. The Fair Entitlements Guarantee also provides for the Commonwealth to pursue advances made to employees through the winding up or bankruptcy proceedings of their employer. The important part about that is that it can speed up that process of recovering moneys that are legally owed to the employee who has put in the hard work and done the job. The Fair Entitlements Guarantee—legislated by Labor and voted against by the Liberal Party—provides a higher level of certainty for those employees whose employers cease trading due to insolvency.</para>
<para>Also within these bills is an amount of approximately $50 million to be provided to the Attorney-General's Department mainly as funding towards the Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse. Although there has been a lot of media coverage about this, the important thing is that it has to have funding. It is good to see it here in black and white.</para>
<para>On another issue, also included in Appropriation Bill No. 4 2012-2013 is an allocation for an equity injection of around $45 million to the Australian Nuclear Science and Technology Organisation to complete the detailed engineering design for the construction of a nuclear medicine manufacturing facility and a waste treatment plant at Lucas Heights. While the total project cost is estimated at $168 million and it will take several years to build, that facility also includes a co-located Synroc waste treatment plant. During construction, around 150 jobs will be created. Once finished, there will be 100 new operational jobs in addition to ANSTO's current workforce of around 1,200 people. Of interest, this facility will produce molybdenum-99, a radiopharmaceutical that is used in 80 per cent of procedures for the treatment and diagnosis of heart disease and cancers. World wide, 45 million patients receive a diagnosis or treatment using molybdenum-99 every year and the new nuclear medicine project will provide a steady supply to this demand.</para>
<para>Over 200 hospitals in Australia and New Zealand use molybdenum-99 for patient treatments. It is used particularly commonly because it is particularly useful. Currently, ANSTO supplies molybdenum-99 for the one in two Australians who require this radiopharmaceutical during their lifetime. The new facility, which is expected to be completed in 2016, will meet not only Australia's demand but demand beyond our borders. Each year around 550,000 people in Australia receive a diagnosis using molybdenum-99.</para>
<para>I recently took the opportunity to visit ANSTO's Luca Heights facility and found it a great learning experience. Not really knowing a whole lot about what went on inside the gate before I got there, when I arrived I found a fairly large fence and a Federal Police post and various other security measures. But once inside it was a completely different picture. It is a facility that has a commercial arm and a research arm. It was highly interesting to find out that they run public tours at such a place, and around about 11,000 people, including school children, a year go down there to see what is being done. The research fields in particular are wide and varied. ANSTO provides the facilities for many researchers to be able to do research that cannot be done anywhere else in Australia.</para>
<para>My tour was hosted by Nadia Levin, the general manager of government, international and external relations at ANSTO. In the time that I was there, I viewed the OPAL multipurpose research reactor, the neutron beam facilities and the Centre for Accelerator Science. I also met with the chief executive officer, Dr Adi Paterson; Shaun Jenkinson, the general manager of commercial operations; Sam Moricca, the director of technology at ANSTO Synroc; Dr Richard Garrett, senior adviser of synchrotron science; and several other experts in the field. I happened to learn while I was there that ANSTO have also taken over operation of the synchrotron, which is based in the suburb of Clayton in my home town of Melbourne. The synchrotron was built by the Victorian government. In recent years, it has had funding issues. Even though it is world class, without recurrent funding—and it is now jointly funded by the state and federal governments—that fantastic facility would not be available not only to Australian researches but to so many researchers from around the world who come from overseas to get access to this great facility.</para>
<para>At ANSTO, I learnt that the supply of nuclear medicine in the medium term is under threat, as some 70 per cent of the world's current supply of molybdenum-99 comes from reactors that are due to be decommissioned between 2015 and 2020. I also found it interesting that currently most of the world's supply of molybdenum-99 is produced in reactors fuelled by highly enriched uranium. By contrast, the OPAL research reactor at Lucas Heights is powered by low-enriched uranium, which is almost impossible to repurpose for use in nuclear weapons.</para>
<para>I was also briefed on the new Synroc facility at Lucas Heights. It will be the first of its kind in the world, with the ability to treat and contain, in a permanent way, the by-products from past, current and future manufacture of nuclear medicines. Although Synroc is a great Australian innovation, a separate debate must still be concluded as to where the waste should be stored. Many people are unaware that low-level radioactive waste from medical and industrial purposes is stored in many metropolitan locations across Australia, quite often with very minimal security or tracking systems. To me, it is a great worry that that exists in our cities. I know the debate has been going on for a long time, but it is something that Australia will have to deal with one day, and I think the invention and application of Synroc technology helps it along its way. It is one of the things that needs to be done.</para>
<para>In the debate on last year's Appropriation Bill (No. 3) and Appropriation Bill (No. 4), I spoke about several programs from the Clean Energy Future package. I highlighted the ones that are of great benefit to community organisations, local governments and low-income residents, not only in my electorate of Deakin but in electorates right across Australia. In particular, I spoke about the Community Energy Efficiency Program that is investing $200 million, in partnership with local councils and community organisations, to improve energy efficiency in council and community buildings and facilities. With dollar-for-dollar matched funding, this program is a great opportunity for councils and community organisations to save energy, particularly electricity, and of course save on the costs of that energy.</para>
<para>The Community Energy Efficiency Program is now at its round 2 stage, with round 1 having already been awarded, and I know there are councils in Melbourne that have already started on particular projects to change over street lights. The two local government areas that I cover in the seat of Deakin—Maroondah City Council and Whitehorse City Council—have both applied for funding under round 2 of the Community Energy Efficiency Program, and both have put submissions in to replace old street lights with new. The energy savings are quite staggering—as is the initial outlay—but for both councils the projected costs will be returned in a small number of years. And they will have got rid of old, inefficient mercury vapour light fittings—and in some cases even old fluorescent light fittings—and replaced them with new compact fluorescent fittings.</para>
<para>In the near future I think the opportunities that will come from the changeover of lighting from old to new will become even greater, as light-emitting diode technology becomes more and more common for lighting, internally and increasingly externally. Instead of achieving an energy saving of 50 per cent, energy savings of 80 per cent will be quite easily available for a fairly small investment. When it is thought about like that, it almost becomes something that cannot be argued. The capital cost of changeover versus running cost pretty much drives that equation by itself. So, it not only reduces energy costs, as I said, but, importantly, reduces carbon emissions—in Victoria's case, from our brown coal power stations down in Latrobe Valley.</para>
<para>Programs like this cannot just be a one-off; they need to continue. And it is important that they do continue, because both our councils and community organisations need to be community leaders in this field. I would hope that by showing individuals that it is easy to change over, that there is money to be saved and that there are environmental advantages to be had, programs such as the Community Energy Efficiency Program will convince or persuade householders and businesses of the value and the benefits of changing over to low-energy lighting.</para>
<para>In my home state of Victoria the price of electricity has been rising at close to 10 per cent per annum—sometimes more, sometimes less—and the current retail tariff in my local area is now around 27c to 28c per kilowatt hour. That really has an impact when a household or a business receives an electricity bill, and it has been going up at that rate for many years. Indeed, I actually went back through some old electricity bills not that long ago, and I did not have to go back that many years to find one on which the rate was but 14c a kilowatt hour.</para>
<para>I commend both councils for applying for funding under the CEEP. I think it is a great example to the community, and I commend these bills to the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HUNT</name>
    <name.id>00AMV</name.id>
    <electorate>Flinders</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In rising to address the Appropriation Bill (No. 3) 2012-2013, I want to focus on two issues: the cost of electricity and the government's contribution to adding to that cost through the carbon tax; and the government's latest figures in relation to carbon tax advertising, which is being paid for by taxpayers, using taxpayers' funds and, as we have now seen through the Auditor-General's advice to estimates, without appropriate acknowledgment, without appropriate preparation and through documentation which was destroyed for the first and only time in the Auditor-General's 20-year career.</para>
<para>Let me make these points to begin with. I agree with the member for Deakin. The member for Deakin was bemoaning electricity prices. What he failed to do was to acknowledge that the purpose, the intent and the effect of the carbon tax has been directly and deliberately to increase electricity prices. Since 1 July, for families around the country the carbon tax has been two-thirds of the 15 per cent increase in electricity prices; for small and medium business, according to the Australian Industry Group, there has been a 14½ per cent increase in electricity prices attributable exclusively to the carbon tax. So its purpose, its design and its intent is to increase electricity prices. The problem with that, of course, is twofold. The carbon tax does not work on the supply side—we know that the government's own estimates see Australia's emissions going up from 560 million to 637 million tonnes. And it does not work on the demand side—it causes considerable pain.</para>
<para>In Western society, electricity is close to the most inelastic of goods. It is an essential service. What does that mean? It means that people pay higher prices but, in the vast bulk of cases, they are not in a position to make significant changes to their overall consumption. This means that it is the pensioners, the small-business owners, the low-income families, the single parents and the farmers—those most vulnerable—who suffer the most because electricity is a much greater part of their expenditure than it is of those on higher incomes.</para>
<para>So this is a tax which not only fails to achieve its fundamental purpose—it does not reduce emissions according to every one of the government's own estimates, which show that Australia's emissions go up—but it also specifically targets low- and medium-income earners. Again, there is no debate or doubt about that. It is the low- and medium-income earners who pay a far higher proportion of their income or their payments to government on electricity. That is the nature of it. It is impossible to design a form of electricity payment which does not target the low- and medium-income earners. That is its design, its intent, its objective. We only need to go back to all of the papers which set this out, whether through the Garnaut review or the government's own analysis.</para>
<para>So, against that background, we have heard Professor Warwick McKibbin, in the last 48 hours, pointing out that this tax does have an impact, that there is a direct correlation between where jobs are being lost and where the carbon tax is being put in place. We are seeing steel job losses and aluminium job losses. We are seeing jobs in brickmaking and cement making being lost. We are seeing jobs in the chemical industry go. There is a direct correlation here, according to Professor McKibbin.</para>
<para>But let us go a step further. In the last 24 hours we have heard the Queensland Master Builders Association saying that their builders are either copping it in the financial hip-pocket or having to pass the costs through to new homebuyers. It is either builders or homebuyers who are absorbing the costs. There is no great compensation package for the builders. There is no compensation package for the new homebuyers. It is this inequity which shows that this tax does not change practice but does change the viability of Australian business.</para>
<para>And then, to make matters worse, what we have also seen from the estimates process in the Senate is two new findings. Firstly, we have discovered that there is $2 million of additional carbon tax advertising which is available, but it has never been advertised. It has never been tendered, so the government is simply accepting proposals without ever having advertised for them. Only those who had the inside word on this funding could possibly have known about it. Only those who were in a position to make unrequested, unsolicited, unadvertised submissions would know that there was a market which they could access. So, on top of the more than $110 million of total advertising and information from the government, we see another $2 million—but reserved almost exclusively for friends.</para>
<para>It comes on the back of the revelation from the Auditor-General in estimates under questioning that the energy efficiency information grants, which included two out of 28 in the climate change minister's direct region, were decided without any documentation. The documents were destroyed. There is no other example which the Auditor-General can find in the last 20 years of experience where the documents were destroyed. There were clearly many different applications, but how and why these grants were made is a complete mystery. It is not something which can be solved through freedom of information. It cannot be resolved through any other activity. The documents were destroyed. The shredder was used. It is not just a failure to learn from the Home Insulation Program, from the Green Loans Program and from the phantom credits program; it is an expansion and an extension of the mistakes and inappropriate activity which were found to have occurred in those programs.</para>
<para>Right now, we believe that there should be a full and independent inquiry. I call on the government to provide a full and independent inquiry as to how and why the documentation proving and advising grants under the Energy Efficiency Information Grants Program was destroyed. How can these documents have been destroyed? How can no record have been taken? My message to the Prime Minister is: it is time for an independent investigation and inquiry into who authorised it, how it came to pass and why these documents were destroyed. This has every sense of being a government which has shown bad practice sliding into unforgivable practices. What we have seen with the carbon tax is rising electricity prices and a failure to achieve the government's goal, and now what we see with the carbon tax advertising and associated grants is a complete failure of probity, which deserves an independent investigation.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BROADBENT</name>
    <name.id>MT4</name.id>
    <electorate>McMillan</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I have always been a long-term advocate for compulsory voting because I think it is important to the whole of the nation that each person has an opportunity to cast a vote with regard to who will govern this country. Whether you are young, are of a median age or are an older person in Australia, you will contribute directly to the governance of this country. It is a very important role that each person plays: they have the opportunity to participate in the democratic processes.</para>
<para>Having said that, Mr Deputy Speaker Scott, one of the issues that have raged over what they call the silly season in Australia has been compulsory voting, and you would have heard the debates that raged on the radios across Australia in that time. One of the biggest ironies about the debate we are witnessing, particularly in Queensland, where you come from, over compulsory voting is that the Sunshine State itself was the first in the British Empire to introduce compulsory voting, in 1915. You know that; I can see by your smile.</para>
<para>The second-biggest irony is that the two biggest protagonists against the Queensland government's discussion paper, Prime Minister Gillard and Treasurer Wayne Swan, displayed none of their current hyperbole four years ago in September 2009 when the Rudd government released its own discussion paper, asking, 'Should compulsory voting in Australia continue?'</para>
<para>The genesis of compulsory voting in 1915 Queensland was the then Liberal Premier Digby Denham's concern that Labor Party shop stewards were marching out their troops to vote in blocks under voluntary voting. To counter this, Denham's government introduced compulsory voting in the hope it would provide more of an electoral equilibrium.</para>
<para>For a modern day take on the former Liberal government's motivation, you just need to envisage thousands of activists from the extreme green movement and GetUp! swamping the voting aspirations of Middle Australia and mainstream Australia under a voluntary voting regime. Listening to the Prime Minister and the Treasurer, you would be forgiven for thinking there was a plan by the coalition to introduce voluntary voting by stealth for its own benefit. I would say to you, Deputy Speaker Scott: would a government of this day promote voluntary voting or the opposite as an opportunity for their own benefit? I cannot think political parties in this day and age would do any such thing. As for the coalition conspiracy, several key frontbenchers, including Malcolm Turnbull and Barnaby Joyce, as well as other coalition members, have publicly announced their support for compulsory voting as recently as last month.</para>
<para>The current debate offers little in new armoury of arguments thrown up against compulsory voting. The old chestnut about compulsory voting being terribly undemocratic, even an infringement on human rights, is usually at the top of the list. It has got to be put for the counterview, though, that if compulsory voting is undemocratic, so is stopping at traffic lights, being called up for jury duty and paying taxes. It is a price we all pay for living in a civilised, representative democracy. As for the human rights part, even article 29 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that 'rights and freedoms' are subject to 'duties to the community'. In other words, we have a right to live in a free democracy and the responsibility to help uphold it.</para>
<para>There is genuine and well-founded risk that voluntary voting would see a dramatic drop in voting turnout at elections. This is steeped in historical reality. The Conservative Bruce-Page government was so significantly worried that voluntary voting turnout had dropped from 71 per cent of the 1919 election to less than 60 per cent at the 1922 election that it supported a private member's bill from within its own government to introduce compulsory voting. At the subsequent election in 1925 the result was self-evident, with voter turnout increasing to over 91 per cent. Since then voter turnout has never fallen below 90 per cent in an Australian federal election.</para>
<para>When the soap opera over the Queensland discussion paper reached one of its higher octave notes in December last year there was even a case made that voluntary voting would decrease the rate of informal voting. This is not a proven case. For example, just over one-third of the informal votes cast of the 2001 federal election had only the number '1' marked and around half that number did not complete the full sequence of numbers required—1, 2, 3 et cetera—and less than that amount had ticks and crosses.</para>
<para>It cannot be argued entirely one way or the other whether these votes were a case of not understanding the required voting procedure or a deliberately cast informal vote. In other words, you cannot quite tell the difference between someone who has decided to put a '1' in to say, 'This is where I would vote for the member for Maranoa, but I want to make a statement about the fact that I am upset about this voting procedure and therefore will not fill in the rest of the figures.' You do not know whether they are deciding to cast an informal vote or, as in my case in 1998, sadly, when I lost that election campaign, many of my scrutineers actually showed me that many people put '1' in the Russell Broadbent Liberal box. But they failed to put the rest of the numbers in.</para>
<para>The member for Dunkley is here, and he would know that one of my scrutineers was the former Speaker in Victoria, John Delzoppo. John said, 'Russell, there are enough votes in two booths in Morwell that had you in the '1' box to win the election campaign'—which I lost by 400 votes. But that is irrelevant. All these things are meant to be. What I am saying is that there were enough votes of people who put 1 next to 'Broadbent' and 1 next to 'Liberal' in the Senate vote for me to have won that election campaign. You do not know whether they were casting an informal vote or they were just saying, 'This is how I want to vote, but I don't want to be troubled with the rest of it.' That is a difficult example, but I just put that to you as one of the vagaries of our system. However, I believe the people of Australia at every election campaign have come up with the result that they chose.</para>
<para>One-third of the informal votes cast at the 2001 federal election had only the number 1 marked, and around half did not complete the full sequence of numbers required, as I mentioned before. It cannot be argued entirely one way or the other whether these votes were a case of not understanding the required voting procedure or were deliberately cast informal votes. Members of this place would be well familiar with the scenarios I am referring to because they would have seen many of them many a time in their own electorates.</para>
<para>Ongoing information and education about how Australian democracy works is more effective than the disincentive to participate in it that voluntary voting induces. In his very thoughtful and thorough paper for the Australian Electoral Commission on compulsory voting in Australia, Tim Evans demonstrates that compulsory voting has enjoyed a remarkably consistent level of support among the Australian public. Evans notes that in the first Australian election study after the 1996 election 74 per cent of Australians supported compulsory voting in federal elections. The same study after the 2004 election returned the same 74 per cent level of support, as did an Ipsos Mackay case study in 2005, and in 2005 a Morgan poll showed a level of 71 per cent support for compulsory voting.</para>
<para>Another point of contention is whether a particular political party—with the Liberal Party most commonly pointed to—would benefit from voluntary voting. While there is still conjecture on this, I will again refer to Evans, who wrote in 2006:</para>
<quote><para class="block">There appears to be a consensus that there would have been the same result at each of the last four elections if they had been held under a voluntary regime.</para></quote>
<para>I need to repeat that:</para>
<quote><para class="block">There appears to be a consensus that there would have been the same result at each of the last four elections if they had been held under a voluntary regime.</para></quote>
<para>Pollster Antony Green, in contributing to the current debate, wrote late last year that, had voluntary voting been in place at the 2010 federal election, there might have been a different outcome. My view is that, had there been a different voting system in place, Australians might well have voted with a different intention from the votes they cast in 2010. One thing is for sure, though: over 90 per cent of adult Australian citizens, of all means and walks of life, will be compelled to contribute their say on who should govern for all of us, and that is what counts the most.</para>
<para>I am not going to take up the rest of my time in advancing my propositions in support of compulsory voting. I remember a note from the former Prime Minister John Howard that suggested he did not agree with me on this issue. It was a very forthright private note where he noted that he was not going to appoint me to a position I had asked for and he let me know that he did not like my opinions on compulsory voting. I personally think compulsory voting is extremely important because, as each generation comes through, they are drawn to the ballot box. They do not have to vote. They can pick up a piece of paper like that. I say to the member for Gippsland, who is sitting beside me, that their name is crossed off the register, they are handed two pieces of paper and they can put a cross across them and throw them in the bin. You do not have to vote.</para>
<para>Voting is not compulsory, but we are asking you to contribute to the democratic system that we have here in this nation, which is really important. If we do not say to the youngest in our communities, 'This is really important,' how will they ever know? If they are not drawn in by law or by the threat of a fine to contribute to the national debate, and therefore, quite seriously, if they know that they have to vote, they get a chance to consider how they might vote.</para>
<para>Mr Deputy Speaker, I want to say this to you, because you and I came into this House at the same time and I have the highest regard for you. I remember a time three days before an election campaign which was crucial to me in a marginal seat in Victoria. They were very difficult and rough times, which made it very difficult to win. I had to deliver some keys to one of my staff members to open one of our business stores early in the morning, and her son was there. He was going to be handing out for me the following Saturday, and I said to him, 'Dean, are you right for Saturday?' and he said, 'Who are we playing?' His mindset was on the local football. We as politicians, especially in this House in Canberra, need to remember that there is a world outside of this place that is not particularly interested in us. The only way that we can draw them in is through this compulsory voting system. Personally, I think it is crucially important that we hand on to our generations that out of Queensland in 1915 our forefathers said: 'Look, this is really important. It is not about who wins or loses. It is about everybody in this nation contributing to who runs this nation.' Both you and I have suffered the slings and arrows of political ups and downs and turbulence. We have been in and out, and the Deputy Speaker has seen more comings and goings than most members of this House. He has decided to continue in this place, which I applaud him for, because we need the experience and the benefit that he has given this place over a long time, and will continue to give. Compulsory voting has been a great benefit to this country and will continue to be a benefit to this country long after I have left this House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CHESTER</name>
    <name.id>IPZ</name.id>
    <electorate>Gippsland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As is so often the case, I find myself in furious agreement with my neighbour, the member for McMillan, and I thank him and congratulate him for his contribution, particularly in relation to compulsory voting. I concur completely with his sentiments, particularly when you consider the need to engage our younger generation in all aspects of civic life. Unless there is an element of compulsion, I agree with the member for McMillan, perhaps they may not participate in any way whatsoever and their voice will not be heard.</para>
<para>I appreciate the opportunity to rise tonight to speak to the Appropriation Bill (No. 3) 2012-2013 because I want to raise an issue which relates specifically towards young people in our community. The issue that I want to focus on in my comments tonight is that of the education opportunities and the lack of opportunities for young people in regional communities, particularly in terms of the way the federal government provides a system of student income support. I have risen many times in this place over the past five years to talk about the way regional students are treated unfairly and inequitably under the current system. I have been joined by my colleagues, including the member for McMillan and several other regional members as well as, I suspect, members opposite from regional communities, to wage a battle which we ultimately won when we opposed the changes that were made to Youth Allowance by the Labor party, with the unthinking and perhaps unknowing support of some of the Independents, who perhaps did not quite realise what they were locking our community into.</para>
<para>Unfortunately, it was something of a hollow victory when we forced changes on the issue of inner or outer regional geographical classifications a couple of years ago. The people's voice was heard, and it was heard very strongly. We had thousands of people from throughout regional Australia signing petitions, writing letters to members in regional areas and attending rallies the length and breadth of Australia. Many of them also contributed to the review that was undertaken by Professor Kwong Lee Dow. But I fear that what has happened in the ensuing period of time has been just tinkering around the edges of the system of student income support.</para>
<para>I believe the system as it exists today needs a complete overhaul. We need to start by recognising the current inequity in the system. Those who live in the suburbs may think this is a welfare or social justice issue, but to me this is entirely about fairness and equity. Rather than have me stand here tonight and lecture the parliament again on this topic—anyone listening can refer to the <inline font-style="italic">Hansard </inline>for the many, many speeches I have made on it—I want to quote from a letter received today from a family in Geraldton in Western Australia, which is obviously a long way from Gippsland. I have quoted people from the electorate of Gippsland in this place many times before. This letter sums up the feelings of angst and despair amongst many regional people when it comes to the issue of student income support. The letter, from Steve and Kerry Cosh, says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Firstly and most importantly—it should cost students from regional areas no more than students from city areas to access university education. At the moment this is not the case. Country students, whose families earn more than the parental income threshold, receive no help at all—no Youth Allowance, no Start-up Allowance and no Rent Assistance. How can this be fair when those families living in the city, earning the same income, do not have the relocation and rental costs that regional families are required to pay when their children want to attend university? My husband and I live in Geraldton WA which is located over 400kms from Perth. Our twin daughters attended their first year at university at Edith Cowan University last year. We decided they would need to work a gap year in 2011 after they finished High School as we could not afford the ongoing costs associated with them moving to Perth straight away. We were also of the belief that if our girls gained independence through working a gap year, as many have done before them, they would qualify for Youth Allowance.</para></quote>
<para>That is an important point. It shows that regional families have misunderstood this great, confusing bureaucracy which has developed around Youth Allowance. So the students believed that by taking a gap year and achieving independence, meeting the workforce eligibility criteria, they would be entitled to some student income support. The letter goes on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">After checking with Centrelink, to our surprise and disappointment, even though our girls were deemed independent after satisfying the third element criteria, we were told that as from last year, we would be subject to a Parental Income Test. We were of the understanding, as are many others, which 'independent' meant students were not dependent on their families—so why is the family's income taken into account? The recent introduction of the parental income test by the Gillard government has caused a great deal of stress and hardship for us and many rural families.</para></quote>
<para>The letter continues in significant detail. But the parents also make very clear a point about wealth and whether the parental income test is really relevant. They say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We are in our mid 50's and have a $170,000 mortgage. We only bought our first house about 6 years ago and have very few assets—we do not consider ourselves wealthy at all. … Many of us are not wealthy asset rich families. … The current cost to accommodate students at the Joondalup University Campus is over $200.00 per week each, this did not include meals. … As we could not afford this we were lucky enough to find private accommodation which was very difficult to find. We spent many weekends travelling to Perth, lining up at home viewings along with 30 to 40 other people. The cost of this, including travelling accommodation, was very expensive. In the end it was just luck … we were able to find a rental property. Although we are still paying over $1000 a month just in rent, the cost of re-locating and setting them up with furniture and whitegoods was a very costly exercise. We live over 400 kilometres from Perth and the cost of travelling to visit our daughters is expensive, as it is for them, when they return home for holidays and family reasons. These are all costs that city families and students living at home do not have. After allowing a modest $100 a week for food each, the total cost to us will be over $21,000 for the first year. Many incidental costs occurred along the way as well. This does not take into account the thousands of dollars we will be paying in university fees. Regional students relocating to the city, face not only financial pressure but emotional upheaval as well. Many of these students have not been away from their home and families for long periods of time. Most will be required to find work (and work more hours than city students do) to support themselves along with shopping, cooking and household duties.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">They envy their city friends who are still living in the comfort of their own homes. This makes it very difficult for them to find enough time for their studies. We know of students many last year who have returned home before completing their studies because of these added pressures. These regional students are legally adults, have worked for a year and don't live in the family home. They are looking after themselves and most have to work part-time while studying to make ends meet. They are living independently and should automatically qualify for centrelink assistance as independent students.</para></quote>
<para>The letter goes on, but it ends with the point that:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It is the Australian Government's responsibility to ensure that access to tertiary studies is equitable for all students and their families, no matter where they reside.</para></quote>
<para>I wanted to quote from that letter, because many times in this place I have been accused of politicking on this issue, sometimes by the Prime Minister herself when she was the education minister, and that has disappointed me, because members of the Nationals, and regional members in particular right across Australia, have been absolutely fair dinkum on this issue. We have stood up in this place on many occasions and made the point in relation to the lack of support for students from regional communities trying to achieve their absolute best by going to university.</para>
<para>I stand here tonight and demand from this government and from any future coalition government—and that may be the case after September this year—to find a better way and a fairer way to care for the needs and interests of regional students. There is a better way, and that is to provide a tertiary access allowance for all students who are required to relocate to attend a tertiary institution.</para>
<para>If we are not prepared as a nation to build universities in every regional setting—and I am not proposing that we should—then we have to help to provide access for all regional students.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Broadbent</name>
    <name.id>MT4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Hear! Hear!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CHESTER</name>
    <name.id>IPZ</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for McMillan is right in endorsing my comments. We are talking about all regional students. This is a question of equity of access. In my view, a tertiary access allowance should be in the order of something like $10,000 per annum and it should not be linked to parental income.</para>
<para>We should not require a student to take a year off study and undertake a gap year unless that is their personal choice. The gap year provision has become somewhat anachronistic. It is unfair for students who want to get on with their studies. Some students just want to go from high school straight into their studies. But, instead, in a bid to try and fulfil some complex bureaucratic eligibility criteria, to achieve this notional status of what we call independence, they find out that their parents' income will still be counted against them.</para>
<para>So it is quite frankly a bizarre situation. As a government, as a nation, as a department of education, we cannot have it both ways. We cannot be telling these kids: 'You have achieved independence by working for 12 months and getting $19,500. But, by the way, we are still going to hold your parents' income against you. You are not really independent.' You cannot have it both ways. They are either independent and they get the youth allowance or they are not independent.</para>
<para>This is a bureaucratic nightmare. It is a mess. The Centrelink staff themselves do not understand the system. They simply cannot weave their way through the maze which exists at the moment in relation to youth allowance and the whole system of student income support. We have set up a series of hoops which we expect these young people to jump through, but then we deem them 'not really independent', because we use their parents' income to stop them from actually accessing any benefits whatsoever, if they want to actually go on to achieve their full potential and undertake university studies.</para>
<para>This is a topic which I and many others could talk about all night, because it is a source of enormous frustration for regional MPs. I recognise that what I am saying tonight—that all students from regional areas forced to move away from home to access university should receive in the order of $10,000 per annum—is going to have a cost to the bottom line of the budget, and it would probably be in excess of $200 million per year from the rough calculations that I have done. But there would be benefits in cancelling the current allowance, and in the reduction in staff hours of the bureaucrats required to navigate their way through the current mess.</para>
<para>But we have a Prime Minister who wears like a badge of honour around this nation her claims to be an education Prime Minister.</para>
<para>If she is serious about her claims and her ambition to raise university participation targets, if she is serious about her so-called education crusade, this is a gaping, glaring hole in her credentials and her claims to be a Prime Minister who cares about education.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister is already wearing some level of baggage in relation to education because of the $16 billion that was spent on school halls. The $16 billion on school halls, billed as the Building the Education Revolution program, did not have a single educational outcome attached to it. There were no improvements in literacy, no targets for numeracy and no targets for university participation rates tied to the spending of that $16 billion, so I will not wear from this Prime Minister or the education minister that we cannot afford to provide a fair deal for regional students when we can spend $16 billion on school halls without a single educational outcome attached to it.</para>
<para>There are other issues attached to helping regional students achieve their full potential in terms of participation in university. There are other issues in relation to aspiration and the quality of teaching available to them in a regional location. But the economic barrier is the single biggest factor which prevents regional students from participating in university studies at the same level as their city cousins. Unless one member in this place is prepared to stand up here in this building and tell me that city kids are smarter than country kids, there is no explanation for why country kids do not participate in university at the same rate, unless it is the economic barrier. Unless anyone from a suburban electorate is prepared to stand up and have that debate with me tonight, saying that city kids are smarter than country kids and that that explains their participation in university, the simple issue of access is the biggest factor. The biggest barrier for regional students in achieving their full potential is the economic barrier, and we can do something about it in this place.</para>
<para>This remains an enormous sticking point for Australian regional families. Even after students achieve their so-called independence criteria under the barriers we have established, they can be excluded from receiving any assistance whatsoever under the current arrangements which were put in place by this government. The system of student income support should be making sure that every student in Australia, regardless of where they live, has the opportunity to achieve their full potential. We have a desperately long way to go when it comes to regional areas. Regional students remained vastly under-represented at our university campuses.</para>
<para>This is an issue that goes beyond the individual students. It also goes to the simple concern I have about regional growth and prosperity in itself. It is a separate point that is related. We constantly talk in this place about our skill shortage in regional communities, but parents will make a conscious decision to move away from a regional community to a city because they can support their kids better in their university years, if they cannot receive income support while they are still in a regional location. This is a direct wealth transfer, as well, from regional communities to city communities, because our country parents are paying rent to support their children from a regional location.</para>
<para>The debate does not end here. This is a major social and economic issue. It should not be this hard to get a fair go for regional students.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr O'DOWD</name>
    <name.id>139441</name.id>
    <electorate>Flynn</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I wish to speak on Appropriation Bill (No. 3) 2012-2013 and Appropriation Bill (No. 4) 2012-2013. I want to open with the carbon tax and the MRRT because they are very important when it comes to our finances and the economy of Australia, and both are very prevalent in my electorate. 'There will be no carbon tax under the government I lead' is now cast in stone, and we know who said that. Basically, a carbon tax is antibusiness. It is anticompetitive for our companies when they trade in overseas markets, and it has put our cost levying through the roof.</para>
<para>Businesses in my electorate are directly affected—and people say to us that the carbon tax is not a big worry; it has just blown across the waves and no-one has been affected. That is wrong. I have seen abattoirs in Biggenden whose cost of power has gone through the roof. Meat works have cut back their kill rates so that they fall under the $23 a tonne for 25,000 tonnes a year.</para>
<para>The aluminium and alumina industries in Gladstone still cannot make those two products at a profit. There are 6,000 jobs involved with Rio Tinto in Gladstone alone. The cement industry—Cement Australia—that supplies all Queensland's cement, as well as supplying some into New South Wales and some into Victoria, is struggling with imports of clinker from China. Again, their electricity costs have gone up by an extra million dollars a year. Anyone who runs a cool room, like the citrus orchards in Gayndah and Bundaberg, is paying through the nose. A citrus farmer was telling me that an air conditioner that needs re-gassing will now cost something like $500, but to buy a new unit it would cost about $600. So, what do you do? Do you pay $500 to have the old one re-gassed, or do you buy a new one and have it fitted, which would also cost money?</para>
<para>Whilst the eurozone's emissions costs are coming down, ours are still on $23 a tonne and will go up as of 1 July. But it will be the end of it if we get into power, because we are going to squash it. The MRRT certainly increases our sovereign risk. It is anti-jobs, and it means anti-competitiveness for our companies. Anyone who exports minerals is now faced with this lumbering tax. It will cost the companies a lot, and it will cost the government a lot to monitor these taxes; it is not a straightforward tax. A royalty is a tax, and the benefit of a royalty is that everyone knows exactly what the companies are paying. It is done on a per-tonne basis, and everyone knows, the day they pull it out of the ground and the day they put it on a rail wagon to go to the port, that they are up for that charge. They do not have to spend millions of dollars trying to work out their tax against capital funding or write-downs—all that stuff that comes into it. Obviously our government did not know, at the time they struck this mining tax deal with the big three, the difference between capital value and written-down value, and that is where the companies led by a nose and came out in front.</para>
<para>The budget in six months has drawn $126 million against a budgeted $2 billion. To get to that $126 million it already cost the government $50 million, and it also cost the companies $40 million in terms of the tax they pay. So, in all, it is probably about $50 million versus $2 billion. That was the shortfall. And guess who pays the difference? That would be the taxpayer. Iron ore has actually gone up over the period, so you cannot blame commodity prices for the big disparity between what should have been made and what was not made.</para>
<para>The Labor government continually knocks investors like Gina Rinehart, Twiggy Forrest and Clive Palmer, but without those people willing to invest in Australia, who have we left? I wish there were 100 of those types of people who had the money and the foresight to invest in our mining industry.</para>
<para>If you take out our mining industry and our gas industry, we are left with struggling industries such as the motor vehicle industry, the manufacturing industry and the steel industry. Our farming industry is very critical at the moment. Dairy farmers are falling over at an alarming rate. People are working and not even getting their costs back. So, at the moment, mining is No. 1. Mining is king. Some reports you read say that coal will be king for the next 200 years. If that is the case, we must encourage it. Twenty years ago, Indonesia did not export one tonne of coal and they are now the biggest exporters in the world, with over 30 per cent of the market. We have dropped from 30 per cent down to 29 per cent.</para>
<para>We do pay the highest wages in the coal industry to our workers; I am not denying that. Also our gas workers are the highest-paid gas workers in the world. Unfortunately, the productivity is the lowest in the world. So you can see the discrepancy there.</para>
<para>We are good at exporting our mining companies and our mining staff offshore. When Kevin Rudd was the Foreign Minister, he told me that there were 250 Australian companies working in Africa. The Mongolian ambassador told a group of us only last year that there were 171 Australian companies working in Mongolia and that Leighton Holdings, a well-known Australian company, was leading the charge in Mongolia. Our companies are also operating in South America and other parts of the world. Kazakhstan is a country that is surging ahead, and they too are picking the eyes out of the mining staff; Australia is a good hunting ground for that.</para>
<para>Often the Treasurer has been heard to say that our economy is doing so well, when we compare it to Greece, Italy, Ireland and Spain—those European countries that are in a fair bit of financial strife. He never mentions Hong Kong, which is a part of China; China itself; Malaysia; Singapore; India; Indonesia—good GDP there; Korea; and, in the troubled eurozone, Norway and Germany are doing quite well. In South America, Chile is going very well. But we as a nation seem to have lost control of our finances. Labor has promised 650 times that there would be a budget surplus, and of course since Christmas that promise has disappeared and we are now heading for a big deficit. The size of that deficit is unknown, but we know we have got a $2 billion deficit or thereabouts, with our mining industry going down.</para>
<para>We started with our net borrowings, on the bank card, of $70 billion. It soon went to $200 billion, $250 billion, and now it is up to $300 billion. The current figure is running at about $262 billion as I speak. Our Treasurer says we have got a revenue problem, but our revenue is actually going up. The Treasurer has actually got a spending problem, and he is spending more than he makes. That is the crux. You can do it for one year, you can do it for two years, but you cannot continually do it. As we all know, we have not had a surplus budget since 1989. He did inherit from the John Howard government $70 billion in the bank, and now it is down to $147 billion net debt.</para>
<para>It is all well and good, but he inherited from the John Howard government $70-plus billion in credit in the bank. That is all gone. That is now down to $147 billion of net debt. This is disturbing in anyone's language. The mining boom helped us to have the best terms of trade in 150 years, and yet we have still ended up with gross debt of $262 billion. That is unfathomable to me.</para>
<para>He talked about the low interest rates that we have. The cash rate is three per cent, but I can tell you that businesses are paying eight per cent plus, and housing loan rates are more like six per cent plus. It is nice to talk about three per cent. That is if you are borrowing money. But in real terms we are paying a lot more for our loans. Business rates are eight per cent plus, and they can be up to 12 per cent or 15 per cent. That is what is driving businesses into the ground.</para>
<para>There has been wastage. We all know about the pink batts and the school halls. If you just look at the school halls, if you compare public schools versus private schools, you will soon see where the wastage has been. It is a mystery that the world's best Treasurer with the highest terms of trade in 150 years, who inherited no debt and who had money in the bank and a budget surplus, has brought us to where we are. In his reign, he has introduced 27 new taxes or increases to taxes. The Defence Force has been cut $5.5 billion, plus another $1.6 billion in the last 12 months. We are now down to 1938 levels of Defence Force spending versus GDP.</para>
<para>An opposition member: That is a disgrace.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr O'DOWD</name>
    <name.id>139441</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That is a disgrace. I urge and plead with the government not to touch our superannuation funds. People my age—and younger, and older—have worked hard for our super funds. If we want people to retire under their own steam we cannot keep fiddling with superannuation. People in my electorate come to me every day and ask: 'What will you do if you get into government? Please do not touch our superannuation funds. If you want us to look after our own retirement, you must come to a steady arrangement where you do not keep changing the rules.'</para>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>ADJOURNMENT</title>
        <page.no>1112</page.no>
        <type>ADJOURNMENT</type>
      </debateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms SMYTH</name>
    <name.id>172770</name.id>
    <electorate>La Trobe</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Federation Chamber do now adjourn.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>F ederation Chamber adjourned at 21:53 .</para>
<para> </para>
<para> </para>
</speech>
</debate>
  </fedchamb.xscript>
</hansard>