
<hansard noNamespaceSchemaLocation="../../hansard.xsd" version="2.2">
  <session.header>
    <date>2011-10-11</date>
    <parliament.no>43</parliament.no>
    <session.no>1</session.no>
    <period.no>4</period.no>
    <chamber>House of Reps</chamber>
    <page.no>0</page.no>
    <proof>0</proof>
  </session.header>
  <chamber.xscript>
    <business.start>
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        <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SODJobDate">
          <span class="HPS-SODJobDate">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;"></span>
            <a href="Chamber" type="">Tuesday, 11 October 2011</a>
          </span>
        </p>
        <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-Normal">
          <span class="HPS-Normal">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">The SPEAKER</span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">(Mr Harry Jenkins) </span>took the chair at <span style="&#xD;&#xA;    font-family:;&#xD;&#xA;  " class="HPS-JobStartTimeHRChar">09:00, made an acknowledgement of country</span> and read prayers.</span>
        </p>
      </body>
    </business.start>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>11319</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Industrial Chemicals (Notification and Assessment) Amendment (Inventory) Bill 2011, Higher Education Support Amendment (Demand Driven Funding System and Other Measures) Bill 2011, Education Services for Overseas Students (Registration Charges) Amendment Bill 2011, Education Services for Overseas Students Amendment (Registration Charges Consequentials) Bill 2011, Telecommunications Legislation Amendment (Fibre Deployment) Bill 2011</title>
          <page.no>11319</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Assent</title>
            <page.no>11319</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Clean Energy Bill 2011, Clean Energy (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2011, Clean Energy (Income Tax Rates Amendments) Bill 2011, Clean Energy (Household Assistance Amendments) Bill 2011, Clean Energy (Tax Laws Amendments) Bill 2011, Clean Energy (Fuel Tax Legislation Amendment) Bill 2011, Clean Energy (Customs Tariff Amendment) Bill 2011, Clean Energy (Excise Tariff Legislation Amendment) Bill 2011, Ozone Protection and Synthetic Greenhouse Gas (Import Levy) Amendment Bill 2011, Ozone Protection and Synthetic Greenhouse Gas (Manufacture Levy) Amendment Bill 2011, Clean Energy (Unit Shortfall Charge—General) Bill 2011, Clean Energy (Unit Issue Charge—Auctions) Bill 2011, Clean Energy (Unit Issue Charge—Fixed Charge) Bill 2011, Clean Energy (International Unit Surrender Charge) Bill 2011, Clean Energy (Charges—Customs) Bill 2011, Clean Energy (Charges—Excise) Bill 2011, Clean Energy Regulator Bill 2011, Climate Change Authority Bill 2011, Steel Transformation Plan Bill 2011</title>
          <page.no>11319</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" style="" background="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core">
            <p>
              <a href="r4653" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4655" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4647" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy (Income Tax Rates Amendments) Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4662" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy (Household Assistance Amendments) Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4649" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy (Tax Laws Amendments) Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4651" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy (Fuel Tax Legislation Amendment) Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4648" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy (Customs Tariff Amendment) Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4650" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy (Excise Tariff Legislation Amendment) Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4661" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Ozone Protection and Synthetic Greenhouse Gas (Import Levy) Amendment Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4664" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Ozone Protection and Synthetic Greenhouse Gas (Manufacture Levy) Amendment Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4660" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy (Unit Shortfall Charge—General) Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4658" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy (Unit Issue Charge—Auctions) Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4659" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy (Unit Issue Charge—Fixed Charge) Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4656" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy (International Unit Surrender Charge) Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4654" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy (Charges—Customs) Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4665" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy (Charges—Excise) Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4657" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy Regulator Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4663" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Climate Change Authority Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r4652" type="Bill">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Steel Transformation Plan Bill 2011</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>11319</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MURPHY</name>
    <name.id>83D</name.id>
    <electorate>Reid</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>These bills will support jobs and competitiveness and, over the first three years of carbon pricing, will provide $9.3 billion in help to safeguard jobs in high-polluting industries facing international competition. This will ensure the Australian economy remains competitive in a world that is moving to reduce carbon pollution. There will be much more support for renewable energy, including investing $10 billion in renewable energy. Low-pollution and energy-efficient technologies and improvements in energy efficiency will help households to save money on their bills and will help our efforts to cut pollution. Exhaustive federal Treasury modelling finds that the Australian economy will continue to grow strongly as we create a clean-energy economy of the future by pricing carbon.</para>
<para>Australia is working towards a legally binding international framework for cutting carbon pollution and tackling climate change. In the lead-up to the Durban climate change conference at the end of the year, Australia has proposed a range of actions that countries could take in the international negotiations to help build a legally binding climate change mitigation framework. These measures build on the strong action countries around the world are already taking to reduce emissions of greenhouse gases.</para>
<para>I now return to a suggestion by Climate Action Network Australia. Ours is a mega-diverse country, biologically speaking, but the rate of species extinction here is amongst the highest in the world. As such, Australia has a particular responsibility to make necessary reductions in greenhouse gas pollution in order to stabilise the earth's climate. The Climate Action Network is telling us that solutions to climate change are available for us today. For each unit of power produced, green-power projects employ more people than fossil fuelled power stations do. There are more economic benefits for regional communities in the industries preventing climate change than in those causing it. These solutions will not be introduced without a determination by governments and the public to make major changes to the way we produce electricity, provide transport and use the land. These bills must be supported for the future of our country and our children.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FORREST</name>
    <name.id>NV5</name.id>
    <electorate>Mallee</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am pleased to have an opportunity to put my thoughts on the Clean Energy bills on the record. The Clean Energy Bill, and the accompanying bills, being rammed through parliament by this government defy all that Australians see as fair and honest. In addition, they simply do not make sense. In my view, this debate is not necessarily about climate change itself but how to tackle and manage it. It is the way we tackle the emissions that are alleged to be the culprit that is in dispute here today in the parliament.</para>
<para>My position on climate change is quite clear, and always has been. I have been putting forward motions before this place from as far back as the mid-1990s indicating my concern about the impacts of climate change. In the mid-1990s I expressed concern about the impacts of climate change, particularly in regard to precipitation, especially in my electorate. I have been proposing ameliorative measures for years: scientifically based precipitation enhancement research and piping the efficient Wimmera-Mallee domestic water supplies, just to mention a couple of initiatives that I have promoted. I think it is very sad that in indicating opposition to these bills one is immediately labelled as a climate change sceptic. This is simply not the case, and I reject the proposition if it is made about the member for Mallee.</para>
<para>There are several positions about climate change. One is that the climate of this fragile planet has always been changing, and there is plenty of evidence of that. In some instances this climate change has been quite dramatic, even cataclysmic. The second position is that the current phase of change is caused by human activity and therefore we can have an impact on it if we change our ways, particularly our prolific consumption of energy. I believe that a realistic position is somewhere between these two propositions. Then there is debate in the scientific community about what is causing these changes. This is where the debate gets much more controversial.</para>
<para>Every day my office is bombarded with positions from both points of view about carbon. Thankfully, I have a masters degree in science and I therefore understand the scientific process and have the capacity to make some sense of it all. Science requires that a proposition gets put and then a line of research is undertaken to test the particular hypothesis. In this set of circumstances this can be undertaken by computer mathematical modelling, which is extremely difficult when you are dealing with the vagaries of the weather. The mathematical variables are considerably immense. In my own masters degree research I undertook mathematical modelling, using a computer, and had a lot of difficulty getting the boundary conditions which control the mathematics to give stable mathematical solutions. It therefore does not alarm me that the results from this modelling inspire such vigorous discussion, even amongst scientists. However, I come down on the position of the benefit of the doubt. I am convinced, however, that much more effort needs to be undertaken to understand what is happening precisely and whether carbon is the great bogeyman it is made out to be. In the meantime I accept the need to address the changing of our ways.</para>
<para>Regardless of the merit or otherwise of the arguments for carbon abatement, this issue of a new tax must be put before the electorate, in a democracy as rich as we have in Australia. This is my first response. And I am committed to the concept that it was immoral for the Prime Minister to engage in prevarication during the last election with her oft-quoted statement: 'There will be no carbon tax under a government I lead'—only then to turn around and introduce this legislation. This is of great concern to my constituents, and it is not a fine leadership example for future generations. So much so, and so oft-quoted is this, that some people in my electorate now have, as their mobile phone ringtone, that message: 'There will be no carbon tax under a government I lead'. It appals me that this kind of behaviour reflects badly on all of us in this place, that the public have got to the point where they cannot trust us to be persons of our word.</para>
<para>I remember when John Howard made his comment during the 1996 election about the coalition's intention of introducing a GST. He used the term 'never ever'. And how the other side taunted him over that. It is true, though, that he did change his mind, in the national interest, believing that to move to a broad based consumption tax which gave opportunity for growth income for governments was a badly needed area of reform. The difference with John Howard was that he had the courage to put it to the Australian people at an election. I remember that campaign. I remember all the hard work I had supporting such an initiative myself and explaining it to the Australian people. A mandate was sought and a mandate was achieved. This is the exact opposite to what this government has done. These bills should be deferred until that kind of process is engaged in, and the Australian people can be involved.</para>
<para>Australia has made great advances in emissions reduction, and there is widespread concern that this legislation will actually slow down our progress in making our environmental footprint smaller. The world has had a good default position on emissions, particularly over the past 30 years. That has seen more effective waste management, the removal of CFCs, and greater efficiency in power generation, motor vehicles and whitegoods, with compulsory energy ratings. It is working and great gains have been made.</para>
<para>In my own electorate we have the prospect of the largest photovoltaic solar power station in the world. I am always impressed with our farmers, for example, with their adoption of satellite technology and no-till practices that have reduced fuel and chemical use. Some have gone further and are boosting soil carbon using their engine emissions, and there are also plans by local government to utilise pyrolysis technology in waste management in my electorate to produce biofuels and biochar. The technology works, and it is short-sighted to make an assumption that all Australians are environmental vandals. What must be understood also is that Australian farmers are price-takers and unable to pass on the costs associated with the carbon tax. And I note there is no compensation proposed, so I am concerned about the position of my primary producers.</para>
<para>This legislation, with its associated financial and social engineering, will kill important industries and change the way every Australian lives and works. Food, power, fuel and transport will all cost more because this tax will be embedded right through our national economy. And this is deliberate. It is a market driven mechanism to change the way we behave, we are told—yet most of these bills before us today deal more with compensation. In her speech to the bills, the Prime Minister said around 40 per cent of the revenue raised by carbon pricing will go to assisting emissions-intensive trade-exposed industries. However, she also said the bulk of the money raised will be used to fund tax cuts, pension increases and higher family payments.</para>
<para>On one hand the government argues it needs a market driven mechanism to drive us all to change—deliberately to put up the price of electricity, in fact—but on the other hand most of this legislation is about compensation which removes that very mechanism. I submit that a new tax will make it harder for the Australian economy and the Australian people to bring about change. Reducing emissions requires investment, not a tax that is to be redistributed as a sop to the Australian populace in a bid to sell what is becoming the greatest con job in our history. Indeed, I have seen no guarantee the promised household compensation will continue beyond 2015-16, in line with the expected increases in the carbon price. And I have seen no guarantee, even from the government's own modelling, that carbon emissions will reduce with this tax. By the government's own document, emissions are actually going to increase from 578 million tonnes to 621 million tonnes by 2020. So why are we doing this? The government's ambition for wealth redistribution will in fact negate the merit of any market driven emission reduction scheme that may have looked to have been a good idea in the first instance. The Prime Minister also made reference to the judgement of history. History will, in fact, judge this carbon tax as a huge impost on our Australian economy at the very time when it is not needed and more so when we have to export our hard-earned cash to buy carbon credits from possibly some dodgy overseas seller. As an Australian, I am embarrassed that such a Heath Robinson bit of legislation, not guaranteed to have a positive outcome, could be devised and rammed through the parliament. Even the parliamentary committee that reviewed the legislation chose to ignore the immense amount of evidence and submissions faithfully written by people opposed to the timing or the very principle of the tax itself. I believe it is being pushed through the chamber by enthusiastic dreamers who are out of touch with reality and think that at the end of the day they will be judged as heroes. The contrary will be the fact. My contention is that this legislation will leave a legacy that will plunge this nation into economic lethargy for many years to come. Let us be practical in our approach to this challenging topic and not be dreamers. We need to ensure that the Australian economy can continue to grow while we tackle these challenging issues.</para>
<para>What happened to the innovative, practical and thoughtful place that this parliament used to be? Somebody said that if you follow this government's money trail you will find a government that cannot run a business. Higher taxes do not create jobs; in fact, the roll-on effect will be that wages will take a massive hit as unemployment rises and there is less industry capacity to pay as manufacturing in particular goes offshore.</para>
<para>I am also yet to learn what these thousands of green jobs that we hear so much about might entail. Earlier in this debate the Leader of the Opposition questioned government modelling that suggested the carbon tax was going to create green jobs. He told of Victorian government modelling by Deloitte and Access Economics that showed that 23,000 jobs would be lost by 2015 as a result of the carbon tax. Treasury modelling by the former New South Wales Labor government indicated that 31,000 jobs would be lost by 2030 due to the tax. Another study found that Queensland's gross state product will drop by 2.76 per cent by 2020 and other equally terrifying statistics. The opposition leader also drew parliament's attention to a United Kingdom study released in March this year that found for every renewable energy job created 3.7 existing jobs were lost. It was similar in Spain and other European countries.</para>
<para>It is very clear that Australia will be exporting jobs as this carbon tax hits the bottom line of our manufacturing and farming communities because our commodities and manufactured goods will become more expensive while imports will be cheaper. It is already tough with the high Australian dollar. We have seen that with companies like BlueScope Steel. We have seen the struggle that Australian primary producers endure. We have frozen peas from overseas in our supermarkets. A carbon tax on top will lead to even more hardships.</para>
<para>I would urge the government members in here to put this legislation off. Defer it and put it to the Australian people. How much worse this type of thing will become. If government members are right, they should have the courage and the confidence to put it to the Australian people and have a forthright discussion about it. Australians at the moment feel very frustrated that their appeals are not being heard. They are being blocked from having their say. Government members should call an election and seek a mandate, as the coalition parties did with the GST back in 1998. Put it to the Australian people; seek a mandate. If the government members are so convinced that this is right, they should put it to the people.</para>
<para>My conviction is that Australians do not need to be driven and bludgeoned into activity and action on this. Geothermal is gaining momentum and it will compensate for the lack of security of wind and solar. We understand that. Australians demand a very secure power system. Give the Australian people the opportunity and they will respond. They are responding. I say that this legislation should be put off until after an election. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate>Grayndler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>After decades of debate, the time for talking is over. The science is in. It is now time to get this critical reform in place. Other nations are already acting. They know that, in a competitive, globalised 21st century world, the successful economies will be those that adapt early to a carbon constrained future. Labor is not prepared to ignore the threat, ignore the science and ignore the economists. We cannot say that this is someone else's problem. We all share the one planet; we are all citizens of the world. It would simply not be fair to leave it to our children and grandchildren to deal with the consequences of our inaction. If we do nothing, dangerous climate change will impact on this and future generations.</para>
<para>As minister for transport, I feel a particular responsibility. Here in Australia, transport accounts for around 15 per cent of total greenhouse emissions, a little lower than the global average of around 18 per cent. The vast bulk of this is from road transport and light vehicles, which are responsible for around 87 per cent of transport emissions. That is why the government is taking action to reduce greenhouse emissions from our vehicles. But we are doing this in a measured and fair way. Under the government's climate change plan, businesses that use vehicles of less than 4.5 tonnes—such as cars, utes and light commercial vehicles—will be permanently excluded from paying the carbon price when they fill up at the bowser. This means that the carbon price will have no direct impact on the fuel bills of many small and larger businesses—the couriers, taxi drivers, tradesmen, hire car companies and minibus operators. The government is also excluding the family car and ute. Families in the regions do not have a bus or a train station down the road like families in capital cities often do. Similarly, tradies cannot replace the work ute easily. So light vehicles will be permanently excluded from the carbon price. Looking at the rail and maritime sectors, the carbon price will have only a modest impact.</para>
<para>To offset the effect of any rises, nine out of 10 households will receive assistance. This means more than four million households will receive assistance via tax cuts for any increased prices that they may pay. Importantly, we are increasing the income tax free threshold from $6,200 to $18,000, taking a million Australians out of the tax system. This is important economic reform.</para>
<para>In the case of heavy vehicles, operators will have a two-year transitional period to reconfigure their fleets and renegotiate contracts with customers. From 1 July 2014 a carbon price will apply to the fuel used by trucks over 4.5 tonnes. The government has already stated that the agriculture, fishery and forestry industries will be permanently excluded. Trucks powered by CNG, LNG, LPG or biofuels will also be permanently excluded. Once in place in 2014, the carbon price will have only a marginal impact on fuel bills. In fact, it will be tiny compared with the fluctuations we see regularly at the bowser from variations in world oil prices. The Bureau of Infrastructure, Transport and Regional Economics has calculated that the extra cost of driving a B double from Sydney to Melbourne under the carbon price at today's diesel prices will be around $35, or seven cents a litre.</para>
<para>Let us look now at how a carbon price will affect air travel. From day one—that is, from July next year—an effective carbon price will apply to the fuel used by domestic airlines. To maintain the competitiveness of Australian carriers, it will not apply to the fuel they use when flying internationally, at least until there is a global carbon price. We are also allowing large liquid fuel users, such as airlines, to voluntarily opt in from 2013. This is because a carbon market already operates in the EU and our international carriers may want the ability to trade across markets. It is worth repeating: a market for the price on carbon already exists and Australian companies competing internationally want the ability to trade across markets. The carbon price will have only a small impact on domestic airfares, less than many of the extra fees airlines already charge. For example, it is expected to add about $2 to the cost of a seat on a flight between Sydney and Melbourne and around $1 on a flight between Sydney and Armidale. Any increase would occur against the backdrop that flying is five times more affordable today than it was two decades ago as a result of earlier Labor reforms such as the deregulation of the domestic aviation market.</para>
<para>Once fully implemented in 2014, the carbon price will have little impact on the cost of the daily commute. The expected rise is only one half of one per cent, significantly under the eight per cent that was added by John Howard's GST. The figures done by the New South Wales Treasury—which the New South Wales government attempted to distort—highlight the reality that the cost increase will be minimal.</para>
<para>We are doing much more. We are also working to reduce the sector's footprint through smart regulations and by empowering consumers. Already the government is introducing the first-ever mandatory CO2 emission standards for all new cars and light-commercial vehicles sold in Australia. We are working with local manufacturers to set the emission levels, and these will apply from 2015. This will be a big saving for motorists through better fuel efficiency. We are also requiring that all new cars in Australia will display fuel consumption labels spelling out their emissions and fuel consumption in both city and highway conditions. Coupled with our green vehicle guide, consumers will be able to make a more-informed choice about the environmental performance of the car they buy. We are investing in new technologies to better manage the flow of traffic along some of our busiest roads. By using this so-called smart motorways technology we can substantially reduce congestion and carbon emissions while making our roads safer and smoother for motorists.</para>
<para>And we are restoring national leadership when it comes to the growth of our major cities. After all, that is where three in four Australians live. Our recently published national urban policy, <inline font-style="italic">Our Cities</inline><inline font-style="italic">,</inline><inline font-style="italic"> Our Future</inline>, supports locating new jobs and future employment precincts closer to where people live, thereby minimising the daily commute. In addition to that, we are investing, and have committed, more to urban public transport projects since our election in 2007 than was invested by every government combined from Federation right up to 2007. We have committed to major public transport projects in every mainland capital city in the land. In addition to that, we are investing in innovative projects such as the Gold Coast light-rail project.</para>
<para>Labor has long recognised the risk of climate change to future generations and to the nation's wellbeing. Indeed, the first official act of the Labor government was to ratify the Kyoto protocol in 2007. Personally, this was a proud moment. I campaigned long and hard for Australia to ratify the Kyoto protocol. When I was the shadow minister for environment and heritage, I introduced a private member's bill in an effort to get the then Prime Minister, John Howard, to take action. In 2006 I worked with Kim Beazley on federal Labor's policy paper <inline font-style="italic">Protecting Australia from the threat of climate change</inline>. This was Labor's blueprint for tackling climate change.</para>
<para>It is worth remembering some of the practical measures in that blueprint: a commitment to ratify the Kyoto protocol; a commitment to a 60 per cent cut in Australia's 2000 level of greenhouse emissions by 2050; ensuring Australia realises the economic benefits of sustainable industry by supporting carbon friendly technologies and emissions trading; a commitment to sustainability by increasing and extending the renewable energy target to 20 per cent by 2020; the development of commercial solar, wind and geothermal energy technologies by Australian research, including a commitment to rebuild the CSIRO; and the establishment of a national sustainability council to monitor the performance of the entire country against agreed sustainability targets.</para>
<para>The similarity of the Beazley blueprint and what is now contained in the bills before the House is striking. Unlike those opposite, Labor has always been committed to practical, real and fair action on climate change. After 12 years of inaction the Liberal Party of course said that they would act at some stage, and they went to the 2007 election supporting a price on carbon through an emissions trading scheme. We, however, had acted and had committed to action well before then. On 14 February 2005, while introducing my private member's bill that would ratify the Kyoto protocol, I stated that 'we must start working actively on climate change because it is an issue affecting Australia's future prosperity'. Six years ago I stood in this place and argued that we needed a planned approach to shift Australia towards a modern, clean energy economy, that the potential for innovation and therefore business investment and growth would be immense. In six years nothing has changed except the urgency of the need to act. We all know that the sooner we act the cheaper it will be; the sooner we act the quicker we can move to a clean energy economy; the sooner we act the more advantage we will gain over our international competitors.</para>
<para>Those opposite simply want to delay and today are moving an extraordinary position before the parliament, once again seeking to delay action on this legislation. The fact is that Australian companies and our economy will be disadvantaged if we exclude ourselves from carbon markets and the growing market in renewable energy technology. Just as science and technology have given us the tools to measure and understand environmental problems, they also help us to solve them. The potential for innovation, scientific discovery and hence business investment growth is immense. With the right policy framework the very act of addressing our challenges can unleash new commercial forces and unimagined opportunities for new jobs, new technologies and new markets. Think of the potential economic benefits and jobs for this nation. If we do not act, our businesses and the national economy will be simply left behind.</para>
<para>What is extraordinary is that those opposite are not just climate sceptics, they have become market sceptics in their opposition to market based mechanisms to provide solutions to the challenges of the future. The opposition puts at risk more than just our future economic prosperity. By pretending the world is not taking action, by pretending that climate change is not real, by ignoring the science, the opposition risks the future health of Australia. There is only one planet and we need to respect that planet. We must not be condemned by history as the generation that knew what the issues were but chose to do nothing about it. The time for words is over—now is the time for action and delivery. That is what the Gillard government is doing with these bills, and I commend the bills to the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr O'DOWD</name>
    <name.id>139441</name.id>
    <electorate>Flynn</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the people of Flynn I must stand here today and absolutely and completely reject the carbon tax legislation. We all know there is climate change—you just have to ask the dinosaurs about that. My electorate, as I have said before, is home to two aluminium refineries, one aluminium smelter, Australia's largest cement works, three coal-fired power stations, 11 coalmines and an emerging LNG industry. Coupled with that we have small and medium businesses that rely on this intensive industry to survive. My electorate of Flynn is ground zero as far as the carbon tax is concerned. If you go to the people in my electorate, nine out of 10 hotly oppose a carbon tax. One out of 10 is yet to make up their mind. There is only one person I know in my electorate who is in favour of a carbon tax. I ran into a miner from Rolleston a couple of months ago and he told me that no-one in the Rolleston coalmine was in favour of a carbon tax. Make no mistake, Mr Deputy Speaker, the policies of Gillard and the Brown government will cost Central Queensland—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>00AMT</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The honourable member for Flynn will refer to the Prime Minister by her title.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr O'DOWD</name>
    <name.id>139441</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The policy of the Prime Minister and the leader of the Greens will cost the Central Queensland area thousands of jobs if this carbon tax comes to fruition. For example, just jumping to Victoria for a moment, the aluminium giant Alcoa in Victoria faces closure and job losses. They put that down to high input costs, the high Australian dollar and a carbon tax. It also costs that industry $40 million. The same can be said for the aluminium smelters in my town. For instance, the Russian company Rusal, who have a 20 per cent share in Queensland Alumina, have said all sorts of nasty things about this carbon tax to the point of saying they will not invest another dollar in Australia until this matter is clarified and if it is clarified it will have to be a lot different from what is proposed with this carbon tax. I can quote you some examples, the first from the <inline font-style="italic">Courier Mail</inline> on 23 September:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The world's largest aluminium company, Rusal, has launched a scathing attack on the Gillard Government's carbon tax and emissions scheme, saying it puts its key Queensland project at risk.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In a submission to the Federal Government Rusal said that the clean energy legislative package—the carbon tax and Emissions Trading Scheme—was a threat to the viability of the Russian group's major investment in Australia.</para></quote>
<para>The <inline font-style="italic">Weekend Australian</inline> on 24 September 2011 said that American aluminium giant Alcoa is warning the Victorian government, et cetera. Another article in the <inline font-style="italic">Australian Financial Review</inline> on 11 July 2011 said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Rusal Australia, which owns 20 per cent of Queensland Alumina, one of the world's largest aluminium refineries, expressed concerns over the number of free permits to be allocated. Rusal Australia chairman John Hannagan said the refinery would receive free permits for 75 per cent of its emissions in the first year. 'For this year at Queensland Alumina Ltd it will cost us around $30 million,' Mr Hannagan said.</para></quote>
<para>You can see that the investors are very dubious about investing in Australia and particularly in the aluminium and cement industry in my area. Six black coal mines could close prematurely and 21,000 mining related jobs could be lost as a result of a carbon tax. That is according to new data released by the industry in the last couple of days.</para>
<para>I do not need to remind the House that Indonesia started its coal industry in 1980. In 2006 it overtook Australia as the biggest exporter of coal. Africa is another hot spot for projects, and you may be surprised to know that there are 600 Australian based companies in Africa investigating projects in the mineral resource area. There are 225 projects already underway in Africa. In Mongolia—it was not only Genghis Khan that came out of Mongolia—there are huge deposits of high-quality black coal that are feeding into China today. That is being managed by another Australian company, Leighton, which is over there carting the coal from Mongolia to China.</para>
<para>It is no different in Central Queensland. Jobs are at risk. The government want us to believe that workers who lose their jobs as a result of business closures will be able to transition to new, cleaner, greener energies such as windmills, solar panels and the like. That defies logic. China has become the world's largest manufacturer of wind turbines and solar panels, and it is also a leader in the development of carbon sequestration technology. The Prime Minister and Senator Bob Brown have argued that China can do green examples and should be the inspiration for Australians and the rest of the world. It should be noted that China has taken over from the USA as the biggest emitter of carbon dioxide.</para>
<para>It is an act of national economic suicide to destroy our ability to generate low-cost energy. Wind and solar energy can never provide electric power at a cost to the consumer that we, as Australians, can afford and still be competitive with the rest of the world. Our large fleet of cars, trucks, trains, ships, dozers and aircraft is not going to run on sunbeams and sea breezes. Mr Deputy Speaker Slipper, just think about that for a moment. You would need a pretty long extension cord to pull that off.</para>
<para>What about the workers in the industries who will lose their high-paid jobs? At the moment, oil and gas industries are paying workers very well. Indeed, some workers are getting in excess of $150,000 a year. They work hard and long hours for this money, but they still get it. They also have a very good national superannuation fund that is paid for by the employers. How are they going to cop working in government transition jobs erecting wind turbines and solar panels that have been manufactured in China? How will a family used to earning $150,000 a year manage on, say, $50,000 a year? The government, those opposite, love to redistribute wealth and bring everyone down to the same common denominator.</para>
<para>China has closed hundreds of inefficient coal fired power stations over the last decade, but what they have not said is that, over the last few years, for every powerhouse they have closed down they have opened up two new ones. Wind power now accounts for less than one per cent of China's energy, while solar constitutes one-hundredth of one per cent of the country's energy use. Why can't those opposite me here in the House today see that China has outsmarted us again with clever propaganda and marketing?</para>
<para>There is no evidence that carbon dioxide in the atmosphere controls the climate. Mr Tim Flannery has stated that there will be no change to the climate inside 1,000 years. It is false to claim that Australia lags behind the world in waging war on carbon. The Kyoto protocol is dead and Copenhagen produced nothing. Only Western Europe and New Zealand are moving on this suicidal path, but they are doing it at a much slower pace. Our current and future energy needs depend solely on coal and gas, the very things that Senator Brown's green extremists want to tax to death.</para>
<para>Those opposite see an opportunity to burst the balloon. Why do you want to bust something that is good? Why do you want to replace something that is not broken? It is ridiculous. Why do you want to hurt the people you profess to represent, the workers? I am here to represent workers in Central Queensland. The government's own Treasury modelling shows that the inflation impact will be 10 per cent higher in regional areas. I am in a regional area and the 10 per cent higher cost is quite evident when people start doing their modelling.</para>
<para>I want to go back and talk about a couple of things that those opposite have said in the debate. They said that the introduction of the carbon tax is in the national interest. How can that be, when thousands of workers will lose their jobs? Around 1,500 workers are about to lose their jobs in the Australian steel industry. They were in everyone's mind about six weeks ago, but that has fallen by the wayside now. What will happen to them? Nobody talks about that anymore, nobody cares. The government say there is going to be transitioning, retraining and repositioning. To where? That is what I would like to know. These are real people we are talking about and real jobs that were lost. They were not fakes and it is not fake jobs that they need to be relocated to. They are real job losses and that is what I am concerned about. We cannot just talk about compensation. Where is the compensation going to come from?</para>
<para>The government have stuffed up the live cattle exports. They had the hide to tell the graziers to go to Centrelink. Are they going to tell everyone to go to Centrelink for compensation once they lose their jobs? I do not think so, because the taxpayers of Australia will not be able to afford to pay Centrelink to pay the people who are not working.</para>
<para>I have six councils in the electorate of Flynn, and they are all going to have higher costs. It is the councils who pay for the lighting in the streets, the waste dumps and also water charges. To pump water around the electorate from shire to shire costs a lot of money. A lot of electricity is used to pump water. This will add drastically to the bottom line, and of course the ratepayers of the shires will have to pay for these extra costs. I wonder if that was factored into the $9.80 a week extra for our residents.</para>
<para>On our jobs in Queensland: in a thriving economy, a resource boom, we see the unemployment of Queenslanders going up. We are now above the national average. I think our unemployment rate is about 6.3 per cent and going up. Yesterday the jobs marketed had increased also.</para>
<para>We have problems everywhere we look. We cannot afford to have our jobs disappear offshore. We cannot afford to lose our Australian jobs and the people they employ—highly qualified, in a lot of cases—to overseas companies. Those Third World countries and other bigger countries such as China are looking at Australia now to take our qualified people over to their countries and work their coal mines, iron ore and steel works. I totally oppose this legislation for more reasons than one. If it goes through we will rescind it when we get into power, if we get into power, but there is the damage it is going to do in the meantime. I just hope that the Independents and the crossbenchers realise this when they come to vote on the matter.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr EMERSON</name>
    <name.id>83V</name.id>
    <electorate>Rankin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This is a historic week in which we are debating a vital economic and environmental reform, the government's policy to limit carbon emissions into the atmosphere. My own association with this issue goes back to before 1989. Indeed, in 1989 the Hawke government released a statement titled 'Our country our future'. That statement included expressions of concern about and commitment to address the problem of global warming. It was one of the very first statements that was made and certainly the first by an Australian government. I was proud to have been associated with the preparation of that document. Then, in the lead-up to the 1990 federal election, I was asked by the Prime Minister to make recommendations as to the expenditure of a modest amount of money—my recollection is that it was $30 million, but in today's terms that would be a significant amount of money—and I recommended the establishment of a national greenhouse office. So my own interest in and concern with this issue date back more than 20 years.</para>
<para>I come to this debate now in 2011 as both an economist and the Australian Minister for Trade. The Labor Party in government have a proud tradition of not waiting for other countries to implement economic reforms before we do so ourselves in our great country, Australia. I refer to the policy to implement comprehensive health insurance for all Australians, originally in the form of Medibank and then subsequently in the form of Medicare. Medibank having been created by the Whitlam government, the coalition government between 1975 and 1983 then announced seven different health policies in seven years, and it took a Labor government to re-embrace reform in the form of Medicare.</para>
<para>I refer to national superannuation, which was opposed root and branch by the coalition in opposition. It was to destroy the Australian economy, if you were to believe the coalition: business could not afford it, it was a bad reform, it was a bad idea and should never be implemented. Indeed, the coalition voted strongly against a national superannuation guarantee. Today we have around $1.3 trillion in funds under management, a great savings effort on behalf of our country, as a result of those reforms. It was, again, an example of a reform that was implemented by a Labor government without waiting to see what other countries did in respect of national savings through national superannuation.</para>
<para>It was a Labor government that recognised the wonderful opportunities of the Asian century, going back to Gough Whitlam, who recognised formally the People's Republic of China as one of his first acts in government in 1972, and then to Bob Hawke, who foresaw in a visionary way the Asian century and set about fashioning an open, competitive economy—again, very much against the wishes of many in the community, many in the business community and many in the coalition, though I do acknowledge that the then Leader of the Opposition, John Howard, lent bipartisan support to a substantial part of that program. But it actually took Labor to do the hard work in creating an open, competitive economy through a floating of the currency, something that the coalition never did; through liberalising the financial services sector, which the coalition never did but was always going to do; and then through liberalising product markets and, in the labour market, creating enterprise bargaining as the central organising principle. This takes us to today's debate on the Clean Energy Bill 2011 and the related legislation. Today's debate is based on an argument about science. I have been following the debate through the scientific community for years. Yes, there are alternative views, and I was interested in those alternative views, but those alternative views have not succeeded in overcoming the compelling argument, based on science, for action on climate change. I have approached those issues with open eyes and an open mind. I have come to the conclusion that we cannot wait; we need to act on climate change, because it would be highly irresponsible and highly damaging to Australia's national interest not to do so.</para>
<para>The scientific evidence assembled and summarised by the opposition leader says a great deal—all of it adverse—about the science, because the opposition leader said in July of this year, very recently, 'See, one of the things that people have not quite twigged to is that carbon dioxide is invisible; it's weightless and it's odourless.' This was not just one of those off-the-cuff remarks that the opposition leader says he makes from time to time and should not be regarded as gospel truth, because he repeated it in the same month more than a fortnight later when he said, 'This is a draconian new police force chasing an invisible, odourless, weightless, tasteless substance.' It beggars belief that the Leader of the Opposition, who says he is a Rhodes scholar and has an economics degree from Sydney university, has committed to reducing by 140 million tonnes a substance that he describes as 'weightless'. I think this is the most ridiculous proposition that has ever been put to the Australian parliament. The coalition, led by the opposition leader, has come to the view, after this entire scientific debate, that carbon dioxide is weightless and yet the coalition is committed to reducing the incidence of this 'weightless' substance in the atmosphere by 140 million tonnes by 2020. Go figure.</para>
<para>The coalition's plan says that this is consistent with its target of reducing carbon emissions by five per cent on 2000 levels by 2020. This is a bipartisan target—that is, a five per cent reduction on 2000 levels by 2020. Yet, on the day that the opposition leader affirmed the five per cent bipartisan reduction target, he also described it as 'crazy'. This tells you about the true motivation of the opposition leader. He does not care about the future of this country; what he actually cares about is his own political interests.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Robert</name>
    <name.id>HWT</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Deputy Speaker, I rise on a point of order. With the greatest respect, the minister cannot actually infer a motive of the Leader of the Opposition; it is against standing orders.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>There is no point of order. But I would advise the minister to be very careful.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Dr EMERSON</name>
    <name.id>83V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>We now need to address this question: is Australia a first mover? On the various reforms that I have described, Australia was a first mover and has benefited greatly from being so. The then Prime Minister, John Howard, embraced the notion of Australia being a first mover in this area of reducing carbon emissions into the atmosphere. Indeed, he described the benefits of Australia being a first mover. Coalition speakers in this debate will say that Australia is a first mover; in fact, that is untrue. Australia is not a first mover. Around 89 countries, accounting for more than 80 per cent of global emissions and more than 90 per cent of the global economy, have pledged to reduce or limit their carbon pollution by 2020, and around 32 countries and a number of US states already have emissions trading schemes in place. Those countries include New Zealand, led by a conservative Prime Minister, and the United Kingdom, also led by a conservative Prime Minister. So much for the desire to reduce carbon emissions into the atmosphere being some extreme left conspiracy. You would hardly describe former Prime Minister Mr Howard, the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, Mr Cameron, or the Prime Minister of New Zealand, Mr Keys, as extreme leftists. They are conservatives and they supported introducing a scheme to reduce carbon emissions—indeed, an emissions trading scheme.</para>
<para>China has been identified as a country that purportedly is doing nothing to reduce emissions; in fact, it is introducing an emissions trading scheme in some of its larger cities, including Beijing and Shanghai and is reported to be preparing a nationwide emissions trading scheme for 2015. It has also the world's largest renewable energy generation capacity.</para>
<para>The coalition contributors to this debate and in question time have asked questions of this government along the lines that reports have claimed that for every green job created three traditional jobs have been lost and would this be the case in terms of the emissions trading scheme that the government is determined to implement. What that actually betrays to the Australian people through the parliament is a belief that renewable energy should not be supported, that we should not be creating jobs through wind energy, solar energy, wave energy or geothermal energy, that we should remain totally committed to coal and LNG as energy sources well into the future and that any embrace of renewable energy will cost three jobs for every job created.</para>
<para>There is an important role for LNG and coal in a low-emissions future. LNG is regarded as the transition fuel to a lower emissions future, to a clean energy future, and we have loads of it. Businesses are voting with their wallets by investing in LNG in an environment where they know that a price will be put on carbon. So too with coal production; we hear that the destruction of the coal industry is nigh. Well, why is it that one of the first commercial decisions made after the announcement of the emissions trading scheme was that Peabody, a major coal producer—I think the largest in the world—made a takeover bid for Macarthur Coal amounting to $4.5 billion?</para>
<para>Why is there a massive pipeline of coal production and investment coming through? It is because there is a future for LNG and coal in a low emissions economy. But, of course, the emissions intensity of coal will have to be reduced.</para>
<para>There is a debate about the two plans. He has said that the science of climate change is 'absolute crap' and declared that carbon dioxide is weightless and odourless and tasteless and therefore completely harmless, but if we were to believe just for a moment that Mr Abbott—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Leader of the Opposition.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Dr EMERSON</name>
    <name.id>83V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>sorry; the Leader of the Opposition—has any commitment to reducing emissions, then we would need to examine the government's emissions trading scheme juxtaposed against the direct action plan. The irony—though it is no great irony in my experience—is that Labor is embracing a market based solution to reducing emissions whereas the coalition is embracing a centrally planned solution. This is not the first time this has happened—I have already referred to the creation of the open competitive economy, which was a market-based approach to policy by the previous Labor government—and the direct action plan would be a very expensive way of reducing emissions by five per cent. Indeed, the cost per household would soar if the coalition were to be elected. If Mr Abbott were to carry through on his commitment to that five per cent reduction—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Leader of the Opposition.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Dr EMERSON</name>
    <name.id>83V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>sorry—then the cost per household would go from $720 to $1,300, because the opposition leader has ruled out linking any scheme in Australia to the purchase of permits through low-cost solutions overseas.</para>
<para>In rescinding the emissions trading scheme, if the opposition leader were to become Prime Minister, he would be announcing the rescinding of the trebling of the tax-free threshold as well as an increase in taxes and a reduction in pensions. The fact is that Labor's compensation package is more than adequate for most Australians. For most Australians, the average increase in the cost of living is $9.90 per week, and the compensation is $10.10 per week. This is a very important reform, and carried with it is tax reform. It is based on science and a commitment to Australia's economic future, and as trade minister and an economist I am absolutely delighted to be able to recommend these bills to the House.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs PRENTICE</name>
    <name.id>217266</name.id>
    <electorate>Ryan</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The coalition opposes the Clean Energy Bill 2011 and related legislation on numerous grounds. We do not support a carbon tax, because it is a bad policy for the Australian people. It is a bad policy for the economy and, more significantly, it does not help the environment. It is premised on a lie—a deception that reeks of arrogance. The Prime Minister knew that a carbon tax was deeply unpopular with the Australian population, so she quite deliberately lied her way to the election.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The honourable member for Ryan will withdraw.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs PRENTICE</name>
    <name.id>217266</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>She quite deliberately deceived her way to the election.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The honourable member for Ryan is aware that under the standing orders she is not able to make that sort of reflection on the Prime Minister. The honourable member for Ryan will withdraw.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs PRENTICE</name>
    <name.id>217266</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I withdraw that, Mr Deputy Speaker. But who can forget the Prime Minister's adamant statement that 'there will be no carbon tax under the government I lead', in which she was aided and abetted by the equally indignant member for Lilley? Perhaps the Prime Minister's statement can be explained away by the fact that her coalition with the Greens is so influential over this government's policy agenda that it is arguable that the Prime Minister is only the virtual leader; however, on 20 August, the day before the election, the Prime Minister categorically stated, 'I rule out a carbon tax'. There is no room for doubt in that statement, yet here we are debating legislation to introduce a carbon tax. The government can dress the legislation up as a 'price on carbon' and call it the 'Clean Energy Bill', but when it is a fee levied per tonne of carbon emitted, it is a carbon tax which will drive up the cost of almost everything that is made or transported in Australia.</para>
<para>This is not only yet another tax but also a bad tax. It is as simple as that. Taxes affect prices, and prices change behaviour; but this tax is different from a consumption tax such as the GST, which, I remind the House, was taken to an election and won a true mandate before being introduced by the Howard government. This tax is different because it is a tax on producers which drives up their costs. As I said before, changes in price change behaviour, but with a tax on production rather than consumption the effects are multiplied. Costs rise for producers, so they change their behaviour by reducing their costs through cutting services or laying off staff—no-one wins. Alternatively, they could shut up shop, unable to afford these increased costs, which would mean no services and no jobs—and definitely no winners—or they could pass their increased costs on to the consumer and raise prices. Consumers react to a change in costs by changing their behaviour as well. But consumers must still buy food and must still buy power, so their cost of living would increase dramatically under this tax—and by much more than any so-called compensation package would cover.</para>
<para>The government's own modelling shows that under this tax there will be an immediate 10 per cent increase in electricity prices and a nine percent rise in gas bills. Food costs will increase due to the electricity price rise and increased transportation costs. Be in no doubt that basic necessities for life will cost more. If families cannot save through not buying necessities, they will buy less—less entertainment, less clothing and less generally in the already struggling retail sector.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister says that this carbon tax, when the so-called tax reform compensation package is taken into account, will cost Australians just a couple of dollars a week, if anything. But that couple of dollars a week will be on top of the 'just a couple of dollars a week' caused by the 18 other new taxes introduced since 2007, and the 'just a couple of dollars per week' not spent by every customer on just one cup of coffee or just one magazine is a big cost to small business. Across the road from my office is a coffee shop. Talk to them about the effects of 200 or more customers buying just one less cup of coffee a week. Ask the newsagency next door how his customers buying one less magazine a week will affect his margin.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister only has to open any newspaper to see how hard the retail sector is being hit at the moment. The IMF has downgraded Australia's economic forecast to below budget and Treasury predictions. Yet despite the glaring evidence the Labor-Greens coalition has decided that now is the time to bring in another tax—yet another cost rise for consumers, which means yet another blow for retailers.</para>
<para>Back in 2008, then Prime Minister Rudd used the justification that a slowdown in consumer spending would slash jobs to hand out $900 cheques to anyone and everyone—dead or alive. Yet while the retail sector is already slowing—it is already struggling—this Labor government wants to introduce yet another deterrent to spending that will affect the bottom line of all Australians, in the form of a tax, and make them adjust their spending accordingly. It is a bad tax being introduced by a bad government. There will be less money to save for investment, making it even more difficult for Australians to save to buy their first house. The multiplier effects of a tax on production give no certainty except that costs will increase, and that uncertainty is crippling business already. Everyone, be they small business or big business, is feeling the pinch.</para>
<para>So far I have discussed only the immediate domestic issues and impacts. Further, the genuine fears of the market as to the uncertainties of the European and US economies have an impact on Australia as well. This carbon tax also relies heavily on the establishment of an effective international market. There is no evidence of such a system in working order at present, yet this government believes that it is indeed time to introduce this scheme. The World Bank has reported that the international market for carbon credits has collapsed and, further, has expressed doubt about the ongoing viability of a global market.</para>
<para>In 2005, after the Kyoto protocol was adopted, this market generated about $25 billion in the lead up to 2009. However, last year that market collapsed to just $1.5 billion dollars. Keeping in mind that the Kyoto protocol expires next year, there is little reason to believe that we will see a re-generation of this market in the near future. Significantly, the US withdrew from the Kyoto protocol back in 2001 and has indicated that it will not commit to a replacement treaty. Russia, Canada, and Japan have all also recently stated that they will not recommit to the protocol after its expiration.</para>
<para>This is a clear indication that much doubt surrounds whether other countries will adopt emissions trading and, if they do, it is also unclear as to what sectors will be included. Australia is the only nation introducing an economy-wide carbon tax. We need to be very cautious about legislating a default forward emissions cap for the electricity sector, in particular, and creating new property rights. Without certainty of what will happen internationally in the future, the government should be more careful about what arrangements it is putting in place that will be difficult to unravel should Australia have to align itself with an international scheme.</para>
<para>The absence of a global market for carbon credits is enough to cast doubt on the viability of the government's scheme before any further research into the risks such a market runs. Carbon credit fraud has been described as 'the white collar crime of the future' by Deloitte Access Economics. And The <inline font-style="italic">Wall Street Journal</inline>, after the systemic corruption of the European Union emissions trading system was exposed, defined the situation as 'not a functioning scheme at all but a political smokescreen to enable European politicians to claim green credentials while avoiding difficult decisions on reducing emissions'.</para>
<para>I think there is little doubt that this is what is happening in Australia today. If the government was truly trying to save our environment, they would be more concerned about how much this carbon tax will actually reduce emissions. The fact is that it will not reduce them at all. To reduce emissions by five percent of the year 2000 figures, we should be reducing emissions to 530 million tonnes. However, according to the government's own document, we are actually increasing emissions from 578 million tonnes currently to 621 million tonnes by 2020. So this carbon tax is literally all economic pain for no environmental gain. And, make no mistake, it will bring significant economic pain.</para>
<para>The Bligh government recently commissioned a report from Deloitte Access Economics regarding the carbon tax impact on my home state of Queensland. Keep in mind that this was a report commissioned by a state Labor government—a Labor state premier who is also the Labor Party's immediate past national president. In addition to what I have discussed above, this report found that Queensland's gross state product would be 2.76 per cent lower by 2020 and 4.11 per cent lower in 2050 with a carbon tax compared to without one. This is substantial and significant. It is a five per cent reduction in Queensland's gross state product under a carbon tax and will result in a predicted 21,000 jobs lost in Queensland alone. On top of this, the Queensland Treasury has estimated a loss in economic value of the state's generation companies of $640 million, which undoubtedly will be passed on to consumers.</para>
<para>This $640 million in Queensland pales in comparison to the $40 billion cost the National Generators Forum estimates the generation sector will incur across the country. However, as in Queensland, it is likely that nearly all of this cost will be passed on to consumers. Part of this high cost is due to the starting price of $23 per tonne being far higher than carbon prices elsewhere in the world, and it has put Australia considerably ahead of other countries. Now the Prime Minister may think that this will cause other world leaders to make a change; however, most world leaders will take into account the standard of living of their residents and the strength of their economy, not what Australia legislates. Without a carbon tax, the Productivity Commission puts Australia in 'the middle of the pack' with regard to tackling climate change. So by waiting for international action, for the sake of our economy, and particularly our manufacturers, we would by no means be dragging our feet. It is a matter of plain common sense.</para>
<para>Furthermore, the system requires generators to buy carbon permits well in advance, sometimes for electricity that will be covered by future contracts years in advance. This does nothing but further increase the cost of electricity in this country—a cost that will simply be passed on to consumers, further driving up prices.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister may believe she is leading the world with this carbon tax, but real leadership on this issue can and should start at home. The Brisbane City Council is a prime example of government leading by example and taking real action. I was proud to be a member of Campbell Newman's cabinet, which delivered record spending on green outcomes. In one term alone it planted 2.2 million trees; purchased 500 new clean buses, offsetting the whole of the council's fleet; started the CityGlider bus service; purchased new CityCats, and spent more than $100 million on new bikeways. Brisbane City Council is the largest purchaser of green power in Australia, and half of its energy supply is from renewable sources. This Labor federal government, in contrast, uses just 5.8 per cent greenhouse-friendly electricity in its buildings, according to its own <inline font-style="italic">Energy Use</inline> report. Furthermore, non-defence Australian government energy consumption over 2008-09 was 6,237,496 gigajoules, which equates to 1,178,440 tonnes of carbon emissions and which is in fact a 1.91 per cent increase from 2007-08 and a 9.94 per cent long-term increase over the period beginning 1999-2000. Perhaps the government should be looking to its own backyard and bureaucracy before demonising the '500 big polluters' and trying to ignore the effects its tax has as those companies pass on the tax to consumers.</para>
<para>This is a bad tax, plain and simple. It is not going to solve any of the environmental challenges confronting us. It is a tax on producers, who will have to absorb increased costs, so it will result in decreased services, lost jobs and higher prices; there is just no way around that. The government knows this. There would be no need to provide compensation if it had not inflicted irreparable damage in the first place. The Australian people do not want this tax. The Prime Minister has no mandate to introduce this tax and, without taking it to an election, the Prime Minister and her Labor/Greens government is treating the Australian people with arrogant contempt.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr GARRETT</name>
    <name.id>HV4</name.id>
    <electorate>Kingsford Smith</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I welcome the opportunity to speak on the Clean Energy Bill 2011 and related bills in the House. I have long cared deeply about our planet and our country. In all the environmental campaigns I have been involved in or a part of, whether it was supporting the protection of our tropical and temperate rainforests, whether it was looking for better ways to protect and conserve our coastal environments, whether it was making sure that the spoiled waterways of our country were rehabilitated so that they could be productive, or whether it was looking carefully and clearly at how we might best protect those areas of Australia which have high levels of biodiversity, none is so important—nor is there any environmental issue as important—as tackling dangerous climate change.</para>
<para>I came into this parliament committed to representing the people of Kingsford Smith and to campaigning and being part of a government that will take decisions on the issues that count, and taking action on dangerous climate change is the most important issue that we can take action on both now and for the future. I devoted a portion of my first speech in this House to this issue and made the observation that the bill for failing to deal with dangerous climate change will fall on this generation and, increasingly, on future generations unless we are resolute in taking action on climate change. I have worked in opposition as the shadow minister for climate change, environment and heritage and now in the government, with my Labor colleagues, to get Australia on the path to a low-emissions, clean energy future—the only kind of future that this country can conceivably have. It is a long and sometimes difficult path but it is a necessary path.</para>
<para>Noting that scientific awareness of climate change and its impact has existed for some time and that it now has become the province even of military security analysts, who identify dangerous climate change as a future risk to nations, and that there are now few who are not aware of the scale or nature of these risks, we on this side of the House and in this political party understand that the right response—the right ethical response and the right political response—is to act now. I am proud that we have seen this legislation introduced into the House by the Prime Minister and I commend the minister responsible and my colleagues on this side of House for the contributions they have made. The Gillard Labor government is delivering a comprehensive clean energy suite of bills which gets us going, provides both hope and substance that action on dangerous climate change is possible and does it in a way that is sensible and sets this country up for the future. We have made a start. That is the most important thing. It is a positive and good start, and nothing should hold this country back now—nothing, that is, except for the wilful and deliberate obstruction by the Leader of the Opposition and by the opposition in general. And I will return to that in a moment.</para>
<para>The fact is that in Australia we are at a crucial turning point in our history. As one commentator recently observed, 'These bills represent a great triumph of the parliament, an attempt to deal with the greatest crisis facing our world today.' It is important to recognise the times that we are in. On 12 September this year we saw newspaper reports confirming that the Arctic was melting at near record levels. Ice coverage, it was reported, was at a 'new historic minimum'. A week or two earlier we had reports on likely long-term and potentially irreversible damage to coral reefs, which are particularly vulnerable to changes in sea temperature and water quality, particularly vulnerable to climate change. The fact is that this is an entire ecosystem—not a species or a number of species, but an entire ecosystem—now vulnerable to human impacts, including the impacts from dangerous climate change.</para>
<para>It is very important for us to realise that only a day after we read of the newspaper reports about the Arctic melting at near record levels the Prime Minister introduced this legislation into the parliament. It is important to restate that the policy of this government is based on the best available scientific knowledge which is shared by the great majority of climate scientists—by our own CSIRO; by a number of our eminent scientists, including Nobel laureates and others. It is knowledge of a rapidly-warming world, with atmospheric levels of CO2 rising from 280 parts per million in the industrial era to almost 388 parts per million now—the highest levels that we have seen for eras of time. That is why Sir David King, Chief Scientific Adviser to the former British Prime Minister, and a dozen other eminent scientists have all written to Prime Minister Gillard congratulating her on the government's actions. That is why our own Chief Scientist has similarly spoken of the need to recognise that the science behind the need to take action on tackling climate change is legitimate science.</para>
<para>People in the future will look back and be absolutely aghast and incredulous that the majority consensus statements of our climate scientists have been ignored or belittled by members of the opposition and the opposition leader himself. One of the great tragedies of our time is that this debate has been so distorted, so perverted and so polluted by those opposite. The fact is that the coalition's policy on climate change and the debate that it has engendered literally represents a new low point in Australian political debate. It has been reckless, it has been toxic and it has been cynical. The Leader of the Opposition and his shadow minister for climate action, the member for Flinders, bear considerable weight of responsibility for the potential path they now have this country on.</para>
<para>I note that, on 20 September, the member for Flinders said, 'I've designed the system I want and guarantee that it will reduce emissions as planned by 2020.' I say to the member for Flinders that he is living in a fool's world where the sort of short-term Pyrrhic victories in manipulating the public debate that he may notch up count for nothing against the significant public policy failure of the position that he has put to this parliament. The fact is that the opposition's policy will not result in the emissions cuts that have been targeted by the opposition and a number of analysts have shown that quite clearly. Its policy of $10.5 billion worth of grants over 10 years will go nowhere near dealing with the reduction in greenhouse gas emissions that we actually need.</para>
<para>There are two important economic principles that underpin the government's approach on this issue. Firstly, a price on carbon represents the least cost and most economically efficient way of reducing emissions. Secondly, we in this country, fortunately, are still facing an economy that will continue to grow. The situation that we face is very simple. Thomas Friedman, a well-known writer and columnist put it very clearly:</para>
<quote><para class="block">There is only one effective, sustainable way to produce "green jobs," and that is with a fixed, durable, long-term price signal that raises the price of dirty fuels and thereby creates sustained consumer demand for, and sustained private sector investment in, renewables.</para></quote>
<para>That is exactly what this government wants to do. This is the logic of applying a carbon price to the largest polluting companies, this is the logic of ensuring that the Australian public—particularly those likely to be affected by any price impacts—are compensated, this is the logic of getting the architecture of a price on carbon pollution in place and it is the logic of driving the significant reforms in a clean energy economy that will ensure employment, a new threshold of research and the new energies of the future can start here in Australia when they need to. To do anything else is both economically and environmentally reckless, yet that is the position of the opposition.</para>
<para>I want to briefly remark on three features of this legislation. The first is the significant level of investment in clean energy itself of some $10 billion. This will be important investment to the many businesses, the many entrepreneurs and the many innovators in Australia who recognise with absolute crystal clarity that this is the way of the future. Additionally and importantly, $1 billion has been applied to biodiversity investment. There is absolutely no question that we remain utterly dependent on the provision of healthy natural resources, the environment, to sustain our way of life. That is what underpins the way of life that we experience in this country. That investment is particularly important. Finally, the independent Climate Change Authority will provide more transparency and the opportunity for the independent observation, maintenance and advice around action on climate change.</para>
<para>I conclude my remarks by saying that, in the period that I have taken an active interest in politics, certainly in the period since I have been in the parliament, I have never witnessed more irrational and reckless statements on an issue of such consequence as I have from both the Leader of the Opposition and members of the opposition in debating this issue of climate change. The member for Tangney said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I do not accept the premise of anthropogenic climate change, I do not accept that we are causing significant global warming and I reject the findings of the IPCC and its local scientific affiliates.</para></quote>
<para>Enormous succour has been given to those who have taken not only a sceptical view but a downright intellectually dishonest view of the science behind climate change. The Manager of Opposition Business in the House said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I support the direct action plan of the coalition to address climate change. It is a 'no regrets' policy. What that means is that, even if you do not believe that climate change is happening, even if you do not believe the government should take action on climate change, because it is a hologram, these are still good policies …</para></quote>
<para>The Leader of the Opposition said that he is far from convinced that humans are causing imminent climate catastrophe, that there is no link between emissions and temperatures, that he believes the world's warming might have stopped and that he cannot see the dangers for our children if there is a four-degree temperature rise or a one-metre sea level rise. The particular statements by those two members and also the Leader of the Opposition are reckless, scientifically inaccurate and destructive. They are intent on only one thing—that is, confusing and perverting the public debate when in fact the need, the necessity and the responsibility to act have never been greater. Ultimately, though, the actions of the Leader of the Opposition represent something else—that is, a loss of faith in the vision and the capacity of the Australian people. That is Mr Abbott's greatest deficiency in this debate. He has no faith in the Australian people to actually take up the challenge and recognise that not only our future but the future of our kids is literally dependent on our capacity to act and the new jobs, the new research and the fields of endeavour that we as a nation have the capacity to do, as our history tells us we can. All of those things—the possibilities and the promise—are reduced to nothing in the Leader of the Opposition's cynical and destructive campaign.</para>
<para>I believe there is cause for optimism in the face of the significant challenges climate change presents. I think we can be the best for people by facing up to those challenges and by mounting the historic effort that will be necessary to make sure that we see temperatures stabilise and our environment protected in the future. That is a commitment this government has. I commend the bills to the House as I commend the efforts and activities of all Australians, particularly young Australians, who care so much about this issue and who recognise how important it is to act. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CHRISTENSEN</name>
    <name.id>230485</name.id>
    <electorate>Dawson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise in this place, this monument to democracy, to eulogise the freedom, the voice and the self-determination the Australian people once had. The introduction of the carbon tax, the biggest, widest, ugliest and most pointless tax in the world on carbon dioxide emissions, marks the end of democracy as we know it in this country. Make no mistake, democracy died on 21 August 2010. While we see countries in the Middle East overthrowing dictatorships and establishing their own democracies, here in Australia we have a government overthrowing democracy to install a policy dictatorship—a carbon tax that the people do not want, that nobody voted for and that the Prime Minister said she would not implement. And now we are told they are going to implement it in a way they reckon can never be undone. Too bad that they are incompetent and it can be undone, but it is still policy dictatorship.</para>
<para>With apologies to Don McLean, the day this deal was done with the Greens was the day democracy died. Democracy died for one reason alone: so that the Prime Minister, who gained the throne by knifing her then leader, the Member for Griffith, in the back, can hold on to power for just a little bit longer. And then in February she would have given Don McLean cause to shiver: the bad news on the doorstep when the menagerie of Greens, Independents and what-not hijacked the Prime Minister's courtyard to announce the very same carbon tax that the Prime Minister had promised the Australian people would not happen under her government. She had ruled it out:</para>
<quote><para class="block">There will be no carbon tax under the government I lead.</para></quote>
<para>That is what the Prime Minister assured this country just six days before the last federal election. The Labor members opposite, who were all elected on that same promise, have the gumption to belittle, to ridicule and to abuse the Australian people for feeling betrayed.</para>
<para>This is not just a bad policy dreamt up mid-term by a bad government; it is a policy specifically taken off the table—ruled out—in a desperate bid to steal a narrow election victory. But it could not quite steal that victory. To once again use the words of Don McLean: 'The courtroom was adjourned—no verdict was returned.' The whole country was about to be singing 'Bye Bye Democracy'. In trying to justify the grubby deal done with the Greens to hold onto power, the Prime Minister tells us that 'circumstances changed'. She would have us believe her hand was forced on the carbon tax. No, Prime Minister, no-one was forced to do the exact opposite of what they promised to do. It is very simple. The Prime Minister could have just said: 'No, I will not betray the Australian people. No, I will not undermine the democratic process. No, I will not introduce the worst tax this country has ever seen. People voted for me because I promised I would not introduce this tax, and I owe it to them to keep my word.' The Prime Minister had the choice to keep her unequivocal promise, but she chose to throw that out the window so that she would not go down in history as the Prime Minister who knifed her leader for the sake of two months in the top job.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister was right, back in February, when she insisted her plan should not be called a carbon tax. She was absolutely right. It should be called a prime ministerial tax because that is what it really is. It is not a price on carbon; it is the price the Australian people will be paying for the Prime Minister to keep her job. Every single person in this country will be paying a prime ministerial tax.</para>
<para>This unholy Labor-Greens alliance can distort the facts and cherry pick the data all they like, but no other country in the world will have an all-pervasive economy-sapping carbon tax—or a prime ministerial tax. It is going to be more pervasive than we have been led to believe. All the talk we have heard about a five per cent reduction target is nowhere to be seen in these bills. In these bills the unqualified target is 80 per cent by 2050. It is unqualified. No matter what the rest of the world is doing, 80 per cent is the target. We are being asked to commit to an 80 per cent reduction, which means that, when the carbon tax becomes an emissions trading scheme, permits will be scarcer and the price will be much higher much sooner. As we start the rapid ascent up the price ladder, this carbon tax—this prime ministerial tax—will increase the cost of freight and, from next year, the cost of electricity. Freight and/or electricity are input costs on every single good and every single service you can buy in this country. That means we will be paying the carbon tax every time we pull out the wallet, every time we write a cheque and every time we swipe a card. In regional Australia we will be paying even more, because freight increases with distance from the capital cities. The Member for New England can say, as he has done in this chamber, that these bills have nothing to do with fuel on heavy vehicles—but the entire carbon tax package does. We know that diesel will go up in two years time under this government, and he knows that diesel will go up in two years time under this government. But he can do something about it by voting against these bills.</para>
<para>We have also had the Member for New England in here, along with members of the Labor Party, wringing their hands and saying: 'The sky is falling; the seas are going to rise; the Arctic is going to melt; we're all going to drown.' I ask these members some questions. If the sea is going to rise like they suggest, how is this carbon tax going to stop it? How is this tax on carbon dioxide emissions going to hold back the tide? How is it going to help the reef? How is that going to stop the Arctic from melting? This tax has absolutely nothing to do with the environment. The reality is it is all about wealth distribution.</para>
<para>But, in the process of taxing higher incomes and supposedly compensating lower incomes, the collateral damage, I am sad to say, will be felt the most in my electorate of Dawson. The Deloitte modelling undertaken by the Queensland government showed that Queensland would be the hardest hit of all the states and that the Mackay region would be the hardest hit of all the regions in Queensland. So you cannot imagine the good people of the Mackay region, ranging from Bowen, through the Whitsundays, to Mackay and out to the hinterland coal towns, jumping up and down with glee at the prospect of the carbon tax—and they are not. I recently issued an electorate-wide survey. As of today we have had 4,423 votes returned. The results are still flowing in at a rate of 900 to 1,000 a day, so that should be up to 6,000 by the end of the week. But right now, in my survey of my electorate, out of the 4,423 votes returned a whopping total of 242 people are for the carbon tax and 4,181 are against it—a 94.58 per cent rate saying no to this government's carbon tax.</para>
<para>And they say no because they already pay astronomical amounts for rates and rent. They already pay exorbitant amounts for everyday items and everyday services. They pay between 20 per cent and 50 per cent more for a cup of coffee than those opposite pay in this place, whether or not they have well-paid mining jobs. And most of them, a large majority of them, do not have those well-paid mining jobs; they are ordinary people doing ordinary jobs with extraordinary high bills and living costs. And this government wants to rob them just that little bit more with this carbon tax.</para>
<para>The electorate of Dawson has three economic pillars: mining, sugar and small crops, and tourism. These are all export industries. They are all going to pay a carbon tax under this regime, competing on the world market against industries in other countries who will not be burdened with such a grossly unfair impediment to competitiveness. Most of the secondary industries across the electorate, such as engineering and small business, are directly or indirectly dependent on these three economic pillars.</para>
<para>Eighty-seven per cent of our sugar crop is sold on the world market, in competition with countries that are not subject to this bad tax. The Mackay canegrowers chairman, Paul Schembri, commented that the carbon tax would be like 'an extra lead weight in the saddle bags of the sugar industry'. When confronted with this, the Treasurer responded by saying how rosy things are in North Queensland because of the mining industry. I have news for the Treasurer: things for the sugar industry are not going to be very rosy at all. That is because sugar farmers are price-takers. They do not get to pass on the added costs of the carbon tax. According to canegrowers, the sugar industry is staring down the barrel of an $81 million slug to the industry under this carbon tax. That represents a reduction in net farm income of 3.4 per cent per annum. For many farmers, that will be the difference between food on the table and losing the family farm. I note that times are particularly tough in the sugar industry for the same reasons—a high Australian dollar and a series of natural disasters.</para>
<para>I also note that the tourism industry in North Queensland is in a desperate state with a high Aussie dollar and natural disasters. The Whitsundays, a world-class tourist destination that I am very proud to have in my electorate, is dependent on international tourism, especially with places like Hayman Island, Hamilton Island and the Club Med Lindeman Island. Tourism businesses in the Whitsundays are already on the edge and were rightly concerned when a Tourism and Transport Forum report predicted a carbon tax would reduce inbound international visitor revenues by around $457million while driving $266 million of domestic tourism offshore.</para>
<para>We are being told that everything in North Queensland is going to be rosy because of the mining industry. So let's have a look at mining. The Minerals Council of Australia estimates the minerals industry will face costs of $25billion between 2012 and 2020 under the carbon tax package. They also note that the decision to include the emissions from coal mines is unique, with these emissions exempted under the EU's emissions trading scheme. Nowhere on this planet is there an economy-wide carbon tax of such magnitude as the one this government is determined to slug Australians with. The Labor government's determination to 'lead the world' falls pretty flat in North Queensland. As one of my constituents recently said to me, we don't want a government that leads the world, we just want a government that can lead the country.</para>
<para>The Australian Coal Association recently commissioned economic consultants to examine the impact of the tax and they found that conservative estimates of employment forgone in 2020-21 from applying emissions pricing to current coal mines would be around 4,700 in coal mines and 14,100 throughout the entire economy. So it's not looking so rosy now, is it?</para>
<para>But what really irritates North Queenslanders is the contempt with which their concerns are dismissed. When the Minister for Regional Australia, Simon Crean, came to Mackay on his little tour the chairman of Tourism Whitsunday asked him what the government was going to do about the tourism industry being slugged with higher costs. The minister said, 'Tourism is in the doldrums anyway.' The fact that the minister used Regional Development Australia to set up a political forum in Mackay and throughout Australia to promote this tax was not enough. He used the opportunity to tell locals how great his tax was going to be and then wrote in the <inline font-style="italic">Australian</inline> that the regions love this tax. Wrong, wrong, wrong! If you really care to know what locals think of the tax, it is simple, Simon: just ask the pie man; he can tell you it is not fair.</para>
<para>The Senate Select Committee on the Scrutiny of New Taxes did just that. They asked the pie man during a hearing in Mackay. They interviewed Peter Grant, owner of Bushman's Breads and chairman of the Regional Policy Council for the Chamber of Commerce and Industry—and he also makes one of the best pies you will ever taste. The pie man could have told 'Simple Simon' that the carbon tax would hurt businesses. He reported that an extra 5c for a loaf of bread under the carbon tax would have to be absorbed by his business as he could not increase his prices when competing with Coles and Woolworths. He reported that many of his members were fabricators and they were concerned that some of their work would go offshore and components would be just brought in. 'Our people will just be assemblers, rather than fabricators,' he said.</para>
<para>In summary, the government's modelling is based on an Australia-wide economy, but the engine rooms of the economy—the regions—will be slugged the most under this proposal. The carbon tax will slug every facet of industry in the electorate of Dawson. And it will not stop there. It will slug every facet of the community and our way of life.</para>
<para>I have Ayr Anzac Memorial Club in my electorate. They got a letter from Energy Action predicting what electricity prices will be. It said electricity costs will be up $16,000 per year and that is directly attributable to the carbon tax. A concerned general manager of that club said that that is going to cause tremendous problems. There are 600,000 not-for-profit organisations across this country in similar positions. The tax will not work for them; the tax will not work for families; the tax will not work for the regions; the tax will not work for businesses; the tax will not work for the environment. This government should stand up and pay heed to what the Prime Minister said—there will be no carbon tax under the government she leads—and vote this tax down.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs ELLIOT</name>
    <name.id>DZW</name.id>
    <electorate>Richmond</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am very pleased to be speaking on the Clean Energy Bill 2011 and related bills. These bills will give effect to our plan to move our economy to a clean energy future. They are designed to ensure Australia's economic and environmental future. The issue of climate change is of major concern in my electorate. And that is not just from the perspective of the need to act for the future of the nation and the world but also from the very local perspective of protecting the unique and special coastal areas and pristine landscapes that we have on the North Coast. Without a doubt, many people in my electorate are very concerned about taking action on climate change. It has been an issue that they have consistently raised with me over the years.</para>
<para>The need to act is very urgent. The fact is that the rest of the world is acting. Particularly in light of that fact, it is absolutely urgent that Australia acts. The advice from the world scientific community is very straight forward: global temperatures are rising and the cause is carbon pollution. In Australia and around the globe, 2001 to 2010 was the warmest decade on record. In Australia, each decade since the 1940s has been warmer than the last. What is now beyond any reasonable doubt is that human activities are the cause of the changes that we are witnessing in the global climate. We must all accept that Australia will be greatly affected by any rise in temperatures, both environmentally and economically.</para>
<para>Increased carbon pollution in the atmosphere is putting the world's environment at very serious risk. It has been estimated that average global temperatures may increase by up to 6.4 degrees Celsius above 1990 temperatures by 2100. It has been estimated that, by 2100, sea levels may rise by between 0.5 metres and 1 metre above 2000 levels and that the acidity of the world's oceans may increase significantly.</para>
<para>Looking at a very local incident, we had some very severe and harsh coastal erosion at a seaside town called Kingscliff in my electorate of Richmond. The erosion was very severe. Many locals put forward their concerns about climate change and their view that we need to act on climate change. When we see impacts like these on our communities and our villages, it highlights for everyone the real and immediate danger that climate change poses. We can only imagine how much worse problems like this could become if we do nothing. If we do not act, it is quite frightening to think of the extent of it.</para>
<para>Increased temperatures are likely to change the frequency and severity of cyclones, storms, floods and other extreme weather events. We can also expect that rainfall patterns around the world will change, making some places drier and other places wetter. Studies indicate that warming of more than two degrees Celsius will overwhelm the capacity of many of our natural ecosystems to adapt. With that level of warming, for instance, the survival of the Great Barrier Reef will be in jeopardy as higher ocean temperatures and acidity levels cause major changes to coral reefs. There are delicate ecosystems on the North Coast, such as those around Mount Warning and the Nightcap National Park, and right across the Green Cauldron. This is one of Australia's National Landscapes. They will be placed under even further stress should average temperatures rise as predicted.</para>
<para>Rising temperatures will not just damage our environment but will have a massive negative effect on our economic prosperity as well. And the longer we are delayed by the climate change deniers in tackling the problem the more it will cost us and the worse the impacts will be on our economy. These include the economic costs that come from floods, droughts, heatwaves and other extreme weather events. Climate change will lead to sea level rises that can damage coastal property and infrastructure. Our nation is predominantly a coastal society. About 85 percent of the population lives near the coast. It has been estimated that coastal assets valued at more than $226 billion are at risk of damage from inundation and erosion by 2100. If we look at the North Coast in my electorate and over the border into south-east Queensland, we can see how vital these coastal regions are. One of our main industries is tourism. We need to act to protect those areas, because they are the backbone of both the North Coast and south-east Queensland. We need to act to preserve the beautiful landscapes and beaches to ensure the future of tourism in those areas. We also must look at one of Australia's most important economic sectors, agriculture. It has been estimated that the effects of climate change on agricultural production in the Murray-Darling Basin could see a decline of up to 92 per cent by 2100 as a result of longer and more frequent droughts from unmitigated climate change. With the Murray-Darling Basin accounting for a large share of Australia's farm production, this could undermine our capacity to grow and produce our own food.</para>
<para>I am very pleased to be speaking on these bills because the Gillard government's Clean Energy Future plan will cut 160 million tonnes of pollution from our atmosphere a year by 2020. This is the equivalent of removing 45 million cars from our roads. The Clean Energy Future plan will introduce a carbon price into Australia's economy. It will put a price tag on every tonne of carbon pollution released into the atmosphere by the country's biggest polluters. The carbon pricing mechanism will apply directly to around 500 of the biggest polluters in Australia. Indeed, a price on carbon is the most effective, efficient and economic way to tackle climate change. Every dollar raised will go to support jobs and households and to invest in clean energy and climate change programs.</para>
<para>To help meet the costs passed through by some businesses, the Gillard government will ensure that Australian households will be compensated with tax cuts, higher family payments and increases in pensions and benefits. Looking at my electorate of Richmond, more than 51,000 people will receive household assistance through increases in their income support and family assistance payments and even more will benefit from tax cuts. In fact, nine out of 10 households will receive assistance through tax cuts, extra payments or both. On average, households will see cost increases of $9.90 a week, while the average assistance will be $10.10 a week. Overall, the estimates are that prices will rise by less than one per cent.</para>
<para>I will go into the detail of some of this household assistance. It means up to $338 extra per year for single pensioners and self-funded retirees; up to $510 per year for pensioner couples combined; up to $110 per child for a family that receives family tax benefit part A; up to $69 extra for a family that receives family tax benefit part B; up to $218 extra per year for single income support recipients and $390 per year for couples combined for those people on allowances; and up to $234 per year for single parents in addition to the increased family payments that they receive.</para>
<para>A very important part of this package is tax reform. The tax reforms being introduced as part of the package will increase the tax-free threshold from $6,000 today to $18,200 from 1 July 2012. This is a very important reform. It means that over a million Australians will no longer need to lodge a tax return. It will make a huge difference to many Australians. From day one of the carbon price, 1 July 2012, every taxpayer with income below $80,000 will receive a tax cut, with most getting at least $300 a year. These tax cuts will be permanent and they will increase. On 1 July 2015 a second round of tax cuts will apply as well. These tax reforms are a very important element of this overall package.</para>
<para>The government's plan includes a range of measures to support jobs in manufacturing industries as they make the transition to a clean energy future. The government's $1.2 billion Clean Technology Program will help improve energy efficiency in manufacturing and support research and development in low-pollution technologies. So we are not just supporting jobs in manufacturing; we are also investing in those very important jobs of the future, particularly in those areas of renewable energy. We know how economically important it is that we have that major investment in those very important areas.</para>
<para>In contrast to the Gillard government's positive Clean Energy Future plan, all we see from the Leader of the Opposition is a negative and dishonest scare campaign when it comes to the issue of climate change. We know that he has said before that he thinks climate change is 'absolute crap'. He has made that comment previously. He wants to let the 500 biggest polluters off the hook and instead slug households to pay polluters. The fact is the Leader of the Opposition cannot be trusted with either our economy or our environment. We also know that the opposition have said that they will take back the compensation from the hands of householders. Only a couple of weeks ago we had the shadow Treasurer confirming that. He said he would be taking back that compensation. Well, I would like him to come and tell those more than 50,000 people in my electorate that he is going to take away their pension increases and their increases in family payments. That is exactly what the opposition intend to do and that will have a very severe impact on many people within my electorate.</para>
<para>I would like to ask the members of the opposition here today to consider the words of the Prime Minister when she introduced the bill to the House. The Prime Minister asked the members of the opposition to consider whether they are on the right side of history. Placing a price on carbon is the right thing to do. We must, as a nation, take these actions now to ensure that we begin our journey to a clean energy future. It is a future that will ensure our economic prosperity and protect our environment and our environmental surrounds. It is very important that we do both. Indeed, these clean energy bills will do that, ensuring our economic prosperity into the future and preserving our environment for future generations. I commend the bills to the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs GRIGGS</name>
    <name.id>220370</name.id>
    <electorate>Solomon</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The introduction of the Clean Energy Bill and associated bills, and the potential long-term ramifications should these bills become legislation, is deeply divisive and possibly the most damaging issue that I have ever witnessed in the public domain. In fact, the words 'deeply divisive' fail to adequately paint a true picture of the potential impact and the voter sentiment being felt in the broader community and indeed in my electorate of Solomon. As we have heard, prior to the last federal election the Prime Minister said, 'There will be no carbon tax under the government I lead.' These words remain deeply etched in the minds of most Australians, including schoolchildren. Yes, the current leader of this great nation stood before all Australians and categorically ruled out a carbon tax. Yet one year on, here we sit—in this 43rd Parliament with its new paradigm—divided and engaged in bitter debate on this issue, an issue which has the capacity to unseat a government. In my own electorate, people from all walks of life, all sectors of the community, all socioeconomic circumstances and all political persuasions tell me that this new tax is nothing more than a money grab by an inept government and that it will not do anything to help the environment. The general consensus is that this tax has nothing to do with sustainability and a longer term cleaner and greener environment. Sustainability is a question that many of my constituents have pondered and have candidly discussed with me. They have said: 'How can we talk about sustainability with the implementation of a carbon tax? It just does not make sense.' It is a tax that the voting public will be paying for, a tax that the Gillard Labor government claims is designed to apply an impost on only 500 of the country's biggest polluters. The Gillard Labor government says that it understands that there may be some disadvantages as a result of the carbon tax, so to offset the minimal cost implications—as provided by the government's modelling—a compensation package will be implemented to assist Australia's lowest paid. I suggest that this is a tax amassed in economic pain and not about environmental gain. The government's own figures indicate that this tax will immediately put the price of electricity up by 10 per cent, cause a nine per cent increase in gas bills and leave a $4.3 billion hole in the budget.</para>
<para>In the Northern Territory prices for most everyday items, including electricity and gas, are higher than in most other places in Australia. Coupled with its higher transport costs, higher cost of living and higher housing affordability the Northern Territory is already doing it tough. Yet the Gillard Labor government says that it understands there may be some costs passed on to consumers as a result of this tax. Despite the Prime Minister's assurances, Territorians remain unconvinced that they will not be worse off. I have had thousands and thousands of my constituents voice their concerns against the carbon tax. I am listening to them, and the message I am giving this House is that my electorate is saying no carbon tax.</para>
<para>The Leader of the Opposition has made this House aware that this government has a history of price rises, with a 51 per cent average increase in power prices, a 30 per cent average increase in gas prices, a 46 per cent average increase in water prices, a 24 per cent average increase in education costs and a 20 per cent average increase in health costs. These increases are before any impact is felt from the introduction of a carbon tax. These prices will continue to increase and we know that any price increase will further deepen the already tight budgets of most Australians.</para>
<para>I know that in the Northern Territory we will feel the pain of every single price increase. My constituents tell me of their concerns and their financial pain. I have already indicated that in my electorate there is a strong feeling of resentment toward the Gillard Labor government for introducing the carbon tax. Small local businesses underpin most communities and this is no different within my electorate. My background is in business. I understand the economics and the sweat, tears and effort needed to maintain and grow a business. I understand the impact that rising costs have on a business. A number of business owners within my electorate tell me that they are struggling. Margins are falling while costs are rising. There is no doubt that small businesses are a good barometer for local communities in terms of how strong an economy is. When I hear local business owners say that the predicted increased costs for electricity and gas under the carbon tax will impact on them significantly, when small operators say they are not sure they will remain viable and in business or that they will have to downsize or let some staff go, I feel their hurt, I feel their anguish and I feel their anger. I echo the words of my colleagues and say to this government: now is not the time to add additional burdens on businesses, now is not the time to add additional burden on families and now is not the time to add to sovereign risk issues associated with Australia.</para>
<para>The basis behind the introduction of these bills is for the government to address global environmental concerns by reducing carbon emissions. A key element of the government's policy propels Australia toward reaching a five per cent reduction in greenhouse gas emissions by 2020. This is not through a mechanism of environmental sustainability but by an internationally linked scheme for the purchase of offshore permits. The Prime Minister has said this is going to be an internationally linked scheme—and so it should be. As the Deputy Leader of the Opposition has already outlined, the World Bank reported recently that the international market in carbon credits has suffered a debilitating collapse and expressed doubt about the ongoing viability of global markets.</para>
<para>Trading in credits commenced following the adoption of the Kyoto protocol in 2005 and $25 billion was generated over the years 2005 to 2009. However, figures for last year indicate a collapse to $1.5 billion. Why? it is due to concerns about the ongoing commitment of nations post the Kyoto expiry in 2012. Internationally, concerns are being raised about the potential for corruption and crime in respect of dealings in carbon credits. Instances of fraud, as evidenced within the European Union, are already a real concern. An estimated $57 billion of taxpayer funds, as proposed by the Gillard Labor government in its carbon tax policy, is being sent offshore to purchase and secure carbon offsets to enable the government to reach its target of an 80 per cent reduction in emissions by 2050.</para>
<para>Australia from a global perspective in many respects is viewed as a responsible corporate citizen in the global community. Yet as a nation this government wants to be the first to introduce an economy-wide carbon tax, or emissions trading scheme—a scheme that has the potential to disadvantage and disrupt the competitive position of Australia in terms of its export markets, a scheme that has the potential for businesses to trade offshore with countries with inferior emissions standards. Without the support of similar economy-wide carbon tax schemes across multiple countries, including big polluters such as the United States, India and China, Australia is giving away an enormous competitive advantage to overseas manufacturing. At a time when there is uncertainty in the global economy, at a time when most countries are focused on the business of their own local economic development, at a time when countries are trying to maintain if not improve the standard of living for themselves, our current Labor government seems determined to reduce our standard of living through the implementation of this carbon tax.</para>
<para>The government's Clean Energy Future plan has four key elements: putting a price on carbon pollution; promoting innovation and investment in renewable energy; improving energy efficiency; and creating opportunities in the land sector to cut pollution. The fact is that, according to the government's own statements, carbon emissions for Australia will continue to impact on the climate and will increase from 578 million tonnes to 621 million tonnes between 2012 and 2020. The government promised and proposed that every cent of the moneys collected by this tax would go to households. This government already has a credibility issue, and now we learn that, although it promised 100 per cent of the tax collected would go to households, it is now down to 50 per cent. You just cannot believe anything this government says. The true worth of any compensation to be paid under this carbon tax remains, to some extent, shrouded in a mist of uncertainty. Modelling across the country by a number of state governments, including the Labor government of Queensland, shows considerable economic impacts associated with the introduction of this carbon tax. The Northern Territory will, unfortunately, showcase the impact of this new tax. Why? Because of its remoteness. Not the most distant from Canberra, my electorate is one of the most remote in terms of population and demographics. Every access or exit to the electorate of Solomon is via transport. It is not just a short hop, skip, jump or drive down the road; it is thousands of kilometres from any state or major centre. Our lifelines rely on transport. Any impost on the preparation, manufacture, production, packaging, cooling, heating and transporting of goods will be impacted on by this carbon tax.</para>
<para>As I have already said, we in the Territory already pay extra for transport costs, and it looks like we are going to be paying more. The government will have us believe that the impact of this new tax will be minimal and, in fact, that the compensation package will provide equality for those most in need. But if you happen to be a pensioner, self-funded retiree, small business operator or one of the many other Australians struggling to make ends meet and you live in remote Australia, your government will not let you down, they will just tax you down. How on earth do the government expect the average Australian to quantify the cost of a carbon tax, when Blind Freddy can see that a carbon tax is meant to hurt? If it does not, how does it change behaviour? How does the cost of trading carbon credits address the impact of climate change in Kakadu or the Great Barrier Reef?</para>
<para>I would like to share with the House an example of how this tax affects a local aviation business in my electorate. Airnorth, an award-winning Territory-grown business, commenced operations in 1978 as an air charter service across the Territory. By 1993 Airnorth's expansion had continued to encompass the entire Northern Territory, from Uluru to Darwin. Airnorth is now a major aviation operator in Northern Australia with 156 scheduled departures weekly, servicing 14 destinations and carrying in excess of 250,000 passengers annually. It employs more than 180 staff in Darwin. This is a good new story for the Territory—right?—of a solid but small company providing essential services to the Top End of Australia. Unfortunately, with the looming of the carbon tax, the company is concerned, or should I say alarmed, at the impost the proposed carbon tax will have upon it.</para>
<para>The Executive Chairman of Airnorth, Mr Michael Bridge, shared with me some of his company's concerns and the projected impact that this tax would have on their business and growth plans. Mr Deputy Speaker, I urge you and other members of this House to listen to these figures. In 2011-12 Airnorth budgeted to use 15.5 million litres of aviation fuel. In 2012-13 they plan to use 16.5 million litres of aviation fuel. In 2013-14 it will increase to 21 million litres of aviation fuel. In 2014-15 it will increase again to an estimated 25 million litres of aviation fuel. Based solely on the usage of fuel, the direct affect that a carbon tax will have on Airnorth in the 2012-13 financial year will be an additional tax of $986,700. In 2013-14 it will be $1.3 million and in 2014-15 the company will have to pay an additional tax of $1.65 million. If this company is to remain prosperous and provide the services that are required by its consumers, it will have no choice but to pass these additional costs on to those consumers.</para>
<para>In addition to the issue of this significant increase in tax, Mr Bridge also highlighted to me that the Gillard Labor government had publicly stated that they are taxing Australia's 500 biggest polluters. Airnorth would not even be close to being rated as one of the 500 big polluters but, as outlined here today, they are to be taxed anyway. This is because the Gillard Labor government have applied the carbon tax to the aviation industry through the aviation fuel levy. This means no matter how big or small your aviation business is, the tax will be applied regardless. Airnorth is not the only aviation company that will be affected, as this will be applied equally to other Territory aviation companies including Hardy Aviation, Chartair and Pearl Aviation, right down to the small operators in private aircraft. They will all be paying the tax. Mr Deputy Speaker, need I say more? This tax is unjust and, as I have clearly demonstrated here today, it will hurt all Australians. This carbon tax will not be fair, as it will be significantly greater for small businesses and for people living in the remoter areas of Australia.</para>
<para>I have been consulting with my constituents in Solomon and they are very clear that they do not want a carbon tax. In fact, the Northern Territory Legislative Assembly passed a motion to have the implementation of any carbon tax delayed for 50 years. This action reflects the view of Territorians and they do not want a carbon tax. I wonder if Minister Snowdon, the member for Lingiari, will stand alongside me and not support the carbon tax. Will he stand up for Territorians and not support the carbon tax?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MARLES</name>
    <name.id>HWQ</name.id>
    <electorate>Corio</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak in support of the Clean Energy Bill 2011 and related bills which form a scheme of legislation to put a price on carbon emissions within our economy via a market mechanism. We will do this by issuing permits to those companies who emit more than 25,000 tonnes of CO2 every year, and that equates to about the 500 largest carbon emitters in our economy. The price of these permits will, in the first year, be $23 a tonne and in years 2 and 3 will increase by about 2.5 per cent. Thereafter, the price of those permits will float and they will become tradeable.</para>
<para>It is predicted that this will give rise to an increase in prices within our economy which will equate to just under $10 per household. Half the money which is raised through the selling of these permits will go to low- and middle-income households to enable them to deal with the increase in prices. That will be done by tripling the tax-free threshold, by giving rise to tax cuts and by increasing benefits through the family benefits scheme. In this way 400,000 Australians will get 120 per cent of that $10 increase. That is to say that they will be better off at the end of this. At least two-thirds of Australians will have the full amount of that price increase provided to them through tax cuts and pension increases. Ninety per cent of Australians will get some form of compensation. In this way, it is important to understand that the carbon price will be funding tax cuts and pension increases for ordinary Australians. It is also important to understand that half of the money that will be raised will go to assist those industries, particularly emissions-intensive trade-exposed industries, so as to secure those jobs at those companies. That is a very important element of this scheme. While there are many companies which will have an ability to pass on costs associated with the carbon price, there will be some which are in a difficult situation within the economy, so they are being provided with assistance.</para>
<para>In my electorate of Corio, both Shell and Alcoa, for example, will be shielded from the carbon price to the extent of almost 95 per cent of the permits that they will be required to purchase. That is a very big win for the people of Geelong and for the economy of Geelong. I have spoken in depth with the companies within my electorate which are faced with paying the carbon price and I want to thank them for the constructive way in which they have worked with me and with the government in working through this package. I do believe that the package as it is now established minimises the effect on those businesses and I think that that is their view as well.</para>
<para>Economy wide, we are talking about a relatively small change to the economy—relative, for example, to the impact of the GST. This is, crudely speaking, going to see an increase of about one per cent in prices in our economy, with a corresponding package which will compensate people for that one per cent. That compares to nearly 10 per cent each way which applied to the GST.</para>
<para>My electorate of Corio, in my view, is very much on the front line of this debate. In what is the most carbon intensive economy in the developed world, Geelong is perhaps the most carbon intensive city within Australia. We have an aluminium smelter. We have an oil refinery. We have a car plant. We have cement works. We have other manufacturing. So any suggestion or proposition to place a price on carbon is obviously met with intense interest in the electorate of Corio. At the same time, of course, we are a seaside city. Much of that industry is located on the coast. We also have a vibrant tourism industry focused on the Great Ocean Road to the south-west of Geelong, which is a tourist attraction based on the current configuration of our coastline. So any talk about a rise in sea levels will directly affect Geelong. Indeed, being in south-east Australia, a part of the world which is predicted to see less rainfall as a result of increasing global temperatures, we are also a part of the world which is water stressed. So on both sides of the debate this is an issue which is felt very intensely within the electorate of Corio, and I think you can see that by the way in which the <inline font-style="italic">Geelong Advertiser</inline> has—I think very fairly—covered this issue.</para>
<para>I have been involved in holding many forums of businesses that would be affected by the carbon price, of people who work for those companies and indeed of groups that are very keen to see this country act to meet the challenge of climate change. What I take from that is not a sense that people want to plunge their heads into the sand but quite the opposite: a sense that people want to see this challenge met, that we meet it and we do it right and that, in placing a price on carbon, we do so in a way which gets it right. I very much believe that the package of bills which is before this parliament today does that.</para>
<para>The starting point in this debate is about the whole question of climate change. It amazes me that there is still a debate in this country about whether or not climate change is real, yet we very much see comments from the other side of this parliament which time and again make it clear that there are people on the other side of the parliament—indeed, a large number—who frankly believe that climate change is not real. The member for Gilmore referred to the IPCC findings, for example, as being 'very dubious scientific assumptions'. The member for Hume said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… the argument that a reduction in carbon dioxide will somehow prevent future drought, or even increase rainfall, is entirely spurious.</para></quote>
<para>And we know what the Leader of the Opposition says about this debate in his private moments—or not-so-private moments.</para>
<para>The science of this, in my view, is pretty simple. We are experiencing unprecedented levels of carbon dioxide in our atmosphere. Ice core samples, which are the most reliable way of seeing the levels of carbon dioxide in past times, take our time line back about 800,000 years. In that time, the levels of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere have been accurately recorded between 180 and 300 parts per million. In 1830, before the Industrial Revolution, the level was 280 parts per million. Now that figure is at 390 parts per million. That is an uncontested fact. There is not a scientist on the planet who contests that proposition. That is the first point.</para>
<para>The second point is this. There are a number of scientists who ask, 'If there is such a fundamental change in our atmosphere going on, what will this mean?' so many, many scientists have attempted to model the fact of the high levels of CO2 within our atmosphere. The vast preponderance of scientists who have modelled this have come up with the conclusion that it will result in a change to our climate which will see temperatures go up and, as a result, sea levels go up. That the vast preponderance of scientists have that view is also an uncontested fact. There are some scientists, a small minority, who model this in a different way, but the vast majority model it with predictions of an increase in temperature. That is the second point.</para>
<para>The third point is this. We are starting to see, right now, results in our climate which are consistent with the vast preponderance of those models. We have just lived through the hottest decade that has ever been recorded since records have been in place on this planet.</para>
<para>So we have those things: an unprecedented fact, which is uncontested; a series of modelling, the preponderance of which predicts that temperatures will rise as a result of that fact; and our now experiencing and witnessing temperatures rising. Does that mean that we are certainly going to see climate change? It does not. It might be that the small minority of people modelling this problem may be right. Is it right that we can definitely say that Hurricane Katrina or the Queensland floods were a consequence of climate change? Of course, we cannot say that about either of those particular events. Because of that, this is fertile ground for people to go out and reject the science. But, in doing so, they do not ask the fundamental question, which is this: is there a sufficient risk, right now, given the science and given this uncontested change in our atmosphere, that it will give rise to climate change and all the catastrophic consequences which are predicted to arise from that for our children and our grandchildren?</para>
<para>Clearly, the answer to that question is: the risk is sufficient and we should be acting as public policy makers. In truth, we have been able to answer that fundamental question with certainty for more than a decade. This is the precautionary principle. To not see that now is to wilfully plunge one's head into the sand. History will condemn those people who plunge their heads into the sand and do not deal with this issue now.</para>
<para>In my electorate of Corio the very large companies who will be bearing the issues of the price on carbon absolutely understand the issue here. The Shell company said, 'Shell shares the widespread concern that the emission of greenhouse gases such as CO2 from human activities is contributing to global climate change.' Alcoa said, 'Alcoa supports an economy-wide response to the challenge of climate change.' Ford said, 'At Ford, we acknowledge the science of climate change.' There is no doubt that those companies understand the risk that is at hand.</para>
<para>The global challenge often articulated in this issue is trying to lock in a climate change increase of two degrees or less, which involves stabilising CO2within our atmosphere at 450 parts per million, which the CSIRO said will involve halving CO2emissions by 2050. This is expected to mean very significant changes within our lifetime: two billion people exposed to water shortages and 30 per cent of plant and animal species put at risk of extinction.</para>
<para>What we are doing today is playing our part in meeting that global challenge. This government does understand that our emissions compared to those of the rest of the world are relatively small. There is a bigger reason now for us to move via this legislation—that is, the rest of the world is moving and we cannot afford to be left behind. Thirty-two countries have walked down the path of dealing with climate change through an emissions trading scheme or some other form of abatement policy, as have 10 US states—and California will be starting an emissions trading scheme at the beginning of next year. Most importantly, China is cutting its emissions per unit of GDP by 40 per cent to 45 per cent by 2020 on 2005 levels, ensuring that 15 per cent of its energy needs by 2020 will be through non-fossil fuels. It is increasing its forestation. It has the largest renewable electricity generation capacity in the world. Thirteen districts in China are trialling low-carbon plans, including looking at CO2 emissions trading schemes. Where China goes, the rest of the world will follow.</para>
<para>That is good news from the point of view of dealing with this global challenge; but, in a world where having a CO2 dependent economy is penalised—and we have an economy which is the most carbon dependent in the developed world—Australia will be particularly exposed. We cannot afford to be left behind with such an economy; to do so puts at risk future jobs and future industry. This demands that we act now. How we act is the easiest question in this debate. The most important social phenomenon which has existed over the last 200 years—the power of the market—must be harnessed in the most efficient and least costly way to deliver this change.</para>
<para>Putting a price on carbon will encourage new industries and new solutions. We do not say whether it is gas, whether it is solar or whether it is wind, because we are not about picking winners; if the incentives are right within the economy—and this package will ensure that they are—we know that companies will put their best and brightest to work so that they get the right solutions. We know a market mechanism is the best. Malcolm Turnbull understands that a market mechanism is the best. Greg Hunt wrote theses about a market mechanism being the best way to deal with this issue.</para>
<para>Walking down the path of a direct action policy is not a serious contribution to this debate. We know that this is a policy which, in the words of Ross Garnaut, 'would have some rationale if we wanted to pretend to take action against climate change but not do much'. That is exactly what we are seeing in relation to the direct action plan.</para>
<para>Abraham Lincoln once said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… we cannot escape history. We of this Congress and this administration, will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal significance, or insignificance, can spare one or another of us. The fiery trial through which we pass, will light us down, in honor or dishonor, to the latest generation.</para></quote>
<para>This debate and this vote, more than any other we have seen in this place, will be scrutinised and remembered by history. It will condemn those who vote against it. It will particularly condemn those who know in their hearts that this is the right way to go but do not vote in accordance with their beliefs.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RAMSEY</name>
    <name.id>HWS</name.id>
    <electorate>Grey</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to address the Clean Energy Bill 2011 and related legislation. The government has no mandate for these bills—in fact, it has a mandate to oppose the bills. Of the 150 members in this place, 149 took the same policy to the last election—that is, not to implement a carbon tax.</para>
<para>Would we be having this debate if Prime Minister Gillard had said on August 16 last year, 'My government will introduce a carbon tax', instead of, 'There will be no carbon tax under a government that I lead'? If, on 20 August, she had said, 'I rule in a carbon tax', instead of, 'I rule out a carbon tax', would Australia now be facing a new tax of no less than $8.5 billion per annum on the biggest employers of the nation? If the Treasurer, Wayne Swan, had said on 15 August, 'We will move towards a carbon tax', instead of, 'Certainly, what we reject is this hysterical allegation somehow that we are moving towards a carbon tax; we certainly reject that', would Julia Gillard be here as Prime Minister of Australia? The answers are: no, no and no. No, we would not be having this debate; no, we would not be facing an $8.5 billion tax; and, no, Julia Gillard would not be the Prime Minister if she and her ministers had told the truth. They would simply not be the government of Australia.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister said she had no choice; the tax was the price of the deal with the Greens; the tax was part of the deal to deliver government, the cost of government. But no-one held a gun at her head—and could anyone seriously contemplate a parliament where the Greens supported the coalition? Is it really fair for the Prime Minister to blame the Greens? Surely now we are seeing the real Julia; or perhaps we are not. After all, this is the same person who as Deputy Prime Minister advised the then Prime Minister of Australia, Kevin Rudd—who, in all likelihood, will also be the next Prime Minister—to abandon the ETS. Who knows what she really thinks? Surely the ETS and migration, on which the government has gone through considerable contortions, are two of the issues on which Julia Gillard asked the Australian public to judge her. If she wants to be properly judged, she should lay the new deal—the government's completely reversed position—on the table and ask the Australian public for a mandate, because she certainly does not have a mandate for the course that she has chosen on either issue.</para>
<para>We are advised repeatedly that Australia is being left behind on the issue of climate change; that the rest of the world is moving on. But is it really? We could be forgiven for believing that Australia is an international pariah—the worst emitter per capita in the world—but that claim is simply not true. According to the US Department of Energy, Australia is number 11 in the world among polluters. In fact, Australia is about equivalent in this respect to similar resource rich economies and, importantly, to our direct competitors the US and Canada. There is no chance that either competitor nation will introduce an economy-wide carbon tax similar to ours anytime soon—and if the US and Canada do not do so then neither will anyone else.</para>
<para>The only economy in the world that has done anything significant in this space is the EU, and we should take a closer look at what the Europeans have done. While it is true that they have an ETS and have managed to cap emissions, all is not what it seems and bears closer examination. The European ETS is largely a tax on electricity, and 80 per cent of the manufacturers covered by the scheme are eligible for 100 percent compensation up to 2020. Certainly the French President is not having anything to do with a tax on his country's industries which industries in the rest of the world do not have to face. He says that a carbon tax:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… threatens our jobs, [and] it would be absurd to tax French companies while giving—</para></quote>
<para>an edge—</para>
<quote><para class="block">to those in polluting countries.</para></quote>
<para>The great promoters in this country of European action neglect to tell us that, at the same time as Europe has capped emissions, its importation of embedded emissions has risen by 30 percent. That means that the CO2 emitted for manufactured goods and raw materials consumed in Europe has occurred in other countries, mainly China, where there are no restrictions on emissions. Effectively, the Europeans have transported their emissions to nations where they will not be counted. To clarify this situation further, Australia, which is the 11th highest emitter per capita in the world, emits a full 18 percent of its total CO2 on behalf of other countries—the emissions are embedded in our exports. If we export our products to a country such as Britain, it makes their balance sheet look good and ours look bad. If these emissions were removed from Australia CO2 accounts, we would rank about No. 30 on the world's list of carbon sinners—not bad for a country which has the greatest tyranny of distance in the world.</para>
<para>I turn to some specific industries and the likely impacts on the communities they support—for example, my electorate of Grey. While much has been said about the cost-of-living implications of a carbon tax for Australians—and quite rightly so—my strongest concerns with the tax are to do with carbon leakage and the effects on exporting and importing businesses which are competing but which have no power within the marketplace to pass on their costs. In particular, I am concerned about the impact on two major employers in my electorate: OneSteel in Whyalla and Nyrstar in Port Pirie.</para>
<para>Let us look at the example of OneSteel. It is pertinent that the government has recognised that there is a serious problem in the steel industry and offered a $300 million steel transformation package over four years. One thing I often say about the carbon tax is that it is pointless unless it changes behaviour. But the government has shown with the parameters of this tax that it has no understanding of this idea. In the case of OneSteel, surely the object of the tax is to allow lower emission technologies to compete and, by making current high-emission technology more expensive, to place external costs on the business so that it switches to a process which emits less CO2. That only makes sense if there are alternative technologies; however, in the production of steel, 80 percent of the CO2 emissions are unavoidable. They come from using coke to convert iron to steel, and regardless of the cost they cannot be avoided. High taxes on steel cannot change CO2 efficiency. If we want to reduce Australia's emissions from steel, the only way of making a significant difference is to close industry down and send it offshore. That will not cut the world's emissions, but it will reduce Australia's emissions. Of course, this is less than pointless for the environment but will meet the government's aims.</para>
<para>The steel assistance package does nothing more than cushion the impact of the tax by compensating for the tax. However, for the reasons I have just outlined, the package will not facilitate industry's significantly altering its behaviour. There will be four years of assistance—and then what? There will be nothing but a rising carbon price: $29 a tonne by 2015 and $37 a tonne in 2020. This is a policy to get us past the next election, not a policy which will ensure that we have a steel industry in Australia or, most importantly, a policy which will reduce the amount of CO2 emitted in the world, as opposed to reducing it just in Australia.</para>
<para>Considering that the government assumes that $300 million will be enough compensation for the hundreds of millions of dollars that will be extracted from the steel industry and so allow OneSteel and BlueScope to keep making steel for the next four years, can we assume that, as the tax rises to 60 percent by the year 2020, the industry will need a $480 million package?</para>
<para>After refusing to debate the clean energy bills separately, the government is now opportunistically splitting off just one—the steel industry assistance package—presumably to try to embarrass me; it has already named me in the media. The great Muhammad Ali had an in-ring tactic called rope-a-dope. But I am not a dope, and I am not for roping. If the Greens-Labor Party bills are lethal for the steel industry then those parties are responsible for see their package is passed in full. If they cannot then they should abandon the bills. These are bills, I might add, that only 28 per cent of Australians support.</para>
<para>As the member for Whyalla I cannot support a bill in isolation, because it is only a stop gap. It will not achieve structural change; it will provide only a short-term benefit. Should I support just the steel assistance package, then I should be judged as the member who assisted in installing a tax which will continue to ramp up costs on the steel and lead-zinc industries until the pain is too great to bear.</para>
<para>Make no mistake, we are debating this tax because it was the price of a deal with the Greens. Well, in that case let them be responsible for the full effects of the tax or support the 'crumbs off the table' approach that may allow the steel industry to struggle along for a few years before being completely killed off.</para>
<para>That brings me to Nyrstar. Nyrstar has two plants in Australia: one in Port Pirie in my electorate and the other in Hobart in the electorate of Denison. The two plants are interdependent. In 1997, in order to comply with international anti dumping-at-sea conventions, Nyrstar's previous owners invested $70 million to stop sea-dumping of waste from the Hobart plant, instead electing to reprocess in Port Pirie. The waste has very low mineral concentrations and for all intents and purposes is nearly worthless. If the Port Pirie operation does not exist, then neither can Hobart. And there are no other practical alternatives to dealing with this waste. Now the Hobart plant is a zinc-processing plant and because it sits in the highest-intensity band of emissions it will be granted 95 per cent. In comparison, Port Pirie is a multi-metal smelter but predominately handles lead and zinc. The zinc component will attract the same 95 per cent credits under the government's tax; however, the lead part of the business will receive only 60 per cent credits. Inexplicably, the government chose to break a fully-integrated, multi-processing plant down into separate entities for taxing purposes.</para>
<para>The tax will cost Nyrstar in excess of $10 million in the first year, rising to $16 million per year by 2020, and more beyond that, should they still be in business. Similarly to steel production, there are virtually no means by which Nyrstar can alter the process to emit less CO2. They have no way of passing their cost increases on for they are price takers in a world market. The tax can only be described as a tax to raise money; it cannot be classed as a tax to alter behaviour—and surely that should be its purpose.</para>
<para>What is not widely known is that the Port Pirie plant is in need of major refurbishment. Within the next five years Nyrstar, the world's biggest zinc producer—it is a company based in Switzerland with another four smelters based around the world—must choose to reinvest in Port Pirie, or the plant will have to close. The cost of refurbishment will be in excess of $400 million. Under the laws proposed by the government, it is impossible to believe the company would choose to invest that amount of money in Australia. It simply will not happen. So, without a better compensation package it is almost certain Nyrstar will elect to remove itself from Port Pirie—and that means Hobart too. It will be a casualty of a carbon tax the Prime Minister promised us we would never have. Further than that, I recently I saw figures showing that a tonne of zinc refined in China, consumes almost double the energy used here in Australia.</para>
<para>I am concerned also that the Alinta power stations at Port Augusta will also be affected, even though it is unsure just what the tax will mean for them. Certainly, there is a chance that South Australia will develop an unstable electricity grid if these base-load generators are removed, and I think it highly likely that government—state or federal—will have to pay Alinta to stay on line, or subsidise gas replacements. I am concerned that we have not properly assessed the impact of the expanding renewable energy sector in the state. Courtesy of wind generation, South Australian consumers are likely to face some difficult circumstances in the medium future, but I will take an opportunity to inform the House on that issue at a later date.</para>
<para>In the wider sense the economic backbone of my electorate—agriculture, fishing, aquaculture, mining, and the overseas-competing tourism industry—faces the embedded costs of a carbon tax and has no ability to pass on the cost. While agriculture is directly exempt, that is only for the time being. By 2014 heavy transport will face the full cost. I wish government members would acquaint themselves with a map of Australia. A heavy transport tax is a tax on our weakness. Everything in regional Australia, which is the generator of the primary wealth of this nation, faces a freight barrier the rest of the world will never understand. Fishermen will pay more for fuel; they will pay more to refrigerate their catch. Farmers will pay more for freight, fertilizer and chemicals. Miners will pay more for fuel, electricity and transport. Tourism operators will face more for airfares and untaxed competition from overseas. None of them will get any compensation from the government; none of them can pass on the costs. All of them will pay for the government's lollies for the masses. All of them have been abandoned by this government, which has betrayed its electoral commitments and will not seek a mandate for the biggest reversal of policy this country has ever seen.</para>
<para>All sides of politics agree that we need to reduce our CO2 output; however, there is a better way than installing a tax that Australians were promised they would not have and, despite the government's best efforts, clearly do not want. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DANBY</name>
    <name.id>WF6</name.id>
    <electorate>Melbourne Ports</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Clean Energy Bill 2011 and related bills. We have a responsibility to ensure that generations after us do not inherit the problems of today. A carbon price, in my view, is an effective method to transit our economy from a high-emitting economy to a low-emitting one.</para>
<para>We would like to be remembered as having left to our children a better Australia and a better economy than we inherited. We can say when we leave this place that when we were asked to act we did not falter but instead rose above the bitter, vitriolic—indeed, I would argue, conspiracy-raising—point-scoring that has been part of this debate.</para>
<para>Many people in this debate act in good faith. As on most issues, they vote on the future of the country in that spirit. That is why the introduction of the clean energy bills and the implementation of a carbon price is essential. The clean energy bills will ensure that the 500 largest polluters in Australia pay for emitting carbon, not ourselves. Costs that are passed on to consumers will be offset by compensation. In my own electorate of Melbourne Ports, surrounded by Port Phillip Bay, 14,500 pensioners will receive an extra $338 per year if they are single, and there will be up to $510 per year for couples combined. Two thousand, three hundred self-funded retirees will receive an extra $338 per year if they are single, and there will be up to $510 per year for couples combined. Three thousand job seekers in Melbourne Ports will get up to $218 extra per year, for singles, and $390 per year, for couples. Seven hundred single parents in Melbourne Ports will get an extra $289 per year, and 2,100 students will get up to $117 extra per year.</para>
<para>The government will also be providing tax cuts that will increase the tax-free threshold—this is most significant—from $6,000 to $18,000 on 1 July 2012 and to $19,400 on 1 July 2015. The tax cuts from the increase in the threshold gradually will be offset so that those with taxable incomes under $80,000 a year get a cut that counters their higher energy prices, while those earning about $80,000 will have no change in their tax bills. Overall, the carbon price will see prices rise by less than one per cent. The modelling says that there will be an increase in the number of jobs by 2013 and a further increase in 2020. Of course, with international economic circumstances we cannot necessarily predict exactly where the Australian economy will be going, but certainly the economic evidence that I have seen suggests that with the new arrangements under the clean energy legislation there will be as many jobs newly created as may be jeopardised.</para>
<para>Our $9.2 billion Jobs and Competitiveness Program will shield heavy industry sectors like steelmaking, aluminium production and glass and paper manufacturing from the carbon price to support jobs in Australia. The $300 million Steel Transformation Plan will provide extra assistance for steelmakers. I note it was even supported on <inline font-style="italic">Lateline</inline> last night by Mr Warburton, who said that, despite his opposition to this legislation, the industry associations do support the Steel Transformation Plan. On top of that, there is an $800 million Clean Technology Investment Program, which will provide grants for manufacturers to invest in energy-saving equipment and low-pollution technologies—and there is also a special $150 million program for the food-processing sector.</para>
<para>Those opposite would have us believe that in Australia we are increasing the cost of living by hundreds of dollars for each Australian. We are not. As I said, any costs will be offset by compensation—compensation which those opposite claim they will take away, after the legislation has passed, from pensioners, students and low-income earning Australians who will benefit from the new higher tax-free threshold. A carbon price will not apply to emissions from agriculture and from cars and light commercial vehicles or to off-road agriculture, forestry and fishery uses.</para>
<para>When Malcolm Turnbull rose in support of the ETS last year he said the reason he backed the ETS, and the Liberals had proposed it under John Howard, was:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… because we as Liberals believed in the superior efficiency of the free market to set a price on carbon.</para></quote>
<para>It is ironic that the opposition are opposed to the free market. For all their raging about us being socialists et cetera, we are the ones who are supporting it.</para>
<para>We still have a bipartisan medium-term target of reducing our emissions by between five and 16 per cent on 2000 levels by 2020. So I ask: if there is bipartisan support for the level of reduction then surely those opposite ought to be willing to support initiatives to reduce our emissions? But the opposition are now opposed to being part of the process to tackle climate change. This was not always the case, and I believe many within the opposition still believe that the best course to take is a price on carbon and then a carbon emissions trading scheme.</para>
<para>The shadow Treasurer, the member for North Sydney, admitted in May last year in the <inline font-style="italic">Sydney Morning Herald</inline> that it was 'inevitable' that Australia would have a price on carbon. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Inevitably we'll have a price on carbon … we'll have to.</para></quote>
<para>The member for Warringah, the Leader of the Opposition, once supported a tax on carbon. We have all seen the footage of the interview the Leader of the Opposition gave to Sky News in 2009, but his words are worth remembering. In the interview, the member for Warringah said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… if you want to put a price on carbon, why not just do it with a simple tax? … Why not ask electricity consumers to pay more? And then at the end of the year, you can take your invoices to the tax office and get a rebate. It would be burdensome—all taxes are burdensome—but it would certainly raise the price of carbon without increasing in any way the overall tax burden.</para></quote>
<para>It is clear that Mr Abbott will say or do anything—will change his position on climate change over and over again, just like he has on the issue of offshore detention, or whatever it takes—to get himself into the Lodge.</para>
<para>The coalition, under their plan, will tax people, not polluters. The member for Warringah's 'direct action' plan would hit every Australian household with a $720-a-year charge. Business costs would rise. Living costs would rise. The Liberal plan costs families $720 a year, does not protect or create jobs and, most importantly, does not work. There is no evidence that the Liberal plan will achieve its carbon reduction goals. I am in favour of tree planting, but some people have said that an area the size of Tasmania would have to be planted to put into effect the opposition's plan. Clearly, it is beyond the realms of possibility.</para>
<para>The vitriol that this debate has engendered and the conspiracy theories about scientists that have been flying around have added to a climate of fear in Australia. In particular I disassociate myself from the incredible acrimony the people from the Academy of Science, our great scientists, have faced. The member for Wentworth's words are poignant, and I would appeal to those opposite to heed them. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">But first, let me say straight up that the question of whether or to what extent human activity is causing global warming is not a matter of ideology let alone of belief. The matter is simply one of risk management. It is, moreover, not a question of left versus right. Indeed, it was Margaret Thatcher who more than 20 years ago called for immediate action to reduce greenhouse gas emissions …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">If Margaret Thatcher took climate change seriously—</para></quote>
<para>the member for Wentworth argued—</para>
<quote><para class="block">and believed we should take action to reduce global greenhouse emissions, then taking action and supporting and accepting the science can hardly be the mark of insipient Bolshevism.</para></quote>
<para>I have been very influenced by the presentations of a range of scientists who have come to this House to explain to us the impacts of global warming. The CSIRO, our scientists and indeed those of us who argue for this legislation are not part of some green conspiracy to con the Australian people into taking action on climate change. After all, carbon emissions trading was the policy of former Liberal Prime Minister John Howard. The Conservative government in the United Kingdom, led by Prime Minister David Cameron, has announced that the UK will be implementing policies to reduce greenhouse gas emissions in Britain. The conservative Prime Minister of New Zealand, John Key, is committed to continuing New Zealand's carbon emissions trading scheme. These are not Green political parties. They are responsible economic conservatives who believe that a carbon emissions trading scheme and a price on carbon are the best way to move from a high-emitting economy to a low-emitting economy. Essentially, it is the same policy that the Australian Labor Party supports.</para>
<para>Even China, whose economy is so rapidly expanding—and where there are many dubious pollution effects that you can quite clearly see if you visit there or that you could observe during the Beijing Olympics—has announced it will introduce carbon emissions trading schemes in six of its provinces.</para>
<para>This is one of the greatest economic reforms this country has seen since the Hawke-Keating years. This policy is not about short-term political point scoring or an election; it is about acting for future generations. This reform will ensure job security in steel, mining, manufacturing, farming and small business, and new jobs in renewable industries.</para>
<para>The Clean Energy Bill 2011 and related bills give us the capacity to unlock the full potential of the Australian people's brainpower. For entrepreneurs, philanthropists, investors and new technology these bills offer Australia a way forward into the future. After all, the effect of a market mechanism is designed to ensure that people will use all their economic creativity, which the opposition goes on about so much, as part of the natural order of capitalism to lower their carbon emissions and therefore face a lesser impact of the carbon price. In a speech in 1967, Robert Kennedy said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">If we fail to dare, if we do not try, the next generation will harvest the fruit of our indifference; a world we did not want—a world we did not choose—but a world we could have made better …</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs ANDREWS</name>
    <name.id>230886</name.id>
    <electorate>McPherson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Clean Energy Bill 2011 and related bills. I speak on behalf of the many constituents and residents of McPherson on the southern Gold Coast who have largely been ignored by the Prime Minister and the Labor government.</para>
<para>I was elected by the people of McPherson to represent them in this place and I am here to voice their concerns, along with the concerns of other Australians who never expected to be in the position that we are in today, where we are debating the introduction of a carbon tax, a tax that Labor and the Prime Minister promised would never be introduced by a Gillard government.</para>
<para>The Australian people are now left to watch on, as the Gillard-Brown government attempts to pass one of the most controversial policy changes, while excluding and dismissing their views. The biggest issue that families on the southern Gold Coast are facing right now is the rising cost of living. Since 2007, right across Australia, electricity prices have increased by an average of 51 per cent. In the first nine months of the Gillard government, families were paying, on average, five per cent more for groceries at the supermarket and around 13 per cent more for water and wastewater services. Electricity, food and water are not the only essential items that have seen an increase in price during this period. Fuel, health, rent and mortgages have also cost local families more, stretching budgets to the limit.</para>
<para>What families need right now is a break from price increases, not a new tax that will potentially push them over the edge. The Gillard-Brown government's proposed carbon tax is going to flow down from the mysterious top 500 polluters and into the pockets of consumers. The affected businesses are unlikely to absorb these costs. They will be forced to increase their prices or reduce their own costs by reducing their wages bill either through job cuts or by reducing hours of work. Every time you turn on your TV or your air conditioning, or you boil the jug or go to the shops, you will be paying more. Labor talks about compensation but we all know that compensation is only paid to those who have been injured or have suffered a loss in the first place. We also know that compensation will not keep pace with increased prices in the future. The carbon price of $23 a tonne is not fixed. It will go up and is already forecast to reach over $350 a tonne in 2050.</para>
<para>This is the last thing the people of McPherson need. They have suffered 3½ years of price hikes under the Labor government and around 95 per cent of the local people I have spoken with since the announcement of this tax oppose its introduction. Our local tourism and construction industries are at risk under the proposed carbon tax. The Gold Coast has long been an affordable domestic holiday destination for Australians. With an increase in the ticket price of a domestic airfare, Australians will be penalised for holidaying at home, while those wishing to travel overseas will be exempted.</para>
<para>The Australian Tourism and Export Council believe the impact of a price on carbon is another hit to tourism businesses already facing the significant impacts of the high Australian dollar and the declining number of domestic tourists. They are concerned that thousands of small to medium-sized businesses who operate on tiny margins will close down. The local community here on the Gold Coast relies on the tourism industry's survival because, without it, thousands of jobs and associated livelihoods will disappear.</para>
<para>The construction industry is facing a similar fate, with costs set to increase under the proposed tax. According to a survey issued by the Master Builders Association, the Gold Coast is the toughest place to operate in Queensland. Unfortunately, under the proposed carbon tax, things will become more difficult for this industry. The Master Builders Association has said that the introduction of the carbon tax will raise the cost of new homes and renovations, worsening housing affordability and crippling confidence. Based on a carbon price of $23 a tonne, the MBA estimates that construction costs for a typical 200 square metre slab-on-ground home will increase by between $7,000 and $9,000, without adding additional increases in the cost of transport. These increases could severely impact on the construction industry as people opt out of building or renovating because they simply cannot afford it. There is already a significant number of unemployed construction workers on the southern Gold Coast and we cannot afford to have more workers put off as a result of a decline in the number of housing and commercial projects.</para>
<para>With our tourism and construction industries in despair, we have had to rely on a second layer of industries, including manufacturing and education, to ensure that our local economy stays afloat. As the prospect of a carbon tax is already being evaluated, the future growth of these industries is uncertain, especially in the higher education sector. I will use Bond University as an example to demonstrate my point—and I note that the Joint Select Committee on Australia's Clean Energy Future Legislation accepted Bond University's submission, unlike the numerous submissions made by others, including those from the McPherson electorate, which were dismissed as correspondence.</para>
<para>I recently held a carbon tax forum in my electorate of McPherson and I invited the community to come and share their views on the proposed carbon tax with me. I invited a range of panel members, including Senator Simon Birmingham, to give presentations and to answer questions in relation to the carbon tax. Jim Wilson, the general manager from Connecting Southern Gold Coast, was there as a representative of the small business community, particularly those business owners who were unable to attend the forum due to increased hours of work associated with running their businesses.</para>
<para>Also in attendance to address the community on the impact of the carbon tax on the higher education sector was Chris Hogan, Associate Director, Information and Planning Financial Services, at Bond University. By Australian standards, Bond University is a very small university, with about 4,500 students and around 1,200 staff members on campus. It has made preliminary evaluations on the impact of the carbon tax on its costs. It has calculated the direct and indirect cost to be $2 million.</para>
<para>Bond have advised me that they are expecting to see the following indirect flow-on effects from the carbon tax: rises in electricity and other utilities; additional wage costs of monitoring and reporting data; cost of acquisition of CO2 reporting software; cost of implementation of additional 'smart meters' on campus to pinpoint certain locations and their energy use; appointment of consultants to standardise data and ensure accuracy of data; additional compliance reporting to government; for travel, an estimated $3 increase in domestic flight fares, as per the media story by Virgin Blue in the <inline font-style="italic">Financial Review</inline>; and wage increase requests to meet the consumer price index. From Bond's own calculations, its total indirect costs are not less than $1.2 million in 2012-13, rising to $1.3 million by 2015-16. In addition to these indirect costs, Bond University calculated the direct costs of the carbon tax at $0.6 million per annum, rising to $0.8 million in 2015-16.</para>
<para>In order to facilitate these costs Bond University has two options: either increase revenue by raising fees or reduce costs through job cuts. Fee increases would impact on Australian students and their families in the local community and would most likely lead to students looking at alternative institutions for starting or continuing their tertiary education. We need to encourage the tertiary uptake rate on the Gold Coast. But rising costs would severely impact on future enrolments in this private institution because, currently, students are unable to access Commonwealth supported places. In addition, Bond University has international enrolments of around 30 per cent of the total student body. If Bond University were to increase its fees in order to save jobs, the international students would also possibly consider studying in other countries that are more competitively priced. Bond University said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Regarding the potential impact on the higher education sector as a whole, given we expect Bond will be impacted and Bond is very small, it seems most likely that all of the 39 universities in the higher education total sector will also exceed the threshold of 25,000 tonnes of carbon dioxide per year unless the Government decides they are specifically exempted. We could find no such exemption in the Government's information on the proposed carbon tax.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Most other universities are considerably larger than Bond. Bond's expenditure comprises around 0.7 per cent of sector expenditure. If we were to scale up to the sector level Bond's estimated proposed carbon tax impact of $2 million per year, we would get a sector-wide impact of the proposed carbon tax in the range of $200 million to $300 million.</para></quote>
<para>Of course, it is not just the education sector that will be adversely affected by the introduction of a carbon tax. I have been meeting with local manufacturers, many of whom are already facing increased pressure as a result of the high Australian dollar and reduced spending patterns. For manufacturers, the carbon tax may well be the final straw, and I am concerned that there will be an increasing number of organisations taking the difficult decision to close their operations. One of our local manufacturers, the Rock Crush Group, has over 100 years of combined experience in the engineering and manufacturing of winches and dredges, which are exported worldwide. They have been based on the Gold Coast for more than 40 years. When I asked this company how they would be affected by the introduction of the carbon tax, I was told that it would, quite simply, drive their operations offshore. They also said that here in Australia there would be no option other than to make job cuts.</para>
<para>The proposed carbon tax is causing a lot of anxiety within the community. Pensioners and families are struggling to make ends meet and have already had to tighten their belts beyond what is reasonable. Small business owners are also doing it tough. You can see the impact on local businesses in the number of vacant commercial and retail shops and in the higher than average unemployment levels on the Gold Coast. Our not-for-profit community organisations—in particular, local surf lifesaving clubs—are also worried that the carbon tax will close them down. There is an alternative available to the carbon tax, there is a better way. The coalition's direct action plan will cost $3.2 billion and will be funded from the $50 billion in savings that we announced prior to the election. Our plan is fully costed and capped and will not be at the expense of reduced standards of living. It is straightforward, practical and easy to understand. The direct action plan will not destroy jobs; it will protect our economic development and the environment at the same time.</para>
<para>Since Copenhagen many countries around the world have distanced themselves from carbon taxes and emissions trading schemes. The USA scrapped its cap-and-trade system entirely, and the only other existing example of an emissions trading system is the European ETS. However, the European system only costs roughly $1 per person per annum, while the proposed Australian system will cost $400 per person per annum. While Europe's ETS costs $500 million per year, the Labor government's carbon tax will cost Australian taxpayers $9 billion a year.</para>
<para>The Labor government's target to reduce emissions by 80 per cent by 2050 will force the coal industry to cease its operations entirely. Additionally, an estimated $57 billion of Australian taxpayers' funds will be sent offshore to buy carbon offsets to enable Australia to reach this target. Australian taxpayers work hard to contribute to the economy, and what we have here is the potential for our wealth to be transferred away from the Australian people who built it.</para>
<para>I am concerned about reports that indicate that 100 arrests have occurred throughout Europe for the extensive defrauding of the European Union ETS. I am aware of reports that indicate around 90 per cent of the trades in the European Union's ETS were fraudulent, resulting in a loss to European taxpayers of $6.6 billion. Deloitte Australia has even warned that carbon-credit fraud is the white-collar crime of the future.</para>
<para>I would like to conclude today by reminding the Labor government that, when the Howard government introduced the goods and service tax, the people were given the option to decide on the GST. It was a replacement tax—it replaced the wholesale sales tax—and was 15 years in the making. The proposed carbon tax will not replace an existing tax. The carbon tax is a cascading and compounding tax that will affect everyone. I have listened to the community and I will be supporting their views by voting no to the carbon tax.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CROOK</name>
    <name.id>M3K</name.id>
    <electorate>O'Connor</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My position on the carbon tax, or these clean energy bills 2011, has always been the same. As such, I do not intend to take up too much of the chamber's time today. I would, however, like to take this opportunity to reiterate my position on this carbon tax. I did not support a carbon tax at the election; I do not support a carbon tax now. I have consistently said that I do not, and would not, support a carbon tax in this parliament. My views on a carbon tax have always been the same, which is more than I can say for most members of this House. I have consistently said that the carbon tax is bad for my electorate of O'Connor, bad for my state of Western Australia, bad for regional Australia and bad for industry. A carbon tax is bad for my electorate of O'Connor because it will burden the families of O'Connor who rely for their employment on local industries that will be heavily affected by the carbon tax.</para>
<para>It is bad for the small businesses in O'Connor such as the Widgiemooltha Roadhouse. Small businesses such as these will be hit by an effective carbon price on fuel without any viable alternatives. It is bad for the people in O'Connor who rely on goods to be transported over great distances to reach their supermarkets, stores and homes. A carbon tax is bad for Western Australia, which is home to most of the mining industry. Western Australia will be hit hard by the carbon tax and is already under siege from the unfair distribution of GST and the impending mining tax. The carbon tax is bad for the unique WA electricity market and WA energy generators such as Griffin Energy, who are set to share $0 of the $5.5 billion compensation that will be allocated to the national market.</para>
<para>I have consistently said that the carbon tax is bad for industries, which do not need another tax and will be disadvantaged when they compete in the international market. It is bad for industries that rely on transport fuels for onsite power generation.</para>
<para>I have consistently said that the carbon tax is bad for regional and rural Australia. Regional Australians have no choice but to rely on goods which have been transported over great distances. Rural and regional small businesses have no choice but to rely on diesel fuel for onsite power generation.</para>
<para>I have consistently opposed this tax, and I will be consistent when I vote against this tax in this parliament. Although I firmly and consistently oppose the carbon tax, constituents and industry representatives have pleaded with me to do what I can to make this tax less damaging. Although I will vote against this carbon tax, in whatever form, it is my duty to represent my electorate and the many industry members that have been ignored by this government.</para>
<para>One of the most consistent and specific complaints from industry is about the Clean Energy (Fuel Tax Legislation Amendment) Bill 2011, a bill that will apply an effective carbon price on transport fuels used for onsite fuel generation—a carbon price that will hit small businesses. Members of the House will recall the government's repetitive promise that this carbon tax is 'a tax on big polluters'. However, as we all now know, this is another broken promise to the Australian people—the government's amendments impose an effective carbon price on every business that uses transport fuels. This is an effective carbon tax on big business, small business,</para>
<para>developing businesses and established businesses. Every business in a non-exempted industry that requires onsite fuel use will be whacked with this carbon tax—including, of course, businesses that are not part of the top 500 polluters and businesses that are not 'big polluters' by any definition. The Minerals Council of Australia's public submission on the carbon-pricing framework demonstrates that the carbon price on fuel will apply to tens of thousands of small businesses, covering the manufacturing, construction, retail, wholesale and tourism sectors. These operations are by no means big polluters and should not be shouldering the brunt of the carbon price. One of the sectors hit hardest by these amendments are junior miners and mineral exploration operators. This is particularly important for regional mining and mineral exploration operations. These operations rely on diesel fuel to operate, and for many of these operators there is simply no other option. In many country towns and remote locations where junior miners operate, there is no alternative. This is not about changing behaviour; this is just another hit to small business.</para>
<para>Changes must be made to these bills which will hold the government to its promise to only tax big polluters. As such, I intend to move amendments that will introduce a threshold of fuel consumption before a company pays the effective carbon price. The threshold is based on the government's 25,000 tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent threshold as referred to in the government's Clean Energy Bill. These small polluting operators should not be part of a carbon tax regime that is being spruiked as a tax on the big polluters. My amendments to the Clean Energy (Fuel Tax Legislation Amendment) Bill 2011 will exempt the small polluters from the carbon tax, a provision that would already exist in the legislation if the government had held true to its promise that only the big polluters would pay. These changes are necessary to ensure that this is a tax on big polluters only. I look forward to moving these amendments later this evening.</para>
<para>Even if these amendments are adopted, I will be representing my electorate and state by opposing this carbon tax. This reform is part of the government's triple assault on regional Australia: a carbon tax, a mining tax and the unfair distribution of GST returns. These are major concerns for regional WA, and I will continue to take a stand on these issues.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SNOWDON</name>
    <name.id>IJ4</name.id>
    <electorate>Lingiari</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is a great pleasure for me to participate in this debate. I acknowledge the contribution of the member for O'Connor. I cannot say that I agree with him; nevertheless, I welcome his contribution. I want to talk briefly about my own electorate. I will not be canvassing the idiocy of the Leader of the Opposition's position in any great detail. It is there for all to see. The blandishments that he has placed around his arguments about whether he is climate change sceptic one day or believing in climate change the next do not disguise what he really thinks, which is that he does not support the science.</para>
<para>My electorate is unique. It has a large area, covering 1.34 million square kilometres, and a small population. It covers some pretty interesting country, including 5,000 kilometres of mainland coastline and a further 2,000 kilometres of coastline encompassing the offshore islands. Eighty per cent of the land of that coastline is Aboriginal land. Lingiari's population is young and we have an enormous bounty of sunshine, clean air and open space that we are exploiting for the purpose of developing alternative energy futures.</para>
<para>Because of our good fortune it is easy to ignore—as those opposite choose to do—that as a nation our emissions per person are the highest in the world. If our emissions were saddlebags, we would each have to carry around top weights of Phar Lap proportions in any contest. The scientific evidence makes it clear that climate change is real. The planet is warming and it is now time to act.</para>
<para>Let me give you one example from my own electorate, the Cocos Islands, that shows that this is important. These are coral atolls with an altitude of only three metres at its highest point. Even a small rise in sea level would see the islands disappear. This is not alarmist talk; it is reality. Yet it does not seem to be something that is accepted by the opposition. This is science. Projections from the CSIRO and the Bureau of Meteorology show that if we do not reduce our carbon pollution the Northern Territory's coastline regions will experience a near 30-fold increase in the number of 35-plus degree days annually by 2070.</para>
<para>I welcome Labor's Clean Energy Future plan. It accepts the part that carbon plays in our everyday lives and incorporates its costs in our investment decisions to protect our infrastructure, our economy, our environment and, indeed, our way of life. It lays the groundwork that will be appreciated for generations to come. It is one of those systemic changes that comes around every now and then. If we have the courage to seize the opportunity and to deliberately make changes to legislation to give us something significant in terms of the structure of our economy, as this bill does, then generations to come will thank us—with no thanks to the opposition.</para>
<para>In the electorate of Lingiari the Clean Energy Future plan is already making significant inroads; it is real and it is happening. My home town of Alice Springs is on the international map in terms of solar power energy penetration into the community. Three years ago my colleague Peter Garrett launched the Solar Cities project in Alice Springs. Much has been done. I do not have time to go through all the details but I will mention four solar power projects that are a great source of pride to those of in Central Australia: the solar panels at the Crowne Plaza Hotel, the solar panels at Alice Springs Airport, the use of solar power in the $16 million aquatic centre in Alice Springs and the recently opened solar farm south of the town, which consists of the largest tracking solar array in Australia and creates enough energy to power 288 homes in Alice Springs. These are significant changes. I should also mention the 400 households in Alice Springs that have been assessed and then changed to improve their energy efficiency.</para>
<para>Environmentally, the potential for climate change to alter the ecology of our arid regions, our tidal coastline areas and our iconic national parks is a challenge that this legislation acts to meet. The economic development of our remote regions has been a constant challenge. The legislation in front of us, which we will pass in the next 24 hours, will provide opportunities for clean energy initiatives based in our remote regions, in line with Labor's renewed focus on this important policy area.</para>
<para>In Lingiari a substantial proportion of the electors—around 40 per cent—are Aboriginal people who live in many remote communities. Lingiari is therefore home to many Aboriginal organisations that have an interest in or are participating in economic, ecosystem service or capacity-building opportunities—including research and development—afforded by climate change mitigation and adaption strategies. The unique and varied Indigenous land and knowledge assets across Australia can deliver many benefits to carbon projects across the country.</para>
<para>The North Australian Indigenous Land and Sea Management organisation, NAILSMA, is a bioregional forum for Indigenous land and sea managers across Northern Australia. It works hard to support practical land and sea management using strategic approaches to care for country, with an emphasis on practical management by traditional owners across the whole of Australia's north. You need only look at NAILSMA's website to be astonished by the full range of activities which it undertakes.</para>
<para>Also in the Top End of the Northern Territory is the groundbreaking West Arnhem Land Fire Abatement (WALFA) management project, which has now been underway for a few years. This is a very significant and important partnership between Aboriginal traditional owners and representative organisations, Darwin Liquefied Natural Gas and the Northern Territory government, which has been implementing strategic fire management across 28,000 square kilometres of western Arnhem Land. This project offsets some of the greenhouse gas emissions from the ConocoPhillips liquefied natural gas project at Wickham Point in Darwin Harbour by adopting effective fire management practices. Set in what is known as the Stone Country to the west of the Kakadu escarpment, the topography, environment and Aboriginal values of this country are absolutely unique. While the project aims to offset greenhouse gas emissions, it is also enabling the traditional owners to reconnect with country and undertake cultural and natural resource management in this region of unique biodiversity.</para>
<para>Traditional owners' land management organisations—Warddeken, Jawoyn, Djelk, Adjumarllarl and Mimal rangers—are working closely with non-Indigenous partners, such as Bushfires NT and the Tropical Savannas CRC. Using controlled dry-season burn-offs to reduce the size and extent of unmanaged wildfires, the project measures the greenhouse gas offsets. It is a very important initiative. While the West Arnhem fire management project is a fee-for-service arrangement in which traditional owners are paid for fire management, it points to a creative, cleaner energy future. It is to be applauded. The process and accounting practices used to abate greenhouse emissions position this project to take advantage of carbon trading when it comes on stream.</para>
<para>The WALFA project has led the way in demonstrating potential alliances between corporate Australia, government, Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal scientists and land managers. Initiatives such as the WALFA project provide for collaboration between governments at all levels to develop direct relationships with Aboriginal people who are landowners for their participation in climate change initiatives generally and carbon projects in particular.</para>
<para>As recently as last week my colleague the Minister for Sustainability, Environment, Water, Population and Communities, Tony Burke—in announcing the collaboration between government, Aboriginal owners and the not-for-profit conservation sector to preserve the Fish River estate—pointed to the potential of this unique bioregion for local traditional owner participation in collaborative clean energy initiatives. The stewardship of the Indigenous Land Corporation, working with the Nature Conservancy and the Pew Environment Group, will enable Aboriginal traditional owners to manage their land in an ecologically sustainable and economically responsible manner in their interests and in the interests of all Australians. I acknowledge the value of the work done and the contributions made by the ILC, the Nature Conservancy and the Pew Group in showing the way forward to a future that our children and grandchildren deserve and require. And, of course, in Central Australia there is also a great deal of activity. The return of land to its traditional owners, in areas such as the Simpson Desert and the Finke Gorge, is providing similar opportunity for such collaboration, including the potential for carbon sequestration and other farming initiatives.</para>
<para>Aboriginal ownership and interests in land can correlate neatly with the interests of all parties involved in the progressive development of a clean energy future. Labor's necessary and productive reform recognises the right of traditional owners to be central to the trade in carbon associated with reforms. In this respect I acknowledge the work of the National Indigenous Climate Change Steering Committee and its chair, Rowan Foley. The NICC Steering Committee aims 'to bridge the divide between Indigenous Australia and mainstream Australia through providing a mechanism for the purchase of carbon credits with identified social, environmental and cultural benefits'. Labor's clean energy policy will have such social benefits. Its transformative economic impact will be important in our remote regions while also providing a necessary environmental investment.</para>
<para>Indigenous Australians manage approximately 20 per cent of the Australian land mass. Through the Indigenous Carbon Farming Fund, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders will receive $22 million in assistance over five years to participate in the Carbon Fund Initiative. I welcome the establishment of the National Indigenous Climate Change Steering Committee and the dialogue they have established with community and government in identifying Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders and organisations in carbon initiatives.</para>
<para>For many years Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities have been at the forefront of renewable energy generation systems. For instance, in Lingiari there is the work done by the Bushlight program and the many activities of the Centre for Appropriate Technology, known throughout the NT by the acronym CAT. Organisations such as CAT will welcome the Remote Indigenous Energy Program, which will help Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities access clean, affordable and reliable 24-hour power supplies. Over four years the $40 million program will assist 55 remote communities with solar panels and wind turbines and will include training in power system maintenance and information to support households and communities to manage their energy.</para>
<para>Madam Deputy Speaker, I am also a minister under the Health portfolio. There are a number of important health impacts from climate change. Dr Peter Tait, an Alice Springs resident, has written of the negative health effects of global warming derived climate change. He quotes from Turner, Muscatello, Zheng and others, who have written about the effects of heatwaves, particularly involving high night-time minimum temperatures, on a range of conditions such as heart disease. Maes, De Meyer and others report on a correlation between temperature and violent suicide, while an article by Craig Anderson casts light on the relationship between prolonged hot weather and domestic violence. Conditions such as hay fever and asthma are similarly exacerbated. Other factors—such as humidity, the rate of change of temperature, the length of time the temperature is raised, the absolute daytime temperature and high temperatures at night—all contribute to heat stress. The effects of heat are more pronounced in outdoor workers, who make up a significant proportion of the mining, construction and pastoral industries in Lingiari and elsewhere across Northern Australia. Rates of diarrhoeal disease, more common in hot conditions, are already high in the Northern Territory. It is harder to maintain fluid intake in infants in hot weather, increasing the risk of dehydration, which tragically can lead to death in the very young and the elderly. Melioidosis is known to be associated with wet weather. More storms and flooding, even if rainfall overall is reduced, could increase rates of melioidosis in those at risk. Melioidosis has already been reported in Central Australia during exceptionally wet periods. This has previously been seen as a tropical disease. I look forward to working with corporate and Aboriginal interests as Australia moves to a cleaner, environmentally responsible and economically progressive future.</para>
<para>The Labor Party has always been a party of reform. We show responsibility and leadership when it is required, and now is such a time. Acting now to move to a clean energy future will avoid long-term costs. I welcome the challenge and I totally support the legislation.</para>
<para>As I said at the outset of my contribution, I am bemused by the attitude of the Leader of the Opposition. He spent a year travelling around the country spreading his scare campaign, making claims based on wild speculation and downright untruths. He needs to be held to account for the untruths he has perpetrated on the Australian community. The Leader of the Opposition has confirmed that he will strip back the $15 billion in household assistance we have promised over four years under this legislation, unwinding our tax cuts and ripping up the pension increase we are delivering to every single pensioner across the country. Mr Abbott believes these people do not need a helping hand and he will take that assistance from them, slugging them with a higher tax bill to pay for his plan. His side of the debate has only half-hearted responses and shows an inability to confront the reality of climate change. The exaggerations from the other side of this chamber have been startling. The fact is that the average price impact of the carbon pricing in this legislation would be only 0.7 per cent— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HAASE</name>
    <name.id>84T</name.id>
    <electorate>Durack</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In light of the comments from the previous speaker, the member for Lingiari, I would remind him and the remainder of the House that the most abysmal mistruths uttered in this place have been from the Prime Minister in relation to the fact that there would not be a carbon tax under a government she leads. Today I rise to speak on the Clean Energy Bill 2011 and related bills. These bills, I might add, have been rushed through parliament by a Labor led, Green endorsed government, a government which quite obviously has no sense of moral obligation to the people of Australia. So rushed and cloaked in secrecy is the detail of the worst tax hit Australians will suffer in their lives that the government only released updated modelling on the impact of a carbon tax just minutes before the commencement of the joint select committee inquiry into the government's carbon tax bills.</para>
<para>The Australian public have been misled time and time again by the leader of this government. I am afraid the position of Prime Minister in Australia has been tarnished. Irreparable damage has been done and future Prime Ministers of Australia will bear a tainted reputation based on the legacy of the current leadership. The Prime Minister of Australia once commanded respect from children and adults alike, similar to the old-fashioned policeman. I am sorry to say that that respect is long gone and with it goes another Australian tradition, that of respect for authority. It seems to me that, with the Greens in bed with the government, a lot of Australian traditions are being thrown out the door, all for the sake of vocal minorities and to the detriment of the majority.</para>
<para>We heard from the Prime Minister that there would be no carbon tax under the government she leads. Then in contrast we heard from the same Prime Minister the following:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The best way is to make polluters pay by putting a price on carbon. So that is the policy of the government I lead. And that is the plan which is before the House now. … Today we move from words to deeds. This parliament is going to get this done. There will be a price on carbon from 1 July 2012.</para></quote>
<para>Where is the real Julia? Who is the real Julia? Australians deserve to know which Julia we are dealing with and when. This carbon tax is toxic and this government is toxic. As reported in the <inline font-style="italic">Adelaide Advertiser</inline> on 11 July this year:</para>
<quote><para class="block">People remain sceptical about the Government's ability to administer such a complicated plan which involves a myriad of reforms and assistance programs.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government does not have a good track record of administering such programs—just witness the Building the Education Revolution and the home-insulation program.</para></quote>
<para>It goes on:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Many of them will feel that this scheme will be little more than a huge washing machine where money swirls around and around … The Government's figures on how much the scheme will cost and how the compensation package will leave households better off appear to be a little rubbery …</para></quote>
<para>These, colleagues, are the sentiments of constituents right across Australia, not just in Adelaide, not just in the cities. This is what an entire nation is saying. In the past month I have attended many events in my electorate of Durack. At the Mingenew field day I was accosted by rusted-on Labor voters. I have been in this game a long time, and at no other time during my political career have I been accosted by such rusted-on Labor voters wanting to shake my hand, begging me to change the government, begging me to stop the tax. It is my duty to all constituents in Durack, those that voted for me and those that did not—although those that did not at the last election may do so at the next—to pass on to the House the messages I received. I must pass these messages to the Prime Minister via the House because the Prime Minister will not reply to my correspondence. On 8 July 2011, I sent a letter to the Prime Minister requesting her to visit Durack to explain the carbon tax. I even gave her a list of 25 towns to choose from. As yet I have had no reply. It is hard to fathom how the powerhouse of the nation, Durack, is not deemed to be worth a scratch on the soles of the shiny leather shoes of Ms Gillard. It is further evidence of a government not listening to the people. The message to the Prime Minister, from the people of Durack, is this: this country has gone to rack and ruin. Have an election. Madam Deputy Speaker, that is the message in general context; it is not verbatim. I would have suffered your admonishment had I delivered it verbatim.</para>
<para>I digress. I stand here today to address the Clean Energy Bill 2011 and in particular the dire effects it will have on Australian industry. An example of an industry most disastrously affected is the Australian lime industry. Together the Australian lime industry production accounts for 75 per cent of the 2.1 million tonnes of the Australian demand for lime each year. The industry operates 18 facilities across all states and the Northern Territory, largely in regional areas. Lime is a versatile product that is extensively used in a range of applications. It is used in the resources industry for extracting metal ores and for producing soda ash. It is used in agriculture as a soil conditioner. It is used in the construction industry, of course, in cement;. It is used for environmental applications to stabilise hazardous landfill and neutralise acidic wastewater. It is used2 to filter waste air streams and to purify drinking water. Lime production includes technically sophisticated high-temperature processing in kilns from selected sources of limestone. Australian lime production brings world-class technology and service industry support and offers employment in a wide range of specialised skills for operators, engineers, scientists, management and all business disciplines. The industry is working towards greater sustainability practices which share its regional industry synergies with local community issues such as the management of waste oil and other materials that the lime industry utilises as alternative fuels and raw materials.</para>
<para>As an industry that is emissions intensive and trade exposed, it is important that clean energy future legislation gives certainty by including transparent guidance and accountability. Available resources of limestone and energy in Australia lead to the manufacturing of lime being suited to the economy. Loss of lime manufacturing to offshore production would result in carbon leakage and an increase in global greenhouse gas.</para>
<para>We know that the USA, Canada and Japan have postponed their carbon pricing schemes. We also know that China and India's emissions will continue to grow significantly, despite their greenhouse gas efficiency improving, due to the Kyoto protocol Annex I countries contributing technology and funds to carbon efficiency projects. We also know that a starting price of $23 per tonne of greenhouse gases is 50 per cent above the world trading price of $15 a tonne. It is a fact that the 2020 environmental benefit objective will not be met by pricing carbon.</para>
<para>Treasury modelling shows that the clean energy future addresses only 38 per cent of Australia's target of a five per cent reduction in greenhouse gases by 2020, leaving 62 per cent to be sourced from purchasing international permits. Madam Deputy Speaker Bird, I will repeat that: it is a fact that the 2020 environmental benefit objective will not be met by pricing carbon. Treasury modelling shows that the clean energy future addresses only 38 per cent of Australia's target of a five per cent reduction in greenhouse gases by 2020, leaving 62 per cent to be sourced from purchasing international permits. That equates in 2010 dollar terms to a cost of $57 billion in 2050 and a staggering cumulative figure of $650 billion by 2050. Billions upon billions of Australian taxpayers' dollars will be going into the pockets of overseas carbon credit traders. Billions upon billions of our dollars are going to schemes with all the potential to be as reliable as the Nigerian tax schemes. The plan is riddled with loopholes and is open to rorting to an extent never before seen in Australia. Norway, hardly a Third World country, has been found to be implicated in a rorted $5 billion European scheme. This carbon tax strategy will lead to the same thing happening in Australia, only more frequently.</para>
<para>These bills are complex and Australians are being duped. The average constituent does not understand the carbon tax, but they do understand the consequences—no worldwide reduction in emissions and a whole lot of pain for every man, woman and child in Australia. The Centre for International Economics, in July 2011, revealed that the European Union emissions trading scheme, in its first six years, collected $4.9 billion. Treasury modelling of the Australian clean energy future scheme reveals that, in the first six years, it will raise $71 billion. This scheme will be the most costly carbon scheme in the world.</para>
<para>The clean energy future policy should not apply to process emissions. As such, it should not apply to the production of lime. That clean energy future will cover greenhouse gas emissions from process sources in the production of lime. Sixty per cent of greenhouse gas emissions in lime production are created in the cracking of the raw materials. These emissions do not have any relevance to energy consumption or energy efficiency. Applying a price to these emissions can only be described as a tax which cannot be abated by a price on carbon emissions.</para>
<para>The assistance program fails to give adequate support to the lime industry as allocated permits are only applied to a portion of the process for lime manufacturing and cover only 94.5 per cent of that portion of the process for the first year, declining a further 1.3 per cent each year thereafter. The clean energy future is described in three stages to be implemented over seven years. In the first three, comprehensive reviews by the Productivity Commission will influence the clean energy future directions and conditions. This places emissions intensive and trade exposed industries, with no more than five years of assistance certainty, with even less certainty in the scope of the overall scheme. The lime industry is capital intensive. It has long associations with its location and technology. Three- to five-year horizons of short-term planning are insufficient for business investment certainty. The clean energy future legislation, in draft and without regulations nine months before the program starts, has seriously jeopardised 2012 budgets for the industry and gives no time for systems to be implemented to manage the complexity and impact of the change. Lime manufacturing is imperative to the Australian resource future, which is of course Australia's economic future. The cost of emissions trading to the production of lime will cause a significant increase to the price of the volumes utilised in the manufacture of internationally traded products and will affect the viability of downstream industries. Australian lime production could be replaced with imported product, effectively shutting production and curbing growth of a viable Australian manufacturing sector—effectively putting one more nail in the coffin of our grandchildren's future.</para>
<para>Labor governments do not hesitate to trash our grandchildren's future. They appear to have a policy of 'squander the future today and to hell with tomorrow'. Capital investment in lime processing will go overseas. The best we can hope for is increasing greenhouse emissions due to the transportation of lime to overseas kilns and an enormous increase in the cost of every cement content product. Members opposite would do well to contemplate the cement content of civil projects and building construction in their own electorates and the consequent reaction of their constituents to this unnecessary Labor government inflicted price hike. They say that every cloud has a silver lining. It is hard to find in this case, but at least Labor members who lose their seats at the next election will know why.</para>
<para>The question is not whether there is such a thing as climate change. The question is: will Australia ever recover from the tax on weather? Will the lime industry of Australia be another statistical lemon in this Labor government's basket of rotten fruit? I absolutely oppose these bills.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BRENDAN O'CONNOR</name>
    <name.id>00AN3</name.id>
    <electorate>Gorton</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to support the Clean Energy Bill 2011 and related legislation before the House. This House has been discussing these issues for some time, and some would say for decades. It is true to say that leaders of major political parties have held the view, primarily, that we do need a market based approach to dealing with carbon. Former Prime Minister John Howard had that view. Former leaders of the opposition Brendan Nelson and Malcolm Turnbull had that view. Prime Minister Gillard has that view and former Prime Minister Rudd had that view. Indeed, Tony Abbott had that view when it suited him, and when it suited him not to have that view he opposed the market based approach to pricing carbon.</para>
<para>That is a dreadful shame for this country because this is fundamental reform that is required. This is the reform that governments should be embarking upon. Fundamental reform is always made easier where there is a responsible opposition taking a bipartisan approach. Of course, checking and challenging assertions made by governments is entirely proper, but to turn against the facts, to turn away from the science and to turn away from what is in the interests of this nation is not something, in my view, that a responsible Leader of the Opposition would do. It is unfortunate that to that extent we are not one on the view that carbon pricing is absolutely critical for this country.</para>
<para>This policy package is based on good science, good economics and good administration, and I would say it is good for the nation. I want to say a few words about each of those things. The good science tells us that we human beings—of which we Australians are a part—have a problem. We Australians are part of the cause and we are part of the solution.</para>
<para>On the good economics: this package of bills implements a tax which reflects fundamental, basic, widely accepted economic principles. Let us start at the start of that economics. If you let people do a bad thing like polluting and you let them do it for free, they do it too much. You have to price the bad in this world. That is the elementary idea of externalities. But the carbon tax is not to be a permanent feature of the Australian fiscal landscape. This is a temporary tax designed to take us to a full market for carbon emissions. That unleashes a slew of powerful market forces: market forces economising on carbon and market forces innovating.</para>
<para>To put it in terms that might be familiar to some in this place and possibly comfortable to the opposition, this is about tax avoidance, a subject I would have thought dear to some of their hearts. This is about a tax which governments want to be avoided. We want the big polluters, who have been having a free lunch at the expense of the rest for too long, to be engaged with the idea of avoiding this tax by economising and innovating. This is not an impost for the sake of placing an impost on large polluters; this is about changing the dynamics of our economy and ensuring that fundamental restructuring takes place.</para>
<para>The economics underlying this tax is very simple indeed. If you let the market rip and do not price pollution, you get too much of it. You get way too much of it. If you price pollution in the right way and then let the market rip, market forces are ignited to produce less pollution. That is the fundamental essence of a market based approach, and that is why economists across the country—indeed, around the world—would argue that the most efficient means to deal with carbon emissions is a market based approach. And I would argue that that is indeed what the government is doing with the legislation that is before the House.</para>
<para>Of course, if you attack pollution in the wrong way, the way in which I would argue that the opposition is proposing—this week, at least—big polluters are better off and householders are much worse off. If you price pollution in a better way, householders on average are no worse off. If you price pollution in the best way, our way, the way that is being proposed by the government, householders are overcompensated.</para>
<para>The government have recognised that it is important that we get these fundamentals right. But, as I said, of all the leaders of major parties in the last decade, Tony Abbott is the only leader to argue against the science and to argue against the economics of a market based approach. That, of course, is fundamentally a concern for this country because in the end we will be judged, in years to come, about where we stood on a fundamental reform for our economy and for dealing with environmental challenges like carbon emissions. I believe that this government, like Labor governments before it, is on the right side of history. Indeed, we were on the right side of history when we enacted the compulsory superannuation legislation, opposed by those opposite. We were on the right side of history when we supported the principle of universal health coverage and introduced Medibank and then Medicare; the opposition opposed providing health services to citizens of this country. They appear on this occasion to again be on the wrong side of history, as they oppose the most efficient means to reduce carbon in our economy.</para>
<para>I guess it is not entirely surprising that a coalition opposition would oppose superannuation and health in public policy; they are not enamoured with supporting working people and they certainly have not been ones to believe in a public health system for ordinary punters in this country. But the one area I am completely confounded by is their opposition to a market based approach, because the one brand, the one element, the one essence, of the Liberal Party is that that they are supposed to believe the market is the best mechanism to deal with fundamental reform.</para>
<para>It seems to me that, in order to be opportunistic and to put politics ahead of policy, the opposition—and Tony Abbott in particular—has chosen to turn Liberal Party philosophy on its head, to turn its back on a market based approach, to turn its back on the wisdom and counsel of economists and scientists, to support funding polluters at the expense of householders and to have the most inefficient means to bring about reform in this area. That is a shame.</para>
<para>I support the legislation and call upon this House to pass the legislation as soon as possible.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HOCKEY</name>
    <name.id>DK6</name.id>
    <electorate>North Sydney</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I oppose the Clean Energy Bill 2011 and related legislation introducing a carbon tax, because it is not the right plan for Australia. It is not the right plan for Australian households and it is not the right plan for Australian businesses. In the absence of agreed international action, we are placing enormous pressure on the Australian economy, for little gain. Without agreed, consistent and measurable international action, this legislation takes Australia out on a limb.</para>
<para>To oppose this legislation is not to oppose the science of climate change; that is just the Labor Party spin. I do not and have never denied the science in support of recognition of climate change. I am not a scientist nor am I an expert on climate change but I must make my decisions based on the best interests of the community. As a legislator I aim to make decisions based on the best available evidence and advice. I believe, on the evidence available, that our climate is changing. I believe, on the evidence available, that human behaviour does contribute to climate change. I believe, on the evidence available, that reducing carbon dioxide emissions will slow down the pace at which the climate is changing. I have held these views consistently for more than 10 years now on the public record.</para>
<para>The coalition is committed to the same carbon reduction goals as the government is. We are committed to reducing Australia's greenhouse gas emissions by five per cent below 2000 levels by the end of 2020. Where we differ from the government is in the mechanism for achieving those goals. As a Liberal, I believe that markets are the best pricing mechanisms for commodities. I was a strong supporter of an emissions trading scheme up to the disaster at Copenhagen in December 2009. At that conference, despite the predictions of the government, there was no binding global agreement for climate change action; and, with no global scheme in place, it no longer made sense for Australia to unilaterally commit to an emissions trading scheme. There is no global market for carbon trading. There is not transparent liquid or accountable market for carbon dioxide trading. In this light, I do not believe that a new tax which will increase the price of everyday goods in Australia is the right solution for our country.</para>
<para>There is a better way. The coalition's direct action plan tackles the challenge of human generated carbon dioxide emissions at its source. It provides incentives for emitters to do the right thing and to find less carbon-intensive ways of doing business. I note at this point that a large part of the government's own package is in fact direct action, so it rankles somewhat when they suggest that direct action will not work while they are literally committing more than $10 billion to direct action. Our solution does not impose additional costs on households, because we have identified the savings to pay for our capped plan. Our solution does not penalise Australian industries or drive investment and jobs overseas.</para>
<para>The government's plan is a very expensive tax churn. New taxes over the forward estimates rake in $27.3 billion. All of this money and more is spent with the budget bottom line worse off by $4.1 billion over the current estimates. The Treasurer has not explained how this carbon hole in the budget will be financed, but it is a safe bet that he will put it on the national credit card and increase the deficit.</para>
<para>The hole of course is already getting bigger. Where carbon tax costs are not borne by the federal government, other governments will have to pay; and it is of course the same taxpayers, whether they are federal taxpayers or state taxpayers. For example, New South Wales has now announced it will be looking to offset the expected cost to their budget to the introduction of the carbon tax, which will be around $900 million or more over the forward estimates. This will be done by increasing mining royalties paid by companies subject to the proposed rent minerals resource rent tax. This will capitalise on the Commonwealth's commitment to reimburse companies for the state royalty liabilities. That is before the federal government, in addition to its original commitment of over $31 billion, pours another $10 billion of debt into the clean energy finance corporation, dubbed the 'Gillard bank'.</para>
<para>The government's carbon tax scheme creates a structural hole in the budget. Revenues beyond the forward estimates are highly uncertain and volatile as they rely on an international price for carbon. There is no way of predicting what that will be or whether it will occur. However, the costs of compensation will rise steadily through time. That will compound the structural fragility stemming from the mining tax. The coalition's direct action policy will be just as effective in achieving Australia's carbon reduction goals, and it will do so at a much lower cost. Its cost is known—$3.2 billion over the forward estimates—and it is fully funded through budget savings, not more taxes on more debt. There is no structural hole because there is no tax churn with escalating compensation funded by uncertain and volatile revenues. The coalition policy provides business and the community with the financial certainty and stability that they need with the added assurance that the government budget will remain in the black.</para>
<para>The modelling of the impacts on the macroeconomy was originally based on a carbon price of $20 per tonne, not the starting price of $23 per tonne. Revised modelling, which most members have not been able to comment on because it was released well after this debate occurred, has now been released by the government using the correct starting price. The big surprise in the modelling is that there is no change in the key economic forecasts. Apparently, a 15 percent increase in the starting carbon price will have no effect on the economy. I find that very hard to believe, but there is an even stranger finding. The government wants us to believe that introducing a carbon tax will have no impact on jobs. There is a statement in the modelling that reads:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Employment continues to grow strongly, with national employment increasing by 1.6 million jobs by 2020, with or without carbon pricing.</para></quote>
<para>Apparently, all the workers in those trade exposed and carbon intensive industries will magically and immediately find new, green jobs. Obviously the final modelling is still not complete. It does not include the Clean Energy Finance Corporation because the government is yet to finalise consultation with key stakeholders about how the corporation will operate. So the effect of the debt-financed $10 billion Gillard carbon bank is left out of the modelling. The modelling does not include policies that provide investment and innovation grants, such as the $3.2 billion Australian Renewable Energy Agency or the $1.2 billion clean energy technology program or the $300 million Steel Transformation Plan. The Carbon Farming Future Fund and the Biodiversity Fund are also not modelled.</para>
<para>These programs are omitted from the modelling because their 'investment and behaviour is difficult to predict'. That is just great! These are expensive programs and the government does not know whether they will achieve their objectives, but they are ploughing ahead regardless and spending taxpayers' money, which is typical of Labor. The modelling also does not include the planned closure of 2,000 megawatts of electricity generation capacity at the most emissions intensive power plants. The modelling still assumes that other countries will also act to mitigate climate change. This is in marked contrast to the real situation. For example, the United States, as well as many other countries, is moving away from economy-wide schemes. Overall there remain significant holes in the modelling of the carbon tax package and significant doubt about the veracity of the findings. The coalition is not convinced, and, more importantly, the Australian people are not convinced.</para>
<para>The imposition of a carbon price will not occur without economic costs. The modelling concedes that GDP and real average incomes will grow less with a carbon tax. There will be significant impacts on the mix of industries. Mining will be smaller with big hits on coal, gas and nonferrous ore. Manufacturing of aluminium, alumina and iron and steel will also be significantly impacted. The new modelling confirms that consumer prices will rise by 0.7 percent in 2012-13 and that there will be a second increase of 0.2 percent the following year until 2015-16. The new modelling also confirms that electricity prices will rise by 10 percent in the first year of the tax. But that is not the end of the story. There will be a further increase in electricity costs of eight percent by 2022 with another 35 percent out to 2050. So the carbon tax will lift electricity prices by at least a cumulative 50 percent. This will occur on top of the already inflated impact of renewable energy costs on electricity prices. The Productivity Commission in June 2011 estimated that Australians were paying a subsidy equivalent of up to $694 a tonne for existing emission reduction policies. In the case of large-scale renewable energy initiatives, the implicit abatement subsidies are up to $111 a tonne. This is an enormous amount of money that is already being spent, and it flows through to electricity bills.</para>
<para>The coalition does not believe that it makes any sense to introduce a carbon tax which will add to the burden of household budgets, which are already under some pressure. Headline inflation was up 3.6 percent over the past year, which is the highest rate in 2½ years. Interest rates have increased on seven occasions over the past two years. The government has increased or introduced 19 taxes—for example, the flood levy commenced on 1 July this year, and the mining tax and the carbon tax are both scheduled to hit from 1 July next year. Consumer confidence is weak: growth in retail spending is soft, dwelling construction approvals are comparatively low, house prices are down—established house prices have fallen in three out of the last four quarters—demand for credit is weak, household borrowing for housing is rising at the slowest pace in a generation and the household savings ratio is close to generational highs as Australians cocoon, concerned about the uncertain outlook.</para>
<para>The government has taken a very inconsistent approach and had a range of different views on emissions trading schemes, despite their rhetoric. This was never more obvious than when the Prime Minister and the Treasurer emphatically stated before the last election that there would be no carbon tax; the Treasurer stated that it was a fanciful suggestion. This reflects their inconsistent policy across a range of areas—the mining tax, live cattle exports, budget surpluses and so on. It is no wonder that ACCI business conditions in the June quarter were down to levels not seen since the survey began in 1998. Every business in the Australian supply chain will be affected by the carbon tax. The more manufactured a product is, the larger the energy component will be and the larger the impact of the carbon tax will be on the end price of the product. Some industries will receive partial compensation. This is a short term fix. Businesses across a range of sectors must now be reconsidering future investment.</para>
<para>The Treasurer has claimed that a feature of the compensation measures accompanying the carbon tax will be an increase in the tax-free threshold from $6,000 to $18,200. This claim is an exaggeration, as is so much else from the Treasurer. The tax changes will be accompanied by a phasing-down of the low-income tax offset. The effective tax-free threshold this financial year is in fact $16,000 when the income of the LITO is taken into account. Another issue is that the legislative design of the tax makes carbon units a form of personal property. Any future action to repeal the legislation may well amount to forced acquisition of the units. The government of the day may be liable to compensate the holder for the value of the units. This is an attempt by the government to put in place a poison pill should there be any attempt by this parliament to repeal the legislation. I warn the government that this is a bad idea. If the government thinks that it can continue to defy public opinion for all time in relation to this matter then the Labor Party will suffer a generational fall in its support base.</para>
<para>Both the Treasurer and the Prime Minister, together with the whole Labor Party, are responsible for this tax. They refused to announce a carbon tax before the election; they denied it was in place. Now they refuse to seek a mandate for a carbon tax at the next election. And they are making it more difficult to repeal the legislation, which, as I said, defies the will of the Australian people.</para>
<para>The coalition will not be deterred. We remain committed to rescinding the tax when we are returned to government. The curse of the modern Labor Party is that it chooses to govern for Balmain rather than Bankstown. Given that this tax will leave Australians worse off without making any discernable difference to climate change, the tax is the most compelling evidence of a party and a government that has lost its way.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms BURKE</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
    <electorate>Chisholm</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to support the Clean Energy Bill 2011 and related bills. The Labor government accepts the consensus among climate scientists that climate change is real. Climate change has been called the greatest moral challenge of our time. It is also the greatest economic challenge of our time, and it will affect society. It will affect society's most vulnerable. We need to take action now, before it is too late. Indeed, some would argue that we have missed the tipping point, before which action should be taken. As Tim Costello has said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The poorest countries are already in those parts of the world most exposed to climate change. In these countries, the poorest are driven to live in vulnerable circumstances. Tenure is fragile. These families get the crumbling river banks or steep hillsides, unproductive land or flood plains, so the impact of wild weather is worst in the poorest communities.</para></quote>
<para>The government understands this. Labor members understand this and that human actions have contributed to the causes and consequences of this climate change and the changes in our environment. We must do something, not just now but into the future; not just for people in Australia but for people around the world.</para>
<para>To have an argument that, somehow, families in my electorate will be paying and will be worse off because of this, and that therefore we should not do it, defies logic and does not look at the impact that we are having on those most vulnerable in our communities throughout the globe. As a government we understand that climate change is the greatest economic challenge of our time. That is why we are introducing a sensible raft of legislation. I support the introduction of this legislation in the House.</para>
<para>The science is in. All major parties accept the science of global warming and that human activity is contributing to climate change. As Professor Ian Chubb, the Chief Scientist for Australia, said during the recent hearings of the Joint Select Committee on Australia’s Clean Energy Future Legislation:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The latest information I have seen shows that the CO2 levels are high and that the rate of accumulation is accelerating. The scientists who study this would argue that it is getting to the point where something has to be done quickly in order to cap them at least and start to have them decrease over a sensible period of time. You could easily argue that it is urgent and that something needs to be done because of the high level presently and the accelerating accumulation presently. We do need to do something.</para></quote>
<para>The level of debate around these bills has been hysterical. I accept that individuals have different points of view. I accept that we can have rational debates. I can reflect and agree to disagree with individuals. But people like Frank Johnstone, who sent me a death threat in bold capital red letters today, are beyond the pale. That does not add to this debate; it does not help the debate. When he sent the emails the other day, which my 12-year-old opened, it just was not on. Let's have a sensible debate. We can have differing opinions but let's have a debate based on fact and not hysteria. Let's look at the science and the information in front of us. Everybody has agreed—both sides of the chamber—on a target. We are just coming at it from different angles.</para>
<para>I really would request that the community out there should try and have respect for those points of view. I will respect their points of view. I might not agree with it. I might be doing something that they do not like today, but I reflect the majority of my constituency, who have emailed me saying, 'Stay firm, pass the legislation. We believe something needs to be done now.'</para>
<para>During the course of the inquiry into the clean energy bills we did explore many of the issues and many of the concerns that individuals had. And we received a lot of correspondence from individuals. I want to thank those individuals for taking the time to send us that information. We did not ignore it. We read it and we analysed it. A lot of the information has gone to the issue of the legitimacy of the legislation. The report quotes the Prime Minister Julia Gillard earlier this year when she said, on <inline font-style="italic">Q&A</inline>:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Now, I did say during the last election campaign—I promised—that there would be no carbon tax. That's true and I've walked away from that commitment and I'm not going to try and pretend anything else. I also said to the Australian people in the last election campaign that we needed to act on climate change. We needed to price carbon and I wanted to see an emissions trading scheme. Then we had the election and the 17 days that were, and we formed this minority government. Now, if I'd been leading a majority government I would have been getting on with an emissions trading scheme. It's what I promised the Australian people. As it is, in this minority parliament, the only way I can act on climate change by pricing carbon is to work with others. And so I had a really stark choice. Do I act or not act? Well, I've chosen to act and we will have a fixed price, like a carbon tax, for a period and then get to exactly what I promised the Australian people, an emissions trading scheme.</para></quote>
<para>Interestingly enough, back in October 2005, the then opposition leader, as the minister for health, also said on another program, in answer to Laurie Oakes:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Well, Laurie, when I made that statement in the election campaign, I had not the slightest inkling that there would ever be any intention to change this. But obviously when circumstances change, governments do change their opinions, and that is actually the responsible course of action.</para></quote>
<para>Things change. The need arises to make changes, and the government has done that. At the end of the day we are introducing an emissions trading scheme, and that is what we have promised the community we would do for a long time. The argument that somehow this has been forced upon us in a great rush is absolutely hysterical. I was shown a leaflet from the then Leader of the Opposition, Andrew Peacock, back in the 1990 election in which he promised action on climate change and was looking at a 20 per cent reduction in emissions levels. This is not a new debate. It is not something that has just been forced upon us, it is not something that has come out of the 'Labor-Greens alliance', as we hear from the doomsayers out there; it is something that is real and needs action.</para>
<para>I have taken an active interest in the science of climate change and am in absolutely no doubt that our planet is warming. In May this year, the Climate Commission released a report called <inline font-style="italic">The </inline><inline font-style="italic">c</inline><inline font-style="italic">ritical </inline><inline font-style="italic">d</inline><inline font-style="italic">ecade</inline>, which provided the strongest evidence of these facts. It showed: global temperatures are rising faster than ever before, with the last decade being the hottest on record; in the last 50 years, the number of hot days in Australia has more than doubled; sea levels have risen by 20 centimetres globally since the 1800s, impacting many coastal communities, and another 20-centimetre rise by 2050, which the scientists warn is likely on current climate change projections, would more than double the risk of coastal flooding; the Great Barrier Reef has suffered from nine major bleaching events in the past 31 years, where it previously had experienced none; and it is now beyond reasonable doubt that excess carbon dioxide in the atmosphere, caused mainly through the burning of fossil fuels, is triggering the changes we are currently seeing in the climate. In the report, the scientists warn that a rise of more than two degrees Celsius in global temperatures will result in dangerous climate change, with more intense weather events like droughts, floods and cyclones. The CSIRO, the Bureau of Meteorology and academies of science from around the world have all advised that the world is warming and high levels of carbon pollution risk environmental and economic damage. In Australia and across the globe, 2001 to 2010 was the warmest decade on record. Each decade in Australia since the 1940s has been warmer than the last.</para>
<para>Australia faces significant environmental and economic costs in a warmer, more unstable climate. Climate scientists advise that extreme weather events, such as droughts, heatwaves and bushfires, are likely to become more frequent and severe. These threaten our homes, businesses and communities, industries such as agriculture—indeed, our way of life. For example, the recent report <inline font-style="italic">Climate change risks to Australia's coast</inline> found that as many as 247,000 existing residential buildings, with a replacement value of up to $63 billion, are potentially at risk from a 1.1 metre sea level rise. I do not know why people somehow feel that these reports are inadequate, inconclusive or controversial. Yes, these reports are based on modelling. We can only model and predict what will happen into the future.</para>
<para>When there was concern about the depletion of the ozone layer the same debate raged: 'Why should we do something about the depletion of the ozone layer? Why should Australia do anything?' Australia's approach to climate change needs to be similar to that taken with the phase-out of chlorofluorocarbons, CFCs. CFCs were phased out by 1995. Australia was one of the first countries to ratify the Montreal protocol and continues to be a leader in the phase-out of ozone-depleting substances. But at the time there was a huge argument: no woman in Australia would be able to style her hair ever again because she would not be able to use hairspray; no industry would be able to go on because we could not use CFCs. CFCs are still being used, and we need to do more to reduce them. But, at the time, the sky was going to fall in. We were going to be shut down or turned off if we did something about them.</para>
<para>When we removed lead from petrol because there was a demonstrated causal link between lead in petrol and brain damage in children, the world again said, 'We must do something.' Again the sky was going to fall in—no car was ever going to run again; unleaded petrol would mean the end of the automotive industry in Australia. But we acted. We did something. We changed.</para>
<para>In my opinion, the evidence for climate change is overwhelming and conclusive. Taking into account the fact that we in Australia have contributed above and beyond our fair share to global warming, it is incumbent on us to act as a responsible international citizen and contribute to a solution. Scientists agree that the worst effects of climate change can be largely avoided if we reduce carbon pollution to an acceptable level. Australia has an opportunity to move to a clean energy future and cut pollution before that task becomes more difficult and costly. Indeed, ClimateWorks Australia, which I am on the board of, has put out some interesting modelling and predictions. It warns:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… each year of delay would mean more opportunities are lost or become harder and more expensive to catch up. ClimateWorks' previous research has found that delaying action on climate change to 2015 would increase the cost for business and households by $5.5 billion to reach Australia's 5 per cent reduction target in 2020.</para></quote>
<para>We need to act.</para>
<para>The other argument is that we are acting alone, that we are racing ahead. Last month an article in the <inline font-style="italic">Age</inline> by Adam Morton said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">As Australia's major political parties squabbled last week over whether an MP should be granted leave from a vote on carbon price laws to witness the birth of his child, arguably more serious statements about the future of carbon policy were being made overseas.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In China, the world's largest emitter of carbon dioxide and a country often painted as indifferent to climate change policy, the State Council announced individual targets for provinces and cities that would require them to cut the amount of energy used to run their economies.</para></quote>
<para>Other countries are acting ahead of us. We are lagging behind and actually missing the research and business opportunities in renewable energies.</para>
<para>This legislation goes not just to the price on carbon but to action to ensure individuals are not impacted, are not made worse off, and there will be a huge household package with it. But it is also around direct government investment in clean energy. The federal government is investing billions in low-emissions technology and providing support for Australian households to become more energy efficient. The new $10 billion commercially oriented Clean Energy Finance Corporation will invest in renewable energy, low pollution and energy efficient technologies. The new Australian Renewable Energy Agency will administer $3.2 billion in government support for research and development, demonstration and commercialisation of renewable energy. The renewable energy target, combined with other elements of the government's plan, including the carbon price, will drive $20 billion of investment in large-scale renewable energy by 2020, in today's dollars. We know that we can reduce carbon pollution to ensure our children and grandchildren have a future, but our economy also has a future. Listening to some of the contributions to the debate from those on the other side has been quite fascinating. They have been talking a lot about what is going to happen. It is constant negativity and it has completely overtaken the coalition. They are constantly talking the economy down and using every opportunity to scaremonger workers in Australia. It is time we looked at the facts. We have created nearly 750,000 jobs since we came to office and we have one of the lowest unemployment rates in the developed world. When it comes to a price on carbon, we are providing a $9.2 billion jobs package to support workers in emissions-intensive trade-exposed industries. As the Treasury modelling shows, jobs will grow strongly under a carbon price, with national employment expected to increase by 1.6 million jobs by 2020 and by a further 4.4 million by 2050.</para>
<para>Those opposite sticking their heads in the sand are refusing to open their minds to the investment and employment opportunities a carbon price will provide. Some members, like the member for Menzies, in this debate have even said that the notion of a green job is mythical, and the member for Groom said last week that all new green jobs will go overseas. This directly contradicts the coalition's own direct action plan, which says at page 17, 'The coalition recognises the potential for clean energy to underpin future employment growth in key regional areas.' Not only is it in contradiction to their own policies; it is in contradiction to the evidence already out there and to evidence we heard during the clean energy bills inquiry, such as that the Macarthur wind farm in Victoria will create 900 jobs during construction, the Woodland wind farm in New South Wales will create 150 jobs during construction and a solar farm in New South Wales will create another 50 jobs—just to mention a few.</para>
<para>These projects and many like them will provide billions of dollars in new investment and thousands of new jobs, as well as help us to transition to a low-carbon future. The race is on for clean energy jobs and investment in the future. We want our economy to be in a position to take advantage of that. In my own electorate I see this at the CSIRO plant at Clayton, where there are many jobs in this industry. At Monash University and the Monash Sustainability Institute individuals are taking action because they see the need for change. We as a government see the need for change. I have held two forums on climate change. One was organised by a group called Lighter Footprints and had 300 people at the hall. All of them accepted the need for change—actually most of them were fairly angry that we were not going far enough. I held another one in my electorate with Alan Pears from RMIT and Dr Brett Parris from Monash University, and I want to thank them. They gave a great presentation that was accepted by everybody in the room. It is time to act and stop putting our heads in the sand. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TONY SMITH</name>
    <name.id>00APG</name.id>
    <electorate>Casey</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We are here to debate 19 bills of betrayal that represent the triumph of political vice over policy virtue, bills of betrayal that sacrifice the prosperity of the Australian people at the altar of the Prime Minister's personal survival in her job. Everyone in this House knows that this government is in extremis. Everyone in this House is asking the same question, particularly those opposite, in relation to the Prime Minister's standing in the opinion polls: how low can things go? You would think that in such a circumstance the Prime Minister would observe the basic lesson of politics: when you are in a hole, stop digging. But, no, there she is, shovel in hand, burrowing ever deeper.</para>
<para>The political fortunes of the Prime Minister are a matter for her; that is her business. Of much greater concern is the fact that this misbegotten tax will bury the economic fortunes of Australian families and small business. Every Australian household will be whacked by this tax 100 times a day. They will be whacked every time they turn on a light, they will be whacked every time their kids turn on the Xbox and they will be whacked every time they go to the pub or to the footy. Earlier this year, radio MTR in Melbourne indulged in a bit of satire that would have been hilarious if it were not so tragic. They adapted to the carbon tax debate a famous song by Sting. Their adapted words were:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Every breath you take</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Every cent you make</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">With every promise they break</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">There'll be no escape</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">She'll be taxing you</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Every single day</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">More and more you pay</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Carbon tax</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">You obey</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It's the Labor way</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">She'll be taxing you</para></quote>
<para>For satire to be successful it must be anchored in truth. Truer words than those have never been spoken. Of course, the Prime Minister has promised up hill and down dale that the compensation scheme will leave nine out of 10 Australian families better off. Really! Does anyone really believe that a government that could not deliver a simple home insulation program can insulate Australian families from the impacts of a carbon tax that will reach into the wallets of Australian families every minute of every day of every month of every year once these bills are passed?</para>
<para>My kids are not present in the gallery and you will pleased to know, Madam Acting Deputy Speaker, that at their young age they do not yet read <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline> so I can let you in on a secret: there is no Santa Claus. I worry that some on the other side of this House still believe that old St Nick exists so I feel compelled to inform the idealists opposite that there is no magic solution to render their scheme painless. That is because their carbon tax is intended to modify behaviour through premeditated economic pain. You do not need to take our word for it on this side of the House. The Prime Minister said as much in February when she declared that the very point of pricing carbon was to have that effect.</para>
<para>This tax will drive up the price of energy. It is intended to. Electricity bills paid by Australian families and businesses will spike by at least 10 per cent. Gas prices will climb by nine per cent, and that is just in the first year alone. But it is not just household budgets that will take a hit. You do not need to be a Nobel prize winning economist to figure out that the basic impact of the carbon tax on businesses throughout Australia will be significant. If you raise business operating costs, you kill jobs. If you raise business operating costs, you hinder the ability of Australian firms to compete overseas. It will mean that businesses will hire fewer and lay off more, and in some instances those increased prices will be enough to push companies over the edge. Some shops will close and some factories will go belly up.</para>
<para>Throughout Australia this tax will trigger a giant sucking sound as jobs are siphoned offshore to places where foreign governments are smart enough not to engage in stand-alone economic masochism. This Prime Minister obviously thinks that she is the political equivalent of Star Trek's Captain Kirk. She thinks she is boldly going where no government has gone before but, as we know, there is a fine line between boldness and complete recklessness. The Prime Minister is acting like the proverbial fool—rushing in where angels and every other advanced national economy fear to tread. In the United States the Obama administration could not pass the Waxman-Markey emissions trading scheme bill even when the Democrats controlled both houses of congress. But wait. In answer to a question in question time the minister for climate change seized upon California as a shining example for emissions trading. I know fiscal know-how is not exactly this government's strong suit, but someone needs to let the minister know that America's so-called golden state is not so golden after all. California has an unemployment rate of 12 per cent and a state budget deficit of US$26 billion. Is that really an example the minister is seeking to emulate?</para>
<para>And then of course there is China, so often heralded by the minister as an inspiring model of carbon correctness. Yet documents obtained by the Institute of Public Affairs show that the government's claims about China's higher carbon tax levels are bogus. In reality China's carbon price is about three-quarters of what the government intends to impose on Australia against the public's will. You do not need to take my word for it; you do not even need to take the word of a member of this side of the House for it. During this past April former Keating government minister Gary Johns penned a piece for the <inline font-style="italic">Australian</inline> entitled 'Dodgy figures, wrong questions plague debate'. In his article Johns wrote:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Chinese must think Gillard a fool. Vivid Economics—</para></quote>
<para>which did the study on which the government's claims were based—</para>
<quote><para class="block">has been colourful with its analysis. They wildly overstate China's and wildly understate Australia's implicit carbon price.</para></quote>
<para>For every older coal fired plant shut down in China over the past three years two new ones have been built and as a result Chinese coal consumption has increased 17 per cent per year over the same period. After all, who does the Prime Minister think is buying our coal and what does she think they are doing with it? The misleading and deceptive campaign waged by this government gives new meaning to that famous quip by Mark Twain:</para>
<quote><para class="block">There are three kinds of lies: lies, damned lies and statistics.</para></quote>
<para>But this habit of playing fast and loose with the truth is not limited to dodgy data about China's carbon price. We all recall how the Prime Minister heavied the member for Griffith into postponing his emissions trading scheme after the shambolic Copenhagen climate conference collapsed in disarray; we all recall how the Prime Minister then moved seamlessly from procrastination to prevarication, from overt delay to outright deception; and we all recall how this Prime Minister gazed into the television cameras during last year's federal election campaign and vowed to the Australian public: 'There will be no carbon tax under the government I lead.' But when the Prime Minister needed to seal the deal for political support with the Greens she threw her 'no carbon tax' promise overboard and her personal credibility went over the side as well. And then there is last year's palace coup. Only weeks before presiding over the political defenestration of the member for Griffith, this Prime Minister assured us that there was more chance of her becoming full-forward for the Western Bulldogs than challenging for the Labor leadership and prime ministership.</para>
<para>Mr Deputy Speaker, it is a supreme irony, isn't it, that the Prime Minister probably does have a greater chance of becoming full-forward for the Western Bulldogs than of remaining Prime Minister till the next election. With the legislation currently before this House we have a discredited Prime Minister leading a discredited government to impose a discredited carbon tax on a disinclined Australian people. If the Prime Minister told the parliament the sun was shining, members would be forgiven for ringing the Bureau of Meteorology for a second opinion. The late great Ronald Reagan once said that his guiding principle when negotiating with the Soviets was to trust but verify. In this case, a slight adaptation of that adage is required because this Prime Minister's history is so full of backflips, U-turns, broken promises and shattered political promises, the track record is so full of cheat and retreat, that the only healthy attitude one can take is to distrust and check again and again. That is why I cast such a jaundiced eye on the Prime Minister's promises of a clean, green renewable energy future funded by the revenue of her carbon tax, which she promised would never occur under the government she led.</para>
<para>In his speech on this bill the Leader of the Opposition noted the United Kingdom study released in March this year which found the cost of every job created in the renewable energy sector was that 3.7 existing jobs were lost, and he went on to make that point in great detail. The true believers on the other side of this debate are afflicted by a curious mix of economic ignorance and Messianic zeal. They are peddling pixie dust policies of wishful thinking and utopian dreaming, and for the Australia public it is a toxic combination. The only thing in which this Prime Minister clearly and truly believes is her own personal aggrandisement. This Prime Minister is willing to do any deal, bend in any direction, assume any political position in order to eke out her political survival. This legislation is pure political calculation designed to purchase Greens support, upon which her government depends. In the final equation the carbon tax is just, for this Prime Minister, the cost of doing business with Senator Bob Brown.</para>
<para>This is an exercise in cynicism and should be contrasted with the coalition's common-sense direct action program. Our direct action plan will lower Australians' carbon emissions by the same five per cent that the government claims, without blowing a gaping hole in the bottom line of Australian businesses and household budgets of Australian families. The Leader of the Opposition articulated this in his speech when the debate on these bills began, when he said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">There is a much better way to reduce emissions and the better way to reduce emissions is to work with the grain of the Australian people … to further encourage the intelligent, sensible things that Australians and Australian enterprises are doing now to reduce emissions.</para></quote>
<para>The Prime Minister tried to claim in the debate on these bills that history would vindicate her. She asked members to think of being on the right side of history. I am in no mood to be lectured by a 'Julia-come-lately' on economic reform. During the 1980s and 1990s the Prime Minister was, of course, a rising star in Labor's political firmament. As president of the Australian Union of Students and later as leading light of the Socialist Left faction she certainly had the power of Labor's pulpit. Yet I do not recall her voicing support at the time for the Hawke-Keating free market reforms that received bipartisan support from the coalition. And given her past socialist leanings, I would be astonished to discover that all along she has been a closet devotee of Milton Friedman.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister's audacious claim to history rings hollow and rings hollow to all who heard it because her own political history is so hollow. At the last election nearly 84 per cent of voters cast their ballots for parties that were opposed to a carbon tax. This Prime Minister has no mandate to impose this carbon tax. If the Prime Minister truly believed that a carbon tax is the way to go, the Prime Minister would do what John Howard did with the goods and services tax: show the courage of her convictions and seek the assent and the permission of the Australian people at the ballot box. The fact that this Prime Minister has not, and will not, really reveals her devious nature on this important policy before the parliament today. The Australian people were made a promise before the last election by this Prime Minister. This Prime Minister deliberately broke that promise.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The honourable member will withdraw the accusation of deliberately misleading.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TONY SMITH</name>
    <name.id>00APG</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Withdraw 'deliberately misleading'?</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, you cannot say it was deliberate.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TONY SMITH</name>
    <name.id>00APG</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I withdraw, Deputy Speaker, in deference to you.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The honourable member's time has expired.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SHORTEN</name>
    <name.id>00ATG</name.id>
    <electorate>Maribyrnong</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This debate on the Clean Energy Bill 2011 and related legislation is a debate about hanging on to the status quo or energetically reaching out to shape the change which is happening in our society and our economy. The debate between the government and the opposition is a debate between new versus old; between progressive hope versus conservative instinct; between whether we should be optimistic about what is ahead of us or whether we should have a fear of the future. Indeed, it has been far too often about scientific facts combating political fiction. Make no mistake, we in Australia cannot afford to surrender to those who preach the false promise that Australia does not need to change.</para>
<para>Let us for a moment consider what our nation would have looked and felt like today had the superannuation savings vision of former Prime Minister Keating and Bill Kelty not been realised 2½ decades ago; had Medibank, which has become Medicare, not been delivered in the 1970s; had the Snowy Mountains scheme not been rolled out under Sir William Hudson after the war; had, in fact, construction of the Harbour Bridge not been started in the 1920s.</para>
<para>Australians have not always found change easy. Francis Greenway, the famous colonial architect, suggested the harbour bridge to Governor Macquarie in 1815 and we finished it in the 1930s. I would suggest that we have in fact been debating climate change and what to do in response to it since the 1980s. Former Prime Minister Thatcher spoke about it. Former Prime Minister Hawke spoke about it. Former Prime Minister Howard spoke about it and indeed proposed an emissions trading scheme much in detail like the one which is being submitted today. The concept of putting a price on carbon pollution is not a new concept. Let us not wait 110 years to get this done. We in this country are better than that at coping with change.</para>
<para>When it comes to the complex issue of climate change and our government's measured response being debated today in the parliament, I would submit that we are simply taking out insurance. As the <inline font-style="italic">Australian</inline> newspaper's editor-at-large Paul Kelly put it in his paper's publication last month, if I may paraphrase him, the best pro-science approach is the insurance principle. Because there is a climate change risk, everyone can see that the prudent path is to take out mitigating policy insurance. Yet the Leader of the Opposition would have Australians take out no insurance when it comes to climate change, irresponsibly ignore the risk and somehow walk on through the raindrops as though we could never get wet from the consequences of a warming planet.</para>
<para>We are witness to a steady climatic warming due specifically to anthropogenic factors determined and recognised and so advised by a panel of internationally recognised, appointed and accountable scientific experts. Yet the Leader of the Opposition stubbornly says that these scientists are wrong. He says the economists are wrong. He says the signs in the skies are not significant and the change in the weather does not need this action. He says that the extreme flooding and drought and the turbulent climatic conditions, which can in time disable whole economies, are not significant enough to act upon now. To borrow from Winston Churchill: there is a gathering storm. The conservative parties, like their intellectual inspiration, the Luddite movement, believe that they can simply wish change away. By closing their eyes and stopping their ears to informed discourse they have somehow convinced themselves that they can abolish the future, put away the laws of cause and consequence, and lazily consign this great uncertain globalised world to harder changes later—and that this course of action is a good thing to do.</para>
<para>I do not believe that all of those in the opposition believe this. I know that the member for Wentworth and the remnants of those small 'l' liberal supporters of what was once the great Liberal Party know that climate change needs this action. Indeed, if the member for Warringah had not replaced the member for Wentworth we might well have had these debates concluded some time ago. Change is coming. However it is fudged or spun, however people try to dodge around it, however we twist the numbers or slime the science, change is coming that challenges the world as we know it. So we must adapt. Our method, and it is a good one, is a tax-to-trading model coupled with generous assistance—this legislative priority before the House. Our carbon price policy is based on this three-point proposition: one, we all want to reduce pollution for a clean energy future; two, business needs certainty and the big polluters should be charged a price for their carbon pollution; and, three, families need a fair go, through generous assistance and tax cuts. That is why this package introduced to the House targets the largest polluters while nine out of 10 Australian households are compensated, and it is how we will cut $160 million tonnes of carbon pollution from our atmosphere by 2020. In the same way we will support our coal and steel industries.</para>
<para>The Australian economic story since European settlement was initially that of convicts, then it was of gold, of farming our way through the late 19th and early 20th centuries, of moving into heavier industries and manufacturing from the Second World War right up to the 1980s, and then of a growing, prosperous services economy from then until today. The next step in our economic narrative is a thoughtful, moderate evolution into a lower pollution economy with good jobs, clean technologies and a sustainable future. We will still be an agricultural producer, a manufacturer and a services provider, but we will not be a rapidly expanding carbon producer in the way in which we are today. I believe that a Labor government's role should always be to deliver economic change but also to assist workforces and families with the inevitable reskilling and new training that allows a transformation to occur without leaving people behind, without leaving people on an economic scrap heap.</para>
<para>Yet, in the face of this confident grasp for progress, the 12 months just past has been a bruising political time. Perhaps the most bruised of all has been the Australian people's faith in politics itself. I put to the House in this debate that nothing has done more bruising than the opposition's economic belligerence. In the final quarter of this year and as we move into 2012 to properly prepare for the challenge ahead, Australia needs to have a full-bodied economic conversation that is more assertive, optimistic and open-minded about the facts than the war of words since the last federal election has proven to be. This Spring and beyond there are considerable issues to consider and weigh up, from the mining tax and job creation to the National Disability Insurance Scheme and lifting superannuation.</para>
<para>A big test of whether we can have a sensible dialogue focused on the national interest is of course the proposed legislation before us right now, the clean energy future bills. So far, in 2011, the national discourse has been too often narrowed, sold short and bottomed out because of the number of political vested interests that have attempted to hijack the debate and drown out the voices of Australians who reasonably expect the government to navigate a path to the future. Australians today perhaps are cynical about politics, but that would be a natural response to the depressing conduct of relentless negativity and cynicism of the opposition. As our Chief Scientist said three weeks ago, things have now 'reached a new low'. A visiting German climate scientist reportedly said, upon being heckled during a visit to Melbourne University, 'Take a look at Australia, and you will find that the climate debate is the most toxic on the planet.' On <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline> last month, the Leader of the Opposition failed to acknowledge the question, 'But surely it is unbecoming of an alternative leader of the country to stand on a stage next to someone who says that CSIRO scientists are engaged in a conspiracy?' I entirely agree with Prime Minister Gillard's passionate belief that what we are witnessing is a repugnant trend in our national politics.</para>
<para>It is profoundly incumbent upon all of those elected to this place to lead. And it is incumbent upon us in the labour movement to resist at all costs the sort of unhealthy, cynical developments that we see emerging on the extreme Right overseas. I refer to the United States, where eminent writer Thomas Friedman has observed that the Republican Party is progressively being taken over by some who are entirely obsessed with only one issue: tax. I believe that the Friedman insight prompts us to think carefully about the path some extreme conservatives are now taking us on here in Australia by concentrating almost entirely on boat people, climate change scepticism and the relentless cynical negativity about, and neglect of, virtually every other economic and social policy issue.</para>
<para>That was brought into stark relief last week by the cynical approach of the opposition to the tax forum. The Leader of the Opposition today is neglecting a broader economic policy debate, a gentler, sensible conversation about Australia's future, because he believes that he can shout his way into office about a carbon price that taxes polluters. We are witness in this place to irrational arguments and cynical daily bullyboy fearmongering—politics at its most depressing. This underestimation of the wisdom of Australians needs to end, not just for the sake of the government but indeed for the sake of this country and where it needs to go.</para>
<para>I would submit that the biggest threat to confidence in the Australian economy is not putting a price on carbon but a federal opposition who have no confidence in the Australian people and who constantly underestimate the capacity of Australians to change. The Gillard government understands that you cannot put up a proposition that Australia can be frozen in the moment. The coalition would have Australian people believe that now is not a good time to change and that tomorrow will not be a good time to change—it will never be a good time to change! This nation cannot progress on the foolish policy prescription that Australians do not have to adjust, amend and do things differently.</para>
<para>This nation needs great leadership, and change is never easy. The Gillard government understands that. We understand what business well knows: the economy is in transition and we cannot stand still. Australians understand that the world outside Australia is a tough place but that inaction and complacency does this nation and our children and grandchildren no favours. We know that business appreciates the value of certainty and that the world is moving to improve energy efficiency and to lower carbon pollution. We understand that we need to lower the carbon output, reduce the growth in carbon output, in this country, and the big polluters should assist in that process. None of us ordinary citizens tip our garbage in the street and expect someone else to pay for the privilege of cleaning up our mess.</para>
<para>We believe that families and consumers should get a fair go and we also believe that climate change is real. We also know that, whoever is in charge, that government will sooner or later have to put a price on carbon. It is the cheapest and most effective way to cut pollution. Imagine two future worlds. In one, Australia continues to lag behind Germany in solar technology, as we do today. In another, we are world leaders in applying solar technology domestically and also in exporting it to the world. Why shouldn't we aim to be the best in the world? Why shouldn't we aim to capture the blue-sky potential of industries that will clearly be massive in the future?</para>
<para>China and India are urbanising now. In 20 years—and over the next 20 years—they will be converting en masse to clean energy. China is already the largest clean energy investor in the world. Why do we want to miss the curve, miss the wave, of change? Let us get ahead of the curve.</para>
<para>The tragedy of this debate is that underneath all the bluster of the opposition at least half the Liberal Party know—and I would submit that the opposition leader understands this—that one thing is sure: those opposite would also put a price on carbon. The only questions are when and how much it would cost you. Brendan Nelson supported a price on carbon. Malcolm Turnbull supported a price on carbon and still does. John Howard supported a price on carbon. Even Tony Abbott, periodically, as his mood has changed, has supported a price on carbon, but unfortunately he is hiding now.</para>
<para>Underneath all the feigned, hostile outrage, the opposition understand that they will have to introduce it, but they just do not want to admit to it now. It will happen. Even if they manage to scramble into power with their timid cynicism, it will have to happen. But what is the benefit, if you know you have to change, of delaying the change? It only comes at a higher price. They instead would have you believe that when they come to power nothing will change, that you can be frozen in the moment and this nation will need to change little.</para>
<para>We understand that whoever is in charge of this nation has an obligation not to betray the leadership entrusted to us by people. Real leadership does not always involve telling people what they want to hear. Real leadership means dealing with issues. We in the Labor Party do not rely on scaring people to obtain power, yet those opposite rely on threat to give them purpose. We rely on hope to give purpose; those opposite rely on conservatism to give them purpose. We believe in innovation. We do not accept the proposition that industries in Australia—agriculture, mining, manufacturing and the service industry—and the nation at large lack the capacity to change. Those opposite rely on fear; we rely on optimism. Those opposite rely on hostility; we rely on hope. Those opposite think the future is something to hide and run from; we believe the future is not something to be frightened of. Instead of talking down the economy and small business, we understand that the world will not stand still. We understand forces are at work and we will meet the challenge. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I would commend to the minister the provisions of standing order 64.</para>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>11390</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Clean Energy Future Legislation Committee</title>
          <page.no>11390</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>11390</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms BURKE</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
    <electorate>Chisholm</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the Joint Select Committee on Australia's Clean Energy Future Legislation I present the committee's report entitled <inline font-style="italic">Advisory report on the Clean Energy Bills and the Steel Transformation Bill 2011</inline>, incorporating supplementary remarks and a dissenting report together with the minutes of proceedings. I ask leave of the House to make a short statement in connection with the report.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms BURKE</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The committee reviewed the Clean Energy Bill 2011, the other 17 bills in the clean energy package and the Steel Transformation Plan Bill 2011. The committee has concluded the bills should pass. Australia is committed to reducing its greenhouse gas emissions by at least five per cent below 2000 levels by 2020. This lies at the heart of Australia's efforts to introduce a mechanism to place a value on greenhouse gas emissions and to achieve lasting reductions over time.</para>
<para>The government has a plan to meet this target and looks beyond it to meet longer-term commitments to reduce our emissions, which is set out in the 18 bills and the clean energy legislative package and the Steel Transformation Plan Bill 2011. The design of the plan has been the subject of considerable public debate and discussion on policy development. Our national commitment to reducing greenhouse gas emissions is based on scientific evidence about the adverse impacts on our planet and a nation of greenhouse gas emissions from human activity both now and over the longer term. The scientific evidence is well founded, is accepted and continues to be appropriately tested and scrutinised; however, the committee also noted that many unfounded and unwarranted attacks have been made on scientists in the course of this debate.</para>
<para>As a nation we have been discussing this issue for more than 10 years. There have been numerous reviews since 1999, all of which have concluded that a market based emissions trading scheme is the most appropriate way to act. Other countries are acting, through mechanisms designed to suit our own situations, including through emissions trading schemes.</para>
<para>Since 2009 the Australian parliament has considered legislation to introduce a mechanism to put a price on greenhouse gas emissions. The bills in the clean energy legislative package reflect this decade of policy development, consultation and scrutiny. In considering the package the committee has looked at whether it provides a foundation for future economic growth and for the transition to an economy based on cleaner and more sustainable energy sources. It is clear that a regulatory framework which provides certainty over time and allows businesses to make the decisions about the most appropriate way to act is preferable to one in which the government directs outcomes. The consequences of not having a robust and certain framework are clear: businesses will face greater risk associated with making decisions and act or not act accordingly. The package provides the certainty that businesses need to make those decisions to ensure future investment.</para>
<para>It is appropriate that people, in considering a reform, should consider the short-term impacts that will have. The government has addressed these through a series of measures to provide transitional assistance to emissions-intensive trade exposed industries, household assistance to low- and middle-income earners and measures to improve energy efficiency and the development and adoption of new technologies. Beyond this, the longer-term costs of not taking action must also be considered. There are the direct economic consequences of squeezing the task of meeting our 2020 commitment to reducing greenhouse gas emissions into a shorter and shorter time frame. But further inaction or delay also poses deeper and more long-lasting impacts for us all. There is a clear and real detriment from not tackling the task of greenhouse gas emissions reduction in a coordinated way. It will stifle investment in clean energy and energy efficiency, delay the adoption of new technologies and increase the ultimate costs we all must bear. The costs of economic change are greatly reduced when they occur gradually, which the package proposes.</para>
<para>The impact of delaying investment in our energy sector is real and serious. Individual Australians are now experiencing the costs of not making necessary investment in energy infrastructure due to a lack of certainty on addressing greenhouse gas emissions reduction. They have faced significant increases in electricity prices precisely because we have not taken action, and these impacts will continue. These costs far outstrip any impact on placing a price on greenhouse gas emissions now.</para>
<para>In considering how to meet our commitment to reduce Australia's greenhouse gas emissions, we must ensure that the regulatory framework does this, at least cost, in a way which is tailored to the Australian economy and which ensures the transitional costs are minimised. It is also critical that this framework gives clarity and certainty for investors over time, particularly in our critical energy sector. The committee is confident that the package delivers these outcomes.</para>
<para>The committee received evidence from a range of businesses, local governments and others who may be covered by the mechanism. While many of these acknowledged the benefits that would flow from the full range of reforms encompassed by the package, including the recently passed carbon farming initiative, there was a degree of uncertainty about its application from some groups. This uncertainty is to some extent understandable, given the high level of much public discussion and the misconceptions about the reforms that have been gained. To deal with this, considerable effort is needed in the implementation of the package to ensure that those covered by it are aware of its implications, their obligations and the opportunities available to them. I commend the report to the House and I encourage everyone to read it.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>HH4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! It being 2 pm, the debate is interrupted.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>STATEMENTS ON INDULGENCE</title>
        <page.no>11391</page.no>
        <type>STATEMENTS ON INDULGENCE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Schmidt, Professor Brian</title>
          <page.no>11391</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference to Main Committee</title>
            <page.no>11392</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That further statements by indulgence in relation to Professor Brian Schmidt, Nobel prizewinner in physics, be permitted in the Main Committee.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>11392</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Carbon Pricing</title>
          <page.no>11392</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ABBOTT</name>
    <name.id>EZ5</name.id>
    <electorate>Warringah</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Prime Minister. I refer the Prime Minister to the statement of the member for Moreton, who said he would resign rather than back a leadership change:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I will not be breaking faith with the people of Morton. I did it in 2010 and I've been constantly reminded by my voters that I did that. … This is about me keeping faith with the people who put me in office.</para></quote>
<para>Will the Prime Minister and Labor members of this House now keep faith with the Australian people by honouring her pre-election commitment that 'There will be no carbon tax under the government I lead'?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GILLARD</name>
    <name.id>83L</name.id>
    <electorate>Lalor</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What a remarkable question from the Leader of the Opposition who is on the public record as supporting a carbon tax, who is on the public record as supporting a carbon price and who has said consistently only one thing to the Australian people—that is, that the only thing he believes in is what he thinks the politics of the moment is telling him. That is the only thing he believes in. Historically and famously he was referred to by the member for Wentworth as a weathervane, someone who has no core beliefs about Australia's future and no ability to shape that future. He has no concern about jobs in the future, no concern for pensioners or for family payments in the future and no concern for cutting taxes.</para>
<para>Tomorrow this House of Representatives will vote on putting a price on carbon. This House of Representatives will record its vote on whether we believe climate change is real; on whether we believe that the most efficient way of addressing climate change is to put a price on carbon pollution; on whether we believe in protecting Australian jobs; on whether we believe that pensioners and people who are raising families deserve extra assistance; and on whether we believe we should be providing tax cuts to working people earning less than $80,000 a year and, particularly, providing the biggest tax cuts to people on lower incomes. These will be the things that go for a vote tomorrow.</para>
<para>What I can say to the Leader of the Opposition is that each and every step of the way he has found a way to twist and turn in this debate. He used to be in favour of pricing carbon; now he says he is opposed. I can understand the Leader of the Opposition being here today advocating further delay in putting a price on carbon. I can understand that because the Leader of the Opposition senses what the Australian people will ultimately come to know—that his so-called promise to repeal a price on carbon is just nonsense. He will not repeal a price on carbon if he is ever elected as Prime Minister. He will not do that because more than half of his political party supports putting a price on carbon. He will not do that because to do that would mean repudiating every living Liberal leader. He will not do that because ultimately wiser heads will prevail in the opposition and they will say, 'Don't take money out of the hands of pensioners; don't take money out of the hands of families.' He will not do that and he is not to be believed when he says he will.</para>
<para>Tomorrow this House will record its vote and every member will be required to file in here and record whether they are on the side of history, whether they are on the side of action, whether they are on the side of change or whether they are content to stand against and watch the world change while Australia stays the same. We, on this side of the parliament, will vote for a clean energy future, for reducing carbon pollution, for enabling economic growth without increases in carbon pollution and for putting more money in the hands of pensioners, working Australians who need it the most, people raising families. We will make sure, more importantly than almost anything else, that we seize the jobs and opportunities that come with a clean energy future.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ABBOTT</name>
    <name.id>EZ5</name.id>
    <electorate>Warringah</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, I ask a supplementary question. In light of the Prime Minister's answer a moment ago why did she say five days before the last election, 'There will be no carbon tax under the government I lead'? In light of what she has just said, if the arguments in favour of a carbon tax are so good, why will she not have the courage of her convictions and put this to the people at an election?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GILLARD</name>
    <name.id>83L</name.id>
    <electorate>Lalor</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I look forward to the Leader of the Opposition's explanation as to why he has said in the past that he is in favour of putting a price on carbon, why he has said in the past that he is 'a bit of a weathervane' when it comes to this—a man of no core convictions, no promises, nothing that can be believed. Certainly one thing that can never be believed is his assertion that he will repeal this price on carbon. The Leader of the Opposition will not do that.</para>
<para>To the Leader of the Opposition's question, as I have said many times before in this parliament and beyond, as I have spoken to members of the community I have talked to them about how the science is real. I accept the science. Frequently, the Leader of the Opposition does not. We need to cut carbon pollution by at least five per cent by 2020. I believe in doing that; some days the Leader of the Opposition does not. I believe we should accept the advice of economists that the most cost-effective way of doing that is to put a price on carbon. The Leader of the Opposition never accepts advice from economists; instead, he personally criticises them.</para>
<para>I believe that as we price carbon and reduce carbon pollution we should do everything we can to provide benefits to pensioners, people raising children and workers deserving of tax cuts—and we will. I believe that we should do everything we can to support the steel industry—and we will. And tomorrow's vote will in part be about who stands alongside steelworkers and who is prepared to desert them. That will be what tomorrow's vote is about as well.</para>
<para>As the Leader of the Opposition well knows, in the last election campaign I spoke to the Australian people about the science being real and I spoke to the Australian people about the need to have an emissions trading scheme. We have used the opportunity of this parliament, and this parliament will deliver this major reform which will enable us to seize a clean energy future. Meanwhile, I anticipate the Leader of the Opposition, the man who used to be in favour of pricing carbon, the man who used to talk favourably about putting a tax on carbon, the man who has said he is nothing but a weathervane when it comes to this huge issue for the nation's future, will start twisting and turning and becoming sharper and more hysterical in a desperate attempt to try to convince the Australian people he will repeal carbon pricing. We know he will not.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</title>
        <page.no>11394</page.no>
        <type>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</type>
      </debateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>HH4</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I inform the House that we have present in the gallery this afternoon members of the Australian Political Exchange Council's 28th delegation from the United States of America. On behalf of the House I extend a very warm welcome to our visitors.</para>
<para>Honourable members: Hear, hear!</para>
</speech>
</debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>11394</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economy</title>
          <page.no>11394</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CHEESEMAN</name>
    <name.id>HW7</name.id>
    <electorate>Corangamite</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Prime Minister. How is the government undertaking reforms to create a clean energy future and make sure that, despite the patchwork economy, no Australian is left behind?</para>
<para class="italic">Opposition members interjecting—</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GILLARD</name>
    <name.id>83L</name.id>
    <electorate>Lalor</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Corangamite for his question because the thing that is at the centre of his question is jobs—jobs for the Australian people, jobs for working Australians. I can understand why the opposition greeted it with scoffing, because they do not care about jobs.</para>
<para>In the days since this parliament last met the government has announced its intention to have an Asian century white paper. Almost every Australian would be able to give you chapter and verse about the resources boom—about the boom in mining. Many Australians participate in it themselves, live in a community that is affected by the growth in mining or have a family member who is affected by the growth in mining. People understand that there is a resources boom and that it is a good thing. It is a great thing for our country because it means jobs, opportunity and prosperity—with more than $400 billion of investment in the pipeline. At the same time many Australians say to themselves, 'It's fantastic that there's such record pricing for the things that we have to sell, but what happens in the days beyond the resources boom when we have fully exploited our mineral wealth, when we have extracted it and exported it? What happens in those days? What will those Australians do for jobs then, what will their children do?' These are questions on the minds of Australians as they contemplate the future.</para>
<para>The Asian century white paper will be about speaking to Australians about the opportunities that come from growth in our region. And those opportunities are more than the opportunities from the resources boom; they are about the spectacular development of the middle classes in Asia, with growth of 1.2 billion people in the Asian middle class by 2020—people who will want to buy our food and our wine, want to come here on holidays, want legal services, accounting services and international education, providing opportunities right across the Australian economy. But we face a challenge and the challenge in these days of the resources boom, as the Australian dollar is high and sustained, is how to make sure industries feeling the pressure of that high, sustained Australian dollar also maintain their competitiveness. That is why we focused in the Future Jobs Forum on working with those industries during the days of the patchwork economy—because I want to see us sustain economic diversity during these days and in the days beyond the resources boom. I want to see us come out with a more diversified economy rather than a less diversified economy. That is what the Future Jobs Forum was about. Interestingly, the tax forum was also about those questions of the patchwork economy. They were centrally before the tax forum in the reform propositions that people worked through.</para>
<para>We are determined to seize this future. It is about the mineral resource rent tax—so we can take tax from the turbocharged section of the economy and use it to support businesses elsewhere. It is about the NBN and the benefits of a high-technology future. It is about responding to the demands of a patchwork economy and making sure we are doing what we can to support Australian industry. It is, too, about seizing a clean energy future. We cannot be left behind as the world seizes clean energy jobs. We do not intend to have Australia left behind. We will fully seize the opportunities that come from this future.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Carbon Pricing</title>
          <page.no>11395</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms JULIE BISHOP</name>
    <name.id>83P</name.id>
    <electorate>Curtin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Foreign Affairs. I refer the foreign minister to his recent trips to Japan, the United Arab Emirates, Kazakhstan, Bahrain, Brazil, the Republic of Korea, Mexico, Indonesia, Papua New Guinea, Thailand, Israel, Vietnam and the United States, amongst many others, over the last year. Can the foreign minister confirm that not one of these countries has an economy-wide carbon tax?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RUDD</name>
    <name.id>83T</name.id>
    <electorate>Griffith</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I welcome very much the question from the shadow minister for foreign affairs, although we do wonder how much longer the Leader of the Opposition will have confidence in the shadow minister for foreign affairs given his statement the other day about the good old member for Kooyong. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… it's nice to have someone in the parliamentary party who understands foreign affairs at last.</para></quote>
<para>Now, Julie, that is a ringing vote of endorsement if ever I heard one—and, Josh: just remain calm.</para>
<para class="italic">Opposition members interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RUDD</name>
    <name.id>83T</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I also appreciate very much the shadow minister for foreign affairs' discovery of the fact that as foreign minister of Australia I do travel abroad. As I have said in various fora around Australia when asked this, the universal conclusion of foreign ministers around the world is that most foreigners do live abroad. That is why we travel abroad to meet those foreigners. I thank very much the shadow minister for foreign affairs for drawing that basic fact to our attention. My own view—and I share this very much with the member for Curtin, the Deputy Leader of the Opposition and the shadow minister for foreign affairs—is that there comes a stage when point-scoring over the cost of overseas travel by political figures demeans our national self-respect.</para>
<para class="italic">Opposition members interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RUDD</name>
    <name.id>83T</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>They protest! The author of those remarks was John Winston Howard in his most recent book, <inline font-style="italic">Lazarus Rising</inline>. And I think that actually goes to the maturity which is lacked in this place on the part of those opposite when it comes to the necessity of either a prime minister or a foreign minister travelling abroad in Australia's national interest.</para>
<para>I also say to the Deputy Leader of the Opposition and shadow minister for foreign affairs that when it comes to global action the shadow minister for foreign affairs should contemplate a few basic facts. She should contemplate the fact that we have around the world at present a large number of economies which have already introduced or are in the process of introducing emissions trading schemes. We also have evidence around the world that in, for example, the People's Republic of China or India we see actions of a type we have not seen in previous decades. In 2009 China added 37 gigawatts of renewable power capacity—more than any other country in the world. India has introduced a tax on coal which is expected to generate funds for further research into clean energies. The UK, run by the Tories, has set an ambitious plan to halve its carbon emissions by 2025. And the Republic of Korea has a 2020 emissions reduction pledge to reduce emissions by 20 per cent below business as usual—not to mention Japan, which has a target to improve its energy efficiency by 30 per cent by 2030.</para>
<para>What does all this indicate? It says that there are governments and political parties around the world who recognise the future, recognise the need to act on climate change and recognise the need to put a price on carbon—and there are those who keep their heads stuck firmly in the ground and who refuse to do so. We are acting for this nation's future; you are denying this nation a future.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MORRISON</name>
    <name.id>E3L</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Speaker, I rise on a point of order. Could the Minister for Foreign Affairs table the section of <inline font-style="italic">Lazarus Rising</inline> from which he has been reading?</para>
<para class="italic">Mr Windsor interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>HH4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Whilst I do not encourage the member for New England, if I were marking homework that was very close. I say to the member for Cook that I will ignore it this time, but he should be very careful. He has form on those sorts of things.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Carbon Pricing</title>
          <page.no>11396</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>Robertson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Treasurer. Will the Treasurer outline for the House the importance to our economy of putting a price on carbon pollution? What would be the consequence of failing to charge the biggest polluters?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SWAN</name>
    <name.id>2V5</name.id>
    <electorate>Lilley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Robertson for what is a very important question, because tomorrow in this House we will vote on one of the most important economic reforms in a generation, and it is going to be a test for each and every one of us in this House. Are we going to face up to the climate science and do something about carbon pollution? Are we going to face up to the fact that we should not leave for our children and our grandchildren greater costs and the heavy burden of carbon pollution? And are we going to show the Australian people and subsequent generations that we have the guts to face up to the tough economic reforms that will deliver prosperity for future generations?</para>
<para>As for us on this side of the House, we are going to act on all of those challenges because we understand that in the 21st century to be a first-class economy you must be powered by clean energy. That is why it is so important that we do put a price on every tonne of carbon pollution emitted by the biggest polluters. We on this side of the House understand that we need to send a price signal to drive the investment in clean energy and in renewable energy. We understand the importance of that in the 21st century if we want to continue to be a strong economy.</para>
<para>One of the reasons that Australia is so strong, one of the reasons that the International Monetary Fund gives our economy such a big tick, is that governments over the past 25 to 30 years have had the guts to face up to the big economic reforms. That is why we are strong now; that is why we are resilient now—because governments took the long-term view. And the long-term view is the one that is right for our country. It may not be the most immediately politically popular course of action, but it is right for our country. That is why we on this side of the House will be supporting a clean energy future tomorrow when those critical votes come through. Those on the opposite side of the House will be saying no as they constantly do, turning their back on the future, turning their back on their children and their grandchildren, turning their back on future economic prosperity. All of the modelling shows that our economy can grow strongly with a price on carbon, that incomes can grow strongly while putting a price on carbon pollution.</para>
<para>And we know what those opposite will also do. They will rip away the essential tax reforms that we are putting in place—essential reforms which will see another one million people taken out of the tax system because we are going to triple the tax-free threshold. They will take the claw out and claw that back. What those opposite will also do is claw back the pension increases. They will claw them back because they do not have a positive approach to the future. They want to turn their back on the future, rip away that assistance and ignore what must be done to grow our economy, to grow jobs and to ensure future prosperity. They only know one course of action. That is to say no, to wreck and to turn their back on the future.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Carbon Pricing</title>
          <page.no>11397</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HOCKEY</name>
    <name.id>DK6</name.id>
    <electorate>North Sydney</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Treasurer. I refer the Treasurer to concerns in financial markets about the risk of a sovereign debt default in Europe, the weak growth outcomes recorded in the United States, Japan and many European countries, and the IMF's downgrade of the growth forecast for Europe and the United States stating that:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The global economy is in a dangerous new phase.</para></quote>
<para>I ask the Treasurer: isn't this the worst possible time to introduce the world's biggest carbon tax, which will slow economic growth in Australia, increase inflation in Australia and cost Australian jobs?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SWAN</name>
    <name.id>2V5</name.id>
    <electorate>Lilley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the shadow Treasurer for his question. Whilst it is true that there is uncertainty and it is also true that there is volatility in the global economy, it also true that the Australian economy remains relatively strong. The shadow Treasurer quoted a number of authorities before. Indeed, he quoted the International Monetary Fund. The International Monetary Fund has been to Australia. It has produced what is called its article IV report. That has come out in the last couple of weeks in full. Do you know what the IMF does in that report? It gives a big tick to carbon pricing.</para>
<para>The very report that the shadow Treasurer quotes to seek to say that we should defer carbon pricing is the one that gives it a very big tick. It is a comprehensive report on the Australian economy but he did not read the report. He is just that sloppy all of the time. The fact is that the IMF have given carbon pricing in Australia a big tick—indeed, as they have given the government's economic management a very big tick. What I need to do now is to quote from that report. It is only a couple of weeks old. It says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Australia's performance since the onset of the global financial crisis has been enviable.</para></quote>
<para>That is, it says the Australian economy is strong and it says the Australian economy is in good shape—and it says it is strong and in good shape for a couple of reasons.</para>
<para>First of all, it says what a good job this government did during the global financial crisis to support our economy and avoid going into recession. Then it points to the fact that over the years fundamental economic reforms have been implemented by governments from both sides of politics to strengthen our economy. It talks about the big reforms of the past in IMF report after IMF report: the floating of the dollar, the bringing down of the tariff wall, national competition policy, national superannuation—all of the big reforms that have strengthened our economy.</para>
<para>It is in that context that the International Monetary Fund supports putting an overall price on carbon. The hide of the shadow Treasurer to come into this House and quote the International Monetary Fund, which has given the government's economic policies a big tick and which supports carbon pricing, is just so typical of those opposite. They are so negative. They have their heads stuck so far in the sand they cannot see the wood for the trees. These people are completely and utterly impossible.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Carbon Pricing</title>
          <page.no>11398</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CROOK</name>
    <name.id>M3K</name.id>
    <electorate>O'Connor</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is for the Minister for Climate Change and Energy Efficiency. I refer to the government's changes to fuel tax credits as a part of the carbon tax and I ask: is the government aware that tens of thousands of businesses in Australia, many of which are small businesses, will be paying the effective carbon price? Does the government admit that this effective carbon price on fuel is not just a tax on big polluters?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr COMBET</name>
    <name.id>YW6</name.id>
    <electorate>Charlton</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for O'Connor for his question. Of course, the House will consider further later today the government's clean energy legislative package. It is an extremely important reform for this country. He has referred to the carbon pricing mechanism in his question. Around 500 of the largest emitters of greenhouse gases will carry a liability under the carbon price mechanism. There are of course, in relation to some forms of off-road fuel usage, arrangements that the legislation will put in place to apply an effective carbon price to them.</para>
<para>I am aware of the fact that the member for O'Connor has put forward an amendment this morning that relates to this issue. I would like to assure him that the government is looking very carefully at it. We understand the concerns that he is raising and recognise that he is representing the concerns that would have been raised with him by people within his electorate. I am working in my office and seeking some advice about the implications of the amendment that has been put forward.</para>
<para>I note in this context that it is important to always bear in mind that, in relation to the effective carbon pricing arrangements that the government is proposing to apply to various areas of off-road fuel usage, there will be no effective carbon price applied in relation to light commercial vehicles. So Australian motorists will not be facing an effective carbon price in relation to their fuel usage. We will have a look at the proposed amendment and have some further discussions with the member for O'Connor about those particular issues.</para>
<para>To conclude, it is also important to note that in rural and regional Australia the exemptions in relation to off-road usage that apply to the agriculture, forestry and fishing sectors are also very important considerations. We will have a look at the issues that the member has raised and have further discussions with him in relation to them.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Carbon Pricing</title>
          <page.no>11399</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr KELVIN THOMSON</name>
    <name.id>UK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Wills</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is also to the Minister for Climate Change and Energy Efficiency. Will the minister update the House on the government's Clean Energy Future reforms? Why is the passage of this legislation critical for the Australian economy and our environment?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr COMBET</name>
    <name.id>YW6</name.id>
    <electorate>Charlton</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Wills for his question. As the House is aware, this morning the second reading debate on the government's clean energy legislation package resumed. As I said a moment ago, this is a very important environmental and economic reform for this country. This evening, of course, we expect to be able to proceed to the consideration in detail stage in relation to the bills before a final vote tomorrow morning on both the clean energy bills and another bill that is before the House: the government's steel transformation plan.</para>
<para>This is a crucial economic reform. It is central to assuring this country's economic prosperity and competitiveness in the years ahead. The Clean Energy Future package will deliver very significant benefits to the economy over time, including a very significant increase in investment in clean energy. The Treasury modelling that the Treasurer referred to a short while ago predicts, in fact, that the carbon price will drive around $100 billion of investment in the renewable energy sector over the period to 2050, and it will transform our energy sector and create a considerable number of jobs. Those jobs will not be just in new industries and renewable technologies; they will also support jobs in what we would describe as the more traditional areas of the economy, including in construction, electrical services and many areas of manufacturing. The modelling shows that employment will increase in our economy by 1.6 million jobs to the year 2020.</para>
<para>At the same time, of course, the scheme that the government will introduce will be environmentally effective. The carbon price arrangements will see emissions reduced in our economy by at least 160 million tonnes in the year 2020 and ongoing. That is the least reduction in emissions that we can expect from the arrangements to be put in place.</para>
<para>Time and time again in our economic history it is the Labor Party that has made the reforms that are so crucial to future prosperity and intergenerational equity, and time and time again it is the coalition that have sided with vested interests against the interests of the nation and the Australian people generally. Let us not forget the fact that they opposed Medicare, they opposed compulsory superannuation and now they are opposing this reform. Medicare, compulsory superannuation and this reform all promote intergenerational equity. They will promote social equity. They will improve the environment. They are institutional changes that have ensured our economy remains competitive.</para>
<para>We heard earlier in question time that the Leader of the Opposition proposes to oppose the steel transformation plan—and this is after he has been running around trying to terrify people about their jobs in the industry. Once again, hypocrisy. This package that is before the House will be environmentally effective, it will be economically efficient and it will be socially equitable. The household assistance that the government is providing will ensure that nine out of 10 households receive assistance through either the tax reform and the tax cuts that will be implemented or the increase in Commonwealth benefits, like the 1.7 per cent increase in pensions. It will be a very important and equitable reform for the nation.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Carbon Pricing</title>
          <page.no>11400</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TONY SMITH</name>
    <name.id>00APG</name.id>
    <electorate>Casey</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Speaker, my question is to the Prime Minister. I refer the Prime Minister to the Treasurer's claim that the carbon tax will have 'a modest impact on prices'. Can the Prime Minister confirm that this increase will add to the cost of electricity, gas and water bills, which have risen 43.9 per cent since Labor came to power, and the price of fruit and vegetables, which have risen 35.4 per cent. I ask the Prime Minister: is this really the right time to introduce a trillion-dollar carbon tax that will increase the cost of everything?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GILLARD</name>
    <name.id>83L</name.id>
    <electorate>Lalor</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you very much, Mr Speaker, and it is clear that the campaign of deceit continues. That question has been put together in order to pretend to the Australian people that price rises in things like electricity are somehow associated with the actions of this government. The member is better than that; the member knows that is untrue and he should not come into this parliament and pretend that it is true. It is completely false, calculated to create a climate of fear, completely disrespectful to the people of Australia. As the member knows, if he is seriously concerned about questions like rises in electricity pricing and water pricing, he may want to have a discussion with his state colleagues, particularly Premier Baillieu, who is on the record—</para>
<para class="italic">Mr Tony Smith interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>HH4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Casey has asked his question.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GILLARD</name>
    <name.id>83L</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>as supporting a price on carbon. I understand that because of a set of questions relating to investment in infrastructure particularly that electricity prices have been rising. They have been rising under Premier Baillieu; they have been rising under Premier Barnett in Western Australia. At least Premier Barnett has had the honesty to go out to the Western Australian people and explain how the price rises are associated with the need for investment in infrastructure in Western Australia—that is, the price rises are there because of a set of reasons associated with state governments. The same, of course, is true with water infrastructure, including investments that are being made in new capacity. So no-one should fall for the misleading attempt that the member has engaged in. It is completely disrespectful to Australian people.</para>
<para>On the question of price impacts of carbon pricing—despite these many, many months of fear, smear and running away from the facts and despite the Leader of the Opposition each and every day going out there and saying to the Australian people things that are untrue—what the member knows—</para>
<para class="italic">Mr Tony Smith interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>HH4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Casey is warned!</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GILLARD</name>
    <name.id>83L</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>What every member of this parliament knows is that the flow through price impact of asking the biggest polluters in our country to pay the price of their carbon pollution to Australians is less than one per cent—0.7 per cent—of CPI. It is as a result of that flow through price change of less than one per cent of CPI—less than a cent in a dollar—that the government has determined it is appropriate to use more than half of the revenue generated by carbon pricing to help pensioners with an increase of $338, to help people raising children with an increase in family payments, to help Australians earning less than $80,000 a year with a tax cut and to associate that tax change with a major tax reform, which will mean one million Australians will not be in the tax system, will not pay any tax and will see each and every week the rewards for working.</para>
<para>I would say to the member who asked the question and who in other iterations of his political life has been prepared to contemplate reforms, including reforms like carbon pricing, that perhaps instead of following the Leader of the Opposition's fear campaign, he should listen to a former Liberal leader, and I am referring to Dr John Hewson, who has appeared in this book, the 'Say Yes Campaign Book'<inline font-style="italic">.</inline> He is the former employer of the Leader of the Opposition—that was a bad decision, but he has made one good one. He says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I say yes to carbon pricing, because this is the most important thing we can do for our nation this century.</para></quote>
<para>A former Liberal leader joining every other living liberal Leader in favour of carbon pricing, all except the wrecker over here.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Carbon Pricing</title>
          <page.no>11401</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms HALL</name>
    <name.id>83N</name.id>
    <electorate>Shortland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Speaker, my question is to the Minister for Families, Housing Community Services and Indigenous Affairs. Minister, will you update the House on how the government is supporting Australian families and pensioners in our plan to put a price on carbon pollution? What would be the impact of failing to provide this support?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms MACKLIN</name>
    <name.id>PG6</name.id>
    <electorate>Jagajaga</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Shortland for her question. She knows that this government is determined to act in the national interest to introduce a price on carbon pollution. She also knows that this government is determined to make sure that it is the big polluters that pay for carbon pollution and not Australian families and pensioners. We want to make sure that acting on climate change continues to be in the interests of the economy and in the interests of our children.</para>
<para>Under our plan to put a price on carbon pollution we do intend to provide support to pensioners; 3.4 million pensioners will receive assistance. That assistance amounts to $338 for single pensioners each year and $255 a year for each member of a pensioner couple. Very importantly for pensioners, both the pension and the clean energy supplement will increase over time to make sure that the assistance that we do provide to pensioners will keep up with the cost of living. It is also the case that under our plan to put a price on carbon pollution we intend to provide support to nine out of 10 households. Nine out of 10 households will receive support and that will include three million low-income households who will receive assistance over and above their expected increased prices. All of these increases in payments and pensions will be very important for all of those Australians. It will also be the case that these increases in payments will go straight into the bank accounts of families and straight into the bank accounts of pensioners—no extra forms or queues for people to worry about.</para>
<para>What we know is that the Leader of the Opposition has a very different plan to this. What he intends to do is act in his own interest, not in the nation's interest. What this Leader of the Opposition is going to do is to make sure that he gives the bill for dealing with carbon pollution to families and to pensioners. We know that that will amount to Australian families being $1,300 a year worse off as a result of his changes. Even worse, we know that this Leader of the Opposition intends to claw back the assistance that this government will provide to pensioners and to families.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Ewen Jones</name>
    <name.id>96430</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Clawback!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms MACKLIN</name>
    <name.id>PG6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I hear the member for Herbert up there making a right royal noise about the clawback that this Leader of the Opposition is going to do. That will mean 17,400 pensioners in Herbert will have their assistance clawed back. The party of Fightback is now the party of clawback.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Carbon Pricing</title>
          <page.no>11402</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ABBOTT</name>
    <name.id>EZ5</name.id>
    <electorate>Warringah</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Prime Minister. I refer her to global economic uncertainty, dwindling consumer confidence, the higher costs of living faced by Australia's forgotten families and widespread job insecurity, all of which will be made worse by the government's toxic carbon tax, and I ask: with the government increasingly paralysed by disunity over leadership, why should the Australian people have any confidence that the Prime Minister is protecting their jobs rather than her own?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GILLARD</name>
    <name.id>83L</name.id>
    <electorate>Lalor</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The kind of question we often get from the Leader of the Opposition—it is always heavy on the drama. What it has never got in it is any facts and what we never hear is any alternatives that make any sense. The Leader of the Opposition never campaigns on his so-called direct action plan, a plan to subsidise polluters, because he knows it will not work and it does not add up.</para>
<para>The Leader of the Opposition is here today with all of this dramatic carry-on because he knows once a carbon price is legislated and commences to operate then the fear campaigns he has been engaged in will be exposed as absolute nonsense. He knows that he will not ever repeal carbon pricing. He will go running around like a headless chook in hyperactive mode trying to pretend to everybody that he will, but he knows this: that significant figures in the Liberal Party support putting a price on carbon—every living Liberal leader except this Leader of the Opposition. He knows that once it is in place money will start to flow to pensioners and to families and to providing workers with tax cuts. He knows that in the past he has been incredibly in favour of putting a price on carbon, and so his rhetoric about repealing the carbon price will be seen through by the Australian people.</para>
<para>The Leader of the Opposition has the temerity to come in here and talk about jobs. I say to the Leader of the Opposition: in the carbon-pricing package we are providing literally billions of dollars to work with Australian industry to support Australian jobs. We will be there working with Australian industry to support those jobs, in manufacturing, in steel, as well as seizing the clean energy opportunities of the future and the jobs that come with that. The Leader of the Opposition, who has been in and out of factories trying to associate himself with working people—the same working people he ran a mile from during the days of Work Choices—is now saying to those steelworkers that he stood alongside: 'I could help your industry by voting for a $300 million steel transformation plan but I won't do it. The politics is more important to me than supporting your job.' We, in the votes today and tomorrow, will be supporting the jobs of steelworkers. The Leader of the Opposition will sit in that chair and vote against their jobs.</para>
<para>On the question of jobs, last week we had the Future Jobs Forum. The input of the opposition? Apart from cutting assistance to the automobile industry, apart from having no plan for skills except cutbacks to apprenticeships, apart from having no plan for the economy except desperately trying to cover up their planned $70 billion of cuts to services, what does the opposition stand for? It certainly is not jobs. No plans for the jobs of Australians at all, and they are bored by the discussion of it.</para>
<para>Every time we have talked about carbon pricing in this country, figures in the opposition have thought up a new reason to delay. Well, history is marching on. We are going to get this done. This House of Representatives is going to get this done tomorrow. We will be there voting on the side of history. The Leader of the Opposition will be writing his name into history as the biggest wrecker to ever serve in a leadership role in Australian politics.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MOTIONS</title>
        <page.no>11403</page.no>
        <type>MOTIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Carbon Pricing</title>
          <page.no>11403</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ABBOTT</name>
    <name.id>EZ5</name.id>
    <electorate>Warringah</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That so much of the standing and sessional orders be suspended as would prevent the Member for Warringah moving immediately:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That this House calls on the Prime Minister to explain to the Australian people the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) why this is the right time to introduce the world’s largest carbon tax despite growing economic uncertainty; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) why it is right for the Prime Minister to break her solemn pledge that “there will be no carbon tax under a government I lead” by bringing in this tax without the consent of the people.</para></quote>
<para>Standing orders must be suspended because that is the only way to make the Prime Minister face up to the folly and the deception of her carbon tax. The only way we can make this Prime Minister front the Australian people and the Australian parliament is by suspending standing orders, and, still, this Prime Minister scurries out of this chamber. That is disgraceful behaviour by this Prime Minister—a Prime Minister who refuses to answer questions in this parliament and now refuses to face up to a suspension motion in this parliament. No previous Prime Minister would behave in such a graceless and unparliamentary way.</para>
<para>Let me say this: there is never a good time to introduce a bad tax but this is the worst possible time. Confidence in our own country is at a rock-bottom record low. Unemployment is edging up. The euro is under great pressure and countries in Europe face the risk of sovereign debt default. There is the threat of a worldwide recession. And what is the response from this government? To clobber the Australian economy with a carbon tax. The forgotten families of Australia are doing it tougher and tougher. Cost-of-living pressures have almost never been worse. Power prices are up 51 per cent since December 2007; water is up 46 per cent since December 2007; gas is up 30 per cent; health costs are up 20 per cent; education costs are up 24 per cent; rent is up 21 per cent; fruit and veggies are up 35 per cent since December 2007; and the average mortgage holder is paying $500 a month more now than 18 months ago. And what is the response from the government? They want to make a bad situation worse by clobbering the Australian people with the world's biggest carbon tax.</para>
<para>It just goes up and up and up. That is why we need standing orders suspended: to make the Prime Minister face up to what she is doing to the Australian people. It is $23 a tonne next year, $29 a tonne in 2020 and $131 a tonne, on the government's own figures, in 2050. If you look at the government's own figures, the gross national income per head of Australians will be $5,000 a year less under a carbon tax than it would be without a carbon tax. That is $5,000 in lost income for every Australian—$5,000 out of every Australian's pocket because of this government and the act of economic self-harm which is constituted by its carbon tax.</para>
<para>We hear the Prime Minister talk about compensation. Even on the government's own figures some three million Australian households will be worse off under this carbon tax. We all know what the government would be like: the compensation would be temporary, but the tax would be permanent. We know that the government are absolutely addicted to spending and taxing and borrowing. In 2050, our gross domestic product will be $100 billion a year less with a carbon tax than it would be without a carbon tax. Between now and 2050, our economy will be $1 trillion worse off—that is $1 trillion in wealth that our economy will not have between now and 2050 because of the Labor government and their carbon tax. Every single Australian will lose $40,000 between now and 2050 because of this government's carbon tax. It is as if every single one of us were asked to work for a whole year for nothing. That is the wealth destruction inherent in the government's carbon tax. And for what? They say they are reducing emissions by five per cent by 2020. Wrong. That is not what their carbon tax is doing. Their carbon tax is raising emissions by eight per cent, from 578 million tonnes now to 621 million tonnes, and that is on their own figures. They only reduced emissions by 160 million tonnes by shovelling $3½ billion dollars abroad by buying more than 100 million tonnes of carbon credits from the foreign carbon traders.</para>
<para>That minister sitting on the front bench, the Minister for Climate Change and Energy Efficiency, should have the honesty to own up. He should have the honesty to own up to the fact that we are not reducing our emissions by 80 per cent by 2050. On his own figures we are reducing our emissions by six per cent, from 578 million tonnes to 445 million tonnes. We only achieve the reduction in emissions by shovelling $57 billion, or 1½ per cent of Australia's GDP, to the foreign carbon traders. That is the greatest transfer of wealth overseas in this country's history.</para>
<para>This is a bad tax based on a lie. Does anyone in this House remember the Prime Minister standing up in this chamber just a few years ago and proudly boasting, 'The Labor Party is the party of truth-telling'? Do they remember our Prime Minister saying that? Does anyone remember the Prime Minister saying in the campaign of last year, 'What I say in this campaign is what I will do'? Well, she said it. I will tell you what else she said. She said, 'There will be no carbon tax under the government I lead.' That is what she said. That is the phrase that will haunt this Prime Minister and this government to its political death. That is the phrase that the Prime Minister just cannot face. Like Dracula and the clove of garlic, that is the phrase that this Prime Minister simply cannot face up to.</para>
<para>It was very interesting: I was reading the <inline font-style="italic">Sydney Morning Herald </inline>this morning and came across one man of honour. This is why standing orders should be suspended: so that the one man of honour opposite can listen to his Prime Minister demonstrate that she is not a person of honour. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I will not be breaking faith with the people of Moreton. I did it in 2010 and I've been constantly reminded by my voters that I did that.</para></quote>
<para>The member for Moreton went on:</para>
<quote><para class="block">People need to grow a bit of backbone and give the Australian people a chance to embrace and understand our policies.</para></quote>
<para>The Australian people well understood the policies that this Prime Minister took to the election: 'There will be no carbon tax under any government I lead.' I tell you who should grow a bit of backbone—it is this Prime Minister. She should grow a bit of backbone and stand up to Bob Brown and the Greens, who are running this government's agenda. I say to members opposite and in particular to the member for Moreton: why is he prepared to keep faith with the Australian people in a way that benefits the Prime Minister and saves her job and not keep faith with the electorate in a way that benefits them and saves their jobs by voting against this toxic carbon tax that will be so bad for the people of Moreton? I say to members opposite: you have got about 18 hours left to stand up for your electorates, to stand up for the coalmines and the coalminers of this country, to stand up for the steel mills and the steelworkers of this country, and to stand up for the manufacturing workers of this country and say no to this toxic tax. And if you think it makes sense, have the guts to have an election. If it really makes sense, have an election and have it now. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>HH4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Is the motion seconded?</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms JULIE BISHOP</name>
    <name.id>83P</name.id>
    <electorate>Curtin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I second the motion. It is vital that standing orders are suspended to give the Prime Minister the opportunity to come back into this House to explain to the Australian people why she believes her job security is more important than the job security of millions of workers across Australia. This suspension is necessary because the Prime Minister twists and turns every day and every question time and refuses to provide the Australian people with the answers to their concerns about this carbon tax. This suspension is necessary because the Prime Minister arrogantly dismisses concerns about the job security of others because she is so selfishly focused on her own job security.</para>
<para>Who could blame the Minister for Foreign Affairs for wanting to get his old job back? After all, it was this Prime Minister who convinced him to drop his carbon price scheme, and then she used it against him to take his job from him, and revenge is a powerful motivator. Yes, revenge is a very powerful motivator. But this Prime Minister is running from accountability. She is refusing to acknowledge the concerns about the impact of the carbon tax and the dishonest way in which it is being foisted upon the Australian people.</para>
<para>Last week I visited a furniture manufacturer in Cowra in the electorate of Hume with the member for Hume. The story that I was told is being repeated in thousands and thousands of businesses across Australia. That is why this suspension is necessary. This business was established 30 years ago. Its success is based on the efforts and energy and commitment of a local family, taking a risk, building a business and creating jobs and opportunities for local people. It is currently employing 130 people and using Australian plantation timber to make furniture. The owner spoke so passionately about his commitment to quality and innovation and efficiency and how that has allowed him to compete successfully against imports from China. He told me about his constant drive for greater efficiency and waste reduction, and his investment in capital which has enabled him to reduce the carbon footprint in his business by more than 30 per cent in the last couple of years.</para>
<para>This business has calculated what the future cost of electricity will be under this carbon tax. He has done the sums with his accountant and this proud small business manufacturer believes that the increases in costs because of this carbon tax will destroy his business, possibly within a couple of years of its introduction. He is not so concerned about his own welfare because he will just retire, but he is concerned about the welfare of the 130 employees who, he said, will struggle to find alternative work. He is particularly angry that competitors in China will not be impacted by an economy-wide carbon tax. His business will receive no compensation under this government's carbon tax legislation and this government gives him no recognition at all of his efforts to voluntarily reduce emissions from his business.</para>
<para>It is vital that standing orders are suspended to give the Prime Minister time to explain to this small business and the thousands and thousands like it across the country why manufacturers in this country should pay a carbon tax when competitors overseas will not. This Prime Minister should explain to the 130 employees of this Cowra business and their families why their jobs are threatened in order to save the Prime Minister's job. It is vital that standing orders are suspended so the Prime Minister can explain why a carbon tax is being imposed at a time when economic storm clouds continue to gather in Europe, there is great uncertainty about the global economy and talk about a recession, and consumer and business confidence remain fragile in this country. The Prime Minister must explain why she intends to further damage confidence by her insistence on a carbon tax. The latest Roy Morgan poll of consumer confidence shows that it continues to fall; it is significantly lower than it was 12 months ago.</para>
<para>This suspension is not only vital to give the Prime Minister an opportunity to explain why she broke her promise to the Australian people, it is an opportunity for every member of the Labor Party to consider their position. The member for Moreton said he will quit if the Prime Minister is successfully challenged for the leadership. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">This is not about loyalty to Julia Gillard or Kevin Rudd, it's about loyalty to the people of Moreton … This is about keeping faith with the people who put me in office.</para></quote>
<para>I say to the member for Moreton and I say to the members opposite: to keep faith with their electorates they must honour the election promise the Prime Minister took to the last election when she uttered those infamous words, 'There will be no carbon tax under any government I lead.' If the Labor members want to keep faith with the Australian people, they must hold her to that promise—no carbon tax. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate>Grayndler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>If you want to know why this suspension is being moved you do not have to look at the clean energy bills; you do not have to look at what legislation is before the parliament; you have to look at the TV guide, because the TV guide shows that on ABC TV today at 3 pm <inline font-style="italic">Playschool</inline> is beginning.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PYNE</name>
    <name.id>9V5</name.id>
    <electorate>Sturt</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Given that the Prime Minister has failed to front this very important suspension motion, I move:</para>
<para>That the member be no longer heard.</para>
<para>Question put.</para>
<para>The House divided. [15:11]</para>
<para>(The Speaker—Mr Harry Jenkins)</para>
<para>Question negatived.</para>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>71</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Abbott, AJ</name>
                <name>Alexander, JG</name>
                <name>Andrews, KJ</name>
                <name>Andrews, KL</name>
                <name>Baldwin, RC</name>
                <name>Billson, BF</name>
                <name>Bishop, BK</name>
                <name>Bishop, JI</name>
                <name>Briggs, JE</name>
                <name>Broadbent, RE</name>
                <name>Buchholz, S</name>
                <name>Chester, D</name>
                <name>Christensen, GR</name>
                <name>Ciobo, SM</name>
                <name>Cobb, JK</name>
                <name>Coulton, M (teller)</name>
                <name>Dutton, PC</name>
                <name>Entsch, WG</name>
                <name>Fletcher, PW</name>
                <name>Forrest, JA</name>
                <name>Frydenberg, JA</name>
                <name>Gambaro, T</name>
                <name>Gash, J</name>
                <name>Griggs, NL</name>
                <name>Haase, BW</name>
                <name>Hartsuyker, L</name>
                <name>Hawke, AG</name>
                <name>Hockey, JB</name>
                <name>Hunt, GA</name>
                <name>Irons, SJ</name>
                <name>Jensen, DG</name>
                <name>Jones, ET</name>
                <name>Keenan, M</name>
                <name>Kelly, C</name>
                <name>Laming, A</name>
                <name>Ley, SP</name>
                <name>Macfarlane, IE</name>
                <name>Marino, NB</name>
                <name>Markus, LE</name>
                <name>Matheson, RG</name>
                <name>McCormack, MF</name>
                <name>Mirabella, S</name>
                <name>Morrison, SJ</name>
                <name>Moylan, JE</name>
                <name>Neville, PC</name>
                <name>O'Dowd, KD</name>
                <name>O'Dwyer, KM</name>
                <name>Prentice, J</name>
                <name>Pyne, CM</name>
                <name>Ramsey, RE</name>
                <name>Randall, DJ</name>
                <name>Robb, AJ</name>
                <name>Robert, SR</name>
                <name>Roy, WB</name>
                <name>Ruddock, PM</name>
                <name>Schultz, AJ</name>
                <name>Scott, BC</name>
                <name>Secker, PD</name>
                <name>Simpkins, LXL</name>
                <name>Slipper, PN</name>
                <name>Smith, ADH</name>
                <name>Somlyay, AM</name>
                <name>Southcott, AJ</name>
                <name>Stone, SN</name>
                <name>Tehan, DT</name>
                <name>Truss, WE</name>
                <name>Tudge, AE</name>
                <name>Turnbull, MB</name>
                <name>Van Manen, AJ</name>
                <name>Vasta, RX</name>
                <name>Wyatt, KG</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>75</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Adams, DGH</name>
                <name>Albanese, AN</name>
                <name>Bandt, AP</name>
                <name>Bird, SL</name>
                <name>Bowen, CE</name>
                <name>Bradbury, DJ</name>
                <name>Brodtmann, G</name>
                <name>Burke, AE</name>
                <name>Burke, AS</name>
                <name>Butler, MC</name>
                <name>Byrne, AM</name>
                <name>Champion, ND</name>
                <name>Cheeseman, DL</name>
                <name>Clare, JD</name>
                <name>Collins, JM</name>
                <name>Combet, GI</name>
                <name>Crean, SF</name>
                <name>Crook, AJ</name>
                <name>Danby, M</name>
                <name>D'Ath, YM</name>
                <name>Dreyfus, MA</name>
                <name>Elliot, MJ</name>
                <name>Ellis, KM</name>
                <name>Emerson, CA</name>
                <name>Ferguson, LDT</name>
                <name>Ferguson, MJ</name>
                <name>Fitzgibbon, JA</name>
                <name>Garrett, PR</name>
                <name>Georganas, S</name>
                <name>Gibbons, SW</name>
                <name>Gillard, JE</name>
                <name>Gray, G</name>
                <name>Grierson, SJ</name>
                <name>Griffin, AP</name>
                <name>Hall, JG (teller)</name>
                <name>Hayes, CP</name>
                <name>Husic, EN (teller)</name>
                <name>Jones, SP</name>
                <name>Kelly, MJ</name>
                <name>King, CF</name>
                <name>Leigh, AK</name>
                <name>Livermore, KF</name>
                <name>Lyons, GR</name>
                <name>Macklin, JL</name>
                <name>Marles, RD</name>
                <name>McClelland, RB</name>
                <name>Melham, D</name>
                <name>Mitchell, RG</name>
                <name>Murphy, JP</name>
                <name>Neumann, SK</name>
                <name>Oakeshott, RJM</name>
                <name>O'Connor, BPJ</name>
                <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                <name>Owens, J</name>
                <name>Parke, M</name>
                <name>Perrett, GD</name>
                <name>Plibersek, TJ</name>
                <name>Ripoll, BF</name>
                <name>Rishworth, AL</name>
                <name>Rowland, MA</name>
                <name>Roxon, NL</name>
                <name>Rudd, KM</name>
                <name>Saffin, JA</name>
                <name>Shorten, WR</name>
                <name>Sidebottom, PS</name>
                <name>Smith, SF</name>
                <name>Smyth, L</name>
                <name>Snowdon, WE</name>
                <name>Swan, WM</name>
                <name>Symon, MS</name>
                <name>Thomson, KJ</name>
                <name>Vamvakinou, M</name>
                <name>Wilkie, AD</name>
                <name>Windsor, AHC</name>
                <name>Zappia, A</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>1</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names>
                <name>Washer, MJ</name>
                <name>Thomson, C</name>
              </names>
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
          </division.result>
        </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate>Grayndler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is extraordinary that those opposite move a motion of suspension to allow a debate and then gag the debate. It says everything about their negativity and what they are about—on a day that we have clean energy legislation—because we could get on with the business of the House that might allow the member for Wentworth to speak. We have had 120 speakers, but he has not spoken because he agrees with us. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<para>Question put:</para>
<para>That the motion (Mr Abbott's) be agreed to.</para>
<para>The House divided. [15.21]</para>
<para>(The Speaker—Mr Harry Jenkins)</para>
<para>Question negatived.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms Gillard</name>
    <name.id>83L</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Speaker, in the absence of any questions on the nation's interest from the opposition, I ask that further questions be placed on the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline>.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>72</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Abbott, AJ</name>
                <name>Alexander, JG</name>
                <name>Andrews, KJ</name>
                <name>Andrews, KL</name>
                <name>Baldwin, RC</name>
                <name>Billson, BF</name>
                <name>Bishop, BK</name>
                <name>Bishop, JI</name>
                <name>Briggs, JE</name>
                <name>Broadbent, RE</name>
                <name>Buchholz, S</name>
                <name>Chester, D</name>
                <name>Christensen, GR</name>
                <name>Ciobo, SM</name>
                <name>Cobb, JK</name>
                <name>Coulton, M (teller)</name>
                <name>Crook, AJ</name>
                <name>Dutton, PC</name>
                <name>Entsch, WG</name>
                <name>Fletcher, PW</name>
                <name>Forrest, JA</name>
                <name>Frydenberg, JA</name>
                <name>Gambaro, T</name>
                <name>Gash, J</name>
                <name>Griggs, NL</name>
                <name>Haase, BW</name>
                <name>Hartsuyker, L</name>
                <name>Hawke, AG</name>
                <name>Hockey, JB</name>
                <name>Hunt, GA</name>
                <name>Irons, SJ</name>
                <name>Jensen, DG</name>
                <name>Jones, ET</name>
                <name>Keenan, M</name>
                <name>Kelly, C</name>
                <name>Laming, A</name>
                <name>Ley, SP</name>
                <name>Macfarlane, IE</name>
                <name>Marino, NB</name>
                <name>Markus, LE</name>
                <name>Matheson, RG</name>
                <name>McCormack, MF</name>
                <name>Mirabella, S</name>
                <name>Morrison, SJ</name>
                <name>Moylan, JE</name>
                <name>Neville, PC</name>
                <name>O'Dowd, KD</name>
                <name>O'Dwyer, KM</name>
                <name>Prentice, J</name>
                <name>Pyne, CM</name>
                <name>Ramsey, RE</name>
                <name>Randall, DJ</name>
                <name>Robb, AJ</name>
                <name>Robert, SR</name>
                <name>Roy, WB</name>
                <name>Ruddock, PM</name>
                <name>Schultz, AJ</name>
                <name>Scott, BC</name>
                <name>Secker, PD (teller)</name>
                <name>Simpkins, LXL</name>
                <name>Slipper, PN</name>
                <name>Smith, ADH</name>
                <name>Somlyay, AM</name>
                <name>Southcott, AJ</name>
                <name>Stone, SN</name>
                <name>Tehan, DT</name>
                <name>Truss, WE</name>
                <name>Tudge, AE</name>
                <name>Turnbull, MB</name>
                <name>Van Manen, AJ</name>
                <name>Vasta, RX</name>
                <name>Wyatt, KG</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>74</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Adams, DGH</name>
                <name>Albanese, AN</name>
                <name>Bandt, AP</name>
                <name>Bird, SL</name>
                <name>Bowen, CE</name>
                <name>Bradbury, DJ</name>
                <name>Brodtmann, G</name>
                <name>Burke, AE</name>
                <name>Burke, AS</name>
                <name>Butler, MC</name>
                <name>Byrne, AM</name>
                <name>Champion, ND</name>
                <name>Cheeseman, DL</name>
                <name>Clare, JD</name>
                <name>Collins, JM</name>
                <name>Combet, GI</name>
                <name>Crean, SF</name>
                <name>Danby, M</name>
                <name>D'Ath, YM</name>
                <name>Dreyfus, MA</name>
                <name>Elliot, MJ</name>
                <name>Ellis, KM</name>
                <name>Emerson, CA</name>
                <name>Ferguson, LDT</name>
                <name>Ferguson, MJ</name>
                <name>Fitzgibbon, JA</name>
                <name>Garrett, PR</name>
                <name>Georganas, S</name>
                <name>Gibbons, SW</name>
                <name>Gillard, JE</name>
                <name>Gray, G</name>
                <name>Grierson, SJ</name>
                <name>Griffin, AP</name>
                <name>Hall, JG (teller)</name>
                <name>Hayes, CP</name>
                <name>Husic, EN (teller)</name>
                <name>Jones, SP</name>
                <name>Kelly, MJ</name>
                <name>King, CF</name>
                <name>Leigh, AK</name>
                <name>Livermore, KF</name>
                <name>Lyons, GR</name>
                <name>Macklin, JL</name>
                <name>Marles, RD</name>
                <name>McClelland, RB</name>
                <name>Melham, D</name>
                <name>Mitchell, RG</name>
                <name>Murphy, JP</name>
                <name>Neumann, SK</name>
                <name>Oakeshott, RJM</name>
                <name>O'Connor, BPJ</name>
                <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                <name>Owens, J</name>
                <name>Parke, M</name>
                <name>Perrett, GD</name>
                <name>Plibersek, TJ</name>
                <name>Ripoll, BF</name>
                <name>Rishworth, AL</name>
                <name>Rowland, MA</name>
                <name>Roxon, NL</name>
                <name>Rudd, KM</name>
                <name>Saffin, JA</name>
                <name>Shorten, WR</name>
                <name>Sidebottom, PS</name>
                <name>Smith, SF</name>
                <name>Smyth, L</name>
                <name>Snowdon, WE</name>
                <name>Swan, WM</name>
                <name>Symon, MS</name>
                <name>Thomson, KJ</name>
                <name>Vamvakinou, M</name>
                <name>Wilkie, AD</name>
                <name>Windsor, AHC</name>
                <name>Zappia, A</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>1</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names>
                <name>Washer, MJ</name>
                <name>Thomson, C</name>
              </names>
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
          </division.result>
        </division></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>11409</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian National Audit Office</title>
          <page.no>11409</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Presentation</title>
            <page.no>11409</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>HH4</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present corrigenda to the Australian National Audit Office's annual report 2010-11.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>11409</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Clean Energy Future Legislation Committee</title>
          <page.no>11409</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>11409</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms BURKE</name>
    <name.id>83S</name.id>
    <electorate>Chisholm</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Speaker, on indulgence: just before question time, I was moving a motion for the adoption of the clean energy bills, and I very much wanted to put on the record my thanks to the secretariat. I think everybody who was involved in that would appreciate the work that went into the committee report. I want to thank Stephen Boyd, David Monk, Simon Writer, Phillip Hilton and Natasha Petrovic, who did an amazing amount of work, and I really wanted to put that on the record.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Climate Change, Environment and the Arts Committee</title>
          <page.no>11409</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Membership</title>
            <page.no>11409</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>HH4</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I have received advice from the Chief Government Whip that he has nominated Mr Lyons to be a member of the Standing Committee on Climate Change, Environment and the Arts in place of Mr K. J. Thomson.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That Mr K. J. Thomson be discharged from the Standing Committee on Climate Change, Environment and the Arts and that, in his place, Mr Lyons be appointed a member of the committee.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>11409</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Presentation</title>
          <page.no>11409</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Documents are presented as listed in the schedule circulated to honourable members. Details of the documents will be recorded in the <inline font-style="italic">Votes and Proceedings</inline> and I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the House take note of the following documents:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Administrative Review Council—Report for 2010-11.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Aged Care Commissioner—Report for 2010-11.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australian Competition and Consumer Commission—Reports for 2009-10—Report 1: Telecommunications competitive safeguards; Report 2: Changes in the prices paid for telecommunications services in Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">Broadcasting Services Act 1992</inline>—Digital television transmission and reception—Report, October 2011.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">Customs Act 1901</inline>—Conduct of Customs officers—Report for 2010-11.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Department of Finance and Deregulation—Campaign advertising by Australian Government departments and agencies—Report for 2010-11.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Finance—Final budget outcome for 2010-11.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">NBN Co Limited—Statement of corporate intent for 2011 to 2013</para></quote>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>11409</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Days and Hours of Meeting</title>
          <page.no>11409</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That, for this sitting, so much of the standing and sessional orders be suspended as would prevent:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Government business having precedence from 9.30 p.m. until 11 p.m.;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) the Speaker interrupting the debate at 11 p.m., if the House is still sitting, and immediately adjourning the House;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) any business being debated when the House is adjourned being listed on the Notice Paper for the next sitting; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) any variation to this arrangement being made only by a motion moved by a minister.</para></quote>
<para>Mr Speaker, briefly, there has been an approach from the Manager of Opposition Business to extend the time for consideration in detail of the clean energy bills this evening. The government is happy to accommodate that. This will allow for some certainty and for the debate to end at a reasonable time for parliamentary staff, given that that will make today a 14-hour sitting day. I do indicate that, up to question time, we had had 33 hours of debate. This will allow another 6½ hours of debate. There have already been some 120 speakers to the clean energy bills, and this will allow for further debate this evening. I commend the motion to the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PYNE</name>
    <name.id>9V5</name.id>
    <electorate>Sturt</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Very briefly, I am glad that the Leader of the House has agreed to extend the consideration in detail for a couple of hours tonight, but I make two points. The first is that there are still speakers on the speakers list for the second reading stage from both the opposition and the government who will not get the opportunity to make their speeches because the government is gagging the carbon tax package of bills, which is a shame and a disgrace. The second is that the consideration in detail stage would have been the perfect opportunity for the government to have these bills, these 19 bills, scrutinised by the parliament to ensure that the i's have been dotted and the t's have been crossed. In spite of the fact that the opposition oppose this package of legislation, consideration in detail is very important, yet the Leader of the House' s proposition was that there be only three hours of consideration in detail on 19 different bills. Certainly, we are extending that tonight through this motion; but, quite frankly, if the Leader of the House wanted to get this legislation right rather than just get it through by gagging debate, there would not be a vote happening at five o'clock tonight on the second reading, and the consideration in detail would be left open-ended in order to give the parliament the time frame to properly consider the government's legislation.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate>Grayndler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In conclusion, I say that the government would be happy to accommodate the two remaining opposition speakers who are not on the list.</para>
<para class="italic">Opposition members interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am speaking to conclude the debate on the motion that I moved—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>HH4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Leader of the House has the call. He will ignore interjections—and the interjections will cease.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The opposition have of course never read a standing order in their lives. But we would be prepared to not have the MPI debate so as to allow the two remaining speakers to conclude. We on this side of the House make that offer to the opposition, very publicly. We will not seek to have further speakers on the debate. We would be happy to accommodate the opposition having those two speakers immediately, and then we could have the MPI debate in the remaining time if need be. But we would be very happy to accommodate what the Manager of Opposition Business requests—and it might be more useful than listening to the shadow Treasurer, who could not be bothered to turn up to the tax forum or the jobs forum last week.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Rearrangement</title>
          <page.no>11411</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That so much of the standing and sessional orders be suspended as would prevent:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) the Treasurer, Shadow Treasurer and the Member for Lyne each making a 10 minute statement on tax reform in the House, during Government business time on Wednesday, 12 October 2011;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) after the conclusion of the statements in paragraph (1), five minute statements by Members on tax reform being listed as an item of business in the Main Committee; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) any variation to this arrangement to be made only by a motion moved by a Minister.</para></quote>
<para>Mr Speaker, as you would be aware, the tax forum was held last week in Parliament House. Two hundred people came from around the country and engaged in serious policy debate. I was pleased to be at this extremely successful forum and to participate in this exchange of ideas. For those opposite, the tripling of the income-tax-free threshold from $6,200 to $18,000 and a commitment by the government to increase it further to $21,000 is not tax reform. Through this legislation we take one million people out of the tax system.</para>
<para>This motion will enable parliament to have an appropriate debate tomorrow. It will be after the discussion that takes place tomorrow and the determination of the Clean Energy Future bills. We will then have this debate for half an hour. It will then be adjourned and referred to the Main Committee to give other members an opportunity to participate in the debate. I congratulate the member for Lyne on his initiative in supporting this forum and participating in it. It is a pity that those opposite simply cannot be bothered to be engaged in the serious policy debates before the nation.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>11411</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Maritime Legislation Amendment Bill 2011, Veterans' Affairs Legislation Amendment (Participants in British Nuclear Tests) Bill 2011</title>
          <page.no>11411</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" style="" background="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core">
            <p>
              <a href="r4674" type="Bill">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Maritime Legislation Amendment Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r4671" type="Bill">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Veterans' Affairs Legislation Amendment (Participants in British Nuclear Tests) Bill 2011</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference to Main Committee</title>
            <page.no>11411</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FITZGIBBON</name>
    <name.id>8K6</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>By leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following bills be referred to the Main Committee for further consideration:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Maritime Legislation Amendment Bill 2011, and Veterans’ Affairs Legislation Amendment (Participants in British Nuclear Tests) Bill 2011.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MATTERS OF PUBLIC IMPORTANCE</title>
        <page.no>11411</page.no>
        <type>MATTERS OF PUBLIC IMPORTANCE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Carbon Pricing</title>
          <page.no>11411</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>HH4</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I have received a letter from the honourable member for North Sydney proposing that a definite matter of public importance be submitted to the House for discussion, namely:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The failure of the government to properly consider the impact of a carbon tax on jobs and cost of living in this time of economic uncertainty.</para></quote>
<para>I call upon those members who approve of the proposed discussion to rise in their places.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">More than the number of members required by the standing orders having risen in their places—</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HOCKEY</name>
    <name.id>DK6</name.id>
    <electorate>North Sydney</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This Treasurer and this government have put great emphasis on the creation of jobs as a core priority. That is as it should be. The coalition fully supports this objective. When all the issues are boiled down, however, the best way to ensure prosperity for Australia is to ensure that everyone who wants a job has a job. At the press conference following the budget lock-up in May this year, the Treasurer said: 'I was asked downstairs before, what do you think is the centrepiece of the budget? Well, it's jobs, jobs, jobs.' In the last sitting week, the Treasurer repeated this theme:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We on this side of the House understand the importance of jobs and the dignity of work. The dignity of work is so important not just to individual families but to an economy. That is why we put such a high priority on jobs.</para></quote>
<para>Unfortunately the Treasurer is not backing his rhetoric with results. The labour market is deteriorating. Jobs are being lost. The number of unemployed is rising.</para>
<para>The August <inline font-style="italic">Labour Force</inline> report showed that 23,200 jobs have been lost since March. More serious for families is that 68,000 full-time jobs have disappeared—that is, 68,000 former breadwinners who can no longer put food on the table. The number of full-time jobs is now around the same as it was back in November 2010. There has been no full-time jobs growth in Australia for nine months. The unemployment rate has increased from a recent low of 4.9 per cent to 5.3 per cent in August. The figures for September will come out later this week. The fall in the number of job advertisements tracked by the ANZ survey is a portent of what that may mean.</para>
<para>Out of all of that, the number of people looking for work has jumped by 52,600 since April. The August figure for unemployment was the highest rate since October last year. These figures would not yet include the full impact of coming job losses: at BlueScope Steel, 1,400 jobs; at OneSteel, 400 jobs; and at Qantas, 1,000 jobs—and Westpac, one of Australia's largest employers, has flagged significant job losses. In the May budget, the government forecast the unemployment rate to fall to 4.75 per cent by June next year. This forecast is now clearly at risk.</para>
<para>It is not just one sector doing it tough; the job losses have been widely spread across industries. Over the six months to August there were nearly 50,000 jobs lost in manufacturing in Australia; 21,000 job losses from wholesale trades; 5,000 from retail; 18,000 from accommodation and food services, which is effectively the tourism industry, particularly in regional and remote areas; 13,000 job losses in transport; 7,000 job losses in media and communications; 8,000 job losses in the property industry; and 9,000 jobs lost from scientific and professional services.</para>
<para>There has been some job growth. Mining jobs are up 21,000, as you would expect, and associated construction is up 30,000. But the job gains in these high-growth sectors were not enough to make up for the losses in those sectors of the economy outside of the mining sector. The mining sector represents about nine per cent of our economy—just two per cent of direct jobs in Australia. The challenge is for the rest of the economy that is being left behind. There is clear evidence that the non-mining sectors are being squeezed very hard by higher interest rates and a high Australian dollar. It might also be that capricious decisions by this government, for example, live cattle exports which was one of the worst decisions I have seen in 15 years in this place—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms Julie Bishop</name>
    <name.id>83P</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That is a big call for this government.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HOCKEY</name>
    <name.id>DK6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>As the Deputy Leader of the Opposition says, it is a big call for this government. But let me make it perfectly clear that the live cattle export ban, which prevented 180,000 Australian head going to Indonesia, is a catastrophe for the northern parts of Australia in primary production. I wonder why the Prime Minister has not picked up the phone to the President of Indonesia recently. I wonder whether the President of Indonesia would not return her calls after what she did to Indonesia when it came to live cattle exports. But that is the way that this government operates.</para>
<para>There can be no excuses for rising unemployment at a time when the country is experiencing unprecedented demand for our resources and 140-year highs in our terms of trade. So what has the government done? They had a jobs forum. That is typical of Labor's approach to problems—do not fix it, let's talk about it, let's get everyone together, hold hands, sing <inline font-style="italic">Kumbaya </inline>and maybe we will come up with a solution to the challenges of the nation. The talkfest in this case broke all records. It went for just 24 hours—one day. Usually the Labor Party have two- or three-day talkfests but, no, when it comes to jobs it was just one day. That would not have been any comfort to the 68,000 full-time breadwinners who have lost their jobs since April. Not surprisingly, out of a jobs forum, the outcomes were limited but there were two fundamental undertakings given by the Prime Minister: first, make major federal grants of $20 million or more, including grants to the states and territories, contingent on maximising opportunities for Australian businesses; and, second, require future project developers to publish more extensive details on opportunities available to Australian businesses if they want to receive a five per cent tariff exemption on imports for major projects through the EPBS.</para>
<para>As the Leader of the Opposition has stated, both were credible initiatives but they are not going to lead to the reappearance of jobs. For example, it is the case that the mining industry in Western Australia already has to provide the government of Western Australia with regular details on the amount of Australian product involved in their mines. A keynote speaker at the forum, Andrew Liveris, President, Chairman and CEO of Dow Chemical, has previously called the decision to proceed with a carbon tax unwise and ill timed. Bear in mind the government asked this fellow to come along to the jobs forum and here he was quite appropriately criticising the carbon tax. So the government could not even pick a keynote speaker who would support their job-killing carbon tax.</para>
<para>The government wants us to believe that introducing a carbon tax will have no impact on jobs. I observed earlier today there is a statement in the updated Treasury modelling of the carbon tax that says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Employment continues to grow strongly, with national employment increasing by 1.6 million jobs by 2020, with or without carbon pricing.</para></quote>
<para>The Treasury assumes that all workers in trade-exposed and carbon-intensive industries will immediately find new green jobs. The Treasury modelling says there is no impact whatsoever of the carbon tax on jobs and, in fact, it does not make any difference to jobs. That means effectively you can penalise Australian export industries, you can make the costs of production far more expensive for Australian manufacturers and, according to the inputs from Treasury, there will be no impact on jobs.</para>
<para>My colleagues and I have been travelling the country from Karratha to Perth to Cairns and down to Tasmania and I can say to you emphatically that is not what the employers think. That is not what small business thinks. That is not what the tourism industry thinks. That is not what the manufacturing industry thinks. That is not what the steelworkers think. That is not what the professional service providers think. They all know, because they employ people, that the carbon tax will cost jobs and the Treasury advice in this case is dead wrong. I am concerned that the recent deterioration in the labour market may not yet be over. I do not want to alarm the workers of Australia but I think there is quite a clear case to be made that this government is totally inconsiderate about their jobs.</para>
<para>The latest IMF report card which the Treasurer keeps misrepresenting, as he does everything else as well so it is no surprise here, was released five days ago and it says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Key downside risks are that the global recovery stalls or Asian growth falters, impacting demand for commodities.</para></quote>
<para>The funding markets could also be disrupted by concerns about sovereign debt in advanced economies and the outlook is fragile. The Treasurer knows the outlook is fragile because he is coming to us asking us to expedite our policy to allow for covered bonds to be issued by Australian banks. He says it is urgent because of the fragility of the funding of Australian banks. Yes, that is why we raised it more than a year ago. We identified this issue, we saw the challenge coming and it is now that the Treasurer suddenly wakes up and says: 'This is urgent. The funding needs of the Australian banks must be delivered urgently.' That is why he is pressing us to get our agreement to expedite the covered bonds bill, a bill that we suggested in a policy form over a year ago.</para>
<para>Let me be very clear about this. I am not as concerned about funding requirements as the government is. While some European banks are experiencing difficulty in accessing finance, Australia's banks remain highly rated, well capitalised and with little exposure to European debt. However, the coalition will support the initiative because we are the ones that suggested the policy. If it needs to be done quickly we will help to expedite that. But if it is the case that it is so urgent why doesn't the government delay the carbon tax bills to bring on the covered bond bill? It is because the government wants to destroy the jobs to make business and commerce in Australia more expensive before it actually gets anything in place that is going to make it more affordable.</para>
<para>I have been warning about the global risk to Australia for some time. The May budget forecast solid economic growth prospects and a return to surplus in 2012-13 on the back of the strongest terms of trade in 140 years. Not a finger has been lifted by the government, they are sitting back and waiting for China to do all the heavy lifting when it comes to the budget. But it is foolish to base our economic plan for the future on the assumption that these unprecedented good times will continue. In my post-budget National Press Club address I noted that the May budget showed a relatively small fall in the terms of trade of only four per cent would plunge the 2012-13 budget back into deficit. At that time, after the Treasurer claimed that the carbon tax package would be roughly budget neutral, little did I know that it in fact takes away over $4 billion dollars from the budget. So this is a Treasurer who thinks budget neutrality is when you actually have a deficit of $4½ billion dollars on a single policy initiative.</para>
<para>The IMF is now flagging a very near and present danger, so it is no surprise that the Treasurer is backing away from his promise to deliver a budget surplus in 2012-13. In recent weeks the promise has morphed from an objective to an expectation, a determination, a plan—'a guiding principle', he said—and, more recently, he said he would give it his best shot. If the Treasurer cannot commit to a surplus then it will prove that the so-called strategy to repay the mountain of debt that Labor has created has failed and is in tatters.</para>
<para>Given the increasingly uncertain outlook for the global economy and the risk to Australia, now is not the time to be saddling our economy and Australian workers with a carbon tax. The recently released report by the Senate Select Committee on the Scrutiny of New Taxes, which was chaired by Senator Matthias Cormann, assessed whether Australia should implement such a tax followed by an emissions trading scheme at a time of great uncertainty both about the economic outlook and even more so about the nature and the extent of the international abatement effort. The committee found that the carbon tax will have a substantial impact all over Australia. Many Australian jobs are in industries that are carbon intensive. The committee also found that under the government's own modelling the carbon tax is likely to impose a trillion-dollar cost on the Australian economy. This trillion dollars, as the Leader of the Opposition said earlier in this place, is roughly the equivalent of the total output of our nation in one year today.</para>
<para>Obviously, there are a number of issues that need to be addressed. The Senate committee did a great job in making a number of recommendations. Ultimately, however, the best way to create jobs, the best way to stimulate the Australian economy, the best way to inoculate us against global volatility and the best way to handle the immediate future is not to have a carbon tax. The best way to promote job growth in Australia, the best way to give security to Australian families and the best way to stabilise the cost of living for Australian families is not to have a carbon tax. When it comes down to it, the Labor Party talks up jobs but delivers little. When it comes down to it, the Labor Party talks up reform but all it delivers is pain. The carbon tax is pain, and it is going to cost Australians jobs. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SHORTEN</name>
    <name.id>00ATG</name.id>
    <electorate>Maribyrnong</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I listened very carefully to the shadow Treasurer's address but, as ever, I was disappointed. We have heard the proposition put forward by the opposition about the carbon tax, and they say it is the wrong time. In my submission today I am going to put forward five arguments to rebut what the shadow Treasurer was saying. In essence, I will say that, yes, this government has properly considered the changes; that, yes, this government is about protecting and creating jobs; that, yes, this government is about supporting pensioners; that, yes, in a time of economic uncertainty we are not acting alone but in fact consistent with where the world is heading; and, finally, if those first four arguments have failed to persuade you, I will just look at the record of the opposition—and when it comes to getting the big calls right the opposition have never missed an opportunity to miss an opportunity.</para>
<para>I will now turn to my first submission about why we do not accept the hypothesis of the opposition. We have properly considered this argument put forward in the shadow Treasurer's debate. He says that we have not had time to consider this debate. Where has he been for the last five years? Where has he been hiding? We have had more discussion on climate change than on many other issues that were ever discussed. I certainly do not recollect the opposition, when they were in government, discussing their hardline Work Choices reforms for five years before they introduced them. On the contrary, we have seen climate change and carbon pricing being debated for years. In fact, the former Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, Margaret Thatcher, raised the issue of climate change as far back as the late 1980s. Former Prime Minister John Howard, if he had been re-elected in 2007, was going to introduce an emissions trading scheme.</para>
<para>On this side of the fence, both former Prime Minister Rudd and now Prime Minister Gillard have been debating the need to act on climate change for many years. When former leader of the Liberal Party, Brendan Nelson, was opposition leader he was certainly committed to acting on climate change. Indeed, another former leader of the Liberal Party, the member for Wentworth, was an active proponent about climate change until, of course, today when the proverbial cat—or, dare I say it, the Liberal whips—got his tongue.</para>
<para>Indeed, when we look at debate on this, it should be noted that we have also had a cross-party committee negotiation process, which was very thorough and very detailed. There was lots of effort, led by the Minister for Climate Change and supported by the Parliamentary Secretary for Climate Change. There has been a very thorough process to discuss climate change. But, yet again, whenever you hold a party the coalition just will not turn up to participate.</para>
<para>Of course the late change in the game is not the government introducing a price on pollution; it is saying that the coalition do not even believe in a carbon price any more, as they did when they were last in office. So let us be clear: the first submission I am putting to dispute the opposition's contention is that there has been a great deal of debate on climate change and a great deal of argument, research and science has gone into the proposition.</para>
<para>The second submission I put forward to show that the opposition's attack on our efforts to tackle climate change are misplaced is to have a look at the jobs' record of this Labor government. Even though those ungracious people sitting opposite us in the parliament never say anything good about the government, let us not forget that during the global financial crisis, due to the excellent stimulus programs the Building the Education Revolution, we saw 750,000 jobs created in Australia. Indeed, between June 2009 and June 2010, in the teeth of the global financial crisis, we saw 190,000 jobs created in small business—the fastest sector to recover. This was in part due to the excellent policies of the Labor government.</para>
<para class="italic">Mr Christensen interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SHORTEN</name>
    <name.id>00ATG</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>We also understand, unlike the member for Dawson, that the world does not stand still. We understand that we cannot rely on the sleepy hollow of National Party economics to try and move this country forward. We understand that there is an international race on for clean technology jobs. We understand, unlike the Leader of the National Party, that in fact the world does not owe Australia a living and we cannot take our place in the world for granted. There is a race on for clean-tech, new manufacturing, low-pollution, economic service, green-collar jobs of the future. Unlike the opposition, we do not want to give up competing with the rest of the world. We do not believe that Australia is doomed to a second-class existence. We do not believe that Australian industry cannot compete with the rest of the world. The sooner we have a market mechanism to turbocharge our innovative efforts, the better off we are going to be in global race. These people want to tie our two legs together in the economic race to the future.</para>
<para>Let us also have a look at the facts. Since we announced in February—and I just warn the opposition: low incoming fact; do duck—that we would be introducing a price on carbon, employment in the coal mining industry has grown by 10 per cent. How can this be if the threats of the opposition have any truth? Whilst Mr Abbott and the Coal Association, the employers' union for the coal industry, have been busy trying to scare the pants of hardworking miners, 21,000 new mining jobs have come on stream across Australia. Furthermore, we are very lucky that the capitalists of the world do not take their economic and investment strategies from those opposite, because in 2011-12 mining capital expenditure is expected to be around $82 billion. We would have to call that an inconvenient truth. Whilst those opposite would say that this price on carbon is the end of mining and we might as well fill in all the holes in the ground, that in fact is not the case. It has almost been doubled—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Truss</name>
    <name.id>GT4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That's what the Greens say. Ask the Greens!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SHORTEN</name>
    <name.id>00ATG</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Again, I am happy for the Leader of the National Party to take some notes here, if he does not read it in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard: </inline>$82 billion is almost double what it was last year, which was $47 billion. There is a lot going on in Australia. It is just that no-one has bothered to tell the opposition. Indeed—and here is a contemporaneous fact as opposed to the economics textbook written in 1920 read by the Nationals—in the last month alone—</para>
<para class="italic">Mr Christensen interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SHORTEN</name>
    <name.id>00ATG</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I did not mean to imply that the member for Dawson reads books! In the last month alone, Chevron, BHP and Rio—they are a bunch of milk bars; no they are not; they are some of the biggest mining companies in the world—have announced new projects or expansions in the resource sector worth more than $30 billion in total. Hold the presses! Hasn't anyone told them that the carbon pollution tax, according to the opposition, is going to ruin their industry? Clearly not, because, of course, those opposite know so much more than the boards of these big companies that they will ignore the $30 billion of these projects, they will ignore the $82 billion in mining capital expenditure and they will ignore the 21,000 new jobs created. I know it is a bit like arm wrestling with a child here—I do not mean to intellectually arm-wrestle those opposite—but I would say that since we have announced the price on carbon 14 companies have announced new projects or expansions in the resource sectors. How can this be? How can those opposite say that setting a price on carbon pollution is such a bad idea? There is $82 billion of investment, 21,000 new jobs, $30 billion with Rio, BHP and Chevron, and we are seeing that 14 companies have announced new projects or expansions in the resources sector. That was just my second submission.</para>
<para>So the jobs are being created, we want to win the competition of the future and the mining industry is moving forward. But let us have a look at this debate where the opposition say that pensioners and people are going to be worse off under these schemes. If I have not convinced the intellectual amazons opposite of the first two points, let me then put to them this proposition about the pension income rise. What was written in the <inline font-style="italic">Financial Standard—</inline>the <inline font-style="italic">Financial Standard</inline> is a financial journal—was:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Superannuation investors aged between 55 and 59—</para></quote>
<para>that would be the average age of those opposite—</para>
<quote><para class="block">are set to receive a tax-free income boost if Carbon Tax relief measures are implemented, according to MLC Technical Services.</para></quote>
<para>You're right—MLC Technical Services: what would they know! The article goes on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Pension investors of that age would be able to receive an extra $1500 in taxable pension income, without paying any tax.</para></quote>
<para>Nice one, I would say: $1,500 is good money. The article continues:</para>
<quote><para class="block">From July 1 2015, they are likely to be entitled to an extra $2000 in tax-free income, compared to now.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Taking into the account the 15% pension tax offset, this would result in tax savings of around $280 and $360 respectively.</para></quote>
<para>A lady called Gemma Dale, who is the head of MLC Technical Services—you will probably be doing a Google search to check that she is not a secret member of the Labor Party, which she is not—was quoted in the article as saying:</para>
<quote><para class="block">This means they can draw more income, if required, from their pension investment without paying any tax</para></quote>
<para>The article continues:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Currently those in the 55-59 age bracket can receive taxable pension income of up to $48,158 before being taxed.</para></quote>
<para>If and when we get the Clean Energy Bill through this parliament, it is implemented and the income tax rates are amended, that figure is going to rise to $49,753 and $50,189 in 2015. This is good news. So when we have a look at the debate, unlike former Prime Minister Howard, who once famously said, 'Working Australians have never been better off'—that was just before he introduced Work Choices—the Gillard government understands that we have a multispeed economy and many are doing it tough. That is why we have the good fortune of high employment, low inflation, good terms of trade and low Commonwealth public sector debt.</para>
<para>As my fourth submission, I and other Australians understand that, of course, in these tough times globally it is very volatile. But there is no doubt in the mind of the government and indeed no doubt in the minds of the serious journalists and the people who are aware of what is going on in the world that the rest of the world is acting on climate change. This is a very important point. The opposition has been at great pains to say, ' Australia is going out on its own; we are so far ahead of the pack that we are just crazy.' In fact, over 30 countries have carbon pricing in place and have already started the transformation to a low-pollution economy.</para>
<para class="italic">Mr Christensen interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SHORTEN</name>
    <name.id>00ATG</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Could the member for Dawson cease interjecting. He has one mouth and two ears and I suggest he should argue with two ears.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The honourable member for Dawson will cease interjecting. He has had a pretty good go. The Assistant Treasurer has the call.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SHORTEN</name>
    <name.id>00ATG</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>A pretty good go? He is applying for a job on The Comedy Channel—there is no question about that—but I do not know how he will go getting the job. Countries comprising over 80 per cent of global emissions have pledged to take action on climate change. Europe has had a price on carbon since 2005. New Zealand has an emissions trading scheme. The President of the United States, President Obama—he is coming here next month; you will no doubt be queuing up to shake his hand—has a clean energy target of 80 per cent by 2035. Whilst those opposite probably think California is just the set for <inline font-style="italic">Baywatch</inline>, the reality is it is also the world's sixth-largest economy, with twice the population of Australia. They have legislated to introduce an ETS.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Christensen</name>
    <name.id>230485</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That's a state.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Dawson is warned!</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SHORTEN</name>
    <name.id>00ATG</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>In less than 25 years, 80 per cent of US clean energy needs will be supplied by clean energy. The UK has updated its emission targets. India has a tax on coal and it is using the revenue from this tax to invest in clean energy.</para>
<para class="italic">Mr O'Dowd interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The honourable member for Flynn will now remain silent.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SHORTEN</name>
    <name.id>00ATG</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>China has pledged to lower carbon emissions per unit of GDP by 40 to 45 per cent by 2020. The Productivity Commission—no doubt those opposite will rubbish them too, as they rubbish anyone who disagrees with them—have identified over 1,000 carbon reduction policies across seven of our major trading partners, nearly one-third of which are in the US.</para>
<para class="italic">Mr Fletcher interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Bradfield will remain silent.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SHORTEN</name>
    <name.id>00ATG</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Having established that plenty of parts of the rest of the world are acting, having established that this government has a good jobs record—and we are always focused on the new jobs and will not accept the lazy tyranny of low expectations with an opposition that does not believe that Australia can ever compete on climate change with the rest of the world—and having also demonstrated that pensioners are getting supported and nine in 10 households will receive some form of support, if all of those four submissions have somehow failed to climb the Mount Everest of scepticism of those opposite, here is the big one.</para>
<para>I said at the start of my proposition that the opposition never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity. When we look at some of the big calls, let us have a look at some of the big calls they have got wrong. I think that this could only assist you in believing that the coalition are making another big call which is wrong. On Work Choices we said you were going too far, and you know what? You did. In terms of Indigenous Australians we said you should say sorry to the Stolen Generations, and it took a Labor government to do it, although I recognise it was eventually with the support of all those opposite bar one or two. On the global financial crisis, you would not support the stimulus. You did not intellectually turn up to work that day, and we stimulated the economy and avoided recession. On the National Broadband Network: in 10 years time watch the revisionism from those revisionists over there, who will say it was all their idea. And look at the floods in Queensland. You did not support the levy in a time of trouble for the nation; yet we are seeing the impact of the levy building badly needed infrastructure in flood affected Australia. And you are doing it again on climate change. We were onto this when we were still in opposition, and we are implementing a clean energy future. The big one is the mining tax. All you want to do is give money back to the richest companies in Australia. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TRUSS</name>
    <name.id>GT4</name.id>
    <electorate>Wide Bay</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Today all Australians, whether they are businesses or families, stand at the edge. Families are very worried about their future. Business confidence has fallen to the sort of level you see in a depression. Closed shops and silent factories are a monument to Labor's economic failure. There have been 68,000 jobs lost since April and unemployment is rising across the nation. In my own electorate of Wide Bay the unemployment rate has increased from 3.4 per cent when the coalition left office to over 12.5 per cent under Labor. What a shameful record for a government to treble the unemployment rate in a fast-growing area of regional Australia.</para>
<para>This government seems not to care about the economic pain and hardship that it is are imposing on Australian families. But before them now is the prospect of an Australian government offering them up as sacrificial lambs on the altar of the carbon tax. The government concedes that this carbon tax will do nothing to change the climate. The government acknowledges that it will not work as an initiative to lower the temperatures. Of course, it never could. At around 1.4 per cent of global emissions, even if we sacrificed all of Australian industry, if we produced zero emissions, if we stopped breathing, if we lived in the trees, it would make absolutely no difference to the global climate. You only have to listen to the recent words of the UK chancellor, who said that the UK's two per cent of emissions are irrelevant when it comes to the world's climate. Why do members opposite think that Australia's 1.4 per cent can single-handedly change the world's climate, save the polar bears and save the Great Barrier Reef? This is simply nonsense. For the member who has just spoken to suggest that the rest of the world is rushing headlong into introducing taxes of this nature is simply misreading or dishonestly reporting the true situation.</para>
<para>The reality is that when President Obama comes to Australia he will not have a story to tell of an economy-wide carbon tax in the US. Indeed, it will only take one month of Australia's carbon tax to collect more money than the Americans have collected from their carbon taxation since it began several years ago—only one month under our scheme to collect more than the Americans have ever collected! We are not catching up with the rest of the world; we are implementing the world's harshest carbon tax. The Europeans are currently collecting, from their 30-country scheme referred to by the Assistant Treasurer, about $1 per person per year from the people of Europe. Our tax collects $400 per person per year right at the outset. This is a haunting prospect for Australian families. Their costs are going up enough as it is under this incompetent government, but now to add the impact of the world's biggest carbon tax is something that surely can only be seen as shameful. The Gillard government intends to consign future generations of Australians to massive cost hikes in perpetuity. This tax starts at $400 per person per year and goes up every year from then on. The carbon price will inevitably increase the cost-of-living pressures. Competitiveness with our trading partners will plummet and Australian jobs will be fewer and harder to come by.</para>
<para>I know that there are those in the government ranks who do not really in their heart of hearts support this legislation but they are tied to the carbon tax for two reasons. Firstly, it may even be that the Prime Minister believed what she said before the election—that is, there would be no carbon tax under the government she led. Maybe she was trying to tell the truth, but the Green zealots have more say over government policy than Labor's backbench—more say it seems than even the Prime Minister. When Bob Brown is grinning like a Cheshire cat at Labor rubber-stamping his legislative agenda and proclaiming it is a great day, you know there is something very, very wrong.</para>
<para>Secondly, the powers that be within Labor have punted the ALP's political future on a carbon tax, bloody-mindedly pushing this legislation through regardless of its impact on the nation—regardless that all other countries in the world are moving in a different direction—all in the hope that people will perhaps get used to it before the next election. The faceless men have determined the direction and the Australian people will have to bear the consequences. They surged forward regardless of the prevailing economic uncertainty engulfing the globe and have failed to heed the world financial storm clouds that are approaching. Instead they are putting political self-interest ahead of the national interest yet again. To those Labor members of parliament whose constituents are screaming out for their members to stand up for them, I urge them to listen and obey the will of their own people. They know that their constituents do not support this great big new tax. They know it is bad for the country; they know it is bad for their jobs. Their constituents are telling them, but they put their hands over their ears like the honourable member opposite, the member for Isaacs, pretending not to hear.</para>
<para>What about the members for New England and for Lyne, who are being very active in supporting the carbon tax. They did not even bother to ask the people of their electorates for their opinions. They have conducted surveys on various issues, but never once chose to ask their own electors what they thought about the carbon tax. Fortunately, Senator Williams has taken on that task for himself. He sent a questionnaire to all the people in Lyne and New England and he got a significant number of answers back. Thousands of people have responded to his survey and on the latest count I saw 83 per cent of the people of Lyne and New England are saying they do not want a carbon tax. These Independent members like to say they are the voice of the people. Well, the people have spoken: the people in Lyne and the people in New England do not want the carbon tax. If they really believe they are representing their own people, they have no option tonight other than to vote against this evil tax.</para>
<para>It is bad enough that the Prime Minister has misled Australians in the name of political expediency and bowed to the will of the Greens and Independents to remain in the Lodge, but what of those in the party behind her who just blindly follow? It is a bound and gagged caucus that fails to stand up in the wake of those backroom deals. They should not be passive passengers going along for the ride, but their inaction makes every one of them complicit in this base betrayal of the Australian people. The only community consensus that the Prime Minister has rallied around her in relation to the carbon tax is one of comprehensive rejection. Labor members who do not have the fortitude to cross the floor and be heroes for the working men and women across their electorates are letting down their voters, because in the end it is going to be ordinary families that will cop this carbon tax. They are the ones who are going to pay and keep on paying and pay more every year. It is their jobs that will be lost; it is their future that is being compromised. Electricity bills will blow out; gas, groceries, everything they need. In fact from 1 July 2012, if Labor, the Greens and the Independents get their way, Australians will start paying $105 billion in tax between then and 2020. And it gets worse and worse: around $1 trillion will be ripped from our economy at a time when our economy is already in such great difficulties. One trillion dollars is not much less than the Australian economy turns over in a year these days, and the government is going to throw all that away.</para>
<para>This tax will cost jobs, destroy manufacturing and certainly result in a deteriorating standard of living for all Australians. This is a tax that will deliver nothing of good for this country. It will do nothing to boost employment. There will be no new green jobs; whatever there are are being created in China. Australia's last solar panels manufacturer is closing along with so many other manufacturing industries in this country. This is a tax that will hurt this country and this day will be a day of infamy in the minds of future generations of Australians. Worst of all, it will do nothing for the global environment. It will do nothing to improve the climate; it will do nothing for this country and nothing for our planet. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DREYFUS</name>
    <name.id>HWG</name.id>
    <electorate>Isaacs</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What the member for North Sydney, the member for Wide Bay and all those opposite seem to fail completely and utterly to realise is that the reform of the government's carbon price package is about creating new jobs for Australians and attracting investment in the clean technology industries of the future. Led by the weathervane Leader of the Opposition, whose idea of long term appears to be 12 hours after the 24-hour news cycle, those opposite cannot recognise anything long term and they cannot recognise—and we have just heard this again in the speech from the Leader of the National Party—that this is a global problem. They cannot recognise that this is a problem that Australia needs to make a contribution to solving.</para>
<para>Previous speakers from the opposition also seem to have forgotten that the coalition says—and I say that advisedly—that it shares the government's target of a five per cent reduction in Australia's carbon emissions by 2020. The reason I have to say 'says' is that nothing about the coalition's conduct and nothing about the way the coalition has approached the carbon price suggests that in any way the opposition takes this seriously. Instead what we have had, today and yesterday and for many months now, is mindless negativity. Those opposite have effectively been talking down our economy, talking down our businesses, talking down our workers, because that is the approach that they have taken.</para>
<para>The best thing that we can do for Australian businesses and for Australian families is to put in place a carbon price that will be part of the fundamentals, going forward into the 21st century, of a modern and competitive economy powered by clean energy. That is a realisation that countries around the world, particularly those in western Europe and, more close at hand, New Zealand, have already come to. The reality is that if we wish Australia to prosper in the 21st century, if we wish Australians to prosper in the first-rate economy that Australia is entitled to be into the future, then it cannot be with anything other than a clean energy economy. All of the credible analysis, including the report by Sir Nicholas Stern in the United Kingdom and the reports that have been done for us by Ross Garnaut here in our country, shows that we can make big cuts in carbon pollution in our country while the economy continues to grow strongly. That, of course, is the path that those in western Europe have already embarked on. It is the path that across the Tasman the government of New Zealand, with bipartisan agreement, has already embarked on. And it is the path that we will start on when the government's clean energy package passes through the House of Representatives tomorrow.</para>
<para>We had Treasury modelling that shows that under a carbon price starting at $20 the economy grows strongly, with average growth in gross national income per capita of 1.1 per cent a year, down from 1.2 per cent a year. The Treasury modelling shows that average incomes continue to grow strongly, rising by about $9,000 per person by 2020 in real terms. The Treasury modelling shows that jobs will continue to grow strongly, with 1.6 million additional jobs by 2020. And the Treasury modelling shows that, while this growth is occurring, carbon pollution will fall by 160 million tonnes per year in 2020. We also know that the longer we wait, the greater the costs will be. The costs will increase the longer we delay and a failure to act now will only undermine our future competitiveness—and that will be so, of course, if we delay as is proposed by those opposite with their amendment to the legislation to put off the start of the carbon price scheme.</para>
<para>There is a clear economic consensus that we need a carbon price for future jobs and we need a carbon price for future growth, although you would not have known it from the way the member for North Sydney spoke earlier and the references he made to the recent work of the International Monetary Fund with its report on Australia. Last week in that report the International Monetary Fund endorsed our carbon price policy, saying that they:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… support the proposed introduction of a carbon price as … a transition to a permit is trading system to mitigate greenhouse gas emissions.</para></quote>
<para>In the same report the IMF congratulated the Australian government on the firm action that we took during the global financial crisis and on the policies that we have put in place since that time.</para>
<para>We know from the work of the Productivity Commission, reported to this parliament in May this year, that the costs to the economy will be much higher under the policies of those opposite. Of course, the time is coming when the spotlight will now turn to the policies of the coalition, the so-called direct action policy, which will lead directly to higher prices and higher taxes over time. That is a policy of paying polluters, which is in fact what is proposed by those opposite.</para>
<para>The reason I say that the spotlight will turn to those opposite is that once this legislation passes through the House of Representatives and then, within weeks, passes through the Senate and becomes law we will have increasing hysteria, as the Prime Minister said earlier today, from those opposite as they continue to assert that they are going to repeal our carbon price mechanism. If that is to be believed—and I do not think for a moment that it is, but if that is to be believed—the opposition will need to demonstrate what they will replace the carbon price mechanism with. At the moment it is the pathetic fig leaf of a policy that was produced in February 2010 by the opposition, which has not been updated or altered in any way. It is a plan under which polluters will be paid by the government to reduce pollution. The opposition's policy is, in effect, to tax the people to give money to polluters. Under our plan, polluters will pay for their pollution by paying the carbon price on every tonne of pollution that they produce.</para>
<para>I will mention a few more differences. Under the government's plan, markets pick the most effective ways to reduce pollution; under the opposition's approach, the government would pick winners. Under the government's plan, business will have long-term investment certainty; under the opposition's approach, there would be no investment certainty. Under the government's plan, we will continue with Labor's great tradition of long-term reform of the economy; under the opposition's approach, there would be no more than a stopgap political solution. In fact, as was revealed very clearly in a debate that the member for Flinders conducted with me last week in Melbourne, the opposition has no plan after 2020. That was the answer of the member for Flinders when asked what the opposition was going to do if it were to be in government after 2020. His answer, and he is the opposition's spokesman on climate change matters, was to say, 'We'll be reviewing things in 2015.' If you examine the pathetic fig leaf of a policy that the opposition has put forward, the so-called direct action plan, that is the answer that one reads because there is nothing after 2020—there is no plan; there is no trajectory of falling emissions, as there is under the government's plan; there is no certainty; there is no long-term predictability. Under the government's carbon price plan, nine in 10 Australian households will receive assistance; under the opposition's approach, there would be no assistance for households. Under the government's plan Australia will meet the emissions targets. We are told by those opposite that they are bipartisan targets, that those opposite agree with them, but on no view could those targets be met under the opposition's approach. Those opposite know this. That is why they do not want to talk about their own plan. They do not want to talk about what they would replace the government's carbon price mechanism with. Those opposite know that the government's plan is the most effective, fairest and most affordable way of transforming our economy, but they cannot admit it because to do so would require the coalition to reflect on the complete ineffectiveness of their own policy. Instead, we have those opposite scratching around for any excuse to delay the action that needs to be started now in order to begin Australia on the task of reducing our national emissions. They make any excuse to delay anything and avoid taking action. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr EWEN JONES</name>
    <name.id>96430</name.id>
    <electorate>Herbert</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The shadow minister for finance, deregulation and debt reduction and member for Goldstein asked in this place: 'If the carbon tax were levied only in Victoria, is it not conceivable that business would look at shifting to a neighbouring state?' One of the major problems with this tax is that it does not reward growth. It does not provide a stimulus to get bigger, better and more profitable, make more stuff and employ more people, because under this tax, if you get bigger in manufacturing or in industry, you will use more energy and the tax will grow. You are much better off shifting the process offshore and escaping the tax. That is where we are with this tax.</para>
<para>I want to keep this as local as I possibly can by referring to my city of Townsville. Take Queensland Nickel. It employs 900 people directly and 1,200 indirectly. Just two short years ago it almost closed. It was poorly run under BHP's business model and was not doing what it should have been doing: processing and refining ore into nickel. Had it closed, it was estimated to have a $4.5 billion negative impact on the economy of Townsville. Clive Palmer gave the plant over to the management and staff and they concentrated on what they did best. They turned it around and made a profit. The current price for nickel is hovering around the low- to mid-$8 dollar mark, which is lineball commercially. They have used the heat in their plant to generate electricity and have made great strides in making this plant the best of its kind in the world.</para>
<para>Processing nickel is highly energy intensive. Queensland Nickel's major competitors are in Brazil and Cuba. In fact, they are the only two other places in the world that use the Caron refining method. It is said that the areas around the Cuban refineries are toxic. You neither fish nor swim anywhere near them. The men and women from Queensland Nickel that I know say you can almost walk on the smoke billowing out of the furnaces in Brazil. Those two countries will not be paying a carbon tax.</para>
<para>We have seen six different classifications for paper production in this tax but only one for nickel. Queensland Nickel is exposed to around $20 million from the start of this tax, and it will only become more and more expensive year after year. The ore is sourced on international markets. Ore is sold on international commodity markets. There is nowhere for Queensland Nickel to pass this cost on. It will have to absorb it internally. What happens when it becomes too much? Will the world be a better place? No. The ore will still be refined. In fact, it will produce a worse result for the world if Brazil and Cuba get more ore and more market share.</para>
<para>I will share something in relation to Townsville City Council. Townsville City Council have conducted research on the figures provided by the government. They have found that they will be short between $3 million and $5 million per year from year one, and that is after the government's taxpayer funded compensation. That will mean a rate rise for the property owners of Townsville of between two per cent and three per cent in year one so that they can have their rubbish collected and have their street and traffic lights on. There will be no benefit to the ratepayers of Townsville. That would just be the start. That will be repeated across the country in every city and town where electricity is used and garbage is collected.</para>
<para>I will talk about the residents of Palm Island and Magnetic Island. The people of Palm Island are some of the most disadvantaged and socially dislocated people on earth, let alone Australia. The only way to Townsville is by ferry. The ferry runs on diesel. There is no compensation for diesel used on public transport, so the residents of Palm Island and Magnetic Island, who have no alternative method of transport, will have to wear the cost, and to what end? What will they get for their money? What extra services and facilities will they receive? None, nada, nothing.</para>
<para>I will talk about the Xstrata copper refinery in Townsville. They have 90 direct employees and there are 260 indirect jobs. Xstrata will close their refinery citing processing costs. They will still mine the ore and it will still be converted into concentrate at Mount Isa. That will be done in Australia where it is mined, but the concentrate will be refined overseas. That is $300 million worth of export dollars lost to this country, and to what end? What will the net result to world pollution be? Certainly neither Xstrata nor the Minister for Climate Change and Energy Efficiency have addressed this issue publicly. What will the tradesmen and tradeswomen do there? As the member for Melbourne suggests, do the boilermakers and electricians get a job on the Great Barrier Reef in tourism or do they just have to shift away from Townsville and chase the work? They will have to take their children out of the schools and take their wives and husbands in other jobs out of the town.</para>
<para>I will talk about the CopperString project, with over 5,000 jobs over the next 30 years. This visionary project was to bring Mount Isa onto the national grid, open the north-west minerals province and allow the greatest collection of renewable energy projects access to the grid. Both sides of this House support this project, but only one side could do the negotiation with the major players, which includes Xstrata Mount Isa Mines, and that was the Labor government. Xstrata has signed a commercial deal with AGL to build a new gas fired power station at Mount Isa, and that brings into question both the negotiation skills of the government and their commitment to renewable energy. One of the reasons for this decision is the statement by Xstrata that they would save one million tonnes of carbon per year. That is one million tonnes of carbon from the AC line linking them to Townsville and the national grid. That link is the key ingredient in the CopperString vision. That link provides access for all renewable energy projects to feed into that grid. That this government can cause the largest collection of renewable energy projects to stall, in part due to the carbon tax, is surely the supreme irony.</para>
<para>How is it that they can nut out a deal with the big miners on the MRRT in the blink of an eye and yet fail to convince them of the benefits of this most worthy project? How is it that the government talk about their commitment to renewable energy and yet, with the stroke of Xstrata's pen, the national Treasurer is unable to speak about it at all? This project would have seen real economic growth across every sector in the north of Australia for the next 40 years. It would have seen employment not only for skilled workers but also for local workers in western communities and for our first Australians as they battle to stay on their lands and provide for their families. Instead, we see a weak and vacillating government talking the talk but unable to get out of their chairs to walk the walk.</para>
<para>Projects such as Solar Dawn, the Kennedy Wind Farm with over 800 turbines, along with other solar, ethanol and geothermal investment must now be under severe doubt. People in my electorate, like Robin Richardson from Alliance Airlines and Peter Collings from West Wing Aviation, who provide the service of fly in, fly out to the mining sector and have plans for expansion, now look at their businesses and wonder where they go next. Do they go to Papua New Guinea, because they do not have a carbon tax?</para>
<para>This carbon tax is not reform; this is penalty. This carbon tax is not a tax on the big polluters; it is a tax on mums and dads and children. This carbon tax does not offer adequate compensation; it will only bring with it higher prices and losses of opportunities. This tax will cascade and compound until the final purchase is made by the person least able to ward off its hurt. This carbon tax will hurt my city, my region, my state and my country. There is a better way.</para>
<para>The real action program proposed by the federal opposition—by Tony Abbott, by Greg Hunt, by Warren Entsch, by Warren Truss and by everyone on this side of the House—is capped and affordable and it taxes the actual pollution being done. It works with business, not against business. We have a Prime Minister who says that she is the education Prime Minister and yet she believes in the stick and not the carrot. She believes that students and people work better with penalty than they do with encouragement. She believes in treating business exactly the same way.</para>
<para>We have a Labor government that said before the election that they did not believe in this, and yet afterwards they accuse us on this side of being negative. I watched the Minister for Climate Change and Energy Efficiency at the weekend on <inline font-style="italic">Insiders</inline>. He spoke in an interview with Barrie Cassidy for nearly 12 minutes and in that time he had seven chops at the Leader of the Opposition. You wonder why we are negative. You guys are worse than we are. You guys are the negative ones because you do not have a positive agenda. (<inline font-style="italic">Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr KELVIN THOMSON</name>
    <name.id>UK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Wills</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Earlier this afternoon, the Leader of the Opposition suggested that the carbon price would lead to a trillion dollars being lost. I have to refer the Leader of the Opposition and members opposite to the comments of Sir Nicholas Stern, who has said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… the economic cost of inaction … would far exceed the economic cost of action—</para></quote>
<para>so it is absolutely pointless to talk about whether we will lose this amount or that amount if you do not take into account the alternative.</para>
<para>If we are considering how well qualified the Leader of the Opposition is to make such an observation, we need to ask ourselves: how much does he actually understand about carbon dioxide and the climate change debate more broadly? In July he described carbon dioxide as an 'invisible, odourless, weightless, tasteless substance'. Apparently, carbon dioxide is some kind of 'damned elusive Scarlet Pimpernel', impossible to find or capture, and the clean energy regulator is engaged in an exercise in futility. Yet, just 11 days earlier the Leader of the Opposition had said that both the government and the opposition accept that Australia should reduce its emissions by five per cent by 2020. How are we going to reduce emissions of something that is, according to the Leader of the Opposition, weightless—</para>
<para class="italic">Mr Ewen Jones interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr KELVIN THOMSON</name>
    <name.id>UK6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And that was an exercise in futility! Indeed, he was a minister when the Howard government passed legislation requiring businesses to report their CO2 emissions. If carbon dioxide is weightless and as elusive as he claims and if chasing it is an exercise in futility, why on earth did a government of which he was a member require businesses to measure, monitor and report it? The Howard government's National Greenhouse and Energy Reporting Act 2007 established a national framework for reporting greenhouse gas emissions by corporations. The reporting framework required, by 2010-11, approximately 700 companies that emit more than 50 kilotonnes of greenhouse gases to be involved. If carbon is weightless, as the Leader of the Opposition claims, what on earth was the Leader of the Opposition doing requiring businesses to monitor and report their emissions?</para>
<para>The Leader of the Opposition is also of the view that tackling greenhouse gases is an exercise in futility because other countries, according to him, are not doing likewise. For example, he said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">There is no way that America is going to put a price on carbon anytime soon. There is no way that the Chinese and the Indians are going to put a price on carbon until their peoples have a comparable standard of living to those of the advanced Western world.</para></quote>
<para>The reality is very different. Ten American states including New York have already put a price on carbon pollution from their electricity generators. California, the world's eighth largest economy, will start a carbon trading scheme in 2012. China has announced that it will introduce emissions trading commencing in key cities and provinces including Beijing, Shanghai and Guangdong, and India has introduced a clean energy tax on coal. These are just a couple of examples of the Leader of the Opposition's total lack of interest in climate change detail. He also said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Under the Clean Energy legislation, the Climate Change Authority will not set emissions limits or caps. It will make recommendations to the Government. The Government will set the caps through regulations. These will be subject to Parliamentary scrutiny and disallowance.</para></quote>
<para>The Leader of the Opposition was wrong again. He cannot maintain a position on climate change for more than five minutes. In July he said, 'I've never been in favour of a carbon tax or an emissions trading scheme.' In fact, he was a senior minister in the Howard government that went to the 2007 election with a policy of introducing an emissions trading scheme. He also said previously, in July 2009, 'I think that if you want to put a price on carbon, why not just do it with a simple tax?' Furthermore, he said, 'Climate change is real, humanity does make a contribution to it and we've got to take effective action against it. I mean, that's my position and that's always been my position.' Not true! It has not always been his position. The member for Wentworth said he is a self-described weathervane on this issue.</para>
<para>More seriously, the Leader of the Opposition has tried to scare pensioners. He said, 'The compensation to pensioners is temporary. The tax is permanent.' Wrong again. The fact is that the Gillard government will provide permanent increases in pensions and benefits. There will be lump sum payments from May-June 2012 followed by increases in fortnightly payments from March 2013. Pensions, allowances and family benefits will then keep pace with the cost of living as they are indexed in line with the consumer price index.</para>
<para>He has misled the House over electricity prices, saying:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… the Western Australian Treasury modelling predicts that Western Australian households within three years will be paying more than $2,120 a year for power compared with $1,515 a year now.</para></quote>
<para>In fact, the Western Australian modelling that he referred to actually estimates the average increase in household electricity bills due to the carbon price to be $111 a year—just over $2 a week. The impact on electricity prices is taken into account in the government's household assistance package. So he is wrong again. He has been misleading about other prices as well. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… according to the Housing Industry Association and the Master Builders Association the price of a new house will go up by at least $5,000 under a carbon tax.</para></quote>
<para>In fact, this estimate was produced before carbon price policy was announced. It assumes no industry assistance, which means that it significantly exaggerates the impact of a carbon price on housing construction. In fact, the government is providing $9.2 billion of assistance to manufacturers of building materials, shielding these products from 94.5 per cent of the carbon price. He has been misleading about jobs. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">There will be 45,000 jobs lost in energy-intensive industries. There will be 126,000 jobs lost mainly in regional Australia.</para></quote>
<para>In fact, the modelling by Treasury and other sources has consistently shown that the economy will continue to grow strongly under a carbon price, with 1.6 million extra jobs being created by 2020.</para>
<para>He has been misleading about industry impacts generally. He said that 'the carbon tax ultimately spells death for the coal industry'. In fact, Treasury modelling of the former CPRS showed that with a carbon price in place coal industry output would grow by 66 per cent by 2050—hardly the death of the industry. As well as misleading the public about the industry impacts, he has misled the Australian public over the budgetary impacts. He said, 'When people buy their carbon permits abroad, what will happen to the Australian government is that they won't be able to afford the carbon compensation after 2015.' In fact, the government will sell a fixed number of carbon permits each year to big polluters. This is where the revenue will come from. There will be no reduction in revenue due to the international linking. So he is wrong again.</para>
<para>Moving to a clean energy future will provide new economic opportunities for Australian workers. Jobs will continue to grow under carbon pricing; they will be created in new and fast-growing clean industries such as renewable energy, carbon farming and sustainable design. These new industries will help to improve Australia's international competitiveness. I believe Australians are hungry for action to tackle carbon emissions. This is certainly true of my electorate, where thousands of citizens belong to GetUp! and other local groups. I am certain that the climate change challenge is not going to go away. We cannot stick our heads in the sand and wish it away. We must press on with this work. I believe that future generations are going to judge us on our performance over this issue.</para>
<para>One side of politics is prepared to face up to its responsibilities. The other side opportunistically wants to kick the problem down the road and leave it to someone else to fix. It is a shocking abdication of responsibility, and the opposition stands condemned for it.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>YT4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The discussion is now concluded.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>11429</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Clean Energy Bill 2011, Clean Energy (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2011, Clean Energy (Income Tax Rates Amendments) Bill 2011, Clean Energy (Household Assistance Amendments) Bill 2011, Clean Energy (Tax Laws Amendments) Bill 2011, Clean Energy (Fuel Tax Legislation Amendment) Bill 2011, Clean Energy (Customs Tariff Amendment) Bill 2011, Clean Energy (Excise Tariff Legislation Amendment) Bill 2011, Ozone Protection and Synthetic Greenhouse Gas (Import Levy) Amendment Bill 2011, Ozone Protection and Synthetic Greenhouse Gas (Manufacture Levy) Amendment Bill 2011, Clean Energy (Unit Shortfall Charge—General) Bill 2011, Clean Energy (Unit Issue Charge—Auctions) Bill 2011, Clean Energy (Unit Issue Charge—Fixed Charge) Bill 2011, Clean Energy (International Unit Surrender Charge) Bill 2011, Clean Energy (Charges—Customs) Bill 2011, Clean Energy (Charges—Excise) Bill 2011, Clean Energy Regulator Bill 2011, Climate Change Authority Bill 2011, Steel Transformation Plan Bill 2011</title>
          <page.no>11429</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" style="" background="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core">
            <p>
              <a href="r4653" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4655" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4647" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy (Income Tax Rates Amendments) Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4662" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy (Household Assistance Amendments) Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4649" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy (Tax Laws Amendments) Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4651" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy (Fuel Tax Legislation Amendment) Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4648" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy (Customs Tariff Amendment) Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4650" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy (Excise Tariff Legislation Amendment) Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4661" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Ozone Protection and Synthetic Greenhouse Gas (Import Levy) Amendment Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4664" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Ozone Protection and Synthetic Greenhouse Gas (Manufacture Levy) Amendment Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4660" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy (Unit Shortfall Charge—General) Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4658" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy (Unit Issue Charge—Auctions) Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4659" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy (Unit Issue Charge—Fixed Charge) Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4656" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy (International Unit Surrender Charge) Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4654" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy (Charges—Customs) Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4665" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy (Charges—Excise) Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4657" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Clean Energy Regulator Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r4663" type="Bill">
                <p style="page-break-after:avoid;direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Climate Change Authority Bill 2011</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r4652" type="Bill">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Steel Transformation Plan Bill 2011</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>11429</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TEHAN</name>
    <name.id>210911</name.id>
    <electorate>Wannon</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I stand here today absolutely outraged. I have to speak on 1,200 pages of legislation and I have been allowed five minutes to do so: five minutes on legislation which is going to have a detrimental impact on serious industries in my electorate. It is an absolute disgrace: five minutes for 1,200 pages. That is all this government will give me to speak on this legislation. The clock might be showing 15 minutes, but if I speak for longer than five then other people on this side of the House will miss out on speaking on this legislation. It is a disgrace. This is a deceitful piece of legislation which strikes at the heart of Australia's international competitiveness. The other side stands condemned for putting through this bill. Climate change is a global problem. It deserves a global solution. It does not require a solution that will send jobs and industries overseas, yet that is exactly what this carbon tax will do. It will not only do that. After we have sent their jobs and industries offshore, we will then buy the carbon permits from the countries that have benefited from this exporting of jobs and industries. They will benefit handsomely—by $3.5 billion in 2020 and by $57 billion by 2050. So we export the jobs and the industries with this carbon tax and then we export taxpayers' money. It is an absolute disgrace.</para>
<para>I go to three key points that need to be made about this legislation. Climate change is a global problem that needs a global solution. What have the government done to try and get that global solution? They are absolutely asleep at the wheel. What have they done to try and get some sort of consensus in South Africa at the end of this year? Nothing. What type of coalition or consensus have they built to try and get action in South Africa? Nothing. What is our No. 1 foreign policy objective at the moment? Trying to get a seat on the UN Security Council. The Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr Rudd, is leading this charge even though he said that this is one of the greatest moral dilemmas of our time. Why is he not putting the same effort and energy into trying to get an outcome in South Africa to protect Australia's international competitiveness? This is an absolute disgrace.</para>
<para>What will it mean for my electorate of Wannon? What will it mean for the agricultural sector in my electorate? For the dairy industry, a $5,000 to $7,000 hit per dairy farm. For the meat industry, an extra cost of 24c to 37c per carcass that goes through an abattoir? What will it mean for grain? Approximately $36,000 will be put on each and every grain farmer. It is an absolute disgrace. What about the 358 local manufacturers? How can they deal with this? These are small manufacturing businesses that compete internationally. What can they do when they get hit with this? They cannot pass the costs on; they have to absorb them. It is hard enough for them at the moment without having an additional cost imposed.</para>
<para>The No. 1 issue in my electorate is the state of the roads. The last federal budget gave not one extra dollar for roads, yet we are putting a five per cent cost on road construction across my electorate and the federal government is doing nothing to compensate local government or state government. This is a disgraceful piece of legislation which is built on deceit.</para>
<para>What is it going to mean in paperwork for those small businesses? What will they have to do with these 1,200 pieces of paper. It will add red tape to every one of those businesses. Businesses have already seen a sixfold increase in paperwork and red tape. This is just going to make it worse.</para>
<para>I will have more to say on this this evening, as I only have five minutes now so that the member for Higgins has a chance to say something. It is a disgrace, but this is not the last you have heard from me on this issue.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms O'DWYER</name>
    <name.id>LKU</name.id>
    <electorate>Higgins</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Like the member for Wannon, I too am being silenced in this debate. I too only have five minutes to represent the issues and concerns of the people of Higgins. It is a disgrace and I endorse his comments. I will not get my allocated less than one minute per clean energy bill—19 bills for the carbon tax. I will get much less than that. Far from throwing open the curtains to let the sunshine in, this government is guillotining debate; it is silencing dissent. There was no mandate from the Australian people for this carbon tax bill. The Prime Minister told an untruth before the last election, saying, 'There will be no carbon tax under the government I lead.' She will be judged by history for that, just as those people who support her in breaking the trust of the Australian people will be judged.</para>
<para>Today I would like to highlight four issues with this very flawed legislation: first, the global economy and the lack of a global move to introduce an economy-wide carbon tax, whether as a tax or an emissions trading scheme; second, the flaws in the figures and modelling of the government; third, the very real impact of the government's legislation will have on the people in my electorate of Higgins; and, fourth, the fact that at this point in time, and despite the lack of global consensus, there is an alternate way to reduce carbon emissions that will not damage our economy or export jobs while still allowing us to meet our target of a five per cent reduction in emissions by 2020.</para>
<para>I will concentrate on the first and third points and put my full speech on my website so that the people of Higgins know that I have had a chance to represent their concerns. In September, the IMF released dire warnings for the world's economy. It prompted the Treasurer to issue the following statement:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The IMF has issued a stark warning for the global economy highlighting that it has entered a dangerous new phase. Global activity has weakened and has become more unbalanced. Downside risks are also intensifying.</para></quote>
<para>He went on to say</para>
<quote><para class="block">The report cautions that global financial risks remain very high, particularly in regions like the euro area, the United States and Japan.</para></quote>
<para>At the same time this government is introducing a carbon tax, even claiming in the words of the Treasurer that it is the next crucial frontier in economic reform. Does this sound like an economically prudent and responsible course of action—to explore new frontiers in a deteriorating global economic environment, an environment that has been described as dangerous? Of course it is not. Moreover, if Australia introduces an economy-wide carbon tax, we will be moving on this ahead of the rest of the world. The Productivity Commission informs us that:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… no country currently imposes an economy-wide tax on greenhouse gas emissions or has in place an economy-wide ETS.</para></quote>
<para>When you look at the partial schemes that are in place throughout the world and analyse the figures there, they also tell a very cogent story. The European ETS collects just $500 million a year, which equates to roughly $1 per person per annum. In Australia, though, under this carbon tax, the first year alone will raise $9 billion, or $400 per person per annum. This number only grows as the carbon price increases. Yet the emissions, according to the government's own modelling in Australia, will go up from 578 million tonnes to 621 million tonnes by 2020. To achieve the carbon abatements that the government say the carbon price will achieve, on top of their $9 billion a year tax for the first three years they will need an extra $3.5 billion of carbon credits to be purchased each year from foreign carbon traders until 2020. To achieve their target by 2050, $57 billion worth will need to be purchased from foreign carbon traders.</para>
<para>There is a meeting in Durban in November this year to discuss the global response to climate change post Kyoto, yet we have heard nothing about that in this debate. In fact, if global consensus is something that the government truly believe is going to happen, then that would be the focus of our attention. But they do not discuss it because they know it is a great big con: there will be no global consensus coming out of that meeting in Durban next month. It will confirm what we all know to be a fact: Australia will be going it alone. We know that China's emissions will continue to increase, by 496 per cent by 2020, and that India's will also continue to increase, by 350 per cent—some world consensus!</para>
<para>I held a carbon tax forum in my electorate of Higgins and I spoke with my constituents about their concerns—concerns from self-funded retirees, who know that they are not going to be compensated; concerns from small businesses, who know that they are going to have to shed staff and jobs—and I will speak more about this later on. I spoke with small businesses throughout my electorate, and they are very much against this carbon tax.</para>
<para>Now, I do not have any more time available to me if I want to give my colleague an opportunity to speak, because of this disgraceful act by this disgraceful government that refuses to allow us to properly debate these bills.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr McCORMACK</name>
    <name.id>219646</name.id>
    <electorate>Riverina</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Prime Minister introduced her carbon tax into this parliament on 13 September 2011 in a speech lasting 23 minutes and comprising 2,678 words. On 28 occasions, the Labor leader used the words 'a price on carbon', 'carbon price' or 'carbon pricing'. Not once did she use the expression 'carbon tax'. Why is she in such denial? Australians are renowned for telling it as it is, not beating around the bush, not gilding the lily. Australians expect their Prime Minister to do the same—to be upfront and honest, to tell the truth always. On 16 August 2010, the member for Lalor, having just ousted her first-term predecessor, the member for Griffith—the man popularly elected by the people—had this to say: 'There will be no carbon tax under the government I lead.' On 24 February this year, the now Prime Minister, in the position but not by the choice or the will of the people, held a media conference to announce that she was going back on her word; she and her Multi-Party Climate Change Committee would be burdening Australia with a carbon tax; and she was reneging on her deal with the Australian people—tearing up her verbal contract with the job-creating factories, the families, the farmers who grow the food and fibre to feed and clothe us, the small business men and women who are the engine room of our economy, the truck drivers who keep our nation on the move and the workers she falsely espouses to represent. We well remember the media conference, and, make no mistake, so too will the people of Australia at their first available opportunity: the next election.</para>
<para>The body language and the positioning of those at that media conference were telling. Standing at the back was the Minister for Climate Change and Energy Efficiency, flanked by the Independent members for Lyne and New England. Out front—for a while, at least—was the Prime Minister and, next to her, were two people to whom she is now beholden: Greens leader Senator Bob Brown and his deputy, Senator Christine Milne. But it did not take long for Senator Brown to hijack the show. His opening line said it all:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We feel very happy to be here in a process which is moving forward for this nation's future.</para></quote>
<para>'Moving forward'—wasn't that Labor's 2010 election campaign line? And there is the rub. The Greens and Labor are one and the same, certainly in this parliament. You can lump in the Independent members for Denison, Lyne and New England as well; they are all Labor by any other name. The one Green in the House of Representatives and the three Independents keep this illegitimate Labor government in power, hanging by a thread, in spite of a $200 billion plus deficit, in spite of cost overruns and in spite of botching everything it touches. It is worth noting that the one Green, the member for Melbourne, was the only member of the 150 elected to this House on 21 August who was in favour of a carbon tax—one out of 150, which is hardly representative. Yet here we are, nearly 14 months later, about to embrace a massive taxation reform without first having put it to the people of Australia.</para>
<para>The complexity of this tax will mean a massive increase in the size of the Public Service, to administer the nondelivery of an invisible, odourless product to no-one. At the same time, it will drive up grocery prices, and electricity and gas bills for ordinary, everyday Australians, and will see our jobs and industries sent offshore. Having to buy billions of dollars of carbon credits offshore is akin to sending a scam emailer your bank details.</para>
<para>A carbon tax will hurt the Riverina. This is a region already reeling from this government's abject failure to bring about certainty in the water debate, thereby causing all investment and hope in the Coleambally and Murrumbidgee irrigation areas to grind to a dead halt. This is a region which is proudly home to Wagga Wagga based airline Regional Express, which says a carbon tax will add $2 to the price of every ticket and the impost on aviation fuel would cost the company $2 million in the first year. Abattoirs at Wagga Wagga and Yanco, employers of hundreds of locals, will bear a huge burden under a carbon tax, as will the Hyne timber mill at Tumbarumba. A carbon tax will cost Visy, which has a state-of-the-art, already eco-friendly pulp and paper mill at Tumut, at least $12 million in its first year. The <inline font-style="italic">Southern Cross</inline> newspaper editorialised:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It will force Junee businesses to adapt, pushing many to the edge of viability and others to downsize their operations. Starting a business in this climate might not seem like the wisest of ideas, with what you might call 'dark clouds' on the horizon.</para></quote>
<para>There is a better way. The coalition's direct action plan is a strong and effective policy which will reduce carbon emissions by five per cent by 2020 without a new tax. We need to invest in renewable energy, improve soils, ensure we have enough productive water to meet the global food task while maintaining healthy rivers, and fund research and development in new technologies to bring about outcomes to help the environment. It is possible. It is happening now. It needs to happen in the future. But this carbon tax should be rejected. It is wrong. It is a fraud. It will harm Australia, it will do nothing for the environment and it is based on a lie. If the minority Labor government did the decent, honest thing now and took it to an election, the voters would no doubt overwhelmingly reject it, as well as this flip-flop Prime Minister and those who back her.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>YT4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>In accordance with the resolution of the House on 13 September this year, I call the Minister for Climate Change and Energy Efficiency.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr COMBET</name>
    <name.id>YW6</name.id>
    <electorate>Charlton</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the more than 120 members for their contributions to the second reading debate on the Clean Energy Future legislative package. I particularly thank those who have made a constructive and supportive contribution. I would also like to thank the members of the Joint Select Committee on Australia's Clean Energy Future Legislation, in particular the chair, the member for Chisholm, and the secretariat, for all their hard work examining the legislation and for preparing such a comprehensive report. It is important to record that the majority report fully supports the passage of these bills.</para>
<para>The 19 bills comprising the clean energy legislation and the Steel Transformation Plan Bill represent one of the most important environmental and economic reforms in this nation's history. The science demonstrates that atmospheric and oceanic warming is occurring, that the climate is changing and that greenhouse gas emissions must be reduced to mitigate the environmental, economic and social risks that we face. Climate change is a threat that must be tackled internationally, but in which individual countries, including our own, must play their part.</para>
<para>The government's clean energy legislation addresses the science. It will reduce emissions and drive investment in clean energy. It will also ensure that Australia does play its part internationally. The centrepiece of the legislative package involves the introduction of a carbon price to our economy through the implementation of an emissions trading scheme. The largest emitters of greenhouse gases will be required to purchase a permit, called a carbon unit, for each tonne of carbon pollution they emit that is covered by the scheme, thus creating a powerful incentive to cut their pollution. This is a long overdue reform that will reduce the emissions intensity of our economy over time. It will drive innovation, productivity and competitiveness and it will create jobs. Investment in clean energy and low-emissions technologies has been stalled awaiting this reform. It is critical therefore that the parliament pass the clean energy legislation to provide certainty to business so that this investment can be unleashed.</para>
<para>I will address some of the specific arguments raised in the debate in order to correct the record and then briefly foreshadow some amendments that the government will move. Firstly, to address issues that have been raised concerning the Treasury modelling, I note that on the 21 September, last month, the Treasury released updated modelling confirming the Australian economy will continue to grow and grow strongly while emissions are reduced. The additional results in particular demonstrate that there will be no further impact on electricity prices in 2012-13 from the introduction of a carbon price compared to the original modelling.</para>
<para>An argument has also been put that Australia would be acting ahead of the rest of the world in pricing carbon. This argument conveniently ignores the action that is occurring around the world. It also disregards our own national interest in reducing carbon pollution and improving the competitiveness of our economy. One cannot ignore the fact that Australia is the highest per capita emitter amongst developing economies and that our future prosperity will be enhanced by making this reform. Delaying cutting carbon pollution will increase climate change risks, lock in more emissions-intensive investments and defer new investments in clean technology, industries and jobs.</para>
<para>The fact is that 90 countries, representing over 80 per cent of global emissions and over 90 per cent of the global economy, have now made pledges to undertake mitigation action. The European Union, for example, has for six years had an emissions trading scheme covering 30 economies. Australia's top five trading partners—China, Japan, the US, the Republic of Korea and India—have implemented or are piloting carbon trading or taxation schemes at national, state or city level. China, which is our major trading partner, plans to pilot by 2013 emissions trading in several major provinces and cities with a combined population of around 150 million and a combined GDP significantly larger than our own.</para>
<para>A number of members have also spoken to the specific impacts of the legislation on households, industries and jobs. The government is committed to supporting Australian households, Australian industry and Australian jobs as we reduce our emissions. The Treasury modelling shows that the Australian economy will continue to grow strongly at the same time as we cut pollution to reduce the risks of dangerous climate change. Real national income will continue to grow under a carbon price. Average incomes per person, in fact, will increase by around $9,000 from today's level to 2020 and by more than $30,000 to 2050. National employment will increase by 1.6 million jobs by 2020 with or without carbon pricing. All state economies will continue to grow strongly.</para>
<para>The government is proactively assisting heavily affected industries and regions to transition into the scheme, including through its jobs and competitiveness program, the steel transformation plan, the coal sector jobs package and programs to support clean technology. In fact, many emissions-intensive industries that are trade exposed will receive an average of 94.5 per cent of their carbon units for free in the first year of the scheme. This means that their carbon liability generally equates to less than one per cent of their revenue. There is therefore very significant support for jobs and competitiveness at the same time as a continuing incentive to cut pollution.</para>
<para>Some members have also falsely claimed that assistance to households will not be sufficient or long lasting or permanent. Let me be clear on behalf of the government in relation to this point. The household assistance payments and tax cuts will be ongoing and permanent. The clean energy payments will be indexed to keep pace with the cost of living. A second round of tax cuts in 2015-16 will provide assistance to cover the projected impact of the carbon price out to the end of the decade.</para>
<para>To meet the modest price impact of a 0.7 per cent increase in the CPI, nine out of 10 households will receive some combination of tax cuts and increased payments. Almost six million households will receive assistance that covers their expected average price impact and, importantly for a Labor government, over four million low-income households will receive assistance that is at least 20 per cent more than their expected average price impact. That is extremely important to pensioners and low-income earners in our society. The changes to the personal income tax system, which include a trebling of the tax-free threshold, will deliver genuine and enduring tax reform in addition to assistance for a carbon price.</para>
<para>The second reading debate has also included consideration of the $300 million Steel Transformation Plan, which will provide certainty to the steel industry so that it can invest and innovate to transform into a more efficient and competitive industry in a low-carbon economy. The plan will also promote positive environmental outcomes. Eligible corporations will need to provide an annual report to the government specifying the activities, including workforce skills development, that have been undertaken and are planned to be undertaken to reduce emissions and improve the environment. The Steel Transformation Plan will be additional to assistance provided under the Jobs and Competitiveness Program.</para>
<para>Some members have also commented on the cost of the package. The Productivity Commission's report earlier this year which analysed the comparative costs of climate change action across a range of countries found that all emissions reduction policies impose some costs, with implicit costs per tonne of emissions ranging from below $10 to above $400. The Productivity Commission are very clear in their analysis. An explicit price on carbon such as through an emissions trading scheme is the most cost-effective way for nations to reduce their emissions, and the fact is that the government's carbon price mechanism is the most cost-effective way that Australia can reduce its emissions by at least five per cent over year 2000 levels.</para>
<para>Some members have pointed to alleged discrepancies between the size of revenue collected by the carbon pricing mechanism and other countries' schemes. These comparisons that have been made are not valid as they simply do not compare like with like. A direct comparison of the equivalent market size of the EU scheme and the government's mechanism over the same time period of 2013 to 2015 shows clearly that the EU scheme is more than five times the size of the Australian carbon pricing mechanism.</para>
<para>A number of opposition members have also made absurd claims concerning the purchasing of emissions reductions on overseas carbon markets. The clean energy legislation does provide for linking with other international carbon markets and it does so to achieve the lowest cost emissions reductions in our economy. Let us be clear: a tonne of emissions validly reduced overseas has the same environmental benefit as a tonne reduced in our own economy. The atmosphere does not have national boundaries. Through international linking of carbon markets Australian businesses can source the lowest cost emissions reductions and we can also establish a common carbon price between our economy and that of our trading partners over time, thereby ensuring that carbon pricing does not disadvantage our industries. Opposition to international linking is economically reckless. It would more than double the cost of emissions reductions in our own economy and it represents an appeal to economic xenophobia.</para>
<para>On the issues raised concerning fraud and other types of crime, there are comprehensive oversight and strong compliance provisions in the legislation. Emissions units will be classed as financial products under the Corporations Act 2001 and the Australian Securities and Investments Commission Act 2001. ASIC will be able to investigate and prosecute market misconduct and the ACCC will have the power to address anticompetitive behaviour. Emissions units will also be regulated by AUSTRAC under the anti-money-laundering legislation. Where the Clean Energy Regulator is given powers they are wholly appropriate and consistent with powers given to similar regulators.</para>
<para>In light of the joint committee's report and ongoing consultation on the government's plan, I will be moving some amendments on behalf of the government. In particular, the government has responded to the views of landfill operators, including local councils, by allowing landfill operators to surrender 100 per cent of their liabilities by using Australian carbon credit units created under the Carbon Farming Initiative during the fixed-charge years. This will allow many operators to acquire or generate inexpensive carbon credit units to meet liabilities, and I believe this will be welcomed.</para>
<para>Other amendments include further clarification of liabilities in relation to natural gas and drafting clarifications in relation to the residency requirements for household assistance. A number of companies in the consultation process have also expressed interest in having liquid petroleum gas included in the carbon pricing mechanism. The government is open to considering this in a similar manner to the way in which large liquid fuel users may opt into the scheme and we will consult on options for achieving it. No amendments however are proposed in relation to this at this time.</para>
<para>In conclusion, I would like to thank everyone who has worked with me and my colleagues in the development of this policy and the formulation of this legislation, including the Prime Minister, my parliamentary and cabinet colleagues, my staff and departmental officers. It has involved a tremendous amount of work and I have been very fortunate to be supported by many talented and committed people.</para>
<para>Australia does need to tackle climate change and as a parliament we have a responsibility to respect the scientific evidence and advice and to respond with an environmentally effective, economically efficient and socially equitable policy. The clean energy legislative package discharges this responsibility and will achieve these outcomes. I commend the bills to the House and I do urge members to put aside partisan politics and to vote in the best interest of our country and of future generations. Question put:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the bills, not including the Steel Transformation Plan Bill 2011, be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>The House divided. [17:18]</para>
<para>The Speaker (Mr Harry Jenkins)</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bills read a second time.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>HH4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Pursuant to the resolution agreed to by the House on 13 September 2011, I will now put the question on the Steel Transformation Plan Bill 2011. The question now is that the Steel Transformation Plan Bill 2011 be now read a second time. The House divided. [17:32]</para>
<para>The Speaker (Mr Harry Jenkins)</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a second time. Messages from the Governor-General recommending appropriation for the Clean Energy Bill 2011, Clean Energy (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2011, Clean Energy (Household Assistance Amendments) Bill 2011 and Steel Transformation Plan Bill 2011 announced.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>74</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Adams, DGH</name>
                  <name>Albanese, AN</name>
                  <name>Bandt, AP</name>
                  <name>Bird, SL</name>
                  <name>Bowen, CE</name>
                  <name>Bradbury, DJ</name>
                  <name>Brodtmann, G</name>
                  <name>Burke, AE</name>
                  <name>Burke, AS</name>
                  <name>Butler, MC</name>
                  <name>Byrne, AM</name>
                  <name>Champion, ND</name>
                  <name>Cheeseman, DL</name>
                  <name>Clare, JD</name>
                  <name>Collins, JM</name>
                  <name>Combet, GI</name>
                  <name>Crean, SF</name>
                  <name>Danby, M</name>
                  <name>D'Ath, YM</name>
                  <name>Dreyfus, MA</name>
                  <name>Elliot, MJ</name>
                  <name>Ellis, KM</name>
                  <name>Emerson, CA</name>
                  <name>Ferguson, LDT</name>
                  <name>Ferguson, MJ</name>
                  <name>Fitzgibbon, JA</name>
                  <name>Garrett, PR</name>
                  <name>Georganas, S</name>
                  <name>Gibbons, SW</name>
                  <name>Gillard, JE</name>
                  <name>Gray, G</name>
                  <name>Grierson, SJ</name>
                  <name>Griffin, AP</name>
                  <name>Hall, JG (teller)</name>
                  <name>Hayes, CP</name>
                  <name>Husic, EN (teller)</name>
                  <name>Jones, SP</name>
                  <name>Kelly, MJ</name>
                  <name>King, CF</name>
                  <name>Leigh, AK</name>
                  <name>Livermore, KF</name>
                  <name>Lyons, GR</name>
                  <name>Macklin, JL</name>
                  <name>Marles, RD</name>
                  <name>McClelland, RB</name>
                  <name>Melham, D</name>
                  <name>Mitchell, RG</name>
                  <name>Murphy, JP</name>
                  <name>Neumann, SK</name>
                  <name>Oakeshott, RJM</name>
                  <name>O'Connor, BPJ</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                  <name>Owens, J</name>
                  <name>Parke, M</name>
                  <name>Perrett, GD</name>
                  <name>Plibersek, TJ</name>
                  <name>Ripoll, BF</name>
                  <name>Rishworth, AL</name>
                  <name>Rowland, MA</name>
                  <name>Roxon, NL</name>
                  <name>Rudd, KM</name>
                  <name>Saffin, JA</name>
                  <name>Shorten, WR</name>
                  <name>Sidebottom, PS</name>
                  <name>Smith, SF</name>
                  <name>Smyth, L</name>
                  <name>Snowdon, WE</name>
                  <name>Swan, WM</name>
                  <name>Symon, MS</name>
                  <name>Thomson, KJ</name>
                  <name>Vamvakinou, M</name>
                  <name>Wilkie, AD</name>
                  <name>Windsor, AHC</name>
                  <name>Zappia, A</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>73</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Abbott, AJ</name>
                  <name>Alexander, JG</name>
                  <name>Andrews, KJ</name>
                  <name>Andrews, KL</name>
                  <name>Baldwin, RC</name>
                  <name>Billson, BF</name>
                  <name>Bishop, BK</name>
                  <name>Bishop, JI</name>
                  <name>Briggs, JE</name>
                  <name>Broadbent, RE</name>
                  <name>Buchholz, S</name>
                  <name>Chester, D</name>
                  <name>Christensen, GR</name>
                  <name>Ciobo, SM</name>
                  <name>Cobb, JK</name>
                  <name>Coulton, M (teller)</name>
                  <name>Crook, AJ</name>
                  <name>Dutton, PC</name>
                  <name>Entsch, WG</name>
                  <name>Fletcher, PW</name>
                  <name>Forrest, JA</name>
                  <name>Frydenberg, JA</name>
                  <name>Gambaro, T</name>
                  <name>Gash, J</name>
                  <name>Griggs, NL</name>
                  <name>Haase, BW</name>
                  <name>Hartsuyker, L</name>
                  <name>Hawke, AG</name>
                  <name>Hockey, JB</name>
                  <name>Hunt, GA</name>
                  <name>Irons, SJ</name>
                  <name>Jensen, DG</name>
                  <name>Jones, ET</name>
                  <name>Katter, RC</name>
                  <name>Keenan, M</name>
                  <name>Kelly, C</name>
                  <name>Laming, A</name>
                  <name>Ley, SP</name>
                  <name>Macfarlane, IE</name>
                  <name>Marino, NB</name>
                  <name>Markus, LE</name>
                  <name>Matheson, RG</name>
                  <name>McCormack, MF</name>
                  <name>Mirabella, S</name>
                  <name>Morrison, SJ</name>
                  <name>Moylan, JE</name>
                  <name>Neville, PC</name>
                  <name>O'Dowd, KD</name>
                  <name>O'Dwyer, KM</name>
                  <name>Prentice, J</name>
                  <name>Pyne, CM</name>
                  <name>Ramsey, RE</name>
                  <name>Randall, DJ</name>
                  <name>Robb, AJ</name>
                  <name>Robert, SR</name>
                  <name>Roy, WB</name>
                  <name>Ruddock, PM</name>
                  <name>Schultz, AJ</name>
                  <name>Scott, BC</name>
                  <name>Secker, PD (teller)</name>
                  <name>Simpkins, LXL</name>
                  <name>Slipper, PN</name>
                  <name>Smith, ADH</name>
                  <name>Somlyay, AM</name>
                  <name>Southcott, AJ</name>
                  <name>Stone, SN</name>
                  <name>Tehan, DT</name>
                  <name>Truss, WE</name>
                  <name>Tudge, AE</name>
                  <name>Turnbull, MB</name>
                  <name>Van Manen, AJ</name>
                  <name>Vasta, RX</name>
                  <name>Wyatt, KG</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>1</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Thomson, CR</name>
                  <name>Washer, M</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
            </division.result>
          </division><division>
            <division.header>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>75</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Adams, DGH</name>
                  <name>Albanese, AN</name>
                  <name>Bandt, AP</name>
                  <name>Bird, SL</name>
                  <name>Bowen, CE</name>
                  <name>Bradbury, DJ</name>
                  <name>Brodtmann, G</name>
                  <name>Burke, AE</name>
                  <name>Burke, AS</name>
                  <name>Butler, MC</name>
                  <name>Byrne, AM</name>
                  <name>Champion, ND</name>
                  <name>Cheeseman, DL</name>
                  <name>Clare, JD</name>
                  <name>Collins, JM</name>
                  <name>Combet, GI</name>
                  <name>Crean, SF</name>
                  <name>Danby, M</name>
                  <name>D'Ath, YM</name>
                  <name>Dreyfus, MA</name>
                  <name>Elliot, MJ</name>
                  <name>Ellis, KM</name>
                  <name>Emerson, CA</name>
                  <name>Ferguson, LDT</name>
                  <name>Ferguson, MJ</name>
                  <name>Fitzgibbon, JA</name>
                  <name>Garrett, PR</name>
                  <name>Georganas, S</name>
                  <name>Gibbons, SW</name>
                  <name>Gillard, JE</name>
                  <name>Gray, G</name>
                  <name>Grierson, SJ</name>
                  <name>Griffin, AP</name>
                  <name>Hall, JG (teller)</name>
                  <name>Hayes, CP</name>
                  <name>Husic, EN (teller)</name>
                  <name>Jones, SP</name>
                  <name>Katter, RC</name>
                  <name>Kelly, MJ</name>
                  <name>King, CF</name>
                  <name>Leigh, AK</name>
                  <name>Livermore, KF</name>
                  <name>Lyons, GR</name>
                  <name>Macklin, JL</name>
                  <name>Marles, RD</name>
                  <name>McClelland, RB</name>
                  <name>Melham, D</name>
                  <name>Mitchell, RG</name>
                  <name>Murphy, JP</name>
                  <name>Neumann, SK</name>
                  <name>Oakeshott, RJM</name>
                  <name>O'Connor, BPJ</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                  <name>Owens, J</name>
                  <name>Parke, M</name>
                  <name>Perrett, GD</name>
                  <name>Plibersek, TJ</name>
                  <name>Ripoll, BF</name>
                  <name>Rishworth, AL</name>
                  <name>Rowland, MA</name>
                  <name>Roxon, NL</name>
                  <name>Rudd, KM</name>
                  <name>Saffin, JA</name>
                  <name>Shorten, WR</name>
                  <name>Sidebottom, PS</name>
                  <name>Smith, SF</name>
                  <name>Smyth, L</name>
                  <name>Snowdon, WE</name>
                  <name>Swan, WM</name>
                  <name>Symon, MS</name>
                  <name>Thomson, KJ</name>
                  <name>Vamvakinou, M</name>
                  <name>Wilkie, AD</name>
                  <name>Windsor, AHC</name>
                  <name>Zappia, A</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>72</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Abbott, AJ</name>
                  <name>Alexander, JG</name>
                  <name>Andrews, KJ</name>
                  <name>Andrews, KL</name>
                  <name>Baldwin, RC</name>
                  <name>Billson, BF</name>
                  <name>Bishop, BK</name>
                  <name>Bishop, JI</name>
                  <name>Briggs, JE</name>
                  <name>Broadbent, RE</name>
                  <name>Buchholz, S</name>
                  <name>Chester, D</name>
                  <name>Christensen, GR</name>
                  <name>Ciobo, SM</name>
                  <name>Cobb, JK</name>
                  <name>Coulton, M (teller)</name>
                  <name>Crook, AJ</name>
                  <name>Dutton, PC</name>
                  <name>Entsch, WG</name>
                  <name>Fletcher, PW</name>
                  <name>Forrest, JA</name>
                  <name>Frydenberg, JA</name>
                  <name>Gambaro, T</name>
                  <name>Gash, J</name>
                  <name>Griggs, NL</name>
                  <name>Haase, BW</name>
                  <name>Hartsuyker, L</name>
                  <name>Hawke, AG</name>
                  <name>Hockey, JB</name>
                  <name>Hunt, GA</name>
                  <name>Irons, SJ</name>
                  <name>Jensen, DG</name>
                  <name>Jones, ET</name>
                  <name>Keenan, M</name>
                  <name>Kelly, C</name>
                  <name>Laming, A</name>
                  <name>Ley, SP</name>
                  <name>Macfarlane, IE</name>
                  <name>Marino, NB</name>
                  <name>Markus, LE</name>
                  <name>Matheson, RG</name>
                  <name>McCormack, MF</name>
                  <name>Mirabella, S</name>
                  <name>Morrison, SJ</name>
                  <name>Moylan, JE</name>
                  <name>Neville, PC</name>
                  <name>O'Dowd, KD</name>
                  <name>O'Dwyer, KM</name>
                  <name>Prentice, J</name>
                  <name>Pyne, CM</name>
                  <name>Ramsey, RE</name>
                  <name>Randall, DJ</name>
                  <name>Robb, AJ</name>
                  <name>Robert, SR</name>
                  <name>Roy, WB</name>
                  <name>Ruddock, PM</name>
                  <name>Schultz, AJ</name>
                  <name>Scott, BC</name>
                  <name>Secker, PD (teller)</name>
                  <name>Simpkins, LXL</name>
                  <name>Slipper, PN</name>
                  <name>Smith, ADH</name>
                  <name>Somlyay, AM</name>
                  <name>Southcott, AJ</name>
                  <name>Stone, SN</name>
                  <name>Tehan, DT</name>
                  <name>Truss, WE</name>
                  <name>Tudge, AE</name>
                  <name>Turnbull, MB</name>
                  <name>Van Manen, AJ</name>
                  <name>Vasta, RX</name>
                  <name>Wyatt, KG</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>1</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Thomson, CR</name>
                  <name>Washer, M</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
            </division.result>
          </division></subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Consideration in Detail</title>
            <page.no>11439</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>HH4</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The House will consider the bills in detail in accordance with the resolution agreed to on 13 September. The bills will be taken together. The question is that the bills be agreed to. Any proposed amendments are to be moved now. It might suit the House if members with amendments are permitted to move them in one motion. The questions on any amendments will be deferred and there will be a general debate on all amendments. At the conclusion of consideration in detail, questions will be put on amendments to all bills except the Steel Transformation Plan Bill 2011. One question will be put on all government amendments, one question will then be put on all amendments moved by opposition members and any necessary questions will be put on amendments moved by other members. Any further questions necessary to complete the detail stage will then be put. One question will be put on any government amendments to the Steel Transformation Plan Bill 2011. One question will then be put on all amendments moved by opposition members and any necessary questions will be put on amendments moved by other members, followed by any further questions necessary to complete the detail stage.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr COMBET</name>
    <name.id>YW6</name.id>
    <electorate>Charlton</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present the supplementary explanatory memorandum to the Clean Energy Bill 2011. I move amendments (1) to (48) to the Clean Energy Bill 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Clause 5, page 12 (line 24), omit "covered emissions and legacy emissions", substitute "covered emissions, legacy emissions and exempt landfill emissions".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Clause 5, page 14 (after line 22), after the definition of <inline font-style="italic">executive officer</inline>, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">exempt landfill emissions</inline>, in relation to a landfill facility, has the meaning given by section 32A.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Clause 5, page 20 (line 26), after "sections", insert "11AA, 11AB,".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Clause 20, page 38 (line 14), omit "supply", substitute "use that resulted in that combustion".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Clause 20, page 38 (line 31), omit "supply", substitute "use that resulted in that combustion".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) Clause 21, page 41 (line 12), omit "supply", substitute "use that resulted in that combustion".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) Clause 21, page 41 (line 29), omit "supply", substitute "use that resulted in that combustion".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(8) Clause 22, page 44 (line 4), omit "supply", substitute "use that resulted in that combustion".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(9) Clause 22, page 44 (line 20), omit "supply", substitute "use that resulted in that combustion".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(10) Clause 23, page 45 (lines 25 and 26), omit "covered emissions and legacy emissions", substitute "covered emissions, legacy emissions and exempt landfill emissions".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(11) Clause 23, page 46 (lines 8 and 9), omit "covered emissions and legacy emissions", substitute "covered emissions, legacy emissions and exempt landfill emissions".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(12) Clause 23, page 47 (line 10), omit "supply", substitute "use that resulted in that combustion".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(13) Clause 23, page 47 (line 27), omit "supply", substitute "use that resulted in that combustion".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(14) Clause 24, page 49 (lines 26 and 27), omit "covered emissions and legacy emissions", substitute "covered emissions, legacy emissions and exempt landfill emissions".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(15) Clause 24, page 50 (lines 8 and 9), omit "covered emissions and legacy emissions", substitute "covered emissions, legacy emissions and exempt landfill emissions".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(16) Clause 24, page 51 (line 2), omit "supply", substitute "use that resulted in that combustion".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(17) Clause 24, page 51 (line 19), omit "supply", substitute "use that resulted in that combustion".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(18) Clause 25, page 53 (lines 23 and 24), omit "covered emissions and legacy emissions", substitute "covered emissions, legacy emissions and exempt landfill emissions".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(19) Clause 25, page 54 (lines 5 and 6), omit "covered emissions and legacy emissions", substitute "covered emissions, legacy emissions and exempt landfill emissions".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(20) Clause 25, page 54 (line 22), omit "supply", substitute "use that resulted in that combustion".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(21) Clause 25, page 55 (line 7), omit "supply", substitute "use that resulted in that combustion".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(22) Clause 30, page 63 (after line 4), after subclause (9), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Exclusion of exempt landfill emissions from landfill facilities</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(9A) For the purposes of this Act, a <inline font-style="italic">covered emission</inline> from the operation of a landfill facility does not include exempt landfill emissions from the operation of the facility.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(23) Heading to Subdivision F, page 64 (line 1), omit "Legacy emissions", substitute "Emissions".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(24) Clause 32, page 64 (lines 9 and 10), omit "the regulations", substitute "a determination under subsection 10(3) of the <inline font-style="italic">National Greenhouse and Energy Reporting Act 2007</inline>".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(25) Page 64 (after line 12), at the end of Subdivision F, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">32A Exempt landfill emissions</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   For the purposes of this Act, if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) a person is a liable entity for an eligible financial year (the <inline font-style="italic">relevant eligible financial year</inline>) under a particular provision of Subdivision B of Division 2 of Part 3 in so far as that provision applies to a particular landfill facility; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the landfill facility's threshold number for the relevant eligible financial year is 10,000 for the purposes of that provision; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the following conditions are satisfied in relation to each earlier eligible financial year at any time during which the landfill facility was in existence:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) no person was a liable entity for the earlier eligible financial year under Subdivision B of Division 2 of Part 3 in so far as that Subdivision applies to the landfill facility;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) the landfill facility's threshold number for the earlier eligible financial year was 25,000 for the purposes of a provision of that Subdivision; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) an amount of greenhouse gas was emitted from the operation of the landfill facility during:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) the relevant eligible financial year; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) a later eligible financial year; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) waste was accepted by the landfill facility during the period:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) beginning on 1 July 2012; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) ending immediately before the start of the relevant eligible financial year;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">so much of the amount mentioned in paragraph (d) as is, under a determination under subsection 10(3) of the <inline font-style="italic">National Greenhouse and Energy Reporting Act 2007</inline>, taken to be attributable to waste accepted by the facility during the period mentioned in paragraph (e) is an <inline font-style="italic">exempt landfill emission</inline> from the operation of the landfill facility.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(26) Clause 33, page 65 (line 10), omit "supply", substitute "use".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(27) Clause 35, page 66 (after line 17), after paragraph (1)(a), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(aa) it may reasonably be expected that the natural gas is wholly or partly for use by the OTN holder; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(28) Clause 35, page 66 (line 19), omit "supply", substitute "use".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(29) Clause 35, page 68 (lines 33 to 35), omit paragraph (7)(c).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(30) Clause 36, page 70 (after line 2), after paragraph (1)(a), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(aa) it may reasonably be expected that the natural gas is wholly or partly for use by the OTN holder; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(31) Clause 36, page 70 (line 6), omit "supply", substitute "use".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(32) Page 70 (after line 21), at the end of Division 3, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">36A Extended meaning of use</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   For the purposes of this Division, if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) a person (the <inline font-style="italic">first person</inline>) provides an amount of natural gas for use by another person; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the provision of the natural gas does not involve a supply of the natural gas;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">any use of the natural gas by the other person is taken to be use by the first person.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(33) Clause 55B, page 83 (line 12), omit "supply", substitute "use".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(34) Clause 56, page 84 (after line 3), after paragraph (1)(a), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(aa) it may reasonably be expected that the natural gas is wholly or partly for use by the recipient; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(35) Clause 56, page 84 (line 5), omit "supply", substitute "use".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(36) Clause 56, page 84 (lines 7 and 8), omit paragraph (1)(d).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(37) Clause 56, page 85 (line 7), omit "the facility", substitute "an eligible facility of the applicant".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(38) Clause 56, page 85 (after line 12), after subclause (6), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6A) For the purposes of subsection (6), a facility is an <inline font-style="italic">eligible facility</inline> of the applicant if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the facility is under the operational control of the applicant; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the following conditions are satisfied:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) the facility is under the operational control of another person;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) the applicant provides natural gas to the other person for use in the operation of the facility;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (iii) the provision of the natural gas does not involve a supply of the natural gas.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(39) Clause 57, page 85 (after line 19), after paragraph (1)(a), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(aa) it may reasonably be expected that the natural gas is wholly or partly for use by the recipient; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(40) Clause 57, page 85 (line 21), omit "supply", substitute "use".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(41) Clause 57, page 85 (lines 23 and 24), omit paragraph (1)(d), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) it is intended that the whole or a part of that amount will be used as a feedstock;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(42) Clause 58, page 86 (after line 14), after paragraph (1)(a), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(aa) it may reasonably be expected that the natural gas is wholly or partly for use by the recipient; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(43) Clause 58, page 86 (line 16), omit "supply", substitute "use".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(44) Clause 58, page 86 (lines 18 to 20), omit paragraph (1)(d), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the natural gas is to be used, in the course of carrying on a business, to manufacture compressed natural gas, liquefied natural gas or liquid petroleum gas;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(45) Page 87 (after line 4), at the end of Subdivision C, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">58A Extended meaning of use</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   For the purposes of this Subdivision, if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) a person (the <inline font-style="italic">first person</inline>) provides an amount of natural gas for use by another person; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the provision of the natural gas does not involve a supply of the natural gas;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">any use of the natural gas by the other person is taken to be use by the first person.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(46) Clause 92A, page 121 (after line 25), after subclause (4), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4A) For the purposes of this section, in determining whether an entity is entitled to a fuel tax credit in respect of the acquisition, manufacture or import of an amount of taxable fuel, disregard section 41-30 of the <inline font-style="italic">Fuel Tax Act 2006</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(47) Clause 125, page 163 (lines 26 to 28), omit paragraph (7)(b), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the number of eligible Australian carbon credit units exceeds:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) if at least 50% of the total of the interim emissions numbers of the person for the relevant eligible financial year is attributable to, or to estimates of, provisional emissions numbers under Subdivision B of Division 2 of Part 3 (which deals with landfill facilities)—the total of the interim emissions numbers of the person for the relevant eligible financial year; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) otherwise—5% of the total of the interim emissions numbers of the person for the relevant eligible financial year;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(48) Clause 128, page 169 (lines 12 and 13), omit paragraph (7)(b), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the number of eligible Australian carbon credit units exceeds:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) if at least 50% of the person's emissions number for the relevant eligible financial year is attributable to provisional emissions numbers under Subdivision B of Division 2 of Part 3 (which deals with landfill facilities)—the person's emissions number for the relevant eligible financial year; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) otherwise—the number worked out using the formula in subsection (8);</para></quote>
<para>Amendments (1) to(10), (11), (14), (15), (18), (19) and (22) to (25) that appear on sheet 267 deal with issues associated with landfill waste. The Clean Energy Bill provides that landfill facilities with emissions of at least 10,000 tonnes but less than 25,000 tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalents will be covered by the carbon-pricing mechanism if they are within a prescribed distance of a designated large landfill facility with emissions of at least 25,000 tonnes. This provision was intended to address the risk of waste being diverted from large landfills to smaller neighbouring landfills. The government has decided to set the initial prescribed distance at zero so that operators of small landfills will not be liable on 1 July 2012 and for at least the first three years of the scheme. This will provide time to gather evidence rather than projections of waste diversion to smaller landfills and to have the prescribed distance rule reviewed by the Climate Change Authority no later than 2015-16. Any future increases in the prescribed distance could bring additional small landfills into the mechanism for the first time. It is also possible that small landfills will become liable for the first time because another landfill within the prescribed distance will start to pass the 25,000-tonne threshold.</para>
<para>The amendments I have moved will reduce the regulatory uncertainty for landfill operators regarding the future operation of the prescribed distance rule. These amendments will ensure that, if the prescribed distance is increased following the review, small landfills brought into the carbon price mechanism will not be liable for emissions from waste deposited retrospectively. The small landfill will only be liable for emissions from the waste that is deposited in the financial year that coverage of the landfill commences and subsequent years. They will not face liabilities as a result of these factors beyond their control.</para>
<para>The amendments also provide for legacy and exempt landfill emissions to be measured using the NGER determination under section 10 (3) of the National Greenhouse and Energy Reporting Act rather than regulations. Amendment (3) is a minor technical amendment which is consequential on the amendments in (1), (3) to (6) and (9) of sheet 257. Those amendments deal with situations where no person has clear operational control of a facility. Amendments (4) to (9), (12), (13), (16), (17), (20), (21) and (26) to (45) are technical amendments to ensure that natural gas liability works the same way whether or not the end user of the gas owned the gas. These amendments respond to comments made by some stakeholders during the inquiry of the Joint Select Committee on Australia's Clean Energy Future Legislation. In some cases, gas is provided for use without transfer of ownership of the gas. For instance, the owner of a facility might buy gas for the facility and make it available for use at the facility without transferring ownership in the gas to the contracted operator of the facility.</para>
<para>Amendment (46) on sheet 267 is a technical amendment to the opt-in scheme to ensure that aviation fuel users can use the opt-in scheme as intended. The amendment seeks to clarify that fuel users may opt into the carbon-pricing mechanism, even if the user or another entity becomes entitled to a fuel tax credit after opting in. The amendment will ensure that the opt-in scheme operates as intended and will remove any doubt as to the validity of aviation fuel users. Amendments (47) and (48) on sheet 267 will allow local councils and other landfill operators to discharge a larger proportion of their emissions using eligible CFI credits than currently permitted during the fixed price years of the carbon price mechanism. The surrender limit will be raised by these amendments from five per cent to 100 per cent of an operator's liability if the majority of liability is attributable to landfill emissions. The amendments are restricted to emitters in the landfill sector because they are in the unusual position of being able to generate CFI credits by implementing projects to capture legacy emissions at the same time as they have to surrender emissions units to discharge their liabilities. The added flexibility under these amendments will reduce the compliance burden on local councils and commercial landfill operators. Mr Deputy Speaker, if it is convenient to the House, and I understand it may be so with the Leader of the Opposition, it may be useful for me to move the remaining government amendments together.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>849</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Permission is granted.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr COMBET</name>
    <name.id>YW6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the Leader of the Opposition for that courtesy. I present the supplementary explanatory memorandum for the Clean Energy (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2011, the Clean Energy Regulator Bill 2011 and the Clean Energy (Household Assistance Amendments) Bill 2011 and I move government amendments (1) to (13) to the Clean Energy (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2011, government amendments (1) to (22) to the Clean Energy (Household Assistance Amendments) Bill 2011 and the government amendment (1) to the Clean Energy Regulator Bill 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Schedule 1, item 307, page 58 (line 17), after "11A,", insert "11AA, 11AB,".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Schedule 1, page 65 (after line 12), after item 339, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">339AA At the end of section 10</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) A determination under subsection (3) may also deal with matters required or permitted by section 32 or 32A of the <inline font-style="italic">Clean Energy Act 2011</inline> to be dealt with by such a determination.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Schedule 1, item 348, page 66 (line 8), after "11A,", insert "11AA, 11AB,".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Schedule 1, item 349, page 66 (after line 27), after section 11A, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">11AA Operational control during part of fixed charge year—nominated person</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Scope</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) This section applies if the following conditions are satisfied in relation to a period that is included in, or consists of, the first 9 months of a fixed charge year:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) 2 or more persons could satisfy paragraph 11(1)(a) in relation to a facility throughout the period;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) no particular person has the greatest authority to introduce and implement the policies mentioned in subparagraphs 11(1)(a)(i) and (iii) in relation to the facility throughout the period;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) no declaration under section 55 or 55A applies in relation to the facility at any time during the period;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) as at the start of 1 April in the fixed charge year, it may reasonably be expected that a person would have had an interim emissions number for the fixed charge year if it were assumed that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the person had operational control over the facility throughout the period; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) none of the persons mentioned in paragraph (a) of this subsection had operational control over the facility throughout the period.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Nomination</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The persons mentioned in paragraph (1)(a) must, before the end of 30 April in the fixed charge year, jointly nominate one of them to be the nominated person in relation to the facility for the period.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty: 1,000 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) A nomination must:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) be in writing; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) be in a form approved by the Regulator; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) be accompanied by such information as is specified in the regulations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) If:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) any of those persons is a foreign person; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) any of those persons is not a foreign person;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">a foreign person cannot be nominated.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Operational control—nomination made</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) If a nomination is made and the facility is a facility of a joint venture, the nominated person is taken, for the purposes of this Act, to have <inline font-style="italic">operational control</inline> over the facility throughout the period.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) If a nomination is made and the facility is not a facility of a joint venture, the nominated person is taken, for the purposes of this Act and the <inline font-style="italic">Clean Energy Act 2011</inline>, to have <inline font-style="italic">operational control</inline> over the facility throughout the period.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Operational control—nomination not made</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) If no nomination is made and the facility is a facility of a joint venture, each of the persons mentioned in paragraph (1)(a) is taken, for the purposes of this Act, to have <inline font-style="italic">operational control</inline> over the facility throughout the period.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(8) If no nomination is made and the facility is not a facility of a joint venture:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) each of the persons mentioned in paragraph (1)(a) is taken, for the purposes of this Act and the <inline font-style="italic">Clean Energy Act 2011</inline>, to have <inline font-style="italic">operational control</inline> over the facility throughout the period; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if there is a provisional emissions number of such a person for the fixed charge year in relation to greenhouse gases emitted from the operation of the facility during the period—for the purposes of this Act and the <inline font-style="italic">Clean Energy Act 2011</inline>, that provisional emissions number is taken to be the number worked out using the formula set out in subsection (9).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(9) The formula is:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Unadjusted provisional emissions number</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Total Number of persons mentioned in</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">paragraph (1)(a)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">where:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">unadjusted provisional emissions number</inline> means the number that, apart from paragraph (8)(b), would be the provisional emissions number of the person for the fixed charge year in relation to greenhouse gases emitted from the operation of the facility during the period.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Exception</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(10) A person is not required to comply with subsection (2) if the question of who has operational control of the facility is not relevant (whether directly or indirectly) to a requirement under:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) this Act; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the <inline font-style="italic">Clean Energy Act 2011</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">11AB Operational control during part of fixed charge year—trust with multiple trustees</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Scope</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) This section applies if the following conditions are satisfied in relation to a period that is included in, or consists of, the first 9 months of a fixed charge year:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) because of section 11, 11A or 11AA, a trust has operational control over a facility throughout the period;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) throughout the period, there are 2 or more trustees of the trust;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) no declaration under section 55 or 55A applies in relation to the facility at any time during the period;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) as at the start of 1 April in the fixed charge year, it may reasonably be expected that a person would have had an interim emissions number for the fixed charge year if it were assumed that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the person had operational control over the facility throughout the period; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the trust did not have operational control over the facility throughout the period.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Nomination</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The trustees must, before the end of 30 April in the fixed charge year, jointly nominate one of them to be the nominated trustee in relation to the facility for the period.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty: 1,000 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) A nomination must:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) be in writing; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) be in a form approved by the Regulator; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) be accompanied by such information as is specified in the regulations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) If:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) any of those trustees is a foreign person; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) any of those trustees is not a foreign person;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">a foreign person cannot be nominated.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Operational control</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) If a nomination is made, the nominated trustee is taken, for the purposes of this Act and the <inline font-style="italic">Clean Energy Act 2011</inline>, to have <inline font-style="italic">operational control</inline> over the facility throughout the period.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) If no nomination is made:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) each of those trustees is taken, for the purposes of this Act and the <inline font-style="italic">Clean Energy Act 2011</inline>, to have <inline font-style="italic">operational control</inline> over the facility throughout the period; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if there is a provisional emissions number of such a trustee for the fixed charge year in relation to greenhouse gases emitted from the operation of the facility during the period—for the purposes of this Act and the <inline font-style="italic">Clean Energy Act 2011</inline>, that provisional emissions number is taken to be the number worked out using the formula set out in subsection (7).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) The formula is:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Unadjusted provisional emissions number</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Total Number of trustees mentioned in</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">paragraph (1)(b)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">where:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">unadjusted provisional emissions number</inline> means the number that, apart from paragraph (6)(b), would be the provisional emissions number of the trustee for the fixed charge year in relation to greenhouse gases emitted from the operation of the facility during the period.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Exception</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(8) A trustee is not required to comply with subsection (2) if the question of who has operational control of the facility is not relevant (whether directly or indirectly) to a requirement under:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) this Act; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the <inline font-style="italic">Clean Energy Act 2011</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Schedule 1, item 349, page 67 (line 13), omit "period.", substitute "period;".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) Schedule 1, item 349, page 67 (after line 13), at the end of subsection 11B(1), add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) if the period is included in a fixed charge year—section 11AA does not apply to the facility for the period.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) Schedule 1, item 349, page 68 (lines 16 to 24), omit paragraph 11B(8)(b), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if there is a provisional emissions number of such a person for the eligible financial year in relation to greenhouse gases emitted from the operation of the facility during the period—for the purposes of this Act and the <inline font-style="italic">Clean Energy Act 2011</inline>, that provisional emissions number is taken to be the number worked out using the formula set out in subsection (9).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(8) Schedule 1, item 349, page 68 (lines 30 and 31), omit "or the controlling corporation, as the case may be,".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(9) Schedule 1, item 349, page 69 (line 17), omit "period.", substitute "period;".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(10) Schedule 1, item 349, page 69 (after line 17), at the end of subsection 11C(1), add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) if the period is included in a fixed charge year—section 11AB does not apply to the facility for the period.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(11) Schedule 3, item 1, page 174 (lines 12 and 13), omit subsection 11(2), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The Regulator may refuse the application if the Regulator is satisfied that the applicant is not a fit and proper person.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2A) For the purposes of subsection (2), in determining whether the applicant is a fit and proper person, the Regulator:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) must have regard to the matters specified in regulations made for the purposes of this subsection; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) may have regard to such other matters (if any) as the Regulator considers relevant.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(12) Schedule 3, item 5, page 176 (lines 4 and 5), omit subsection 30A(5), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) The Regulator may, by written notice, suspend the registration of a registered person if the Regulator is satisfied that the registered person is not a fit and proper person.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5A) For the purposes of subsection (5), in determining whether the registered person is a fit and proper person, the Regulator:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) must have regard to the matters specified in regulations made for the purposes of this subsection; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) may have regard to such other matters (if any) as the Regulator considers relevant.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(13) Schedule 4, page 189 (after line 3), after item 25, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">25A After subsection 47(1)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Effect of transmission</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1A) The transmission is of no force until the Administrator transfers the unit under subsection (7) or (8).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Schedule 1, item 1, page 5 (after line 18), after paragraph 914(1)(b), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ba) the person is residing in Australia; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Schedule 1, item 1, page 5 (after line 26), after paragraph 914(2)(b), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ba) the person is residing in Australia; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Schedule 1, item 1, page 6 (line 4), omit "and (b)", substitute ", (b) and (ba)".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Schedule 1, item 1, page 6 (after line 34), after paragraph 914A(1)(b), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ba) the person is residing in Australia; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Schedule 1, item 1, page 7 (after line 8), after paragraph 914A(2)(b), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ba) the person is residing in Australia; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) Schedule 1, item 1, page 7 (after line 16), after paragraph 914A(3)(b), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ba) the person is residing in Australia; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) Schedule 1, item 1, page 7 (line 22), omit "and (b)", substitute ", (b) and (ba)".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(8) Schedule 2, page 66 (after line 31), after item 15, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">15A At the end of section 62</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) For the purposes of working out an individual's rate of family tax benefit, if the individual is an absent overseas recipient on a day (disregarding section 63A), then the following provisions do not apply in relation to that day:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) paragraph (cb) of step 1 of the method statement in clause 3 of Schedule 1;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) paragraph (e) of step 1 of the method statement in clause 25 of Schedule 1;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) paragraph 29(1)(c) of Schedule 1;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) paragraph (c) of step 1 of the method statement in subclause 29(2) of Schedule 1;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) paragraph 29A(2)(c) of Schedule 1.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(9) Schedule 2, page 66, after proposed item 15A, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">15B At the end of section 63</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) For the purposes of working out an individual's rate of family tax benefit, if an FTB child of the individual is an absent overseas FTB child on a day (disregarding section 63A), then disregard that child in working out the amount applicable in relation to that day under the following provisions:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) paragraph (cb) of step 1 of the method statement in clause 3 of Schedule 1;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) paragraph (e) of step 1 of the method statement in clause 25 of Schedule 1;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) paragraph 29(1)(c) of Schedule 1;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) paragraph (c) of step 1 of the method statement in subclause 29(2) of Schedule 1;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) paragraph 29A(2)(c) of Schedule 1.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(10) Schedule 2, item 34, page 77 (line 13), omit "16", substitute "15A".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(11) Schedule 3, item 6, page 85 (after line 20), after paragraph 61A(1)(b), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ba) the person is residing in Australia; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(12) Schedule 3, item 6, page 85 (after line 29), after paragraph 61A(2)(b), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ba) the person is residing in Australia; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(13) Schedule 3, item 6, page 86 (line 4), omit "and (b)", substitute ", (b) and (ba)".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(14) Schedule 4, item 9, page 119 (after line 9), after paragraph 424A(1)(a), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(aa) the person is residing in Australia on the test day; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(15) Schedule 4, item 9, page 119 (after line 16), after paragraph 424A(2)(a), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(aa) the person is residing in Australia on the test day; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(16) Schedule 4, item 9, page 119 (line 19), after "met", insert ", the person is residing in Australia".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(17) Schedule 4, item 9, page 120 (after line 11), after paragraph 424B(1)(a), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(aa) the person is residing in Australia on the test day; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(18) Schedule 4, item 9, page 120 (after line 18), after paragraph 424B(2)(a), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(aa) the person is residing in Australia on the test day; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(19) Schedule 4, item 9, page 120 (line 21), after "met", insert ", the person is residing in Australia".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(20) Schedule 4, item 9, page 121 (after line 11), after paragraph 424C(1)(a), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(aa) the person is residing in Australia on the test day; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(21) Schedule 4, item 9, page 121 (after line 19), after paragraph 424C(2)(a), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(aa) the person is residing in Australia on the test day; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(22) Schedule 4, item 9, page 121 (line 22), after "met", insert ", the person is residing in Australia".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Clause 49, page 26 (after line 23), after paragraph (1)(t), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ta) the Energy Security Council;</para></quote>
<para>Sheet 257 deals with amendments to the Clean Energy (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2011. Items (1), (3) to (6), (9) and (10) of sheet 257 bring forward the deadline for nominating a person with operational control of a facility from 31 August to 30 April. The basic provisions deal with situations where no single person has operational control of a facility and a person must be nominated from those who have some operational control. The items correct an oversight which meant that nominations would have been required after the provisional surrender obligation on 15 June. The amendment I am moving will allow the person who is going to be liable for emissions from the facility to register by 1 May and meet their progressive surrender obligations on 15 June of each charge year.</para>
<para>Item (2) of sheet 257 clarifies that the measurement determination made under the National Greenhouse and Energy Reporting Act will be used to measure legacy emissions and exempt landfill emissions for the purposes of clauses 32 and 32A of the Clean Energy Bill. This is a technical amendment to ensure that all emissions from landfill facilities, including covered emissions, legacy emissions and exempt landfill emissions, are measured in accordance with a single consistent set of methods under the NGER Act.</para>
<para>Items (7) and (8) of sheet 257 correct an error in proposed section 11B of the NGER Act. They ensure that liability applies to liable entities as defined in the Clean Energy Bill 2011, instead of controlling corporations as a result of a nomination.</para>
<para>Items (11) and (12) of sheet 257 clarify the new provisions for refusing or suspending registration under the renewable energy target in light of the issues raised by the Senate Scrutiny of Bills Committee. In its current form the Clean Energy (Consequential Amendments) Bill includes an amendment that provides for the regulator to refuse or suspend the registration of persons under the renewable energy target legislation which enables them to create renewable energy certificates. This provision responds to stakeholder concerns around alleged unscrupulous conduct by agents selling certificates on behalf of owners and installers of small-scale renewable energy systems.</para>
<para>The government is moving a further amendment to clarify that the additional powers to refuse or suspend registration of an entity under the renewable energy legislation are to be constrained to situations where the regulator is satisfied that the entity is not a fit and proper person. Regulations will prescribe matters to be considered by the regulator in determining whether or not the applicant or registered entity is a fit and proper person.</para>
<para>Item (13) of sheet 257 provides that a transmission of Kyoto units by force of law is of no force until the units are registered in the account of the transferee. This amendment makes it clear that changes in title over Kyoto units must be effected through the Australian National Registry of Emissions Units so there is no ambiguity about legal ownership of units. There is similar provision for the transmission of carbon units, Australian carbon credit units and prescribed international units. This amendment ensures the same situation applies to Kyoto units.</para>
<para>Sheet 269 amends the Clean Energy Regulator Bill 2011 to allow information to be shared with the Energy Security Council. Sheet 238 amends the Clean Energy (Household Assistance Amendments) Bill 2011 to clarify in legislation the government's policy in relation to residency for household assistance. Items (1) to (21) address inconsistencies in the drafting process.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ABBOTT</name>
    <name.id>EZ5</name.id>
    <electorate>Warringah</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move opposition amendment (1) to the Clean Energy Bill 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Clause 2, page 1 (line 8) to page 5 (line 3), omit the clause, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">2 Commencement</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) The provisions of this Act commence on a date to be fixed by Proclamation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A Proclamation for the purposes of subsection (1) must not be made until after elections have been held for the 44th Parliament and the Parliament has met.</para></quote>
<para>The purpose of my amendment is to restore a measure of integrity to our tarnished democracy. It is to give members opposite a chance to make honest politicians of themselves.</para>
<para>What my amendment does is provide for the carbon tax package of measures to commence after the elections have been held for the 44th Parliament. My amendment says it will be up to the new government after the next election to decide whether or not to proclaim the carbon tax and whether or not the carbon tax will come into force. In other words, it will be up to the people of Australia, voting at an election, to determine the fate of the carbon tax—and that is as it should be. This tax is the biggest carbon tax in the world. This change is the biggest tax change in our history, and it should not come into force without first going to the people, asking them and getting their consent.</para>
<para>A change as big as this should have a mandate. As is absolutely clear to this parliament and to all the people of this country, there is no mandate for what this government seeks to do now. If this parliament has a mandate for anything, it has a mandate not to introduce this tax. That is why the amendment that I am moving is so necessary if democratic integrity is to be restored to our system. As the Prime Minister is constantly reminded in this parliament, she said five days before the last election:</para>
<quote><para class="block">There will be no carbon tax under the government I lead.</para></quote>
<para class="italic">Mr Mitchell interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ABBOTT</name>
    <name.id>EZ5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Let me repeat it for the benefit of the rather raucous member opposite. The Prime Minister said, five days before the election, 'There will be no carbon tax under the government I lead.' That was the commitment that the Prime Minister made on behalf of every single Labor member of this House.</para>
<para class="italic">Mr Mitchell interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ABBOTT</name>
    <name.id>EZ5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>She made that commitment on their behalf and I am giving this parliament and those members, including the raucous member opposite, the chance to turn what would otherwise be a lie into a truth. I am giving members opposite the chance to turn a lie into a truth, to make honest politicians of the Prime Minister and themselves by deferring the actual proclamation of this carbon tax until after the next election. We had the member for Moreton today say very publicly that he was determined to keep faith with the people of Moreton by ensuring that the person they voted for as Prime Minister at the 2010 election stayed in that job. The amendment that I am moving now gives every member of parliament a chance to keep faith with their electorates. When the Prime Minister made that promise five days before the election she was not doing it as a private person and she was not doing it as just the member for Lalor; she was doing it as the Leader of the Labor Party; she was doing it as the leader of every member opposite. So if they want to keep faith with their electors they will support this amendment, because it is a contemptible thing for a government to say one thing before an election to win votes and do the opposite after the election to stay in power.</para>
<para>I say to members opposite: if they want to stand up for truth in public life, if they want to stand up for the jobs of their constituents, if they want to stand up for truth-telling and if they want to ensure that the Labor Party really is the party of truth-telling, they will back this amendment. In the end, my amendment is not about whether you support a carbon tax—obviously I do not; some people in this parliament do—this is about whether you support democracy and whether you support integrity in public life. That is why this amendment should be supported by this parliament. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CROOK</name>
    <name.id>M3K</name.id>
    <electorate>O'Connor</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move amendments (1) and (2), as circulated in my name, together:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Schedule 1, item 12, page 8 (after line 5), after paragraph 43-8(4)(b), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ba) you acquire, manufacture or import the fuel in a financial year for use in a business whose use of taxable fuel in the year has a *carbon dioxide equivalence of less than 25,000 tonnes; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Schedule 1, page 19 (after line 8), after item 24, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">24A Section 110-5</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">carbon dioxide equivalence</inline>, in relation to taxable fuel, means the carbon dioxide equivalence of the amount of potential greenhouse gas emissions embodied in the fuel within the meaning of the <inline font-style="italic">Clean Energy Act 2011</inline>.</para></quote>
<para>My strong opposition to the carbon tax will not prevent me from representing my electorate and therefore I will try to make improvements to this flawed. tax. One of the most consistent and specific complaints I have heard in my electorate concerns the government's Clean Energy (Fuel Tax Legislation Amendment) Bill 2011. This bill seeks to place what is effectively a carbon price on every business in a non-exempted industry that uses transport fuel on site. This usually involves the use of diesel fuel in combustion engines for on-site power generation.</para>
<para>This bill is not a just a tax on big polluters. On the contrary, it will affect thousands of small businesses, many of whom are in regional Australia and have no alternative but to use diesel fuel for power generation. I realised that my amendments were necessary following discussions with various constituents and industry representatives in my electorate. For example, one of my constituents, Helen, owns the Widgiemooltha Roadhouse and relies on diesel for on-site power generation to run both the roadhouse and attached accommodation facilities. Helen's small business will pay thousands of dollars for the carbon tax on fuel use. A small business such as Helen's is in no way a big polluter and should not be liable to pay the carbon price through reductions in diesel fuel rebates.</para>
<para>Other examples include the many junior miners and mineral exploration companies in my electorate. These explorers and junior miners rely on diesel fuel to operate. For many rural projects there is simply no viable alternative. These miners and explorers are in no way big polluters and should not be made to shoulder the carbon price. We should not be burdening our small businesses with further tax liabilities. Our small businesses should not be liable to pay a tax that was designed to be paid by big polluters.</para>
<para>My amendments introduce a threshold under which low-polluting companies will not pay the carbon price. Under my amendments, if a business's taxable fuel use in a year has a carbon dioxide equivalent of less than 25,000 tonnes, their fuel tax credits will not be affected and they will not pay the carbon price. Carbon dioxide equivalence, in relation to taxable fuel, has the same meaning as in the government's Clean Energy Bill. In essence, these amendments ensure that only the big polluters will pay a carbon price on fuels. Under my amendments, low-polluting junior miners, mineral explorers, roadhouses and accommodation facilities will not be liable to pay the carbon price. These amendments hold the government to its promise that the carbon tax is only a tax on big polluters.</para>
<para>I will not be supporting the government's carbon tax as it is one part of the government's triple assault on regional Western Australia. I commend these amendments to the House as fair and reasonable amendments to the fuel rebate reforms. They are necessary amendments to protect small businesses in Australia.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DREYFUS</name>
    <name.id>HWG</name.id>
    <electorate>Isaacs</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The government cannot support the amendments that have been moved by the opposition. What needs to be understood is that this is the culmination of a debate that has been running for almost two decades. We have seen 35 parliamentary inquiries into climate change since 1994 and we have had a lot of discussion on these topics in this House already. This year alone, around 250 questions have been asked on carbon pricing and there have been over 15 separate debates on matters of public importance. The clean energy debate itself has taken 33 hours. It has featured 120 speakers, of course not including the member for Wentworth. He is the only frontbencher on the other side who has not contributed to this debate. Significantly, this has been a longer debate than the former, Howard government allowed for the GST, a longer debate than the former, Howard government allowed for Work Choices and a longer debate than the former, Howard government allowed for the legislation dealing with the sale of Telstra.</para>
<para>The time to act is now. That is absolutely clear to those of us on this side of the House and those on the crossbenches who have already indicated their support for these bills. We must begin the transformation to a clean energy economy and a low-carbon economy. This transformation will begin with the passage of the clean energy bills. We must put in place incentives for business to invest in the clean energy technologies that will allow Australia to maintain its economic growth while cutting pollution. The countries that pioneer the clean technologies that will allow the decoupling of economic growth and growth of carbon pollution to occur will be the countries that see strong and consistent economic growth through the next century. These will be the countries that will be the most competitive, and the alternative is the Leader of the Opposition's prescription of doing nothing.</para>
<para>It is a prescription that pretends that climate change is not happening, and we heard that in many of the speeches that were given by those opposite. It is a prescription that, in effect, attacks the scientists who say that climate change is occurring. It attacks the economists who say that the carbon price is the most efficient way of tackling the problem. This, of course, is from the weathervane Leader of the Opposition, who once supported a price on carbon, and not so long ago. This weathervane Leader of the Opposition leads an opposition, about half of whom actually do support a price on carbon, but they are being prevented from expressing that view.</para>
<para>By refusing to grapple with the challenges and opportunities of a carbon constrained world, the Leader of the Opposition would rather see our economy stagnate and fall behind the economies of our competitors as long as his political interests are served. Indeed, he would rather anything as long as his political interests are served. He does not care about the inconsistency with former positions. He does not care about the views expressed by economists. He does not care for the views expressed by scientists. He cares only for his own political interest, and now that the Leader of the Opposition has seen, now that it has been made clear to the Leader of the Opposition and to those opposite, that this important reform is not going to be able to be stopped, he seeks to delay it. Again, it portrays that the position of this Leader of the Opposition is to put his own political interests ahead of those of the nation.</para>
<para>The fact is we know that any delay to this important reform, any delay to pricing carbon, will not somehow magically make it less costly. It will not reduce the effort that Australia will need to put in to reduce our carbon emissions. It will not reduce the effort that the world needs to put in to reduce world carbon emissions. It will only increase the costs when we get around to taking on the task. Various studies have looked at the implications of delaying the introduction of a carbon price. All conclude that delay will be costly not only in terms of delaying the contribution that we can make to improving the world's environment but also in terms of how much it will cost additionally to take on the task of reducing Australia's emissions. Federal Treasury have consistently stated that delaying this crucial reform will only increase the costs of decoupling carbon pollution from economic growth. These amendments are an attempt to sacrifice the national interest by delaying this crucial economic reform for purely partisan political motives.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HUNT</name>
    <name.id>00AMV</name.id>
    <electorate>Flinders</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This debate was summed up in a simple sentence given to me by a senior within my own electorate of Flinders. That senior, a pensioner, said to me, 'If the people have to pay, surely, the people should have a say,' and right now we are debating the Leader of the Opposition's attempt to give the people who will pay in higher electricity prices, higher gas prices, higher grocery prices and higher prices across all goods made or manufactured in this country, a say. That is what is on the table at this moment in this place. Whether you support a carbon tax or oppose a carbon tax, you should support giving the people a say at the next election as to whether or not they face that carbon tax. It is a simple proposition. In a democratic society a government has a duty to take a fundamental policy to the people to win that mandate and then to implement it.</para>
<para>This government unfortunately pledged that there would be no carbon tax. The Prime Minister in particular said on the day before the election, 'I rule out a carbon tax.' It was so fundamental to her pitch to the Australian people that it was her closing pledge and, on the Monday leading up to that election, she ruled out a carbon tax with the very famous words: 'There will be no carbon tax under any government I lead.' In that context, these amendments are about giving the people a say. It is about giving the people the right at the next election to determine whether or not they face a carbon tax. There is no barrier to anyone in this House supporting the right of the people having a say and, if the Prime Minister believes all that she says, then take it to an election. Bring forward the election. Let the people vote and let them vote soon, and in that way they can determine whether or not Australia faces this tax. That is our goal, our objective: to give the people a say and let them determine their future and to do so because of the profound consequences of a system which is ineffective, sends an extraordinary amount of money overseas, and will not solve the problem.</para>
<para>This does not solve the problem. Let me give you three simple examples. Does it decrease demand for electricity, as the Prime Minister has discussed on many occasions? The parliamentary secretary in a debate last week conceded that this bill is not designed to decrease demand for electricity. That is a profound and extraordinary concession. Demand will not be decreased.</para>
<para>What about supply? Will it change supply? Will this bill cause any coal fired power stations to shut within the next decade? The answer is that the carbon tax side of it will not. What have the government had to do? They have had to go straight to the coalition's direct action plan to create an Emissions Reduction Fund to buy out coal fired power stations. We would clean them up; they want to close them down. But they have conceded that their bill will not cause one single coal fired power station to close. But, according to the National Generators Forum today, it will lead to the best part of $40 billion in additional electricity costs between now and 2020 being passed on to consumers.</para>
<para>The third thing it was meant to do was to bring on board new renewable energy. But the tax itself will not do that. We have a 20 per cent renewable energy target and that will not be increased by one watt—not a megawatt, not even a watt. This legislation will not decrease demand for electricity, as claimed by the parliamentary secretary. It will not close down any coal fired power stations, as claimed by the government, who have had to rely on the coalition's own mechanism to try to clean up the coal fired power sector. It is interesting: having conceded that their method will not deal with cleaning up coal fired power stations, out of all of the possible systems in the world they could use, they chose the coalition's. Great work, guys! Your system will not work and you have had to turn to ours. The difference is that we will not close down power stations. We will clean them up and you will close them down—and to no effect. Above all else, it will send $3.5 billion every year, going north from 2020, straight to foreign carbon traders. That is why we do not support this legislation. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MITCHELL</name>
    <name.id>M3E</name.id>
    <electorate>McEwen</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to oppose the amendment moved by the Leader of the Opposition. I find the hypocrisy of his argument absolutely outstanding. This is a man who stood there today and said, 'The Prime Minister was untruthful before the election.' This is a man who said that you cannot believe anything he says unless he writes it down. Then, when he does write it down, he still goes against it. It is absolute hypocrisy. The member for Flinders quoted the <inline font-style="italic">Australian</inline> article—but of course, in typical fashion for the opposition, they do not let the truth get in the way of a good story: 'Let's give only half a quote.' The Prime Minister was very clear and concise in saying that she would not rule out a carbon pollution reduction scheme—a market mechanism. That is what we went to the election with. We said that before the election. I attended a forum before the election to which the Liberal Party—the shadow minister and the local candidate—were invited and never turned up. They would not even front up to it. I strongly support taking action against pollution, and I do that because I want to do the right thing by our kids.</para>
<para>This is not about today, tomorrow or some rubbishy amendment that says, 'Call an election on everything.' You would have to ask: what is it about? It is about our future. It is about making sure that our kids and our grandkids have a clean future. It is about making sure they have an opportunity to continue farming, to continue manufacturing and to continue to have the life that we enjoy here in Australia—and to do it in a cleaner, greener future. These are the things that those opposite fail to understand.</para>
<para>If you listen to the arguments that the opposition put forward, the only thing they are saying is, 'If we make a big policy we should go to an election.' Under that theory you would expect that an Abbott government would have an election every single week. Every time they made a decision they would have to go to an election. It is absolutely silly to say that this amendment is genuinely about doing the right thing for this nation and the right thing for the people in this country. We, on the other hand, have been very clear. We have supported putting a price on pollution. We have done that from day one and we continue to do it. And we do it knowing that it is about delivering a better future for this country. We do it by supporting households. We are supporting households by making sure that nine out of 10 households will receive assistance for any price adjustments. We know that some things will go up and some things will go down. We know that the cost of electricity over the last decade, particularly in Victoria, has gone up dramatically. Why has it gone up dramatically? Because those opposite sold off the SEC, they took away all the investment that was coming from there—the jobs—and they left the Latrobe Valley an absolute wreck. They took the money and ran and left no investment in electricity infrastructure. That infrastructure is failing, it is breaking down, and that is what is causing the rise in the price of electricity. It has continued to rise every year and it will continue to do so, because of the failures of those opposite, because of their selling everything off—selling off the farm—</para>
<para class="italic">Mr Hunt interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MITCHELL</name>
    <name.id>M3E</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You sold it off! You went straight through and sold it off. You sit there and say, 'Hang on a minute.' The SEC delivered $400 million net to the state of Victoria every year. It also employed a lot of people and trained a lot of apprentices. Because of the failures of Liberal governments and stripping those things away, we ended up with the skills shortage that we have today. We do not have the apprentices trained in the trades that we need.</para>
<para>I support what the government have done and I am very proud to see that the vote went through today. I actually support jobs and I support industry. You might scoff over there, but I notice that you backed away very quickly and you would not support the steel industry. You do not support keeping jobs in this country. You actually go out there every day, put your hard hat on, get your silly little photo taken and say, 'Look at me: I'm backing the workers.' There is not a worker in this country that believes for one minute that Tony Abbott cares a damn about them. They know that as soon as he gets back in power, the first thing he will do—along with his National Party mates—is to rip the guts out of workers' wages and conditions. You know it is true, because your own backbenchers are saying it—the same backbenchers who are saying, 'Let's put GST on food.' That is exactly what will happen. You will go out of your way to rip workers' rights and conditions away. Everyone knows that you do not give a damn about them, and that is why these amendments should not be supported. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TRUSS</name>
    <name.id>GT4</name.id>
    <electorate>Wide Bay</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The confidence in our democracy has been seriously damaged by the way in which this government has introduced its carbon tax legislation. The government promised faithfully, before the last election, that there would be no carbon tax. The Prime Minister said it quite clearly. She could have withdrawn the statement; she could have corrected it if she had been misunderstood.</para>
<para>The Deputy Prime Minister was even more vehement and ridiculed anybody who suggested that Labor might, at some stage during this next term of government, implement a carbon tax. Every Labor member sitting opposite today was elected on a promise that there would be no carbon tax. Today they are giving the lie to that promise. They are not honouring the word they gave to the Australian people before the election. All Labor candidates said there would be no carbon tax. All Liberal candidates said there would be no carbon tax. All National candidates said there would be no carbon tax. The only member of this House who supported a carbon tax and who is therefore being honest to his word in supporting this legislation today is the Greens member. This, therefore, is a crisis in confidence because the government failed to honour its promises. This is a major change. It is way ahead of anything anybody else in the world is doing. In fact, most of the rest of the world is moving in different directions. There are no models to follow. There are no international agreements to implement this kind of arrangement. So it is appropriate that the people have a say. We suggested there be a plebiscite; Labor rejected that. The Howard government gave an example by going to the Australian people and seeking a mandate before introducing the GST reform. That was the model that this government should follow. People have a right to a say. That is a fundamental part of our democracy and, therefore, the amendment of the Leader of the Opposition that this bill should be tested by the Australian people at an election is an appropriate way for a democracy to work.</para>
<para>I refer briefly to some of the other amendments before the parliament. The amendment of the member for O'Connor has considerable merit. It proposes to exempt the relatively small emitters from having to pay for the effects of the carbon tax. It also has significant benefits for regional areas. It reduces some of the massive disadvantage that is built into this carbon tax through the way the government has proposed it. People in country areas will pay more carbon tax than those who live in the cities. Most of the jobs lost will be in regional areas. This tax is a particular burden on people who live outside the capital cities. So I welcome his proposal to look at ways to reduce that disadvantage. I think we need to look at the amendment in the context of the legislation as a whole. Taking some of the tax away from the small users would undoubtedly result in a fairer system.</para>
<para>This legislation is full of anomalies. The government has never been prepared to address those in the debate. Whenever anybody has raised questions to the Prime Minister and others about various issues, she has simply dismissed them and said, 'You are a climate change denier.' If you raised any areas of detail you were immediately accused of being opposed to taking any kind of action to protect our climate or she said, 'It is the right thing to do,' never justifying that. It is just some right thing to do. It was never a right thing to include many of the anomalies in the legislation.</para>
<para>The government have admitted today that the legislation has significant anomalies and they have come into the House with amendments. They gave these amendments to the opposition only as the Minister for Climate Change and Energy Efficiency spoke. There was no real chance for us to consider them in detail. I note the comments on the changes to landfill, an issue I have raised in this parliament on a number of occasions and have been ridiculed by the minister opposite for daring to so do. This proposal seems to address the issue for only three years, so local government would also be concerned. I have also raised the changes to aviation on a number of occasions. But does this amendment also deal with the smaller airlines like Rex or is it something for only the larger airlines? The government always refuse to deal with the detail, even if the detail can be corrected. There are lots more anomalies that the government have not sought to address which I do not have time to raise now but which I may raise later in the debate. But, even if the anomalies are corrected, this is still an evil tax. This is still a tax that costs Australian jobs and the only practical thing to do is to vote the bill down.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr COMBET</name>
    <name.id>YW6</name.id>
    <electorate>Charlton</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I refer to the amendment that has been moved by the member for O'Connor. It was referred to briefly a moment ago by the shadow minister, the member for Wide Bay. I indicated in question time today that the government was giving some consideration to this proposal moved by the member for O'Connor. The government is in fact not inclined to agree to that amendment.</para>
<para>It is very important to go back to some of the basics of the policy in considering this issue: a broad based carbon price will reduce our greenhouse gas emissions at the lowest overall cost to the economy. The bills overall seek to apply an effective carbon price to off-road energy use outside of agriculture, fisheries and forestry to provide an effective price signal relative to the carbon content of the fuel used. Off-road fuel usage is a separate matter from the carbon-pricing mechanism. The way the off-road fuel use is dealt with—whether it is an off-road energy need that is met by electricity from the grid, from diesel, from onsite generation, from biofuels, from renewable energy generation, from LPG or from natural gas—means the relative carbon intensity of fuels is taken into account in the formulation of the bills.</para>
<para>The different arrangements for natural gas, LPG and liquid fuels combine to ensure that the impact of carbon pricing—or an effective carbon price—flows through to end users in a manner that is competitively neutral for both energy suppliers and the industries which use that fuel. Of course, the flowthrough of that has been an important factor in modelling household assistance, for example. Obviously, the effective price is not retained by all businesses. It is passed through and, ultimately, that leads to the CPI effect that has been modelled and the way in which the household assistance has been designed.</para>
<para>All of these arrangements have been fully taken into account in the design of the household assistance package. They are a key part of establishing a carbon price in the Australian economy and rewarding low-pollution choices of large and small businesses. The point at which the carbon price applies has been designed to achieve broad coverage while minimising administrative costs. The use of the fuel taxation system to apply an effective carbon price to fuels will achieve broad coverage of fuel emissions while minimising compliance costs to business because it uses the existing fuel taxation arrangements. Fuel-using businesses will still claim fuel tax credits using existing administrative systems and will not be subject to additional regulation, compliance burdens under the carbon-pricing mechanism or the need to engage in carbon markets. So businesses in those circumstances will not have to be concerned with any of those matters. The government also recognises the issues for small, off-grid electricity generation—and this is one of the matters that I think the member for O'Connor has expressed concern about—so support is provided for off-grid generation through multiplier arrangements under the renewable energy target, in particular, and the $40 million investment in the Remote Indigenous Energy Program, which I know is also a matter of interest and concern to the member for O'Connor. If that amendment were to be passed, there would not be competitive neutrality between different fuel users, and more-emissions-intensive liquid fuels would be advantaged relative to grid electricity, renewables, natural gas and LPG. In addition, up to 200 liable entities under the carbon price mechanism whose emissions mainly relate to non-liquid fuels or other sources of emissions may also have no effective carbon price for their liquid fuel emissions, should the amendment be passed. Clearly, that would not be consistent with the intent of the legislation. It could also result in assistance being provided to industry or households for costs which they did not face.</para>
<para>I can develop some of these arguments a bit further in the course of the evening's debate, but those are the broad reasons why the government does not support the amendments moved by the member for O'Connor.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms JULIE BISHOP</name>
    <name.id>83P</name.id>
    <electorate>Curtin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Members of parliament are often accused of not keeping their promises, they are often accused of breaching faith with the public, and as a result there is a level of cynicism within the Australian public about some parliamentarians. In fact, there was a whole political movement that was based on holding politicians to their promises: the Australian Democrats. As you might recall, they had a famous pledge to 'keep the bastards honest'. Now we have a complete reversal of Don Chipp's famous pledge. The government, the Greens and some of the Independents have decided to keep the government dishonest, complicit as they are in ensuring that the Prime Minister's clear breach of her commitment before the last election now becomes law. Instead of holding the Prime Minister to her promise, 'There will be no carbon tax under the government I lead,' the Labor Party, the Greens and some of the Independents are holding the Prime Minister to a broken promise, to a breach of faith with the Australian people.</para>
<para>That promise was not some aside or some afterthought on the part of the Prime Minister. It was not just a throwaway line or an unscripted, unguarded moment. No, this was a carefully considered, deliberate statement made to mislead the Australian people into voting Labor. That is why the Prime Minister said, in response to the Leader of the Opposition's constant refrain throughout the election campaign that, 'As sure as night follows day, if this government is re-elected there will be a carbon tax,' the Prime Minister deliberately set about trying to convince the Australian people that she would not introduce a carbon tax. Now, rather than hold the Prime Minister to that promise, we have members who are trying to force through the parliament a policy unsupported by any electoral mandate at all.</para>
<para>Major reforms are challenging and they are difficult to implement, so it is vital to bring the Australian people into your confidence and bring them with you as you seek to implement reforms that will transform the economy, for good or for bad. The Prime Minister did recognise this during the election campaign, when she was talking about a price on carbon but promised it would not be introduced until there had been consultation for a couple of years in order to build a lasting consensus. Yet, when the Prime Minister realised that the government might well lose the election because of the threat of a carbon tax, she set about deliberately misleading the Australian public into voting Labor on the basis that Labor would not introduce a carbon tax.</para>
<para>Compare that to the history surrounding the introduction of the goods and service tax. During his first term as Prime Minister, John Howard became convinced of the need to replace the complex layers of wholesale sales tax with a flat-rate GST. Labor vowed to campaign against the GST, but their attack was blunted because Prime Minister Howard decided to take the proposed GST to an election, to campaign on it and seek a mandate from the Australian people, to ask the Australia people whether they supported the introduction of this tax. He took a risk, but he had courage and he had the respect of the Australian people, and he showed them respect in return: he put that tax to the Australian electorate. I remember that 1998 election. It was my first election. It was very hard fought. But we had the courage to take the Australian people into our confidence, tell them what we were proposing to do and seek their support—and we got it. Through this parliament, this legislation is being foisted on the Australian people, without their having a say on this most fundamental transformation of our economy.</para>
<para>I urge the members of the Labor Party to support these amendments. Show the Australian people some respect. Show them that you care about the promises you make at an election and that you are prepared to stick to your promises—and, if you change your mind, then take it to an election. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ZAPPIA</name>
    <name.id>HWB</name.id>
    <electorate>Makin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is disappointing that what we all know to be such a serious issue, not just for Australia but for the globe, is being used for political purposes by the members opposite in the way it has been for not weeks but months now. Rather than come in here and debate the merits of the clean energy bills before parliament, they continuously choose to play politics. In response to the member for Curtin's contribution, I say this: I too recall the 1998 election, and the outcome of that election, as I recall, was that the two-party preferred vote—that is, the majority of Australian people who voted—was against the Howard government. Yet the Howard government, knowing that a majority of Australians had voted against that proposition, still came into this chamber and turned that proposition into law. The Howard government did that because, at the time, it believed it was doing the right thing. In the same way, this government believes it is doing the right thing with these bills. This was said on 6 November 1990:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… the threat to our world comes not only from tyrants and their tanks. It can be more insidious though less visible. The danger of global warming is as yet unseen, but real enough for us to make changes and sacrifices, so that we do not live at the expense of future generations.</para></quote>
<para>That is from one of Margaret Thatcher's speeches. She made a number of speeches in respect to this very issue, 21 or 22 years ago—and 22 years later we are still debating the merits of whether we should do anything or not.</para>
<para>It is interesting that 21 years ago Margaret Thatcher touched on two critical issues. Firstly, global warming is hard to accept because you cannot see many of the changes that are taking place. They occur relatively slowly, although quickly in terms of the time that man has been on this planet. Secondly, she talked about making changes that cause sacrifices. All people, if asked, would rather not have to make sacrifices. It is clear that this is exactly what the opposition are playing with the Australian people. They are pretending to the people that you do not have to make a sacrifice, that you do not have to do anything, because the issue will go away—it is not really there because you cannot really see it. Nothing could be further from the truth. That is why this debate is so disappointing. Members opposite know that this is being dishonest with the Australian public.</para>
<para>I suspect there are many members opposite who know that this situation, global warming, is real and that we as a nation have a responsibility—not only to ourselves and to the globe but also to future generations—to act and to do so now. They also know that each year we delay action on this issue it becomes much more difficult and much more costly for future generations, if and when a decision is finally made.</para>
<para>Members opposite constantly say that this is not a good time for Australia to act. Please tell us when you think it will be a good time. It would be fair to say that there will never be a good time to make tough decisions which impact on the Australian people but they are decisions that have to be made. If we do not make them, the costs to Australians will continue to rise. Because we failed to act 20 years ago and because we failed to act three or four years ago, we are already paying dearly.</para>
<para>Members opposite keep criticising the fact that we are introducing legislation which puts a price on carbon. The Australian Labor Party has supported a price on carbon for the last decade or so. I recall that this was an issue in 2004, an issue in 2007 and an issue in 2010. It has been debated, and the Australian people supported a price on carbon in those elections.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CIOBO</name>
    <name.id>00AN0</name.id>
    <electorate>Moncrieff</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am certainly pleased to rise and put on the record my opposition to the carbon tax that Labor has proposed in this House. There can be no doubt, in considering my remarks ahead of this evening's debate, that the world does need to address the issue of climate change. There can be no doubt that, globally, mankind is having an impact. As the father of a three-year-old son, as someone who looks at what is happening around the world, I cannot help but think to myself that not only is there a certain—and I do not want to overstate it in any way, shape or form—element of morality to this from one generation to the next but also there is something more fundamentally and economically rational about tackling climate change.</para>
<para>For the last five, six or even 10 decades the world predominantly has relied on one source of fuel to drive electricity and generate power for industry. This at its core has been crucial to the way in which, globally, we have helped to lift hundreds of millions of people out of poverty and into a better state of living. It has been at the core of the way in which societies have helped to raise standards of living, lower infant mortality, increase life spans and make a material difference to humanity's survival on this planet.</para>
<para>We have reached a point where, if we apply adequate resources and ingenuity, we are able to develop, commercialise and harness other renewable forms of electricity in a way that will make a difference to our world, to our environment and to mankind going forward. Ultimately, it is in all of our collective interests to develop a form of renewable energy that does not have a significant detrimental environmental impact. That is just plain good economics, that is just plain good common sense and that is an approach to this issue that resonates with the moral obligation we have from one generation to the next.</para>
<para>Unfortunately, I seek to make the bulk of my contribution to consideration in detail on the amendments, because I was gagged by the government from speaking in the main debate that took place earlier today. That notwithstanding, I feel very strongly about this issue. That is part of the reason I said to the Leader of the Opposition I was prepared to fly back from New York, from my secondment to the United Nations. I wanted to put on the record my opposition to Labor's approach. There can be no doubt, as I said, that we as a nation do have an obligation to act on climate change, but this is not the correct approach. Labor's approach to tackling climate change—through the introduction of a carbon tax and, in a more deceitful way, through the introduction of a carbon tax without a mandate; in fact, quite the opposite, since the Prime Minister vowed, only days out from the last election, that if elected they would not introduce a carbon tax—is not the approach. The key to ensuring the success of a reform like this is to ensure that the community has ownership of the reform. And Labor's approach provides no community ownership whatsoever.</para>
<para>This is a significant reform that absolutely must be done in lock step with global action. Despite the pressing need for there to be action on climate change, despite the issues that I have raised about economic consequences and despite the fact that I believe there is a moral obligation to deal with climate change, to do so effectively unilaterally, thus imposing a significant impost on the Australian economy when the rest of the world is not at that point, is economic recklessness. It is blind ideology that drives an agenda that does not look to the stark reality that, in order to perform meaningful change, in order to foster and grow meaningful ownership of a reform throughout a community, you must ensure that the community is going to be better off for that reform.</para>
<para>There are some elements of this debate that can simply not be ignored. Principal among them—I am mindful of the time, Mr Deputy Speaker, so I would seek the call again.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>BV5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member will resume his seat.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms SMYTH</name>
    <name.id>172770</name.id>
    <electorate>La Trobe</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am very pleased to participate again in this debate, particularly following the member for Moncrieff, who has so significantly acknowledged that action on climate change is such a moral imperative and there is a need to take urgent action on climate change, because it is not often that you get those concessions consistently from members of the opposition. Certainly it is very unlikely that we would get, on any given day, and indeed on consecutive days, those sorts of concessions from the Leader of the Opposition.</para>
<para>This is certainly a historic occasion for those of us on this side of the House who have assiduously committed ourselves to moving along a policy initiative that is very significant for our environment and for business certainty to create the kind of long-term opportunity and prosperity that we know is necessary and required for the development of clean energy industries in order to give Australians jobs into the future and in order to sustain the kind of economic circumstances that we find ourselves in presently.</para>
<para>By contrast, from those opposite, and certainly in the most recent statements of the Leader of the Opposition in moving his amendment, we see continuing hysteria. We see a bid to delay significant action on climate change. We see a policy vacuum. We see a leadership vacuum. The Leader of the Opposition's amendments today seem to me to be more about distraction. You might ask, 'Distraction from what?' I think the most significant thing that the Leader of the Opposition wants to distract all of us from with his amendment is his failure to support the steel industry in this country through the steel transformation plan.</para>
<para>That is curious because not long ago the Leader of the Opposition visited and spoke at the Australian Steel Convention and said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The steel industry is very important to Australia’s economy. From smelting to fabricating, steel employs about 90,000 people—critical to so many other sectors of our economy as well … So, steel is critical to our way of life, steel is important in our economy and I’ve been making the point up hill and down dale since the carbon tax was first announced …</para></quote>
<para>Well, he has been up hill, he has been down dale, and occasionally he has snuck off the edge of the dale and into the gutter—in fact, more often than not he has found himself there. But unfortunately today, despite his several pages of oration to the Australian Steel Convention, he seems incapable of coming into this place and supporting and encouraging those who sit alongside him to practically give support to the steel industry. Instead he comes up with another fig leaf—this sad little amendment, which is a bid to delay one of the most significant reforms being made to our economy in our country's history. He inevitably will, and his colleagues in the Senate most likely will, try to oppose significant endeavours to continue to support the steel industry. So, despite all the rhetoric and visits to steel mills, the wearing of hard hats and pretending to be out doing hard graft alongside Australian workers, once again, when it comes to actually making a decision and taking a vote, Mr Abbott is off having another siesta.</para>
<para>This reform that we are pursuing today we have pursued long and hard for many months now. Indeed, as one of the previous speakers mentioned, our action on initiatives such as this and action on climate change has been many years in the making. Our efforts are about ensuring that electorates such as mine benefit from the development of clean energy industries, clean energy technologies. They are about ensuring that electorates such as mine which have significant areas of environmental heritage are duly protected and are not exposed to extreme weather events such as bushfires. My electorate covers an area including much of the Dandenong Ranges, so I am very familiar with the environmental impacts that are likely to flow from inaction on climate change.</para>
<para>So, contrary to the reformist, forward-thinking initiatives of this government, all that those opposite and the Leader of the Opposition can offer to the Australian people is delay and a policy and leadership vacuum. That is simply not good enough.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CIOBO</name>
    <name.id>00AN0</name.id>
    <electorate>Moncrieff</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As I was saying earlier, there are some facts about this debate that simply cannot be ignored. First among them is the fact that, at its core, Labor's policy, which would effectively penalise the Australian economy vis-a-vis other industrialised economies, will see a five per cent reduction in emission levels when Australia currently contributes around 1½ per cent of global emissions. So we are talking about imposing a multibillion-dollar tax on the Australian economy. We are talking about imposing a significant burden, which must be shared by households and by small and large businesses across the Australian economy, to make a five per cent reduction to global emissions of 1.5 per cent. The lunacy of Labor's approach on this—I heard it from the speaker immediately prior to me, and this is the great con job that lies at the core of this debate—is that it is a choice between positives and nothing. This is an approach that forces Australians to choose between the economic benefits that might flow from this policy and nothing. Can I put it unequivocally on the record that I believe there are benefits flowing from a shift to renewables—and I have already indicated that. But the key difference between my perspective and Labor's approach is that I say it must be done in lock step with other developed economies because there are costs associated with this reform that cannot be ignored. While it might suit the arguments of Labor members to claim that it is only ever filled with positives, there are significant and real economic disadvantages that will directly flow from Labor's imposition of this tax.</para>
<para>I am very willing to concede that there are benefits that will flow in time as well, and I say let us embrace these benefits. But we should embrace these benefits in lock step with other developed economies because, by doing that, we will ensure that the disadvantages that are felt immediately, as opposed to the longer term benefits that will flow in due course, are not done in a unilateral way.</para>
<para>I will speak about my own electorate of Moncrieff on the Gold Coast. There can be no clearer example of the difference between long-term benefits and short-term costs than the tourism industry. Under Labor's proposal before the House, which has now been passed in terms of the second reading speech, we have a situation where international tourists coming to Australia will pay more as a result of Labor's carbon tax with no compensation. There is no international compensation for tourists travelling to Australia. So, for the 70 or 80 per cent of the Australian economy who will be facing increased costs—the service side of the economy—there will be no global compensation. They will pay more to visit Australia than other countries that are not doing this. What will their choice be? If you believe in the basic laws of supply and demand, when the price goes up, fewer people will demand the product. That is point No. 1.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Combet</name>
    <name.id>YW6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Should we compensate them for movements in the Australian dollar too?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CIOBO</name>
    <name.id>00AN0</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>he minister at the table interjects. He concedes that the tourism industry is already being battered by a sky-high Australian dollar. He says, 'Oh well, they've already got that problem, so why would we worry about this other problem?' This is the lunacy of this government. This is the lunacy of an approach that says, 'We're already doing it tough because of this factor, so what's one more nail in the coffin?' So there is no compensation for international tourists.</para>
<para>In addition to that, under Labor's policy there will be no carbon tax payable on a flight overseas for an Australian but there will be a price payable to holiday domestically. So, in addition to there being a disadvantage for Australia vis-a-vis other countries around the world, under Labor's policy it will cost you more to holiday domestically but it will not cost you more to holiday internationally—and that in some way makes sense to the Labor Party as well! So, using that one industry as an example, we can already see the immediate upfront economic disadvantages that will flow to the Australian economy versus the long-term benefits that will flow to the Australian economy—which are largely qualitative and perhaps even unquantifiable—as a result of Labor's changes. The simple issue is that these reforms must be done in lock step with the rest of the world. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr STEPHEN JONES</name>
    <name.id>A9B</name.id>
    <electorate>Throsby</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In this chamber today we saw, from those opposite, one of the greatest acts of political hypocrisy and political doublespeak that we have witnessed in this country for a very long time. It came in particular from the member for Indi and the Leader of the Opposition, who have spent the last nine months travelling the length and breadth of this country knocking people out of the way to get into workshops and don silly hard hats and fluoro vests so that they could pose for cameras in front of real workers and try and send a message around the country that they care for workers. They had an opportunity in this place today to put those slogans, that cheap rhetoric, into action and put their votes where their mouths are, but they squibbed it. They had an opportunity to stand up for Australian workers. They had an opportunity to stand up for people like those in my electorate of Throsby and do something valuable for them, but they went missing. They had the opportunity to vote for the steel industry transformation plan. This is a plan that is providing $300 million worth of much-needed assistance to the steel industry, which is vital to my region and the national economy. As the member for La Trobe has previously identified, the steel industry provides jobs to thousands of Australians and provides an incredibly important product to Australian and international markets, and it is finding it very difficult to trade in an international environment with very high input costs—the flipside of the high value that we are getting for our commodities like iron and coal—and the very high Australian dollar.</para>
<para>So the opposition had the opportunity today to say they were going to do something to assist the workers and companies in the steel industry and they went missing. I know that many of those opposite might say that the reason they voted against this was because they are opposed to what the government is doing to put a price on carbon and put in place real action to deal with climate change. The simple fact of the matter is that they could have maintained that objection and still voted in favour of the steel industry and manufacturing workers because not one cent of the revenue that is raised from the carbon price is going into the steel industry transformation plan; they are completely separate revenue streams. It would have been possible for the member for Indi to try and convince all of those economic rationalists on her front bench and those on her back bench to do something in support of manufacturing workers, but they went missing. They went missing because what they have been engaging in over the last nine months is nothing more than a sideshow designed for the media crew and it has absolutely no substance. We have a plan. We have a bundle of legislation which will enable us to deal with the generational challenge of climate change, and deal with it in the cheapest, most efficient and most effective way possible. It is a way, by putting a price on carbon and providing incentives to invest in energy efficiency, that will enable business to transform at the lowest cost. It acknowledges that there are some industries which need additional assistance and need shielding from the carbon price because of the nature of their business—the nature of their manufacturing process or their production process. We have put in place a well calibrated package which deals with the economic circumstances of these businesses.</para>
<para>We have been met today by a proposition that we should delay the introduction of this legislation and the carbon price. This comes after 35 parliamentary inquiries into climate change since 1994. There have been about 250 questions asked in this place on carbon pricing and over 15 separate MPI debates. We have had around 33 hours of speaking on this legislation alone, featuring around, or in addition to, 120 speakers on this. I do not think anybody who has been witnessing this debate for over 10 years can say that we have not had a full and proper debate, that the science is not known and that everything is not clear.</para>
<para>When you analyse the real reason behind this motion to delay the introduction of this legislation you find that there is one thing—and one thing alone. We know that delay will prevent the thing that those opposite fear the most. The thing that they fear the most is the lived experience of this legislation. They know that from 1 July next year the sky is not going to fall in, and all of those consumers around the country will be measuring in brown copper coins the increase to their costs, and not in the orange-and-yellow notes, as they have been led to believe, by those opposite. That is the real reason lying behind their motion to delay. We have had enough delay already. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CIOBO</name>
    <name.id>00AN0</name.id>
    <electorate>Moncrieff</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The point I go on about with respect to Labor's approach in this particular debate, and the reason why this is not the correct approach, and why the coalition's way is a better way, is perhaps best summed up by some of the media commentary. Labor's approach to this has been not to tell the truth prior to the last federal election about their intentions and to introduce something that the Prime Minister said she would not introduce.</para>
<para>Labor's approach is also only to speak about the positives and completely ignore the negatives that flow from their policy. The old adage is, 'You can only fool some of the people some of the time, and you can't fool all of the people all of the time.'</para>
<para>Labor's approach is perhaps best summed up by a variety of front pages from the <inline font-style="italic">Gold Coast Bulletin</inline>. The first one is headed, 'Julia's fun tax. Carbon scheme to bring more pain to the Coast.' I will read very briefly the first couple of paragraphs from this story. It says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Take a good look at this scene—you might not see it so often once the fun policy in Canberra hit us between the eyes with a carbon tax.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Tourists like Perth couple Stewart Jarvis and Kate Walker won't be able to afford the inflated airfares, the hiked-up hotel rates or the mark up on our theme parks as companies scramble to pass on the additional costs.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Chief killjoy Julia Gillard's attempt to sell the tax to the nation yesterday only reaffirmed fears here on the Coast that our number one industry, tourism, will be hit and hit hard.</para></quote>
<para>Then this page is headed 'Rescue me. Carbon tax punishes helicopter heroes.' This is a story about how charitable operations like RACQ CareFlight will have to pay more under Labor's carbon tax without any offsetting compensation. And there is this front page with the heading, 'Emission impossible. Carbon tax could bring battling city to its knees.' Flights and accommodation, up. Rates, up. Theme park tickets, up. Hospital fees, up. Construction costs, up.</para>
<para>There is this story about Bond University on the Gold Coast. Most people, including me, would have thought that an educational institution would not be liable for Labor's carbon tax. The reality is quite different though. The article says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Bond University expects to pay an additional $2 million a year under the Federal Government's carbon tax and says it will have to cut more than 100 jobs or raise tuition fees to compensate.</para></quote>
<para>These are facts about what is going to happen under Labor's carbon tax in a unilateral sense. There is another front page of the <inline font-style="italic">Gold Coast Bulletin</inline>. It says: '"Power cost surge to hurt ratepayers," warns mayor. City's $112 million carbon bill.' These are the negatives from Labor's carbon tax which members opposite do not ever want to talk about.</para>
<para>You could understand the logic if these negative consequences were occurring in our economy at the same time as they were occurring in other economies. But the Labor Party pretend that the negative consequences simply do not exist and I guess the next election will probably sort out what the Australian people think about that. The Australian people know that there are very real and significant negative consequences from Labor's carbon tax: job losses, increased rates, increased power bills, more expensive aircraft flights, more expensive fuel, household costs to go up. You name it there will be a massive price impact. But it will not be happening around the rest of the world; it will only be happening in this country.</para>
<para>This is not a choice between a carbon tax or nothing. The reality is that countries can still invest in renewables, countries can still commercialise new R&D and countries can still explore new alternatives without the impost of a carbon tax. Perhaps a good example is what the UAE is doing with their Masdar project. That country is currently one of the leaders in energy production and the Crown Prince wants to ensure that the UAE is one of the leaders in the world of renewable energy in the future. Guess what—they are doing it without a carbon tax.</para>
<para>The reality is that Labor's plan is not the correct approach. Most fundamentally it is not the correct approach because it is an approach that is based on deceit. It is an approach without a mandate. It is an approach without any bona fide support of the Australian people. Labor is simply burying its head in the sand and shrieking that there are only benefits and no negatives, when the evidence is crystal clear that the costs are significant. That only reinforces how out of touch this government has become.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms OWENS</name>
    <name.id>E09</name.id>
    <electorate>Parramatta</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It was good to hear the member for Moncrieff acknowledge in the first of his speeches that there are actually negative consequences for inaction. We have heard so much negative comment and fear mongering from this opposition. The Leader of the Opposition is effectively a walking stuntman going from town to town looking for workers to pose in front of, spreading fear about what will happen if we as a nation decide to act on climate change. Then we had the member for Moncrieff collecting the media articles that result from that and reading them into the House as if they were some sort of evidence. He may as well, in fact, be reading the Liberal Party press releases.</para>
<para>I want to go back to something he also said, where he referred to Australia's contribution to greenhouse gases in the world and used that as a reason to not act. It is something we hear from time to time. We hear people say that Australia's contribution is less than two per cent and therefore we should not act. I want to address that. Australia per head of population is the highest emitter in the world by quite a significant margin. When you look at it by volume we are No. 15 in the world. There are only 14 countries that emit more greenhouse gases by volume than we do. So we are well and truly a very large contributor. But more than that, when you look at the other countries that emit around the same level of greenhouse emissions as us—less than two per cent—such countries represent over 50 per cent of world emissions. If every country that emitted two per cent or less took the attitude the member for Moncrieff and so many on the opposition want us to take then action would be left to the remaining 50 per cent. That is clearly not a path the world can take. Countries have to act, including us.</para>
<para>There were also statements made about Australia's prosperity and our reliance for that prosperity over many decades—in fact, centuries—on fossil fuel. That is absolutely true: our prosperity is well and truly coupled to fossil fuel. But for me that is the very reason why we should act. A good friend of mine, Donald Horne—who has now passed away—used to refer to us as the 'Lucky Country', and we were. We had the right stuff in the ground when that was the source of prosperity, and we still have that stuff in the ground and we continue to prosper through it. But the rest of the world over the last decade has been moving slowly away from that. Investment in clean energy last year exceeded investment in fossil fuel. That means the rest of the world is seeking their prosperity from a technology that we are not in. Donald Horne also said to me once that we needed to be the clever country and that we could no longer afford to be reliant on <inline font-style="italic">The Man from Snowy River</inline>. We can also no longer be depending on the Snowy River Scheme for our renewables. As a nation that is where our renewables still come from. About eight per cent of our power comes from renewables and it is still from the Tasmanian and Snowy hydro schemes, which were built many, many decades ago. So while the rest of the world is moving into new technologies, developing skills, developing infrastructure, educating their young and skilling-up their workforce in new sources of prosperity, we as a nation have been hanging around assuming we can continue to benefit from the old way of the world, which is fossil fuels.</para>
<para>It is important as a nation, of course, that we acknowledge that we do prosper from that and we use the revenue raised from the sale of permits to assist the transition of our industry from the old fossil fuel economy to the new clean energy future. We are doing that. We are putting more than half the revenue raised from putting a price on carbon pollution towards households to meet the price impact, but the rest of it goes on supporting jobs and the transition to a clean energy future. There is a $9.2 billion Jobs and Competitiveness Program to support jobs and encourage investment in clean technology. There is a $1.2 billion Clean Technology Program to help improve energy efficiency in manufacturing and support research. There is a $1.3 billion Coal Sector Jobs Package, a $70 million Coal Mining Abatement Technology Support Package, and a $300 million Steel Transformation Plan—that is on top of the $9.2 billion Jobs and Competitiveness Program. Of course we have seen the opposition vote against that today. We have to transition as a nation from the old fossil fuel economy to a new clean energy economy and I am incredibly pleased to speak in support of this today.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TEHAN</name>
    <name.id>210911</name.id>
    <electorate>Wannon</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to use this forum to speak on this carbon tax legislation after having been gagged speaking on the main debate—being allocated only five minutes to talk on it, which was absolutely shameful and in particular shameful for my electorate of Wannon. The constituents of my electorate deserve better treatment than that.</para>
<para>I rise tonight to talk on some particular aspects of this bill. I am glad that the minister is here tonight and I hope he is listening to what I have to say. It goes back to a question I asked the Prime Minister about the impact that this carbon tax will have on the dairy industry. In that question I outlined that if Murray-Goulburn or Bega or Warrnambool Cheese and Butter were operating in the European Union they would basically be exempt from paying the European Union carbon tax—the tax they pay under their emissions trading scheme.</para>
<para>The dairy industry in Australia employs over 40,000 people and indirectly provides jobs for over 60,000 people. By not protecting our own local dairy industry the government is putting at risk local jobs within the dairy industry, because the dairy industry is an emissions-intensive trade-exposed industry. It has nowhere to go to pass the costs on. They have to be passed back to the dairy farmer. We have very good research which shows that an average dairy farmer will be hit with costs between $5,000 and $7,000 per dairy farm. For some of the bigger dairy farms in my electorate we are looking at costs of $10,000 to $15,000 to $20,000. I ask the minister in the chamber tonight: if he was putting an impact on his own constituents of $15,000 to $20,000 per farm, would he stand there and let this legislation go through? These are working dairy-farming families that he is hitting with these extra costs and taxes.</para>
<para>Following my question to the Prime Minister, the Australian Dairy Industry Council wrote to the Prime Minister, and copied it to the minister. It stated:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I write regarding your response to the member for Wannon in question time last Thursday regarding the impacts from the proposed carbon tax on the Australian dairy industry. Your response to the question infers that the likely cost impacts on dairy farming families and dairy companies are being misrepresented in the current debate. The Australian Dairy Industry Council strongly rejects any inference that we have or are engaging in misrepresentation on this issue. From the very start of public discussions on climate policy the ADIC has observed that the impacts of carbon pricing on Australian dairy farmers were likely to be significant, unless appropriately structured. Carbon pricing would lead to a sharp increase in dairy's key on-farm energy import, electricity, and the inevitable pass-back of higher energy and import costs for diary manufacturers to farm suppliers in the form of lower milk prices.</para></quote>
<para>This is a serious issue which will impact my electorate. We produce more milk in the south-west than any other region in the country does. You are directly whacking, directly impacting on, the dairy farmers in my electorate. It is time that the minister got his head out of the sand and had a look at the detrimental impact this carbon tax is going to have on the dairy industry, and especially on dairy farmers in my electorate. If we were in the EU, they would be exempt, because they are trade exposed emissions intensive. They need the same exemption here in Australia. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr LYONS</name>
    <name.id>M38</name.id>
    <electorate>Bass</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak in this cognate debate on the clean energy bills. The Gillard government has developed a comprehensive plan to move to a clean energy future. We, unlike those on the other side of the chamber, accept the science on climate change. The Liberal Party have been scaremongering around the country. The Leader of the Opposition, the member for Warringah, is a risk to jobs and the economy. We need stability and a plan for the future.</para>
<para>Our plan is to move to a market price, whilst the Liberals have the same target as us but prefer instead to tax working families and give to the polluters, including multinationals—that is, take from battlers and give to the rich. Job opportunities in science and engineering and in building trades will open up as existing businesses move to clean energy and invest in new technology to generate less pollution. This is a great opportunity for this country. In fact, the Climate Institute research paper found that about 31,000 jobs could be created in regional Australia by 2030 if a price is put on carbon and clean energy policies are put into place. Climate Institute Chief Executive John Connor said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We don’t want to be lumbered with the energy sources and jobs of the 20th century, while the 21st century charges on without us.</para></quote>
<para>Australia generates more carbon pollution per person than any developed country, including the United States. We produce significantly more pollution per person than India and China. This is a problem we can no longer ignore. The world is moving to a clean energy future and we will be at the forefront. Some constituents in my electorate have asked me why Australia has to be first, and I say, 'Well, we were up there with universal health care, super and opening up our economy, and we need to be first with carbon as well.' I explain that countries around the world are already taking action on climate change: 89 countries, representing 80 per cent of global emissions and 90 per cent of the world's economy, have already pledged to take action on climate change. This is a tremendous commitment.</para>
<para>The world is shifting and accepting the science. Yet those opposite continue with their criticisms and scaremongering. And, yes, we have all heard the member for Warringah say he will rescind the carbon price if elected. He will also reverse household assistance. He would prefer to tax Australian families and hand the money to big business. The Australian Labor Party will look after vulnerable and working people; the Liberals will take from those least able to pay and give to the rich multinationals. We know the Liberals will cut benefits to the vulnerable because they have form—look at their history. They voted against the jobs that were created by the BER.</para>
<para>What I find very interesting is that the vast majority of Liberal coalition members have not mentioned their direct action policy in this important debate. Is this because they are embarrassed about their policy? Is it because they would rather play cheap politics and hoodwink the Australian public about the government's plan? Is it because they do not believe the science and know that the Liberal Party will never action the policy if they do win government?</para>
<para>This is an exciting reform and we have the support of many scientists, leaders and stakeholders. The President of the European Commission, Mr Jose Barroso, welcomed the clean energy future package, and I quote:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Australia's decision to put a price on carbon emissions is in our view an important step both environmentally and economically, because it is in our European experience the most cost efficient way to reduce emissions and also a great green business opportunity.</para></quote>
<para>The Uniting Church of Australia has also weighed in, with the Victorian and Tasmanian branch welcoming the initiative. UCA President Reverend Alistair Macrae said that strong and swift action on climate change is needed and that this is a historic moment for Australia. Dr John Hewson said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">…this is the most important thing we can do for our nation this century—</para></quote>
<para>Interesting—yet those opposite continue to play political games on this critical issue. Tony Abbott's carbon plan would send ordinary taxpayers' money direct to the biggest polluters, costing every household an average of $1,300. Yet, as I mentioned before, those on the seats opposite have been deathly quiet. This is a real difference between the Labor Party and the Liberals. Labor look after the vulnerable and create jobs for the future, whilst the Liberals look after the rich. I ask those opposite to get on board, to think about Australia's future and to support these bills. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TEHAN</name>
    <name.id>210911</name.id>
    <electorate>Wannon</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise again to speak because I was gagged in speaking in the substantive debate on this legislation. I am going to use this forum and I will advertise the fact, again, that I will use various forums to keep hammering the government on this toxic tax. I once again say how appalled I was on behalf of my constituents that, for a bill which was over 1,200 pages, the government saw fit to give the electorate of Wannon and its representative only five minutes to speak on that over 1,200-page bill.</para>
<para>I will now turn to the impact that the toxic carbon tax will have on manufacturing in my electorate. I have been pursuing the government in this place on the impact that it will have on manufacturing in my electorate. On 3 March I asked the Prime Minister:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Portland Aluminium, located in my electorate of Wannon, directly employs 600 people. Across the country there are 60,000 jobs dependent on the aluminium industry. Will the Prime Minister guarantee that there will be no job losses in the aluminium industry as a result of the carbon tax?</para></quote>
<para>What was the answer that I got? Could I get a straight answer to that pretty straightforward question? No, I could not. I got: 'Let's have a go at this. Let's have a go at that. We'll do everything that we can bar answer that question.' So, I followed up that and I asked the Treasurer, because I thought the Treasurer might be able to shed some light. I asked the Treasurer:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I refer the Treasurer to a fact sheet from a group including the Australian Conservation Foundation, the Australian Youth Climate Coalition, Environment Victoria and Greenpeace, which claims:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">'… if Alcoa’s aluminium smelting did go overseas, there would be a direct environmental benefit even if the same quantity of aluminium was produced.'</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Does the Treasurer agree that relocating Australia's aluminium industry, including Portland Aluminium in my electorate, to countries that do not impose a tax on carbon would help reduce global emissions?</para></quote>
<para>The Treasurer did give me a direct answer on that but it was not a very expansive one. I now know why the Treasurer would not expand on that and why the Prime Minister was rather reluctant to go into too much detail about the impact of the carbon tax on the aluminium sector. When Alcoa presented to the Senate select committee inquiry into carbon tax pricing, it came out that the carbon tax will cost the company around $40 million a year. This is a trade-exposed emissions-intensive industry and competes internationally. Yet we are sitting here today and those opposite are quite happy that Alcoa takes a $40 million hit to their bottom line. Aluminium is Victoria's biggest export and we are putting an additional cost of $40 million per annum on these exports. It beggars belief that we would be doing that to Victoria's largest manufacturer.</para>
<para>There are other manufacturers in my electorate who are also going to be hit. I refer in particular to two in Ararat—AME Systems and Gason Industries. Both these small manufacturers actually produce equipment which reduces emissions. What is the government doing to assist and help these manufacturing businesses who are making goods here in Australia which help reduce emissions? They are adding to their costs. Go figure! We have leading technology being produced by these two businesses to help reduce emissions, and what is their reward? They are going to get hit with extra costs and in particular extra electricity costs. This carbon tax will be bad for manufacturing in my electorate; it will be bad for manufacturing in Australia.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr COMBET</name>
    <name.id>YW6</name.id>
    <electorate>Charlton</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I may just respond to a couple of the things that the member for Wannon has raised. Firstly, shortly after the government announced the clean energy future package on 10 July I was at Point Henry smelter in Victoria with representatives of Alcoa who, in fact, welcomed the government's policy announcement and the fact that the government had taken into account issues that they had raised. Specifically, of course, in the aluminium industry an average of 94.5 per cent of their carbon price liability will be offset in the first year of the scheme by the issuing of free carbon units, or free permits. Along with some other important changes that the government made to policy prior to it being announced on 10 July, Alcoa, certainly in their public commentary and in their observations to their own workforce—in fact, I spoke in the canteen with representatives of Alcoa and with a number of members of the workforce—indicated that their concerns have been met. That is an important thing to place on the record given the absurd hysteria that has just been recited by the member for Wannon.</para>
<para>Similarly in relation to the manufacturing sector—and the member for Wannon raised issues concerning the cost impost for small manufacturers—you have to bear in mind that the cost impact is, in fact, very modest in many businesses. The Treasury modelling, of course, indicates that the overall CPI impact is 0.7 per cent upon the introduction of the carbon price. Within that, electricity is modelled to rise around 10 per cent for households in particular. If we take that number and apply it to the current proportion of costs attributable to electricity for many businesses—and working with the Small Business Council and speaking to some other businesses, including an iron foundry—it is around two or three per cent of their total costs. Taking that figure and applying the Treasury modelling of a price increase for electricity, you are looking at a potential increase in the order of 0.2 per cent to 0.3 per cent in costs for many businesses. That is a manageable cost impost. Businesses which are not in the trade-exposed sector of the economy can pass through these costs, and it is the passing through of these modest cost increases that leads to the overall CPI increase. That is why the government has formulated a policy to deliver assistance to households. We are delivering assistance in the form of increases to benefits to meet those cost increases. For example, there will be a 1.7 per cent increase in the pension, with $250 to be paid in advance to single pensioners in May/June next year and, similarly, there will be a 1.7 per cent upfront payment to families in receipt of family tax benefits. These are the ways that the government is dealing with these cost increases and the overall CPI increase.</para>
<para>In addition, for the manufacturing sector as described by the member for Wannon, there is an $800 million Clean Technology Program which is a co-contribution grants scheme to assist businesses to improve their energy efficiency. All these issues are pertinent too to the dairy industry, which has been raised by the member for Wannon. ABARES analysis indicates that electricity costs are about 2.3 per cent of total farm cash costs. With the increase in electricity prices, that will translate to an increase in costs of around 0.23 per cent in total farm cash costs. The government has been through these matters with dairy industry representatives a number of times. We do not agree with all of their calculations of the cost impost, and these are some data that are important to inject into the debate.</para>
<para>We are very mindful that in dairy processing in particular there is a high level of electricity consumption. As a consequence of that, the government has formulated a $150 million program specifically for the food processing sector which will operate in the form of a co-contribution grant for dairy processors and others in the food industry to assist them to find efficient ways of reducing their electricity consumption—that is, to improve their energy efficiency. The government is committed to that program. It will help the industry. In discussions I have had with the industry, it has acknowledged that it will be an important contribution.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TEHAN</name>
    <name.id>210911</name.id>
    <electorate>Wannon</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am glad that the minister is prepared to engage in the debate. I have a couple of things to say. Manufacturers cannot pass the costs through. These are businesses which compete globally, so they cannot pass the costs through; instead, they must suffer the consequences.</para>
<para>Let us listen to what three manufacturing businesses say. Alcoa has confirmed that the carbon tax along with the strong Australian dollar and high import costs is imposing 'a significant threat to the future viability of both the Victorian aluminium smelters'. Alcoa also confirms that the carbon tax will cost the company around $40 million a year. I will leave it there.</para>
<para>Let us look at the two small manufacturers in my electorate. Mr Peter Carthew, who is the Chairman and Managing Director of AME Systems, says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Carbon Tax is the sort of charge against our business which we cannot recover from in an already highly price competitive market place …</para></quote>
<para>Mr Les Gason, Chairman of Gason Industries, says that they are expecting an increase of up to nine per cent in expenses. Forget about the Treasury modelling; that is what the business on the ground is saying—nine per cent in expenses. Mr Gason says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">This imposes a cost on us which I don’t believe is necessary or fair, because it is not imposed on the imports we compete against. These additional costs will make it a lot harder.</para></quote>
<para>I invite the minister to come down to Wannon, and together we could go and see these two small manufacturing businesses in Ararat. We could then go down to Warrnambool and meet with Murray-Goulburn and Warrnambool Cheese and Butter and have a discussion about the direct impact of the carbon tax on the dairy industry. We could then head to Portland and have a discussion there with the workers about the impact that the carbon tax will have on the aluminium sector. I extend an open invitation to the minister to come down.</para>
<para>While we were there, we could also talk to local farmers. I have not started yet on the impact the carbon tax will have on other parts of the agricultural sector in my electorate. Agriculture has diversified in my electorate. We now do a lot of cropping. Modelling done on the impact of the carbon tax on a grain property in Western Australia says that the tax will add an additional $36,000 a year in farm business costs. For meat processing, which is trade-exposed and emissions-intensive, the carbon tax will mean that at least another 24c to 30c per sheep is taken off the farmer's bottom line. We have just been through 10 years of drought, and now along comes the government to hit the competitiveness of our meat industry. For sheep meat we are looking at a 16 per cent loss under the carbon tax, and the list goes on.</para>
<para>So I offer to the minister, the Prime Minister or any member of the government who would like to come down the chance to talk to the farmers, the manufacturers and, in particular, the dairy industry in the electorate of Wannon to see what impact this carbon tax is going to have. I reiterate once again to the minister that, if Murray-Goulburn, Warrnambool Cheese and Butter, Fonterra or Bega operated in Europe, they would be largely exempt under the EU scheme. The reason they would be exempt is the European Union does not want carbon leakage. It does not want jobs and industry going overseas. It is a shame that the government here will not stand up for our industries and for jobs in our country, and is going ahead with the standalone, do-it-yourself carbon tax, which is reckless. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GRIERSON</name>
    <name.id>00AMP</name.id>
    <electorate>Newcastle</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am very pleased to speak on the government's Clean Energy Future legislation. Today in the chamber the Minister for Climate Change and Energy Efficiency said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The 19 bills comprising the clean energy legislation and the Steel Transformation Plan Bill represent one of the most important environmental and economic reforms in this nation's history.</para></quote>
<para>It is days like today that make the people on this side of the House proud to be members of this government and proud to be members of the Australian Labor Party. In my electorate we have waited a long time for this legislation and we have been preparing for it. I hear so many members on the other side spread fear through scaremongering about the loss of jobs and the threat to the economy. This defies the realities of a place like Newcastle, the city I represent. It is a city that once was dependent on one industry, BHP Steelmaking, yet we learned about diversification, innovation and investing in skills and modern capital. We also learned about the powers of collaboration.</para>
<para>For the 10 years since the CSIRO Energy Centre came to Newcastle we have been preparing for this legislation. In 2007, when this government was elected, we were ready and since then capacity has been built around a clean energy economy, with investment exceeding $300 million. The clean energy technology centre, the Newcastle Institute for Energy and Resources, the Australian Solar Institute, and Smart Grid, Smart City are wonderful things, but there is one thing missing—a mechanism to price carbon and increase the competitiveness of clean and renewable energy. That is exactly what these bills do. That is why today is such a wonderful day for places like Newcastle.</para>
<para>It is extremely important to know that this legislation also sustains existing industry. I have said before and I will keep saying that there is no minister who better understands how important it is to sustain employment by sustaining jobs in our traditional industries. In an electorate like mine, we value-add to steel from Whyalla. We make the steel products at OneSteel using innovation to make innovative products that are used all over this nation. We make the aluminium and at Tomago Aluminium we are going to diversify and value-add to that product as well. We make cement. We also export the biggest volume of coal in the world. Under this government there is support for every one of those industries. I have been astounded by this government's willingness to listen and to respond to the needs of current industries and the jobs that they create.</para>
<para>The other side have been really concerned because they have seen, not only in action but also at the tax forum and the jobs forum last week, a willingness from all stakeholders to step into the future and face with realism the challenges that confront our industries and our economy. A Prime Minister's task force has been set up to look at sustaining industry, just as a Prime Minister's task force was set up when BHP closed in Newcastle. I know that under the Gillard government this will be an extension of everything that is good in this legislation.</para>
<para>It is always disappointing when the voices of those who should know a lot better spread fear and untruths, misrepresenting the realities of our economy. For example, the Premier of New South Wales, Barry O'Farrell, repeated fallacious claims that up to 13,000 people in the Hunter would lose their jobs. That is not true. All the modelling says job growth in the Hunter is real. Mr Baldwin, the member for Paterson, said the coal industry in Newcastle is doomed. What rubbish—there is billions of dollars in forward investment and new terminals are being created by three different entities. Finally we have the legislation to boost our investment in clean energy and the future economy. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms O'DWYER</name>
    <name.id>LKU</name.id>
    <electorate>Higgins</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>That was very valiant attempt by the member for Newcastle to defend the indefensible, 19 carbon tax bills that will have a crushing impact on our economy and on our way of life. I rise to speak in this consideration in detail stage, in particular, to highlight the amendment brought forward by the Leader of the Opposition. I do so having been gagged in the second reading debate and prevented from delivering my speech in full on the government's 19 carbon tax bills because the debate in this chamber was guillotined by this government. I was not the only one who was gagged. Along with my friends and colleagues the members for Riverina and for Wannon, I had just 20 seconds per bill to outline the concerns of my constituents in Higgins.</para>
<para>Why is the gagging of debate so significant to the consideration in detail? It is significant because we learn tonight that the government is proposing to move 48 amendments. This means that 48 problems with these bills have already been identified. These bills consist of over 1,200 pages of legislation. The parliament had less than one minute per bill to consider one of the most complex changes to our economy. That is why the Leader of the Opposition has brought forward an amendment to defer the commencement of a carbon tax until after an election—until after the Australian people have had the opportunity to have their say and to restore their faith in government, a faith that has been so cruelly and wantonly broken by this Prime Minister. As we all know, there was no mandate from the Australian people for these bills for a carbon tax—in fact, from it, as the Prime Minister gave a categorical assurance only five days out from the election that there would be no carbon tax under the government that she led. The Treasurer also reinforced the government policy position by stating in his <inline font-style="italic">Meet the Press</inline> address:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Well, certainly what we rejected is this hysterical allegation somehow that we are moving towards a carbon tax … We reject that.</para></quote>
<para>That is a direct quote. That is what the Treasurer of this country said. Again, I say there has been a cruel breach of faith with the Australian people.</para>
<para>In my speech in the second reading debate I spoke about the fact that in bringing forward these bills we would be going it alone. We will be going it alone in a situation where we have a very parlous global economic condition.</para>
<para>I want to now turn to why it is that we need to support the amendment by the Leader of the Opposition to defer commencement by first looking at the government figures, the government's modelling. We all know that the government have problems with their figures. We know that they are pretty good at turning a $20 billion surplus into an almost $50 billion deficit. They are good at changing no net debt to almost $107 billion of net debt. We know that they can increase the gross debt ceiling to $250 billion. This government are not great with their figures and that is why I want to talk about their modelling. Their modelling is very deficient when you consider the amendments that they had to bring forward. When they first announced their $9 billion a year tax they forgot to mention the fact that there was $4.3 billion over the forward estimates that the government had simply left off their model. Embarrassingly, the Treasurer tried to explain this away as a rounding error—some rounding error!</para>
<para>Earlier this year the House of Representatives Standing Committee on Economics, of which I am a member, were told by the government that due to the floods and Cyclone Yasi the devastation in Queensland and Victoria was such that the government needed a new tax to raise just $1.8 billion because the impact was going to be so significant on the budget bottom line. They said that the money could not come from appropriations like any other disaster because the impact was so great and yet in their own modelling they left off $4.3 billion. Question No. 1: if the government cannot get this simple fact right with their own modelling, what confidence can we possibly have that something as complex as a carbon tax can be got right? This is again another reason that we need to defer these carbon tax bills and the proclamation of these bills until after an election. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ZAPPIA</name>
    <name.id>HWB</name.id>
    <electorate>Makin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is interesting listening to members opposite. In particular I refer to those members who have spoken about the impact of this legislation on industry around Australia. I want to respond to a couple of comments made firstly by the member for Moncrieff, who earlier on was referring to the 1½ per cent that Australia contributes to total global emissions and the five per cent reduction target on the year 2000 levels by the year 2020. The member for Moncrieff criticised that target of a five per cent reduction on the year 2000 levels by 2020 saying that it was only five per cent. He conveniently neglected to say that it represents about 23 per cent on business as usual levels if we did nothing. It is in fact quite a significant decrease in emissions by the year 2020. Here is the irony of his comments: he also neglected to point out that his own party have set an equivalent target. If you are going to come in here and criticise the target of five per cent reduction by the year 2020 and your own party has adopted it, what does that say about your own credibility?</para>
<para>Quite frankly, the member for Moncrieff also omitted to talk about the impact of the policies that his leader has put to this House as an alternative to achieving those targets. If you believe that we ought to achieve those targets then you must have a strategy to do so. We have heard about their strategy, and their strategy will cost households about $1,300 a year as opposed to $9.90, or around $500, which is the cost of this legislation—in other words, more than twice as much. What impact will that have on the industries and the businesses that he claims and purports to be concerned about?</para>
<para>I want to talk about another aspect which the member for Moncrieff also conveniently failed to refer to. It is a fact that climate change will impact on Australia's biodiversity and our ecosystems in this country. It is a point the Minister for Climate Change and Energy Efficiency has made on numerous occasions in this place. It is such a serious matter that the Standing Committee on Climate Change, Environment and the Arts is inquiring into that very issue right now—that is, the impact of climate change on Australia's biodiversity and in turn our ecosystems. I want to quote from a statement made by the CSIRO, an organisation that I would expect would have credibility in this country and quite rightly so. I am referring specifically to the issue of Queensland. The CSIRO said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">In Queensland, fisheries are likely worth more than $200 million per year, mainly through the Great Barrier Reef system … and tourism is estimated to contribute $9.2 billion and employs 222,000 people …</para></quote>
<para>That was based on a Tourism Queensland report of 2006. All of these industries and these ecosystems are at risk if we as part of the global world do nothing in respect of climate change. If the member for Moncrieff is genuinely concerned about the impact of this legislation on those business operators in Queensland, where is his concern when the fact is that, if we do nothing, the impact on their businesses will be even greater and there will be 222,000 people whose jobs are at risk?</para>
<para>In respect of the other point made by both the member for Moncrieff and the member for Wannon about the impact on businesses, again they pretend that we are working in isolation here. They conveniently ignore the fact that other countries with whom we compete have had a cost on their businesses since 1990. Finland, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Switzerland, Ireland and the UK have all had an indirect or direct tax system that impacts on industries in those countries, and you can break that down to a cost per tonne. So it is not as though we are acting in isolation and it is not as though we are not acting on a level playing field. It is a fact that, since 1990, we have been acting with an advantage because we have had no price per tonne on carbon in this country. Let us be honest when we start making comparisons with what is proposed in this legislation and what is occurring around the world. The reality is, as the Productivity Commission has quite rightly pointed out, that 89 countries that represent 80 per cent of the global emissions and nearly 90 per cent of the total GDP are already acting. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms O'DWYER</name>
    <name.id>LKU</name.id>
    <electorate>Higgins</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise again to speak on this issue in the consideration in detail. I return to the point that I was making earlier regarding the government's very rubbery figures: the fact that it forgot $4.3 billion and then said, 'Oops! Don't worry about it; it's simply a rounding error'. What that demonstrates to all of us in this chamber is that the government got it wrong again on its figures and then, of course, found an excuse to try to make it look as though it was all meant to be. But we know that it was not meant to be. The government's default position is to tax and spend, and the carbon tax that the government has brought forward is the biggest tax and spend redistribution of wealth that we will see in our lifetimes.</para>
<para>But this is not where the government's rubbery figures end. The government also forgot to factor in the $10 billion in the slush fund for the leader of the Greens, to fund his pet causes and projects. Again, we were led to believe that this perhaps was not real money. We know that the Treasurer has had problems in the past with real money—he has problems with this concept—because in opposition he referred to the fact that a $600 per child payment was not 'real money'. I have news for the Treasurer: the money is real, and it comes from ordinary Australians.</para>
<para>We know that the cost of the carbon tax will be around $1.63 billion between now and 2020. It is going to cost up to a trillion dollars over the coming decades. This is despite the fact that the Prime Minister in her own speech said that the price impact of the government's plan will be modest. A trillion dollars: I would hardly call that modest.</para>
<para>Now we come to the modelling. Only last sitting period, the Treasurer was forced to release new modelling to factor in those things that had not been factored in. Who can forget that the government modelling in the compensation arrangements they put forward was based on $20 a tonne when in fact they were bringing in a carbon tax with a starting price of $23 a tonne? In his most current press release on the modelling, the Treasurer acknowledged that the updated modelling covers the main impacts on the Australian economy of the Clean Energy Future package. However, including all elements of the plan was not feasible. So he is acknowledging in his own words that they cannot really properly fully model the impact. They either do not know or do not want us to know what the impact is going to be.</para>
<para>We keep being reminded by the government that this is a wonderfully vital economic reform, yet by their own admission they cannot say what the impact is going to be and, more to the point, they cannot tell us who the 500 big polluters are. We know that the supposed 500 big polluters dipped down to around 400 and then went back up to 500. And yet, when specifically asked to name the supposedly hundreds of big polluters who are going to have to pay this carbon tax, the government cannot detail for us who they are.</para>
<para>It is fair to say that if they cannot answer these fairly basic questions and if they cannot get basic programs like a pink batts program, or a solar homes program of only $850 million or a $350 million green program right, how on earth are they going to get the most complex change to the Australian economy right? We know that there is one thing they are consistent on, and that is budget blowouts. We know that they are very good at wasting taxpayer money, but we will all be paying for that.</para>
<para>I would also like to talk about another thing that the government says is close to its heart and is very important, and that is jobs. The government is very good at talking about jobs and yet not very good at defending them. Let us analyse some of the numbers. Verso Economics recently found that, for every supposed green job created, 3.7 jobs were lost in other areas of the economy. Spain's Universidad Rey Juan Carlos found that, for every green job, 2.2 jobs were lost. Study after study demonstrates what we know to be correct, which is that with a carbon tax jobs will go, jobs will be lost. This government says that it is a matter of pride that it defends jobs, yet when the Prime Minister was asked to guarantee that not one job would be lost she would not give that guarantee. Why would she not give that guarantee? She would not give that guarantee because she knows the truth. The truth is the carbon tax will lead to a destruction of jobs.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms SAFFIN</name>
    <name.id>HVY</name.id>
    <electorate>Page</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I have listened to the honourable member for Higgins, and she talked about being guillotined. She did not make a bad fist of it tonight in speaking. She had two goes, and I am sure she will come back for some more goes. It is just utter nonsense that we are listening to.</para>
<para>This amendment moved by the Leader of the Opposition is only designed to delay the start of the carbon price. That is all it is designed to do. The government cannot support this amendment. I cannot support this amendment. The people in my electorate of Page want the certainty that this package of legislation is bringing. I have spoken to some of the people tonight, and they are pleased that it is happening.</para>
<para>They talk about delays. Let me tell you about delays and what has happened. This is the culmination of a debate that has been running for almost two decades. I repeat: two decades. We have seen 35 parliamentary inquiries into climate change since 1994. We have had a lot of discussion on these topics in this House already. This year alone there have been 225 questions asked on carbon pricing and over 15 separate MPI debates—more debacles than debates, but for form's sake I will call them debates. The clean energy debate has taken some 33 hours. There have been 120 speakers. Again, I ask: is that being guillotined? Significantly, this has been a longer debate than the former Howard coalition government allowed for the GST, for Work Choices and for the sale of Telstra—significant issues indeed, as is this one. Mind you, it is not as if we have not talked about this before. When I listen to the opposition it is a bit like being trapped in that movie <inline font-style="italic">Groundhog Day</inline>. They just wake up, they come in here and they trot out the same old stuff. At least in <inline font-style="italic">Groundhog Day</inline> the lead character woke up every day more accomplished, more informed and more intelligent. I do not see that happening on the other side but that is what it feels like.</para>
<para>The time to act is now. That is what the government is doing. We must begin the transformation to a low-carbon economy, and this transformation begins with the passage of the clean energy bills. We have to put in place the incentive for business to invest in the clean energy technologies that will allow Australia to maintain its economic growth while cutting pollution. It is about being competitive. I am sure the opposition do not understand. Their only competition is really with the opposition leader wanting to come into this place in another position; it is about his job. The countries that pioneer the clean technologies that will allow this decoupling to occur will be the countries that see strong and consistent economic growth through the next century. These will be the countries that will be the most competitive. That is what this is about. It is about keeping Australia competitive.</para>
<para>The alternative of the Leader of the Opposition's prescription is to do nothing. It is about pretending that climate change is not happening—heads buried totally in the sand—and it is about attacking the scientists who say that climate change is occurring and attacking the economists who state that a carbon price is the most efficient way of tackling the problem. I know there are many on the opposite side who believe that. By refusing to grapple with the challenges and opportunities of a carbon-constrained world—and that is what this clean energy package will transition us to—the Leader of the Opposition would rather see our economy stagnate and fall behind those of our competitors, as long as his political interests are served. That is how it looks to me and that is how it is increasingly looking to many others.</para>
<para>Now that the Leader of the Opposition can see that he will not be able to stop this important reform, he attempts to delay it. Just get on with it. It is time to just do it. It is happening. This again betrays his inability to put the interests of the nation above his own narrow political interest. The fact is that we know that any delay to this important reform will not magically make it less costly. In fact, it will only increase the costs. Various studies have looked into the implications of delaying the introduction of a carbon price and all conclude that such delay is costly. We cannot ignore them. We ignore them at our peril. In addition, federal Treasury have consistently stated that delaying this crucial reform will only increase the costs of separating— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms O'DWYER</name>
    <name.id>LKU</name.id>
    <electorate>Higgins</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I was listening very intently to my colleague across the chamber, the member for Page, about the importance, as she put it, of not delaying, of doing it right now, because it will increase costs at some point in the future. We know that this is simply based on a false assumption. It is based on the assumption that there is going to be a global consensus on carbon tax and on emissions trading schemes, and we know for a fact that this is not where the world is going. Let me tell you, while there may be some people in Page who might support you in this endeavour, I can certainly say that there are people in Higgins who do not. I know for a fact, because they have told me, that it is going to have a dramatic impact on their cost of living and on their way of life.</para>
<para>I went out to speak to my electorate specifically on this issue. Just as the Prime Minister said she was going to wear out her shoe leather speaking to everybody about this, I not only talked the talk but also walked the walk. I had a community forum in my electorate on 27 July and had around 200 people turn up. People spoke there about the cost of living going up and they asked the question: what is the global environmental gain from this carbon tax? Self-funded retirees without a Commonwealth health card stated that they would be dramatically worse off. They know that they will not receive any payments from the government. They know as well that payments simply will not keep up. They know that every time they turn on the light, open a fridge, wash their clothes or turn on the air conditioner a carbon tax is going to mean it will cost them more. This is going to affect over 285,000 Australians, many of whom are in my electorate of Higgins, who have sacrificed and saved to fund themselves in their own retirement.</para>
<para>During that forum that night I was also particularly struck by a very sobering dilemma faced by a small businessman, Mr Errol Mymin, the managing director of Timbermate Group, which manufacture and then export a unique product to 15 countries. He said, 'I make a 100 per cent locally made product of which 90 per cent of my raw material is from Victoria.' He is already being hit by the high Australian dollar. He employs 18 people, 12 of whom are over the age of 50 years. He told the forum that the carbon tax and the 10 per cent hike in electricity will force him to consider relocating his business overseas. He expressed concern that many of the people that he employs would find it very difficult to get another job. He asked: how do you compensate people for the loss of a job? That is exactly the point—you cannot. He went on to say in an email to me, 'Comrade Combet'—who is sitting across the chamber here tonight—'refers to households, low earners and large polluters, but does no-one in Labor understand the people that will be hurt the most are the low-paid workers who will lose their jobs as they become too expensive and manufacturers move overseas?' That is the question that this government needs to answer.</para>
<para>On Saturday, 18 September, I spoke with many small businesses in my electorate of Higgins who specifically run their businesses in Koornang Road, Carnegie. The chicken shop owner told me about the impact that the increased electricity prices will have on his business. The cafe owner said that it would make it harder for him to employ people when he had to cut costs to absorb as much as he could before passing on those remaining costs to consumers. The florist spoke to me about the fact that she has never seen such bad business conditions and that the added impact of the government's carbon tax would finish many businesses off. And on and on it went.</para>
<para>But it is not just businesses, the people they employ and their families who are affected; it is also the services we use. I met with a not-for-profit hospital that has calculated that the carbon tax will increase its electricity bills by up to $520,000 per year. This hospital in my electorate of Higgins receives no compensation. It is not a multinational for-profit organisation. It is not a big polluter. It simply cannot absorb this cost. Imposing a carbon tax ultimately leads to one of three outcomes for this not-for-profit hospital: increased costs to patients, cuts to staff or both. People in business and the community understand the dangers of imposing a carbon tax. This government needs to understand the very real impact it will have on everyone's life here in Australia.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GRIERSON</name>
    <name.id>00AMP</name.id>
    <electorate>Newcastle</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We hear from the other side: 'What's the hurry? What's the big need for this legislation?' The facts in this debate are simple. Climate change is real. The evidence is overwhelming. We are already seeing the impacts of a changing climate. Human activities are triggering those changes, and we are witnessing it in the global climate. The International Energy Agency has found that last year greenhouse gas emissions increased by a record amount and that an estimated 30.6 gigatonnes of carbon were released worldwide. The IEA advised that to avoid the worst effects of global warming we must stop short of 32 gigatonnes a year by 2020. It is worth noting that even this target is 'starting to seem impossibly optimistic.' We will act. It is important to act.</para>
<para>I also hear: 'Why act early? We're going out before anyone else.' No, we are not. That is not at all true. As the minister explained today, that claim conveniently ignores the action that is occurring all around the world. It disregards that it is in our national interest to be part of that change, part of that competitive economy. China is spending one per cent of its GDP on renewable energy. That is a huge market. We cannot afford to be left out of that. We want our slice of that. We cannot ignore the fact that we are the highest emitters per capita amongst developed economies. Our future prosperity does depend on us embracing change—on embracing a cleaner, carbon-free economy.</para>
<para>I note that the minister also drew attention to the fact that 90 countries representing 80 per cent of global emissions and over 90 per cent of the global economy have now made pledges to undertake mitigation action. China, I know, intends to have a national scheme by 2015. So it is something we cannot afford not to be part of. We are not acting early. We are acting responsibly.</para>
<para>People also say, 'Isn't this a great big tax on everything?' and 'Isn't this a Labor government that's putting the needs of working people aside?' No, that is not right. This is a typical Labor policy.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs Bronwyn Bishop</name>
    <name.id>SE4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It sure is!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Mackellar will desist from interjecting.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GRIERSON</name>
    <name.id>00AMP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>This is good Labor policy that makes big polluters pay. It is a Labor policy that supports 90 per cent of households with any cost impacts. It supports all pensioners. It supports three million low-income families with a tax-free threshold rising from $6,000 to $18,000, which will support over 90 per cent of households. I would like to know if the Leader of the Opposition will stop those payments. Is it his style to stop the cheques, denying the Australian people the assistance they will need? Possibly.</para>
<para>This is a Labor policy because it sustains industry. It absolutely invests into our current industry and the jobs they create. It also invests in innovation, in the future and in the environment. I note my colleague mentioned the impact on biodiversity if we do nothing. Australia leads the world in loss of biodiversity. That is not something we should be at all proud of. This is a very good effort to do something about that.</para>
<para>I have also heard across the chamber: 'We can't afford this; this impost is terrible.' I think they said that about slavery: 'We can't afford to get rid of slavery. We can't afford anything that prejudices our profits.' This is absolutely an argument that we hear every day from the opposition. 'We can't afford it. The sky will fall. The economy will be ruined.' This is the economy that has been recognised internationally as one of the strongest, most resilient economies in the world.</para>
<para class="italic">Mrs Bronwyn Bishop interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Mackellar will desist from interjecting.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms GRIERSON</name>
    <name.id>00AMP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I heard those opposite absolutely denigrate some other winners of the <inline font-style="italic">Euromoney </inline>award. Pakistan was laughed at, yet the Pakistani who won went back a world leader to assist his country for two years to improve their financial management and economic growth. So, no, we will not be ruined. This is the policy we need. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr McCORMACK</name>
    <name.id>219646</name.id>
    <electorate>Riverina</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am so pleased that so many of my New South Wales colleagues in this federal parliament are here tonight. We have the member for Parramatta, the member for Newcastle, the member for Robertson, the member for Hughes and the honourable member for Mackellar, as well as me as the member for Riverina. New South Wales people are sensible people, as is everybody in this chamber. We know how vital it is that members of this chamber support the amendment to the Clean Energy Bill 2011 and accompanying bills to make commencement of the carbon tax contingent on a proclamation of the next parliament. Almost 14 months after the Prime Minister uttered those infamous words she will live to regret, 'There will be no carbon tax under the government I lead,' Labor is about to impose the world's costliest carbon tax at a time of global economic despair. Labor is doing this without first taking it to the people of Australia—or is it? Yes, in fact it has already gone to the people of Australia. We have already polled members of the public, the voters of this great nation, as to what they thought of a carbon tax. The Greens' policy included a carbon tax in the lead-up to the 2010 election and they fielded candidates in each and every one of the 150 electorates across Australia. The votes came in and—guess what!—the Greens won just one seat and the other 149 electorates went to candidates who said they would not support a carbon tax. The people have already spoken. Australians resoundingly rejected a carbon tax then and, to be fair to the 12 ½ million voters, Labor should do the right thing and give the people another say. Labor needs to do this because it did not listen last time at the 2010 election.</para>
<para>The coalition listens and acts accordingly—always. All of the coalition's recent major policy reforms—however challenging, confronting, difficult and electorally unpopular—were put to the people to decide. These included Fightback in 1993, the goods and services tax in 1998 and Work Choices in 2007—all taken to elections. The coalition accepted the will of the people. That is democracy. That is the Nationals-Liberal way. Labor ought to do the same thing with its carbon tax initiative and support this amendment and defer the introduction of the clean energy bills until the 44th Parliament.</para>
<para>Remember this: those who back the Prime Minister do so at the behest of the unrepresentative Greens against the express wishes of the people they purport to serve and at their own peril at the next ballot. Voters have long memories. They will remember the great untruth they were fed before the last election. They will remember, if these 19 bills become law, the Independent and Labor members who did the double-cross. They will remember and will cast their vote accordingly. Labor does not have a mandate to introduce such a job-destroying, lifestyle-changing policy. This is bad policy from a bad government, which gets worse by the day. The Prime Minister will be, do and say anything to stay in the Lodge. She says she cares about jobs. In truth, she does: her job and those of some, if not all, of her frontbench. She cares not about many of her backbenchers because if she did she would not be introducing legislation which will do such irreparable harm to the now strong but soon to be devastated manufacturing and mining electorates they represent—seats once regarded as Labor heartland, which the Prime Minister in her haste to kowtow to the rabble that is the Greens surely knows will change at the next election. Here tonight is the opportunity for Labor MPs to do the right thing: show some conviction, some fortitude and some backbone. Support this amendment. Your leader might not like it, but your constituents surely will. This carbon tax is unpopular, unnecessary, unwanted and undemocratic.</para>
<para>The member for Lyne wants to let the market rip. He repeated the same line to me just this afternoon, but let us not rip out jobs, family incomes and hope for the future for the sake of a whim of the Greens who want a carbon tax. We hear so often from those opposite about clean energy jobs, but what are they and where are they? The price of carbon will start at $23 per tonne, which will add to the cost of everything we do every day of our lives yet will do nothing for the environment. Even on Labor's own figures, it will rip a trillion dollars out of the national wealth over the next 40 years. It will make our businesses less competitive. It will be a $515 a year slug to Australian families and it will cost jobs.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms BIRD</name>
    <name.id>DZP</name.id>
    <electorate>Cunningham</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I take the opportunity to speak in the consideration in detail stage of the clean energy bills, having already spoken in the second reading debate, to do two things that have developed since I last spoke. The first is to address the disgraceful vote today on the Steel Transformation Plan Bill 2011, which those opposite, who claim to be concerned for the welfare of people in the steel industry, failed to support and which would provide very important, strategic and needed support to the steel industry. In particular, I could not believe my colleague Joanna Gash, the member for Gilmore, sat on the other side of the House and voted against the Steel Industry Transformation Plan, and no doubt Senator Concetta Fierravanti-Wells, who has an office in my area, will also vote against that bill.</para>
<para>The reality is that the steel industry at this time needs those opposite to support this bill. I point out to those opposite that BlueScope as a company have made it quite clear that the carbon tax is not the issue that they are confronting. They are confronting the international circumstances and the level of the Australian dollar. The Leader of the Opposition took the opportunity to come to the Illawarra, go to the steelworks and make a big song and dance about the carbon price. I very much doubt that he will be back to explain to them why he led his party in voting against the bill that was before the House today. In fact, the bill was put separately and those opposite could have supported it if they had wanted to but still chose not to do so.</para>
<para>In my region we are always at the forefront of innovating our industries for the future. The steel industry is an important part of the story of developing the new technologies that will be needed for a cleaner energy future. We understand that and we are working to support the steel industry. We also understand that other manufacturers—for example, David Brown Gears in my area have recently got contracts to do gear work for wind farms—see the opportunities that will develop from a greener energy future. It is important for the long-term future of this country that we begin to take up the opportunities that are on offer and position ourselves for the jobs in a cleaner energy future. Those opposite got this not so long ago. In every one of their contributions to this debate they want to ignore the fact that until the change of leadership on their side they backed taking action on climate change—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs Bronwyn Bishop</name>
    <name.id>SE4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No, we did not.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms BIRD</name>
    <name.id>DZP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>through a market mechanism. The one thing that they have perfected in this debate is the rewriting of their own history. In every contribution that they make they want to pretend that this action is something they have never agreed with.</para>
<para class="italic">Mrs Bronwyn Bishop interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Mackellar will cease interjecting!</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms BIRD</name>
    <name.id>DZP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Sadly for them, that is not the evidence of their own cabinet when they were in government, as has been outlined by many in this debate. Their own cabinet in government, of which the current Leader of the Opposition was a member, supported bills, actions and policies to put a price on carbon and to introduce a market based system to put that price in place. Now, of course, they want to rewrite history. At that point in time they were not saying it was a devastating outcome for jobs. What they were saying was that it was an important new opportunity for us as a nation to move into a greener future and to find the jobs of the future. So all the crocodile tears that we hear now, which are never backed up by action to support jobs such as voting in support of the Steel Transformation Plan, are absolutely contradictory to the record of their own party and their own decisions and, indeed, their own government when they were in government in this country. I am very disappointed that my colleague the member for Gilmore and, no doubt, the senator in the other place will not vote in support of local jobs in the Illawarra. It is a real shame that they cannot look beyond their own political message and support local jobs. I express my support in the belief that this will create opportunities as well for jobs in my regions and, more broadly, across the nation. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr McCORMACK</name>
    <name.id>219646</name.id>
    <electorate>Riverina</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to quote a Labor politician in my next comment, and that is former New South Wales Labor Premier Morris Iemma. On 21 July he summed up the feelings of many when he was quoted as saying:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… Labor's platform for re-election in 2013 is environmentally marginal, economically costly and likely to lead Labor to a historic electoral train wreck.</para></quote>
<para>Ka-boom! That is my contribution—the sound of the train wreck. It is happening tonight and it is going to happen into the future. He went on to say of the carbon tax to the <inline font-style="italic">Australian</inline>:</para>
<quote><para class="block">"One thing is sure—it won't change the world, but it could change the government"—</para></quote>
<para>His remarks are precisely why federal Labor needs tonight to support the amendment to the Clean Energy Bill 2011 and accompanying bills to make commencement of the carbon tax contingent on a proclamation of the next parliament. The article went on:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Mr Iemma accused the Gillard government of betraying the Hawke-Keating legacy of economic reform, instead embracing the environmental policies of the Greens' agenda.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"We embraced economic growth, and the benefits of economic growth, in the Hawke Keating era, but we're fighting this battle on the Greens' turf, not our turf. Bob Brown wants to replace the Labor Party as a major party."</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">He rejected the government's view that Australia's carbon tax was similar in scope to actions being taken by other countries.</para></quote>
<para>Members opposite should listen to Mr Iemma:</para>
<quote><para class="block">"Every day there are reports of growth and development in China, its growth in emissions will far outstrip our total emissions," Mr Iemma said.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"The carbon tax at best reduces the rate of increase of emissions slightly."</para></quote>
<para>Indeed, even the Gillard government's chief promoter of the climate debate has admitted even a global effort to cut carbon emissions would not lower temperatures for up to 1,000 years. Chief Climate Commissioner Professor Tim Flannery said on 25 March:</para>
<quote><para class="block">If the world as a whole cut all emissions tomorrow, the average temperature of the planet's not going to drop for several hundred years, perhaps over 1000 years.</para></quote>
<para>If, as Professor Flannery declared, cutting all, not merely reducing, emissions will do nothing to cool the planet then why on earth are we going down this path? This slippery slope to economic despair—</para>
<para class="italic">Government members interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The member will be heard in silence.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr McCORMACK</name>
    <name.id>219646</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Indeed I should be, Mr Deputy Speaker, because they could learn a lot from what I am going to tell them. This slippery slope to economic despair and job losses, this rocky road of higher electricity, gas, fuel and grocery prices—</para>
<para class="italic">Ms Rishworth interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr McCORMACK</name>
    <name.id>219646</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I know you might not care about it but, I tell you what, your constituents do—will strain already stressed everyday household budgets to the limit. And all this for what? Certainly not to help the environment. A carbon tax will not lower global temperatures by one degree, will not lower sea levels by one millimetre. If, as the member for Melbourne so hysterically foretold in his speech in this debate, the seas are rising due to the catastrophic climate change, why is it that so many of the doomsayers are still happy to live on the ocean's edge? For every alarmist scientist after their next funding grant who will tell you we are facing 'dangerous climate change', I can show you a salt-of-the-earth generational farmer who will be just as convincing with his assurances that the only thing which changes is the weather. 'Of droughts and flooding rains', as Dorothea Mackellar put it so well.</para>
<para>But back to Mr Iemma, who said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">"… the Greens' agenda is anti-growth and anti-investment. Lower growth and lower investment leads to lower incomes and fewer jobs."</para></quote>
<para>The article went on to say, and I hope those members opposite who are from New South Wales are listening to this, that Mr Iemma said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… New South Wales would be particularly hurt by the carbon tax in smelting steelworks and manufacturing in western Sydney.</para></quote>
<para>He could have easily added agriculture, horticulture and a whole host of other worthwhile endeavours in the Riverina. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">"Voter reaction ranges from unease and uncertainty to outright hostility. I went down a coalmine myself recently and all the guys I spoke to were uncertain of their futures."</para></quote>
<para>Mr Iemma also offered federal Labor some sound advice:</para>
<quote><para class="block">"We should always be standing shoulder to shoulder with steelworkers and miners and factory workers before we stand shoulder to shoulder with the likes of Bob Brown and Christine Milne."</para></quote>
<para>To Mr Iemma I say: hear, hear! Rest assured we on this side will stand shoulder to shoulder with this country's hardest workers. Rest assured we on this side will not seek to curry favour with the Greens and their economically damaging and fiscally irresponsible policies. The article also said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Mr Iemma's comments reflect the growing concern of many Labor politicians in private.</para></quote>
<para>So tonight those Labor backbenchers so justifiably worried about their political futures would do well to support this opposition amendment.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>Robertson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Before I get to the substantive contribution, about the international linking of permits, that I would like to make to tonight's debate, I have to make a comment on that farcical claim of the member for Riverina that he stands shoulder to shoulder with the hard workers in the manufacturing sector, having today absolutely opposed a $300 million steel transformation package. When we are growing up we get great moral advice from our parents: beware the fake friends. That is what we have seen from the opposition: the fake friends of the working man and woman, shoulder to shoulder. The only time they would be shoulder to shoulder with you is when they were going to take something from you. That is the big difference between the policies on this side of the chamber and those on the other side of the chamber. The policies we see the Liberal-National coalition putting together would have every household in my electorate—indeed, every household in every electorate around the entire country—paying $1,300. They would take it out of the pockets of ordinary workers, with whom they would never stand shoulder to shoulder. And what do they propose to do with that? They would give it to the polluters. That is the truth of the scheme that is proposed by those who oppose us this evening.</para>
<para>Hypocrisy is rank in this place with the comments from those opposite. In December 2009 the member for Sturt, the Manager of Opposition Business, said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… we took an emissions trading scheme to the last election. We believe in climate change action.</para></quote>
<para>Those were his words. The member for Sturt said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I believe passionately in climate change action.</para></quote>
<para>Yet today we see them voting against a scheme that will ensure that we do respond to that climate change action. As a Labor member I am very proud to stand here and say that we will be making sure that, as this economy undertakes a significant shift towards a clean energy future, we position ourselves to take advantage of all the new clean industries that will emerge around the world in that new context. In contrast, we have those on the other side just pooh-poohing and being negative, saying, 'No, no, no'—a strident voice of opposition to any sense of the future with our participation in that new clean economy.</para>
<para>I want to get some facts on the record this evening. Australia's carbon price is going to be linked to carbon markets around the world and that will happen from the start of the flexible price period. It is important that Australians get some truth about what is going on, because those opposite are masters of misrepresentation of the program that we have organised well—and it is sitting right there, in all that legislation ready to bring forward. We will be allowing the reduction in carbon pollution to be pursued globally at the lowest cost. The Prime Minister today, I think, made the point that carbon pollution is absolutely not confined to national borders.</para>
<para>Mr Deputy Speaker Murphy, you might be of an age to remember a very powerful visual image in the 1960s. I think it was on the front cover of <inline font-style="italic">Life</inline> magazine when the Apollo trip to the moon looked back and took pictures of the earth. We saw the blue seas, we saw the green and brown land shapes and we saw that the entire planet is in fact connected—that we all breathe the same air. Because there are no national borders and carbon pollution is an international reality affecting the whole planet, international linking of carbon markets will allow businesses that release carbon in one country to be matched up with businesses in other countries that are able to reduce their carbon pollution at lower costs. This is very important because international linking encourages action to reduce carbon pollution around the whole world and plays an important role in helping not just advanced economies such as ours—a very successful economy; indeed, the envy of the world—but developing countries to adopt clean technologies. This international linking will start when the flexible price comes in on 1 July 2015. I look forward to making more comments about this as the evening progresses.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr McCORMACK</name>
    <name.id>219646</name.id>
    <electorate>Riverina</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Australia's largest abattoir will be slugged about $3.3 million a year from the combined costs of the carbon tax and higher electricity prices when the scheme comes in, unfortunately next year, and faces a bill of up to $9 million to cut emissions to reduce its exposure. John Berry, a director of JBS Australia, which owns Riverina Beef near Yanco—between Leeton and Narrandera, in my electorate—has had discussions with the Gillard government over the impact of the carbon tax on the company, which employs about 2,000 people and processes about 1,600 head of cattle over 11 shifts five days a week. That is, 500 people with more than 30,000 head of stock currently in the feedlot which uses world's best practice in everything it does.</para>
<para>Mr Berry warns that the carbon tax will create a two-tiered meat processing industry—of big abattoirs forced to pay the carbon tax without compensation and smaller operations which do not—and it will add costs to an industry which is one of the biggest employers in some rural and regional areas. JBS Australia also owns abattoirs at Dinmore, Townsville, Rockhampton and Toowoomba in Queensland, which may be above the threshold of 25,000 tonnes of carbon dioxide emissions a year. Mr Berry summed up the feelings of many when he said the carbon tax policy had been poorly thought through and that the Yanco facility was facing an additional cost of $5 to $6 extra per head of cattle which was not being borne by its domestic competitors and the big players in its key export markets. Exports make up the bulk of the company's production. Mr Berry said Yanco would be forced to pay the carbon tax—an estimated $678,000 slug—while smaller abattoirs owned by competitors would not face the $23 a tonne price on emissions.</para>
<para>I need to add that Cargill at Wagga Wagga, now co-owned by Teys Australia, is also extremely worried about the introduction of a carbon tax. The industry, despite the bulk of its output being produced for export, is unlikely to receive trade exposed industry assistance. Mr Berry has had talks with the Minister for Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry, Senator Joe Ludwig, and staff from the office of the Minister for Innovation, Industry, Science and Research, Senator Kim Carr, and has invited bureaucrats from Canberra to tour a JBS Australia site. I hope it was not the case that he was talking to a wall. The company has calculated that the carbon tax will cost it about $1.8 million a year and it expects to pay $1.5 million in higher electricity prices while smaller operators in the industry will not be taxed.</para>
<para>On 30 September I toured the JPS plant at Yanco with Mr Berry, the Mayor of Leeton Shire Council, Paul Maytom, and a high-level Malaysian government delegation, which was headed by Senator Major General Dato' Seri Jamil Khir bin Baharom, who is a minister in the Malaysian Prime Minister's department. Riverina Beef is one of four JBS Swift owned Australian abattoirs which supply the Malaysian market with halal products from Australia. The standards required are very high, but it is a good market with a lot of opportunities, Mr Berry said. JBS Swift represents 25 per cent of beef sold in Malaysia and more than 30 per cent of offal. The group, which consisted of JBS Swift representatives as well as 12 guests from Malaysia, were given a tour of the Riverina Beef plant and feedlot. The Leeton Shire Council mayor, Paul Maytom, also attended as he is also concerned about the effects a carbon tax could have on the local government area.</para>
<para>It is typical of Labor stalling tactics to put off Mr Berry and his request to receive assistance on this carbon tax, knowing full well that it will not go away. This is in the year of so-called 'delivery and decision'. That is why the amendment to the Clean Energy Bill 2011 and accompanying bills to make the commencement of the carbon tax on a proclamation of the next parliament is so essential, so that people can have a say and companies such as JBS Australia can have confidence, knowing that such economy-changing legislation will not simply be forced upon them in such an undemocratic and unjustifiable way. JBS does not need to be thwarted in its attempts to help our balance of payments and to ensure that it continues to employ hundreds of good people in my electorate and other electorates and to ensure sustainability for the Leeton and Narrandera shires.</para>
<para>Mr Berry's concerns are echoed by the National Farmers Federation President, Jock Laurie, who fears that cost impacts on food-processing businesses will ultimately be borne by farmers through lower farm-gate prices for import-competing businesses unable to recoup losses through price rises brought about by this toxic tax.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms BRODTMANN</name>
    <name.id>30540</name.id>
    <electorate>Canberra</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am pleased once again to stand here tonight to talk about this suite of bills, as I was pleased to be in this chamber earlier today when this House voted on the second reading stage. Before I start, I would just like to take issue with some of the comments made by the member for Riverina. He should not be surprised about that because I do tend to take issue with most things that he says in this House.</para>
<para>First of all, he implored us to do the right thing. I am doing the right thing by supporting this suite of bills. I am a strong supporter of this suite of bills. I have been for a very long time a strong supporter of a clean energy future and for introducing measures to combat climate change. I am doing the right thing, and I am, most importantly, doing the right thing by the will of the Canberra people.</para>
<para>Most of the Canberra people I speak to in my mobile offices when I am out doorknocking and when I am on the phone to them, and in the emails and letters that I get from them, want this legislation. They want a clean energy future for their children. They want a clean energy future for their grandchildren, their children's children. I am doing the right thing, as the member for Riverina implored, and I am doing the right thing by the people of Canberra.</para>
<para>The member for Riverina also mentioned the fact that we need to do the economically and fiscally responsible thing. This is the economically and fiscally responsible thing. This will ensure Australia's continued future prosperity. This will ensure continued jobs. It will ensure continued growth. It will ensure that Australia continues to compete in the world for future generations. It will ensure that this country continues to prosper in the future.</para>
<para>I can now come back to my speech, having addressed those issues that the member for Riverina implored me to do. This week in this chamber we will see a turning point in this nation's future. It will be a week when the rhetoric and posturing will end and members will be asked to cast a vote that will decide whether this country tackles the problem of carbon pollution and embraces a clean energy future. It will decide whether or not this country will ensure a prosperous future for my nieces, my great-nieces, my great-nephews, my godchildren and their godchildren.</para>
<para>It is not over yet—we have still tomorrow to come—but, in getting us to this point, I particularly want to acknowledge and thank the dedicated members of the Public Service. Those opposite will probably scorn the Public Service because they have a strong tradition of doing that. They scorned them so much in 1996 that they sacked tens of thousands of them and sent Canberra into a recession when the rest of Australia was growing. So it would not surprise me if we are going to get public servants abused in the process of this debate tonight. If they ever become a government, they want to sack 12,000 public servants, I think. So we can see what those opposite think of the Public Service, the dedicated public servants who serve this nation fearlessly and tirelessly—the invisible heroes. Tonight I want to acknowledge those invisible heroes and thank them for their service to this country.</para>
<para>Before I was elected last year, I was a consultant. I had my own business and for about three of the years that I was consulting before I was preselected I worked in the Department of Climate Change on the CPRS. So I have seen firsthand the dedication of the public servants who work in that agency, the quality of the advice that they provide and the thankless tasks that at times they had to perform. I saw a man here today whom I remember having a meeting with at 9 am a few years ago. He had actually just come into the office after spending the whole day and night there, working tirelessly trying to ensure a clean energy future and a solution to climate change. He had just gone home, had a shower and come back for another full day's work after working round the clock. This was typical of the work in the department and typical of the dedication of those public servants. I thank them.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr McCORMACK</name>
    <name.id>219646</name.id>
    <electorate>Riverina</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Canberra for her contribution. I invite her, like I invited the Prime Minister, to come to the Riverina and talk to the hardworking farmers, families, businesspeople and all the industries who will be affected by the carbon tax that she and her Labor colleagues are going to foist upon our people. The Prime Minister said she would wear out her shoe leather talking to people across Australia, but she certainly did not respond when I wrote to her to invite her to come to the Riverina to wear out some of her shoe leather talking to my constituents. I am sure that when I write to the member for Canberra—which I will do in the morning—to invite her to the Riverina, she will respond. She may not come to the Riverina, but I am sure she will give me the courtesy of a response.</para>
<para>The costs and job losses from this carbon tax are going to be compounded in regional Australia and certainly in the Riverina. The member for Canberra will find that out if she goes down the highway to meet the good people of the Riverina and if she talks to them about what the carbon tax will mean to them. When the Prime Minister announced the big new tax on 10 July—carbon Sunday—she said that nine out of 10 households would receive compensation. But millions of middle-income families will be worse off. For those who will receive financial assistance, the government cannot or will not say for how long. How could anyone trust this government, which is being told what to do by the Greens? It is being led by the nose by the Greens. How else could you explain that the PM's office allowed Senator Milne to announce the government's $3 billion renewable energy package on 8 July? How else could you explain that the Greens—and there are only 10 of them out of the 226 elected upper and lower house MPs—not only knew about the carbon tax but also had significant input into its planning over many weeks, while 103 Labor backbenchers were told about the details of the tax during a teleconference on the morning of carbon Sunday? That is why Labor is so divided.</para>
<para>Professor Ross Garnaut revealed what could aptly be described as an inconvenient truth in his updated climate review report when he said, 'Australian households will ultimately bear the full cost.' In the European Union, its emissions trading scheme raised $2.6 billion to $2.9 billion between 2005 and 2011. The Gillard government's proposed carbon tax will raise $9 billion a year—more money in the first three months than the European scheme has raised in 5½ years. Already Gillard Labor has foreshadowed, courtesy of these bills, three new bureaucracies: the Australian Renewable Energy Agency, the Climate Change Authority and a $10 billion Clean Energy Finance Corporation. We will eventually become little more than a nation of coffee drinkers and paper shufflers. Be forthright, honest and fair dinkum. Allow the people to have their say. Your constituents deserve to have their say. They will not be silenced; at the very least they will respect you a whole lot more for it.</para>
<para>I received an email this morning from Alan Perman of Forest Hill, a suburb just east of Wagga Wagga. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We do not want the proposed carbon tax without an election on the issue.</para></quote>
<para>That is gone. But he also added:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Please vote against this tax or at least for a delay until after the next election.</para></quote>
<para>So I ask the members opposite to at least please defer this legislation until the 44th Parliament. At least the constituents in your electorates—maybe your electorates were once safe; they will now be very marginal and, if the polls are anything to go by, they will be very, very marginal and very, very loseable—deserve to have their say. The coalition has a policy, the direct action policy—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms Rishworth</name>
    <name.id>HWA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You're mentioning it! Finally!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr McCORMACK</name>
    <name.id>219646</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Labor-Greens government has no mandate to introduce the carbon tax legislation. The Prime Minister said, 'There will be no carbon tax under the government I lead.' She has failed to honour her promise to the Australian people. She has failed to honour her promise to those hardworking backbenchers who are now extremely worried about their political futures. The next election will be a referendum on the carbon tax which will drive up the cost of living for all Australian families and will cost local jobs. The $9 billion carbon tax means a 10 per cent hike in electricity bills in the first year alone—and on and on and on. Support this amendment and at least do the right thing by your constituents.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ZAPPIA</name>
    <name.id>HWB</name.id>
    <electorate>Makin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The opposition have run their campaign against this legislation from day one as a campaign of misinformation and fear. What is concerning is that this is a serious matter and, as I listen to members opposite tonight make their contributions in this debate, they are continuing with that campaign of misinformation and fear.</para>
<para>I want to refer to a couple of comments that have been made only in the last hour or so. The member for Higgins made a reference to the Minister for Climate Change and Energy Efficiency which implied that this legislation is based on some kind of socialist or communist agenda. Nothing could be further from the truth. The issue relating to carbon science is one that has been accepted by conservative governments around the world. I referred earlier to the comments of former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher dating back 22 years. In addition, you can look around at what is happening in the world right now. Angela Merkel from Germany, David Cameron from the UK, Nicolas Sarkozy from France, John Key from New Zealand—</para>
<para class="italic">Mr Husic interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ZAPPIA</name>
    <name.id>HWB</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The opposition would have us believe that they are all socialists. The reality is that they are conservative governments that have accepted the science, as did the coalition's own leaders—John Howard, Brendan Nelson and the member for Wentworth. The reality is that the carbon science on this issue is absolutely clear. If time permits, I will come back to that in a moment.</para>
<para>What is equally disturbing are the constant implied attacks on the scientific community not only of this country but around the world. I want to refer to some of the rhetoric we have heard from the member for Riverina and the member for Higgins, who bring into this chamber stories of people they have spoken to and their concerns about the implications of this legislation. They do not talk about their alternative policy, which would cost them 2½ times as much. They do not talk about the fact that it would impact on their livelihoods and on their businesses 2½ times as much. They do not tell them that their policy would reward the large polluters. They do not tell them that their policy would not achieve the five per cent emission reduction target by 2020, which they have committed to, and they do not tell them that their policy is entirely reliant on 60 per cent of the carbon being sequestered into our soils—which they know is unachievable. If they are going to criticise our policy while committing to an emissions reduction target and pretending that they accept the science on global emissions, they should at least be honest enough to compare the two policies when talking to the people that approach them.</para>
<para>I come back to the issue of questioning and challenging the scientific community. Quite frankly, it does disturb me, because I have spoken to countless scientists both from this country and from overseas and I have yet to find one scientist working in the climate science field today that does not accept the science. I have yet to find one academy of science that refutes the science. I have yet to find one national government that refutes the science. It seems to me that, if members are going to come into this place and question the science, they ought to be honest about their position rather than say, 'We question the science, but we will commit to a five per cent emissions reduction target by 2020.' That is the height of hypocrisy. You cannot have it both ways. Either accept one position or the other.</para>
<para>The reality is that this country has benefited over the years from the work of our scientific community. We have benefited in incredible ways. We accept their advice and their opinions when it suits us, but we reject it and pretend that they are part of some conspiracy when we do not like the advice that they are providing. Quite frankly, that is not only absurd but an insult to the good men and women of this country and around the world who are genuinely concerned about this issue, who in some cases have devoted their lives to researching this issue and who know that we ought to be acting, and the sooner we start the easier our task will become. They also know that if we do not act—and, yes, we have to act in conjunction with other countries—the consequences for the planet and for future generations will be absolutely disastrous.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs BRONWYN BISHOP</name>
    <name.id>SE4</name.id>
    <electorate>Mackellar</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to support the amendment moved by the Leader of the Opposition which says that proclamation of the bill, if passed, must not be made until after elections have been held for the 44th Parliament and the parliament has met. The reason for that is very straightforward and simple. Six days prior to the election, the Prime Minister said, 'There will be no carbon tax under any government I lead.' This is the statement that was designed to attract votes and to say, 'You can trust me, I will not give you this great big tax.' This was deliberately designed to allay the suspicions and fears that the Australian people had about this woman who had knifed the previous leader and usurped power—Lady Macbeth, by any term.</para>
<para>In this parliament every day the Minister for Climate Change and Energy Efficiency, Mr Combet, stands at the dispatch box and says that the opposition is running a campaign of fear. Yet the exact opposite is true. It is the government that runs a fear campaign. Let me give you an example. Mr Combet said to this House that a report had shown there is a significant risk to human health, to agriculture, to cities, to infrastructure and to natural heritage from the more severe climate impacts over the longer term and sea levels will rise, the implication being that houses will fall into the sea. Yet this same minister, when he chose to buy a house that was not in his electorate but on the foreshores of Newcastle, said in an interview to the <inline font-style="italic">Daily Telegraph</inline> dated 16 November—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Zappia</name>
    <name.id>HWB</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Deputy Speaker, a point of order on the principle of relevance: I refer you to section 76 of the standing orders and ask you to bring the member back to the subject.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83A</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Mackellar will address the amendment of the Leader of the Opposition.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs BRONWYN BISHOP</name>
    <name.id>SE4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am saying that proclamation of the bill needs to be after the election is held because this government is running a scare campaign, which it denies, and because it gave a commitment prior to the election that there would be no carbon tax. But Mr Combet, of course, said in the interview that I mentioned that his wife had looked at a home in Charlton and found this place and fallen in love with it.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Dreyfus</name>
    <name.id>HWG</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Deputy Speaker, on a point of order: I ask that the member for Mackellar direct her comments to the bill and the amendments that are before the House and not stray into total offensive irrelevance.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83A</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Mackellar will continue and she will address the amendment and keep her remarks to that.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs BRONWYN BISHOP</name>
    <name.id>SE4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you very much, Madam Deputy Speaker. The reason that I am talking about the personal decision that the minister made—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Dreyfus</name>
    <name.id>HWG</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Deputy Speaker, on a point of order: in dissent from the chair, the member for Mackellar is disputing your ruling. She is now arguing the point and you have ruled that she should not stray into this subject matter.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83A</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you. The member for Mackellar will stick to the amendments, please.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs BRONWYN BISHOP</name>
    <name.id>SE4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am speaking to the amendment. The amendment says that this bill will not be proclaimed prior to an election being held, and I am making the point that the reason for that is there are dishonesties coming from the government side and one of them is that the Minister for Climate Change and Energy Efficiency—whatever his grand title is—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83A</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Mackellar will not go into that area, please.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs BRONWYN BISHOP</name>
    <name.id>SE4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I can indeed. I can make the point as to why he is misleading the parliament. He is misleading it because, despite saying that the seas will rise and houses will fall into the sea, he chose to buy a house because he wants a safe place for his family. That is a perfectly valid point to make and it is important to make because—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Dreyfus</name>
    <name.id>HWG</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Speaker, this is not just a point of order about relevance. This is now bordering on disorderly conduct. The member for Mackellar has been here well long enough—</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs BRONWYN BISHOP</name>
    <name.id>SE4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And you haven't.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83A</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The parliamentary secretary will resume his seat. The member for Mackellar can continue but must address her remarks to the amendments.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs BRONWYN BISHOP</name>
    <name.id>SE4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And I am.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83A</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And not cast those kinds of aspersions on members of this House.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs BRONWYN BISHOP</name>
    <name.id>SE4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>What aspersions does the Deputy Speaker say I am passing?</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Dreyfus</name>
    <name.id>HWG</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Deputy Speaker, I raise a point of order which is directed not just to that comment but also to the complete irrelevance of the way in which—</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs BRONWYN BISHOP</name>
    <name.id>SE4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You are wasting my time.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Dreyfus</name>
    <name.id>HWG</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I may be taking up the member for Mackellar's time, but she has been wasting the House's time with irrelevant matters and offensive and disorderly conduct, and is proposing to continue with it, it appears.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83A</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member's time has expired. The question is that the amendments be agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms RISHWORTH</name>
    <name.id>HWA</name.id>
    <electorate>Kingston</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What we are seeing today from the opposition with their amendments is the biggest and longest dummy spit in the history of this parliament about losing an election. Because they could not form government, they have decided to take a politically opportunistic approach to this issue. What we have seen from them is absolute hypocrisy, and the member for Makin clearly pointed that out. In this debate, we have heard the member for Mackellar talk about how the seas are not really rising, saying that this is all a fabrication, people's imagination. We have heard the member for Riverina dispute the science and say: 'There's no point in acting. We shouldn't act, we shouldn't do anything about climate change.' This is what those on the other side have done: they have disputed the science and they have said that the rest of the world is not acting, so why should we. They have put forward inaccuracies followed by inaccuracies, one after the other. In fact, if the opposition really believe that there is no merit in acting, that we should not act on climate change—as opposed to what is being advanced by this side—then why do they have a five per cent reduction target? Why do they want to spend $45 billion of taxpayers' money?</para>
<para>We heard before that the opposition are concerned about this legislation being some sort of communist proposition. Well, the only communist proposition that has been put before the Australian people is the opposition's proposal, their direct action plan, where those in government have command and control, and will choose the winners. In government, they would spend $46 billion of taxpayers' money—</para>
<para class="italic">An opposition member: $45 billion.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms RISHWORTH</name>
    <name.id>HWA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>$45 billion—or $46 billion; it will probably blow out—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Chester</name>
    <name.id>IPZ</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Just think of a really big number! Make it a big number!</para>
<para class="italic">Opposition members interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms RISHWORTH</name>
    <name.id>HWA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, it is a significant proportion. We know how much it will cost householders. It will cost the average household $1,300 a year. But you would take that and give it to the big polluters. You would make it government directed and government controlled—forget the market, forget any market principles. As I have said before in this place, it is no surprise when the National Party let go of their market principles; that is pretty much expected from the National Party. But for the Liberal Party to forget their market principles, to say, 'We don't want the market; we want government intervention,' is unique. It certainly shows that they are all about political opportunism.</para>
<para>Let us get some facts on the table. There has been a huge fear campaign about what these clean energy bills will do to the cost of living. Let us look at the facts, not the fear. I will go through the estimated price impact on families. Per week, the impact of the carbon price, as modelled by Treasury, is less than $1 per week, on average. Electricity will go up $3.30 per week and gas $1.50 per week. The cost of dairy and related products, which have been talked about, will rise by less than 10c a week as an average impact on households; bread and cereal products, less than 10c a week; meat and seafood, around 10c per week; fruit and vegetables, 10c a week; non-alcoholic drinks and snack foods, 10c a week—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Dr Jensen</name>
    <name.id>DYN</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It all adds up. It is all adding up.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms RISHWORTH</name>
    <name.id>HWA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>meal takeout and takeaway foods, 20c a week; and other food, minus 10 per cent. It does add up, Member for Bowman—it adds up to $9.90. With our compensation, nine out of 10 families will receive assistance. Under the opposition's plan, the $46 billion that they will rip away from households, there is no compensation, no assistance and no tax cuts. In fact, the opposition will claw back those tax concessions—</para>
<para class="italic">Opposition members: The claw! Bring out the claw!</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms RISHWORTH</name>
    <name.id>HWA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, you will. There is no other way to describe it. I have not finished here; I am still going. The price of men's clothing will increase by less than 10c a week; women's clothing, less than 10c a week; children's and infants' clothing, less than 10c a week; footwear, less than 10c a week; and the list goes on. This clearly demonstrates objective modelling, which shows that the opposition's fear campaign is exactly that. The opposition need to come clean about their own plan's impact on families. As I said, it is $1,300 per year that the opposition will take from taxpayers. Every single taxpayer will have to pay for the opposition's subsidised polluters policy. That is an appalling policy, and one that completely puts it— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs BRONWYN BISHOP</name>
    <name.id>SE4</name.id>
    <electorate>Mackellar</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I listened to the previous speaker, the member for Kingston, talk about the fear campaign which the opposition is alleged to be running; yet the fear campaign coming from the government about passing the bills, which is the point I was making earlier, is why we need to have an election before this legislation, which may be passed, becomes operational—that is, it is proclaimed.</para>
<para>The Minister for Climate Change and Energy Efficiency again stood up in this parliament today and said that the government were going to bring down the number of millions of tonnes of carbon emitted, yet the government's own document called <inline font-style="italic">Strong growth, low pollution</inline>, on the summary page, shows that, in 2009-10, carbon emissions were at 578 million tonnes and, in 2020, they will be at 621 million tonnes. In other words, emission levels will not come down; they will go up. But the pain being inflicted on the people is enormous.</para>
<para>That is why we have said that we will repeal the carbon tax laws if they are passed by this parliament, just as the Labor Party repealed Work Choices. You said all along that you would do so. We are saying all along that we will repeal the carbon tax. Just as you repealed Work Choices, we will repeal the carbon tax. To make it very clear, the reason we did not need to support the steel industry plan today is that, once the carbon tax is removed, it will not be necessary, because the jobs will not be impacted.</para>
<para>The bottom line is, very simply, that, as the polling showed this morning, the opposition parties are more trusted to deal with the question of climate change than the government. It also showed that we are also the parties more trusted to deal with the economy, to deal with interest rates, to deal with all the matters that are of importance to the Australian people. For you people to sit there and fly in the face of the Australian people when you only got elected because you misled the people into believing you would not impose a carbon tax is a huge insult to the Australian people. That is why this amendment has been moved, to ensure that the Australian people can have a say. If you had an ounce of decency you would say that you accept that you were elected because the Prime Minister promised the people there would be no carbon tax.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs D'Ath</name>
    <name.id>HVN</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On a point of order, Madam Deputy Speaker: the member for Mackellar is reflecting on the chair by constantly saying 'you people'. She should make sure her comments are made through the chair.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs BRONWYN BISHOP</name>
    <name.id>SE4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Good try, dear. A tactic is being developed to interrupt opposition members. Perhaps we can retaliate in a similar manner.</para>
<para>A point I make strongly is there is a scare campaign with the government being disingenuous about the fearmongering it is putting out about rising seas and houses toppling into the sea when the minister responsible has a house on the coastline. It is perfectly in order for me to say so.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Dreyfus</name>
    <name.id>HWG</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On a point of order, Madam Deputy Speaker: again the member for Mackellar is engaging in disorderly conduct and is addressing matters which you have already ruled are irrelevant to the matters that are now under consideration.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83A</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Parliamentary Secretary for Climate Change and Energy Efficiency is correct. Those remarks are not relevant to the amendments that are being debated. I ask the member for Mackellar to address her remarks to the amendments.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs BRONWYN BISHOP</name>
    <name.id>SE4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>This goes two ways. We have sat here and listened to irrelevancies from government members again and again, but not a squeak has anyone made because this is a wide-ranging debate. Madam Deputy Speaker, you have chosen to narrow that debate and you will have to wear the consequences of that. The point I made about scaremongering on the part of the government is because you are so disingenuous. You scare the people and yet you choose simply to say that you are the only people who believe in the science. There are many scientists who disagree with the ones that agree with you and those who disagree with you do not get funded. They make the point that they are entitled to be funded to do their research as well. The bottom line is this: the people are entitled to have a say before this penalty is imposed upon them. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms OWENS</name>
    <name.id>E09</name.id>
    <electorate>Parramatta</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Finally the true position of the opposition front bench comes out: that they do not believe in climate change and it is all a conspiracy by nasty scientists paid by heaven knows who.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs Bronwyn Bishop</name>
    <name.id>SE4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On a point of order, Madam Deputy Speaker, the comments made by the member for Parramatta are not relevant to the amendment being moved and they are a reflection upon comments made that you ruled were not in order in the debate.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms OWENS</name>
    <name.id>E09</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On the point of order, Madam Deputy Speaker: my comments were about a part of the member for Mackellar's speech which you did not rule on, and she knows that full well. If she does not believe in climate change, one would have to question her capacity to think things through.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs Bronwyn Bishop</name>
    <name.id>SE4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On the point of order, Madam Deputy Speaker: the member for Parramatta when rising to speak to the subject matter of the amendment must stick to the subject matter. She is not entitled to put words in my mouth. She is only entitled to speak strictly to the amendment.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83A</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I remind the member for Parramatta that she is under the same obligation to address her remarks to the amendments before the House.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms OWENS</name>
    <name.id>E09</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I do not need to put words in the member for Mackellar's mouth. The amendment moved by the Leader of the Opposition concerns yet another delay, an attempt by the opposition yet again to delay action on climate change. The member for Riverina, who spoke earlier, is quite new to this House, but the member for Mackellar and many of the other people in the House have been here long enough to know the history and how long the debate on climate change has been going on.</para>
<para>I came to this parliament in 2004. At that stage the Labor Party was campaigning on signing the Kyoto protocol. I ran an extensive campaign in my electorate way back in 2004 on that aspect of climate change. It was well received in my electorate and in the electorates of many of my Labor colleagues. In 2007, both sides of this House, the government and the opposition, went to the electorate promising action on climate change through a market based mechanism. The two policies were different. The opposition policy was for a three-year fixed price which they did not call at tax time.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs Bronwyn Bishop</name>
    <name.id>SE4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Deputy Speaker, you have ruled that speakers must be directly specific to the amendment as moved. Therefore the member for Parramatta has to explain why it should not be held up until after there has been an election and give reasons why it has to be put now. That is not what she is doing.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms OWENS</name>
    <name.id>E09</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am describing the history of this, why the debate has gone on long enough and why there should not be a further delay. In 2007, the Labor side went to the election with an emissions trading scheme with a one-year fixed price. During the term from 2007 to 2009, when it was finally rejected in the Senate, we had a white paper, a green paper, an exposure draft, debate in this House and two Senate inquiries. The opposition of the time negotiated with the government on an outcome and the parties agreed on it. Then overnight there was an opposition leadership change and the opposition changed their policy after four years of consistency on this policy. The shame of it is that on this side we know that this is a policy blip on the part of the opposition. Once their leadership changes again, they will revert to their natural policy position, which is to support a market mechanism as they did in 2007, 2008 and 2009. When that happens, they will realise they lost this opportunity by not entering into the debate on this.</para>
<para>Australia is an interesting country. The Australian people tend to pick one party in the state government, one party in the federal government and a balance-of-power, minor party in the Senate. They require us as a government and an opposition to work together to get our bills through, and every government in Australian history, with the exception perhaps of the Howard government when it had a majority in the Senate, has done exactly that. The government and the opposition have worked together to find a path through. It is the working together of both sides which causes stability in this country. It means that when governments change we do not flip-flop from one side of the policy to the other because we have worked together to find a position which we can both support. You have lost an opportunity here. You have lost a real opportunity to be part of a major reform.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RUDDOCK</name>
    <name.id>0J4</name.id>
    <electorate>Berowra</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak to the amendment moved by the Leader of the Opposition to the Clean Energy Bill 2011. That amendment deals with the commencement provisions and the amendment makes it clear that:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) The provisions of this Act commence on a date to be fixed by Proclamation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A Proclamation for the purposes of subsection (1) must not be made until after elections have been held for the 44th Parliament and the Parliament has met.</para></quote>
<para>The reason for that is quite clear: it is to delay the commencement of the legislation. I would think that members opposite if they were desirous of thinking about their own future might well be disposed to supporting the amendment.</para>
<para>As I sit quietly and think about events that are occurring in the nation at the moment they are quite fascinating. In the time that I have been here I have not seen a government that ostensibly argues that it ought to be well received by the Australian community because it saved us from a global financial crisis and that it has maintained unemployment levels at relatively low numbers and the Australian community ought to be grateful that it has delivered that outcome. How is it that it has lost that support that it might have otherwise expected that those policy prescriptions about which it boasts might have delivered?</para>
<para>The fact of the matter is that they know that they are on the nose and the reason they are on the nose is not because of the government's own policies it is because they are part of a coalition with the Greens. The policy prescription has been delivered because they did that deal with the Greens and it is very necessary for the government to produce legislation that they know in their heart of hearts the Australian people do not support. I suspect that if they were desirous of thinking about their own future—and I gather that some of them are contemplating whether they ought to have a slight shift in direction—then if they do shift in a slightly different direction their thinking is how might they be able to survive. I think the reasoning that I see coming through over and over again is that if they did have a change in leadership, they might well be able to strike out in a new direction to put this matter off the agenda and to be able to focus on what they believe are the positive arguments in support of their own situation.</para>
<para>I hope that they do not see that this is a particularly unique opportunity for them to be able to get the government off the hook by voting for the Leader of the Opposition's amendment. This is an amendment which is a particularly useful opportunity for some members of the government who think they might be able to hang on in their marginal seats because they would get it off the political agenda. This is a serious matter.</para>
<para>My view very clearly is that the way in which the government is proceeding with this matter in advance of the rest of the world leaves us seriously exposed. I have recently travelled to the United States and I have had the opportunity of talking to a number of people who are very interested in public life in the United States of America. This is not a matter that is on their agenda. This matter has largely been driven off the public agenda in the United States because of the other serious issues that confront their economy. The government argues that we know that they are not going to deal with it nationally but hopefully some of the states are. It is very interesting. One of the signposts was the Chicago Climate Exchange. Even that has closed. There is little prospect that the United States is going to buy into the sort of agenda that we are buying into here, and with so few other countries buying into this, it will leave us dangerously exposed. Any claims that the government has delivered us a reasonable standard of living will be quickly lost in a situation where we become even less competitive in a very competitive world. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HUSIC</name>
    <name.id>91219</name.id>
    <electorate>Chifley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to thank the member for Berowra. Often you have to pay to see acts of contortion and tonight we got one for free. That twisted logic that said to us that we needed to accept their idea or their proposition of an amendment to save ourselves is something else. We are being asked to delay action and it is said that that would provide some benefit when the reality is that, for every year we have delayed acting in trying to meet a bipartisan target of cutting emissions by five per cent by 2020, from 2015 there is $5 billion in cost that we would have to engage in to catch up to make that target. We are being asked to delay action and in effect assume huge costs in the process.</para>
<para>Tonight we were chastised, I would put it, about engaging in a scare campaign by relating fact—fact that the Climate Commission in its report <inline font-style="italic">The critical decade</inline> outlined clearly in the types of impacts that will come about as a result of worsening climate change as it relates to Australia should temperatures change by one per cent. A mere one per cent has impacts on Australia. The frequency, the duration, the intensity and the spread of climactic events in this country and the impacts that they have are real and they have been outlined in the Climate Commission's report, which members opposite can access. After Cyclone Yasi we saw in one year a decrease in economic growth of one per cent—$13 billion—and inflationary impacts of up to 0.8 per cent. That was from one climactic event. So asking us to delay—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SECKER</name>
    <name.id>848</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Deputy Speaker, I rise on a point of order. On your previous ruling this is quite variant to what the amendment is about, and I ask you to bring the member back to the amendment.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83A</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Chifley has the call and will address his remarks to the amendments.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HUSIC</name>
    <name.id>91219</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>There is science that underpins what we are trying to do and the fact that delay will impose a significant financial cost. What we are being asked to do by those opposite has an impact.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SECKER</name>
    <name.id>848</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Deputy Speaker, I rise on a point of order. The member for Chifley is not addressing the amendment at all. According to your previous response and ruling to this parliament he is not addressing the amendment, which is clearly about deferring a vote until after the next parliament.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83A</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Barker has made his point of order. The member for Chifley is relevant to the amendments and he has the call.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HUSIC</name>
    <name.id>91219</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>While I may be a rookie compared to the person opposite—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>83A</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Chifley will continue—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HUSIC</name>
    <name.id>91219</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I was going to respond to the point of order. You made a clear ruling in relation to it and he still persisted with a point of order.</para>
<para>We have been asked to delay action in response to what is going on, and we cannot afford to do that. At the same time those opposite, by virtue of their amendment, ask us to delay and to wait—for what? At the point when they get in, what will they do? In a speech that the Leader of the Opposition gave to this chamber he dedicated 3,743 words in response to the Prime Minister, 244 of which actually outlined what they were proposing to do. What is interesting in this debate is not just what is said but also what is not said by those opposite and what they propose to do by in effect forcing us to delay implementation. To then not outline what they propose to do to meet their bipartisan target is completely irresponsible to the Australian public.</para>
<para>The fact of the matter is that we cannot tolerate an idea that we would delay action—given the consequent cost on the general economy of $5 billion a year in not acting beyond 2015—in meeting a bipartisan approach. We simply cannot afford to wait. This is what their amendment would seek for us to do. It would make us wait and delay further any action.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RUDDOCK</name>
    <name.id>0J4</name.id>
    <electorate>Berowra</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I would like to speak a little further in relation to the amendment that is being moved by the Leader of the Opposition. The point that I made, very strongly, about the United States of America was reinforced in a very interesting article that I read today in the <inline font-style="italic">Age</inline>. It was by an academic who is very highly regarded, and I suspect very highly regarded by members opposite. He is a person of very considerable stature—this is Hugh White. He writes:</para>
<quote><para class="block">As the government's carbon tax finally goes to a vote in Parliament this week, remember two tough truths. First, nothing Australia does by itself will materially affect carbon emissions or the trajectory of the world's weather. Only concerted global action will make any difference.</para></quote>
<para>We are being told that the change you might be able to make to the weather will be affected by the decisions that we in fact make here. We have, I think it has been said, one per cent of emissions, and we will make no impact on what is going to happen to the rest of the world. That is the point that Hugh White is making. It is the point I think that is well understood. He goes on and says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Second, the chances of concerted global action are low and trending lower. Two years after the collapse at Copenhagen, momentum for a global plan is stalled. As the global economy teeters, this year's Durban follow-up meeting is expected to mark time.</para></quote>
<para>This is not a matter on which we need to act now and on which delay is going to hurt us. That is simply the point that somebody as well respected as Hugh White is making. He goes on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The heart of the problem is the world's most complex, important and dangerous relationship - the edgy mix of implacable rivalry and mutual dependence between the US and China.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">They are not just the world's two biggest economies, and the world's two biggest carbon emitters. They are also the world's most powerful diplomatic players. If they can agree together on a carbon emissions plan, they can make it happen. If they cannot agree, nothing will happen. It is as simple as that.</para></quote>
<para>I have not seen an exposition as clear.</para>
<para>This is something that colleagues opposite have fixed their flag to, but the fact is that implementation of this legislation, without changing global emissions, will have a very, very significant impact on the cost of doing business in Australia, particularly for those who have to be competitive in world trade markets. You may talk about the strength of the Australian economy, but implementing this legislation will leave us considerably worse off. That is the bottom line.</para>
<para>I made a speech quite early in the second reading debate on this matter. I made it clear that my speech was not a commentary on the science. If there were a global response I would want Australia to be part of it. But I cannot see why Australia should be out there largely in isolation. I have heard the arguments about what is said to be happening in the rest of the world. I cannot see it. I have participated in conferences abroad and discussed these issues with others who would have some knowledge of what is happening in their situations. Countries are backing off, because they cannot afford in this matter to go it alone in the way in which this government wants to.</para>
<para>I jocularly spoke about why members opposite ought to support this amendment. I think supporting this amendment would in fact get them off the hook. I think they are in a perilous situation as a government. I think they have little prospect of surviving in the situation of implementing legislation that was not part of their agenda. I remember a Prime Minister who went to the Australian people on the basis that there would be 'no carbon tax under a government I lead'. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs D'ATH</name>
    <name.id>HVN</name.id>
    <electorate>Petrie</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to oppose the amendment put forward by the opposition and to support the bills proper that have been put by the Labor government to finally take action on climate change. It is of no surprise that the opposition have sought this amendment to push back the introduction of any action on climate change. We have heard a number of members on the other side of this chamber give their reasons why they oppose the action on climate change and these bills of the government. We have had members who state that they believe in climate change but then at the same time say that they do not believe human activity is contributing to greenhouse gases at all. In other words, they believe that there should be no action because they do not believe in the science. There are those who say it is not the right time because of the global economic circumstances or, as we heard from the member for Berowra, it is not the right time because they think that we are acting before other countries, ignoring all of the information and evidence out there that many, many countries—89 countries, in fact—have actually signed up to taking action and seeking to achieve the same targets that this government is seeking to achieve.</para>
<para>Then, of course, there are those who actually support what the government is doing. Those on the other side who support what the government is doing have chosen not to speak on these bills. I quote the following:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Those of us who do not believe the CSIRO is part of an international Green conspiracy to undermine Western civilisation or do not believe that leading scientists like Will Steffen are subversives should not be afraid to speak out, and loudly, on behalf of our scientists and our science. We must not allow ourselves to be deluded on this issue.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Now let me just say this to you: The idea that our country, this great country of ours, can sail through a 3, 4 or 5 or more degrees rise in temperature this century with our prosperity and freedom, let alone the Great Barrier Reef, intact is very naïve. So this is a big issue. So in the storm of this debate about carbon tax and direct action and what the right approach to climate change should be, do not fall into the trap of abandoning the science. Do not fall into the trap of thinking that what Lord Monckton says or what some website says is superior to what our leading scientists or leading universities would say.</para></quote>
<para>Those are not my words; they are the words of the member for Wentworth. He said those words in a speech at the Inaugural Virginia Chadwick Memorial Foundation Lecture in Sydney on 21 July 2011. I also quote the member for Wentworth in National Press Gallery Questions and Answers on 3 August 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I do think that there has been a war on science to some extent, an attack on climate scientists … So, it’s common sense, you’ve got to take the science seriously and I do.</para></quote>
<para>I welcome the words of the member for Wentworth. There is one member on the other side who actually gets the importance of this action, who actually understands the importance of these bills. It is unfortunate, however, that when the time came this afternoon to stand up and have the conviction of his own words, his own beliefs, that member sat there quietly, opposing the bills.</para>
<para>We have heard much from the other side about the impact of these bills. We have heard about the big tax and the impact on households come 1 July 2012. We have heard from the government of the real impact: a 0.7 per cent increase on GDP. We have heard that this government through these bills will provide assistance to households. If we had not come into government, on 1 July 2012 there would be a tax introduced, but it would be a 1.5 per cent tax on business that would flow through in full to consumers and to households with no assistance, and the leader who would be introducing this 1.5 per cent tax has said previously, 'I would introduce this tax over my dead body.' It would be the opposition's paid parental leave scheme, a tax of 1.5 per cent with no assistance given, compared to what this government is introducing, which is a 0.7 per cent CPI increase to finally address climate change. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CRAIG KELLY</name>
    <name.id>99931</name.id>
    <electorate>Hughes</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise tonight to support the amendment moved by the Leader of the Opposition. Even if you think that this carbon tax is the best thing since sliced bread; even if you swallow hook, line and sinker that this carbon tax is going to cool the planet or that it will hold back the rise of the oceans; even if you believe that unless you pay this carbon tax the reef will be gone, the polar bears are going to die and we will all be doomed; even if you are one of those individuals who love big government; even if you are one of those who are aboard the carbon tax gravy train—a gravy train to be funded by families and small business through higher electricity prices; and even if you are one of those foreign carbon traders who will be enriched by this scheme, I ask you to stop, to pause and to think of the damage that passing this legislation will do to our democratic system without this amendment.</para>
<para>We all remember that in the dying days before the last election, with the polls locked, the Prime Minister stared down the lens of the camera and pledged to the nation that there would be 'no carbon tax under the government that I lead'. That is the promise that everyone sitting on the other side of the chamber was elected on. But earlier today the very same government led by the Prime Minister—the Prime Minister for the mean time, anyway—voted to impose the world's biggest carbon tax upon our nation. What an outright betrayal of our democratic principles. And here it is: 19 pieces of legislation, 1,129 pages, over one-quarter of a million words. Is there anyone sitting over there on that side of the chamber who can honestly say that they have read all this legislation and understood it? I bet not. This is the most radical piece of legislation in the last decade. It is being rammed through parliament in an underhanded and undemocratic way.</para>
<para>The guiding principle in our democracy—one that you may well laugh about and one that our forefathers sacrificed their lives to safeguard—is that we here in parliament are agents of the people. The power of this parliament is vested in the freely expressed will of the people. That is something that you lot should never forget. But this carbon tax is not the freely expressed will of the people. Despite millions spent on propaganda to manipulate public opinion, despite the scare campaigns and the gross distortions, the electorate remains overwhelmingly opposed to this tax. While those that bleat like mindless sheep—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms Bird</name>
    <name.id>DZP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Deputy Speaker, I rise on a point of order that goes to relevance. We are addressing the amendment. I ask the member to come back to the amendment—which is a point of order raised by those on the other side on our speakers numerous times tonight.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>We are in fact debating the amendments, and the honourable member will confine his comments to the provisions of the amendments before the House. I call the honourable member for Hughes.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CRAIG KELLY</name>
    <name.id>99931</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>So while those that bleat like mindless sheep regurgitate the spin of putting a price on carbon or, more truthfully, a price on carbon dioxide, I ask them to first put a price on our democracy. To those who say respect the science, that is fine, but I say firstly respect our democracy. But the actions of this government to deny the public a vote on this bill says a lot about the ideology of those who sit opposite. They have no respect for our democracy. They believe that they are a group of privileged elites and that they know better than the public. They do not care about the will of the people. They do not care about the importance of our democracy. That is why the community is so angry.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms Bird</name>
    <name.id>DZP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am sorry, Deputy Speaker, but I think he is defying your call. He is continuing with the written speech, which is not on the topic of the amendment before the House.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The honourable member for Hughes will confine himself to the topics of the amendments before the chamber. The honourable member for Hughes has the call.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CRAIG KELLY</name>
    <name.id>99931</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you. But that is why the community is so angry. That is why passions are running so high against this tax. It is because the people feel deceived. They feel double-crossed. They feel cheated. They feel they have been lied to. They feel they have not had their say. That is the amendment.</para>
<para>And to the so-called Independents: shame on you. The strength and legitimacy of the Independents in this place in the past have been based on the principles of keeping the bastards honest, but their actions of aiding and abetting this Prime Minister in breaking her promise to the electorate is why they have lost the respect of their own electorates. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms HALL</name>
    <name.id>83N</name.id>
    <electorate>Shortland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to oppose the amendment moved by the Leader of the Opposition, which is 'Wait till Tony is in the Lodge before we do anything.' I would have to say that, (a), he is putting the horse before the cart and, (b), everybody in this parliament knows where the Leader of the Opposition stands when it comes to climate change. We understand why he has moved this amendment. We know that the Leader of the Opposition was the man who stood up and said, 'Climate change is crap.' There is absolutely no—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr EWEN JONES</name>
    <name.id>96430</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Deputy Speaker, I rise on a point of order. As with the member for Petrie and the member for Cunningham, the member for Shortland is not addressing the legislation or the amendment before the House, and I ask you to draw her comments back to the actual legislation.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The honourable member should be aware that this debate on the amendments has been quite wide ranging. The amendments do cover quite a large amount of ground. But I would counsel the Government Whip, who has been here for a number of years, to focus carefully on what we are discussing in the chamber at the present time.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms HALL</name>
    <name.id>83N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Absolutely. What I am concentrating my comments on is not the legislation, not the amendments, not the comedy act of the member for Berowra—as he twisted and turned when he tried to explain his position and his party's position on this amendment—and not the words of the sceptic member for Mackellar when she stood up and referred to 'so-called climate change'; I am looking at this amendment from the Leader of the Opposition that we have before us here—this amendment that is about doing nothing.</para>
<para>Members on the other side of this parliament are very long on rhetoric. They are very good at giving excuses for why we should do nothing. They are very good at saying 'even if you believe', which obviously leads those of us on this side of the parliament to think that they do not believe that such a thing as climate change exists. That is why they want to do nothing. That is why they are not prepared to act now. They do not believe that the extreme climate events that we have been subjected to in our country and throughout the world have anything to do with climate change; rather, they think that we should sit on our hands and do absolutely nothing. The member for Mackellar referred to the polling, saying, 'These polls look pretty good at the moment, so why don't we push for an election and hope that we might end up with Tony in the Lodge?' That is what those on the other side—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The Government Whip ought to refer to the Leader of the Opposition by his title and not by his name.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms HALL</name>
    <name.id>83N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Deputy Speaker, I apologise most profusely for not referring to the Leader of the Opposition as the member for Warringah, and I will do so in future.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>An apology is not necessary. The honourable member ought to observe standing orders.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms HALL</name>
    <name.id>83N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Please accept my apologies. This delay is about waiting until the Leader of the Opposition has positioned himself so that he may realise his lifetime dream of living in the Lodge. He thinks if he can get there and if we do nothing—</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs BRONWYN BISHOP</name>
    <name.id>SE4</name.id>
    <electorate>Mackellar</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Deputy Speaker, I rise on a point of order. We have been debating these amendments together, both the government and the opposition amendment, as I understand it, and even on my reading of the government's amendments there is no way in the world that what the member across the way is discussing is relevant to any of them, and I would ask that you bring her back to them. Maybe she could discuss the unadjusted provisional emissions number divided by the total number of trustees.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Mackellar is right to the extent that we have had a wide-ranging debate. However, the member for Shortland ought to focus at least to some extent on what we are discussing.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms HALL</name>
    <name.id>83N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I have been focusing on the amendment moved by the Leader of the Opposition, which I oppose. Statements by those on the other side of this parliament that Australia is leading—<inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MATHESON</name>
    <name.id>M2V</name.id>
    <electorate>Macarthur</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today to support the opposition leader's amendment for the carbon tax to be deferred until after an election. I am compelled to speak on this issue because I believe that the people of Macarthur deserve a chance to have their say when it comes to the biggest tax change in Australia's history. This government has no mandate to introduce this carbon tax legislation. Before the last election the Prime Minister said there would be no carbon tax under a government she leads. The Treasurer said, 'We have made our position very clear; we have ruled it out.' And the Minister for Climate Change and Energy Efficiency said, 'We know that you can't have any environmental certainty with a carbon tax.' Surely these comments will come back to haunt them some time. These comments are proof that the people of Australia were led to believe that there would be no carbon tax under this government.</para>
<para>The people of Macarthur were misled and they deserve the chance to have their opinion heard. The people should have their say with regard to this tax. On the government's own website, the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade states:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Under responsible government, the executive is accountable to the parliament and the parliament to the people.</para></quote>
<para>This is not occurring at the present time. This Greens-Labor alliance treats the people of Australia with contempt. We are all accountable to the people of this country and the people we represent in our electorates. We must not mislead them into trusting false claims and promises; instead, we should listen to them and ensure that their opinions are heard, especially when we are talking about the biggest tax change in our country's history.</para>
<para>It is no secret that Australians will start paying $105 billion in tax between now and 2020 under a Labor and Greens carbon tax—a trillion dollars over coming decades. This will have a significant impact on the Australian economy, driving up electricity prices by 10 per cent and putting thousands of jobs at risk. Residents in my electorate are already doing it tough. Some are struggling to pay their bills and others require vouchers to pay for electricity and food. How can anyone support a tax which will mean higher electricity bills, increased grocery prices and job losses with no environmental gain? Tell that to the people of Macarthur.</para>
<para>This tax will impact on our entire community. The average punter can tell you that now is the worst possible time to introduce a new tax that will drive down Australia's economy, especially while international economic conditions are so uncertain. If the government's legislation is passed, Australians will pay an extra $9 billion a year in tax, but Australia's emissions will increase from 578 million tonnes to 628 million tonnes by 2020. On top of the tax itself an extra $3.5 billion will have to be spent on purchasing foreign carbon credits each year by 2020.</para>
<para>It is not just the struggling families of my electorate who will suffer as a result of this tax. I have spoken to many small business owners who will be forced to cut jobs or close down as a result of this tax. The TRN group, Nepean Engineering, Stockade Pies, Sambello Menswear, Sport Spirit and many more businesses in my electorate have raised real concerns about the impact of this tax. A lot of blood, sweat and tears have gone into these businesses and they do not deserve to suffer as a result of a tax that will not do anything for the environment.</para>
<para>Last week I attended a carbon tax debate in Liverpool, as did the members for Hughes and Werriwa. At least 80 per cent of the crowd was against the carbon tax and very vocal with regard to the effect it will have on their families. It was clear that these people resent the fact that they did not have the opportunity to vote on this tax during the last election. They, like all Australians, have the right to voice their opinion on this tax, which is why it should be deferred until after an election.</para>
<para>Today I would like to quote the government's own climate guru, Tim Flannery. He states: 'If we cut emissions today, global temperatures are not likely to drop for about a thousand years'—one thousand years. According to Labor's own figures the carbon tax will not clean up Australia's environment. In a recent World Health Organisation study of urban air quality in 1,100 cities and towns around the globe Australia came third behind Estonia and Mauritius. So, we are actually doing a good job in fighting pollution in our cities right now, especially when compared to other developed countries—and we have achieved this without a carbon tax. Third in the world for clean air!</para>
<para>I would be interested to see how many constituents have contacted their local Labor MPs to voice their opinion against this carbon tax. Our role is to represent the people of Australia in this parliament and we should all aim to keep faith with the people who live in our electorates. There must be many Labor MPs opposite who will not be able to look at themselves in the mirror tonight after passing this carbon tax today. This carbon tax is based on a lie and it is a broken promise made to a nation that genuinely wants to improve the environment but not at the cost of our jobs, our livelihoods or our children's futures.</para>
<para>I support the amendment to defer this tax until after the election for many reasons—mostly because the people of Macarthur do not want it and many cannot afford it but also because this will be the biggest tax change in Australia's history which will have no positive impact on our environment and Australians should have the right to vote for a government who will not mislead them into thinking otherwise.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MITCHELL</name>
    <name.id>M3E</name.id>
    <electorate>McEwen</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to oppose the amendment that the opposition has brought forward. When we sit down and have a look at this, we see that this is the culmination of a debate that has been running for almost two decades. For 20 years we have talked about climate change and taking action on it. We have seen something like 35 parliamentary inquiries into climate change since 1994. There has been a lot of discussion about this and so far the only people taking action—</para>
<para class="italic">Opposition members interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MITCHELL</name>
    <name.id>M3E</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I will happily readdress that question for the tuckshop raiders over there. Before the last election we had a climate change forum in my electorate, and I said strongly that I support action on climate change and I support cutting pollution. But where was the Liberal party candidate? He did not even have the guts to front up. I have said that before and I will say it again: he did not even have the stomach to front up.</para>
<para>I would like to address some of the things that have been said earlier tonight in this debate. The member for Curtin came in here and said—</para>
<para class="italic">Mr Craig Kelly interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The honourable member for Hughes has had an opportunity to contribute to the debate. He will remain silent. The member for McEwen continues to have the call.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MITCHELL</name>
    <name.id>M3E</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. The member for Curtin said that Prime Minister Howard took the GST to the election. Well, in the 1998 election it was Labor that actually won the majority of the vote. So by their standards, the standards that the member for Curtin brought forward earlier tonight, they should never have introduced it because they never had a mandate. But, suddenly, that is a bit different. Those opposite should remember that the ALP scored over 50 per cent of the vote in the 2010 election and the National Party, the combined extremists over there, 3.34 per cent.</para>
<para>They talk about honesty in the election, and the Leader of the Opposition is saying we should hold off on this until after an election. This is the same opposition leader who said we should have a plebiscite on the carbon tax. Again, they are trying to say that we should have a democratic right to do nothing, but when it came to the plebiscite what did the opposition leader say? These were his exact words in the <inline font-style="italic">Herald</inline><inline font-style="italic">Sun</inline> on 20 June: 'Mr Abbott told 3AW he would not accept the plebiscite—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Firstly, the member for McEwen must remember he ought to refer to the Leader of the Opposition by his title and not by his name. And now I gather the member for Mackellar is seeking the call on a point of order.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs Bronwyn Bishop</name>
    <name.id>SE4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, thank you very much, Mr Deputy Speaker. I have searched through all the amendments that have been moved that we are debating and I cannot see a reference to a plebiscite anywhere. I ask you to get the member to come back to the topic of the amendments.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>This is a very wide ranging debate—in my view, regrettably too wide ranging, but we are discussing a broad range of amendments. The honourable member for McEwen has the call.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MITCHELL</name>
    <name.id>M3E</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. Maybe the member for Mackellar might want to go back and listen to the speeches tonight. Her friends have mentioned—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No, the member for McEwen will focus on the amendments before the House.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MITCHELL</name>
    <name.id>M3E</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Certainly, Mr Deputy Speaker. The plebiscite was mentioned earlier tonight, just before the dinner break. It was the Leader of the Opposition who said that even if the plebiscite came out supporting a carbon price he would not agree with it. So he does not agree with the election result that we won, he does not agree with abiding by a plebiscite that he wants, and now he wants us to sit there and do nothing.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Baldwin</name>
    <name.id>LL6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Do you agree that you promised not to introduce a carbon tax?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MITCHELL</name>
    <name.id>M3E</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The only thing we can agree is that that suit should have gone in the 1980s with you! This debate on these amendments is ridiculous. We cannot keep sitting there and listening to these people trying to stop taking action on climate change. This is about ensuring our nation's future. It is about ensuring our kids' future. It is about ensuring where we go in the future. If we have a look at the two parties and what they have said—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs Bronwyn Bishop</name>
    <name.id>SE4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Deputy Speaker, on a point of order: prior to your assuming the chair we had a different Deputy Speaker in the chair who limited the terms of the debate quite considerably. While it is true that there was a wide-ranging debate earlier, the ruling of the other Deputy Speaker narrowed the debate. Unless we have a ruling to the contrary, I think that the member has to be pulled right back to the very strict meaning of the amendments as moved.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I congratulate the member for Mackellar on a very good try. The member for McEwen has the call and his time has almost expired.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MITCHELL</name>
    <name.id>M3E</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I will just remind the member for Mackellar that tonight she admitted they are not interested in the national interest; they are only interested in polls.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs Bronwyn Bishop</name>
    <name.id>SE4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I said no such thing!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MITCHELL</name>
    <name.id>M3E</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And let's remember that their idea of action on climate change to save the Great Barrier Reef was to cover it in shade cloth. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BILLSON</name>
    <name.id>1K6</name.id>
    <electorate>Dunkley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This is an opportunity for those opposite to deal with the calculated deception that was perpetrated on the Australian public. When I look out over this chamber and across to the Labor members I say to myself: I wonder how many would not be here had they been straight with the Australian public.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Dunkley has I think accused the Prime Minister of calculated deception. If he has, he will withdraw.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BILLSON</name>
    <name.id>1K6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No, I haven't; not yet. No, the last time I spoke you pulled me up for that.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No, you mentioned 'calculated deception'.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BILLSON</name>
    <name.id>1K6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Did I?</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You did.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BILLSON</name>
    <name.id>1K6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>If I did say 'calculated deception', as accurate as that is, I withdraw and I ask those opposite—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The honourable member will withdraw unreservedly.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BILLSON</name>
    <name.id>1K6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I do so. We have an opportunity tonight for the opposition's amendment to be supported by this chamber and hopefully that might allow Labor members of parliament to not be recognised for two great deficits in their time in office. We know the budget deficit, that great world record that they have already achieved, is something they own and will never be taken away from them. But what is most damaging about this debate is the democratic deficit that is being perpetrated on the Australian parliament and the public. To have the Prime Minister stare down television cameras and assure Australian voters that there would be no carbon tax under a government that she led was a calculated action designed to create the impression—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The honourable member—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BILLSON</name>
    <name.id>1K6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Oh, come on, Mr Deputy Speaker! Calculated action?</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The fact is I am going to sit you down unless you observe the standing orders. It is inappropriate under standing orders 89 and 90 to use offensive words or to cast a reflection on honourable members.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BILLSON</name>
    <name.id>1K6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Deputy Speaker, I will come and visit you later to gain some knowledge, because 'calculated' is hardly offensive. You can tell me where I have got it wrong.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The situation is that the honourable member will either withdraw or the call will be withdrawn.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BILLSON</name>
    <name.id>1K6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I withdraw using the word 'calculated'.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs Bronwyn Bishop</name>
    <name.id>SE4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Since when is that unparliamentary?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BILLSON</name>
    <name.id>1K6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That is just ridiculous. I think you misheard me on that occasion.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The honourable member will resume his seat. The honourable member has accused the Prime Minister of calculated deception. He will withdraw that or I will name him.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BILLSON</name>
    <name.id>1K6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I will withdraw that again. I will not invite you to check what I have said, but I did not use those words.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The honourable member for Dunkley has the call.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BILLSON</name>
    <name.id>1K6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The issue we have today is whether the government will support the opposition's amendment to actually give the Australian public a chance to vote on this policy measure. They have been denied that opportunity. They were reassured that no such proposal would be introduced by a Labor government that Prime Minister Gillard led, yet here we are today talking about this very measure that the Australian public was assured they would not be confronted with. Just today the Australian Chamber of Commerce and Industry have released yet another paper that shows how the government has failed to calculate the impact of its carbon tax on the small and medium enterprises of Australia. The amendment that the opposition has put forward would give the minister an opportunity to carefully examine this material. Members on all sides of the chamber should also consider the urging of ACCI where they say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Armed with this research all parliamentarians should think again before burdening small business with the carbon tax …</para></quote>
<para>ACCI go on to point out how some of the comparable schemes that the government refers to have none of the characteristics of the carbon tax being imposed on the Australian public and none of the burdens that are being imposed on the small- and medium-sized enterprises of Australia. There is an opportunity here for government members, by supporting the opposition's amendment, to recover some policy and political legitimacy around this debate. Time and time again there are examples of where the government has failed to understand the impact of its changes. Even the Victorian government study, undertaken by Deloittes Access Economics, makes the point that the parameters that the Commonwealth has used in its modelling assumes zero employment impacts. That is the assumption. Yet when you actually look at the impacts, in my electorate alone, by 2015 an estimated 1,385 will be lost in the City of Frankston and Mornington Peninsula Shire areas and some $154 million of economic output will be lost. Time and time again these facts are brought before the government and it has failed to address them.</para>
<para>There is even the insult that the minister inflicted on the small business community, telling them not to worry about the impact of the carbon tax because 'you can't get your car serviced in India and your dry-cleaning done in China'. What a nonsense argument that is. His actions and the government's carbon tax policy are impacting on demand. It is already undermining small business viability and is hollowing out employment in that important sector. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms BIRD</name>
    <name.id>DZP</name.id>
    <electorate>Cunningham</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to oppose the opposition's amendment to the Clean Energy Bill 2011 and related bills before us tonight. It is an amendment about timing. I want to reiterate some important words to the House. I will quote the policy to be accurate. It says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We have an obligation to manage climate change responsibly on behalf of future generations, so that our prosperity today is a legacy they too can enjoy tomorrow. The Australian economy depends more on fossil fuels for its wealth generation and power supply than most developed economies and we are a significant supplier of energy to the world. Adjusting to a carbon-constrained economy will entail costs. We cannot change the structure of our economy overnight and we need to manage the transition with care.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Yet, as well as costs, the same transition will also present new opportunities. We are richly endowed with natural assets that will be valuable in a carbon-constrained world—</para></quote>
<para><inline font-style="italic">(Quorum formed)</inline> I will continue as I was quoting:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We are richly endowed with natural assets that will be valuable in a carbon-constrained world, including high-quality geological and biological sequestration sites, large uranium reserves and abundant renewable energy resources, including geothermal energy opportunities. An important component of Australia’s climate change policy is developing key low emissions technologies to realise these opportunities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Climate change is a global problem and Australia cannot solve it alone. The multi-faceted response set out in this document will ensure Australia leads the world in our domestic approach to reducing greenhouse gas emissions, and is a key player in effective international responses to climate change.</para></quote>
<para>Those were the words of July 2007, which the member opposite sought to interrupt, and they were the words of John Howard. In July 2007 John Howard understood, and those opposite who were in government at the time understood, that it was important for Australia to play its role in leading the world on an important new challenge that the world faced, as we have done generation after generation on important issues that challenged and faced the world. Those opposite now would have us believe that the Australian people are not up to this task. They are up to this task.</para>
<para>I want to put before the House an event that I attended yesterday with my colleague the member for Throsby. We had the opportunity to attend the Gujarat NRE No. 1 colliery site at Russell Vale in my electorate. We were celebrating the positioning of new longwall machinery, valued at $90 million, in conjunction with Joy Manufacturing, a production and manufacturing company in my colleague the member for Throsby's electorate. It is a really important commitment by Gujarat NRE, an Indian mining company in our area. It shows their faith and commitment to the future of mining in our region. It is an important opportunity to create— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The honourable member's time has expired.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms Bird</name>
    <name.id>DZP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Deputy Speaker, I seek a second call.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The honourable member has the opportunity to seek a second call. However, the practice of the House is to alternate speakers from one side to the other. If the honourable member chooses to stand when it is next the government's opportunity, I will look upon her with favour, as indeed I would with all members on my right or my left. The call is now given to the Second Deputy Speaker, the Honourable member for Maranoa.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BRUCE SCOTT</name>
    <name.id>YT4</name.id>
    <electorate>Maranoa</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise this evening in the debate on these clean energy bills to support the amendment as moved by the Leader of the Opposition. I just want to read into the <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline> yet again for the benefit of those on the other side of the House why we are seeking to amend this package of bills to delay voting on this bill and take these 1,200 pages to the people of Australia. That is what should be happening. Let me read for the benefit of those on the other side of the House what the Leader of the Opposition and the opposition would like to see happen. This is our amendment:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) The provisions of this Act commence on a date to be fixed by Proclamation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A Proclamation for the purposes of subsection (1) must not be made until after elections have been held for the 44th Parliament and the Parliament has met.</para></quote>
<para>Why do we say that on this side of the House? It is because the Prime Minister, during the last election campaign, said that there would be no carbon tax under a government that she led. Yet, what we have got in this House are 1,200 pages of new legislation. It is one of the greatest pieces of misleading information that any Prime Minister has ever bestowed on the Australian people.</para>
<para>If you do not want to take the Prime Minister's word and you do not accept what she said, let us look at what the Treasurer said on 15 August 2010 on <inline font-style="italic">Meet the Press</inline>. When asked the question whether there would be a carbon tax if the Labor Party was elected, he said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Well, certainly what we rejected is this hysterical allegation somehow that we are moving towards a carbon tax from the Liberals and their advertising. We certainly reject that.</para></quote>
<para>So the Prime Minister and the Treasurer both gave firm commitments to the people of Australia before they voted to decide who they should put into government in this parliament: there would be no carbon tax under a government led by the now Prime Minister, supported by the Treasurer, who said that this was a hysterical allegation and they rejected the notion.</para>
<para>The people of Australia looked at the two sides of the House—and that is what democracy is about. They look at the policies from the opposing sides of the House. It is a contest of ideas: whom do they really trust to elect on policies to lead this nation? It is a very important decision the people take. All we say is: take this package of bills back to the people of Australia and ask them. Do not ask this House; ask the people of Australia. That is what our amendment says: that there be no vote taken on this until the people of Australia have been asked.</para>
<para>During the sitting break I drove into the outback of my electorate, because I know that if these bills pass they will impact on everyone's daily cost of living wherever they live in Australia. I went out and searched for someone in western Queensland who might support these bills. I went to Charleville—I thought I might find someone there as it was once a stronghold of the Labor Party; there is still an office of the Australian Workers Union in Charleville. I could not find anyone there, so I went on to Quilpie. I thought I would find someone there, but there was no-one. I went further out, to Eromanga into the oilfields and I caught up with Dick Loveday. He was loading cattle to take them 1,100 kilometres from far out in western Queensland in my electorate to a processing plant near Toowoomba. The cattle industry has been branded by the government one of those big polluters because they take cattle on road trains that create jobs and create export income. He said, 'Give us a go at these bills. We want to vote on these bills. We are sick and tired of working for nothing and all we see are taxes, taxes, taxes from this government. Just give us a say.'</para>
<para>On returning to this place, I thought I would bring these comments to this parliament. The minister is at the table. Minister, I plead with you: please, please listen to the Leader of the Opposition. Listen to our amendments. Let us take these bills to a vote and ask the people of Australia.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The honourable member's time has expired. I am quite sure that Mr Speaker has pointed out that props are not desirable. However, I would like to congratulate the Second Deputy Speaker on the fact that he has obviously undertaken weight training to lift those papers so easily in the House.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms BIRD</name>
    <name.id>DZP</name.id>
    <electorate>Cunningham</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker, and the House for the opportunity to finish the comments that were interrupted by the quorum call previously. I just want to again put into context the comments that I am contributing about the amendment by the opposition on timing by indicating again the climate change policy in July 2007 of the then government led by those opposite, which said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Australia’s domestic policies will influence, and be influenced by, effective and practical international responses to climate change. It may take some time for a truly effective international framework for emissions reductions to emerge. It is likely that in the near term progress will be made through national and bilateral actions. A domestic emissions trading system, investment in low emissions technologies and energy efficiency measures in Australia will create opportunities as the international framework emerges.</para></quote>
<para>Within the context of the 2007 policy of those opposite I want to indicate that my colleague the member for Throsby and I attended an important event in our area, which was the announcement and unveiling of longwall mining machinery by Gujarat NRE, an important local mining company in our area, and a celebration of that.</para>
<para>It was done within the context of a statement made to the Stock Exchange by Gujarat on 4 October 2011, headed 'Implication of carbon tax for Gujarat NRE'. It is an extensive statement, but I just want to go to the conclusion so that it can be put on the record of this place. In terms of the time frame that we are looking at here, there have been, as many speakers have said, two decades of debate on these issues. We got to a point in July 2007 where there was bilateral agreement and the very issues that attempts are being made to undermine by the arguments of those opposite were in fact their policy and printed for the world to see at that point in time.</para>
<para>But companies in our country are actually moving on. This is what Gujarat NRE has said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The company expects that it would be eligible for government assistance via the Coal Sector Jobs Package which will assist in reducing the overall impact of the tax. However a substantive emissions management strategy is being developed as part of each mining operation to ensure that emissions are controlled.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Mr Jagatramka, Executive Chairman for GNCCL said "we have actively investigated action that will be undertaken to reduce our total emissions of greenhouse gases. The development of new underground roadways separate from the old and existing mine workings, supports the sealing off of these old workings and prevents waste gasses from being included in our mine's ventilation system. Into the future the company is committed to utilising ventilation controls, the sealing of old mining areas and gas drainage techniques that will allow the capture and flaring of gas."</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Based upon this strategy and the above mentioned measures, the potential impacts of the carbon tax are expected to be around $2.70 per tonne of coal produced. It is apparent that the direct impacts of the carbon tax will be minimised and this is not expected to impinge on future growth of the company.</para></quote>
<para>It is important to acknowledge that companies in this country do understand the international dilemma that we all face about the need to get our carbon emissions down and they are investigating and seeking opportunities to do exactly that. Gujarat NRE is a mining company in my own area. Five generations of my family have worked at this mine—since the 1900s, in fact. It is a company that understands the challenges of the future. It is a company that is up to the challenges of the future. It reflects the great strength of this nation that our companies and our communities are up to the challenges of the future and are up to taking the opportunities of the future. It is sad that those opposite persist in a view that is narrow and negative. I believe it is a view of our capacity as a nation that will not last the test of time. Now is the time for action. These amendments should be rejected and we should get on with leading the world as we have done so well, in so many areas, for so many generations. It is time that we act.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs MIRABELLA</name>
    <name.id>00AMU</name.id>
    <electorate>Indi</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise with great sadness, because there is so much concern out in the community. It is not limited to one demographic but is right across the board. There is particular anxiety and sadness in those demographics that have traditionally voted Labor, and those members opposite know that. They are not only defying the wishes and concerns of their constituents but also destroying the future opportunities and prosperity of their communities—and they know it. And for what? For the short-term political gain and the short-term political survival of the worst Prime Minister this country has ever seen.</para>
<para>We have heard a lot of cute comments from those opposite, a lot of gilding of the lily to try to justify the position they have taken in supporting an economy-wide carbon tax that will do absolutely nothing to save the environment but will, in fact, arguably increase worldwide emissions by exporting manufacturing to countries that do not have the same environmental regulations as we do but will make the same things we used to make but create more emissions in doing so. Those opposite know it. We have seen the experience in Europe where carbon leakage has risen massively, where Europe has lost industries only to have them replaced by industries abroad that have increased carbon emissions.</para>
<para>We have seen the Minister for Climate Change and Energy Efficiency—he is coming back to the table; I am grateful for that—be very cute and use a twist of words, trying to claim some sort of implicit carbon tax. He was very embarrassed when that was exposed as an absolute fraud. He was trying to claim that China was moving ahead of us in leaps and bounds when the reality is that China is engaged in an extraordinary increase in emissions. China will replace coal-fired power stations with other coal-fired power stations, and it will increase emissions far more than Australia will. We have seen the US abandon an ETS. We have seen the Japanese decide to postpone it, and we have seen that countries that compete with Australia are not even contemplating introducing an ETS.</para>
<para>We have seen the discussion on the Steel Transformation Plan. If you were not going to damage, with a sledgehammer, an industry as important as this you would not need to contemplate this very expensive use of taxpayers' funds to compensate it. But what about the vast majority of steelworkers who are not going to be covered? According to the most recent figures we have, there are about 91,000 employees across the entire Australian steel industry, and the Steel Transformation Plan will only cover those in BlueScope and OneSteel, and at best there are 17,000 employees there. You cannot have a viable steelmaking industry in Australia without a viable steel fabrication industry. If there are no steel fabricators in Australia, there is no need for steel to be made in Australia—particularly since BlueScope has closed the door for the moment on its export market. So it is a fraud to say that the Steel Transformation Plan will save the steel industry, because there is no plan for when this money runs out. That is because it has not addressed the basic problem of competitiveness. It has not addressed the problem of what happens when this money runs out and when imports will effectively be given a leg up with this reverse tariff that we have on Australian industry and Australian manufacturing. As for the green jobs: what a joke, what a farce. Nowhere in the world have we seen jobs in industry destroyed and replaced with commensurate jobs in the green sector, and it will not happen here.</para>
<para>Constituents in my electorate are extremely concerned about the retarding impact that the carbon tax will have on development of their rural and regional communities and on their cost of living. I am sure it is the same in non-rural and regional electorates and I am sure it is the same in Labor electorates as well. The people will have a say. They should have a say at the next election. I take this opportunity to seek leave to table signatures of more than 1,200 people in my electorate who have opposed a carbon tax and want to seek an election.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The honourable member's time has expired.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs MIRABELLA</name>
    <name.id>00AMU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to table those signatures.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The time has technically expired. I will ask the minister: is leave granted? Leave is not granted.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs Mirabella</name>
    <name.id>00AMU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Deputy Speaker, I actually asked before the time had expired.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And I gave the honourable member the benefit of the doubt. I asked the minister if leave was granted and I believe the minister said leave was not granted.</para>
<para class="italic">Mrs Mirabella interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The honourable member for Indi is warned!</para>
<para class="italic">Mrs Mirabella interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The honourable member for Indi is warned!</para>
<para class="italic">Mrs Mirabella interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I name the honourable member for Indi!</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr COMBET</name>
    <name.id>YW6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the member for Indi be suspended from the service of the House.</para></quote>
<para>Question put.</para>
<para>The House divided. [22:19]</para>
<para>(The DEPUTY SPEAKER—Hon Peter Slipper)</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The honourable member for Indi is suspended from the service of the House for 24 hours under standing order 94(b).</para>
<para> <inline font-style="italic">The member for Indi then left the chamber</inline> <inline font-style="italic">.</inline></para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question before the House is that the amendments be agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>71</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Adams, DGH</name>
                  <name>Albanese, AN</name>
                  <name>Bird, SL</name>
                  <name>Bowen, CE</name>
                  <name>Bradbury, DJ</name>
                  <name>Brodtmann, G</name>
                  <name>Burke, AE</name>
                  <name>Burke, AS</name>
                  <name>Butler, MC</name>
                  <name>Byrne, AM</name>
                  <name>Champion, ND</name>
                  <name>Cheeseman, DL</name>
                  <name>Clare, JD</name>
                  <name>Collins, JM</name>
                  <name>Combet, GI</name>
                  <name>Crean, SF</name>
                  <name>Danby, M</name>
                  <name>D'Ath, YM</name>
                  <name>Dreyfus, MA</name>
                  <name>Elliot, MJ</name>
                  <name>Ellis, KM</name>
                  <name>Emerson, CA</name>
                  <name>Ferguson, LDT</name>
                  <name>Ferguson, MJ</name>
                  <name>Fitzgibbon, JA</name>
                  <name>Garrett, PR</name>
                  <name>Georganas, S</name>
                  <name>Gibbons, SW</name>
                  <name>Gillard, JE</name>
                  <name>Gray, G</name>
                  <name>Grierson, SJ</name>
                  <name>Griffin, AP</name>
                  <name>Hall, JG (teller)</name>
                  <name>Hayes, CP</name>
                  <name>Husic, EN (teller)</name>
                  <name>Jones, SP</name>
                  <name>Kelly, MJ</name>
                  <name>King, CF</name>
                  <name>Leigh, AK</name>
                  <name>Livermore, KF</name>
                  <name>Lyons, GR</name>
                  <name>Macklin, JL</name>
                  <name>Marles, RD</name>
                  <name>McClelland, RB</name>
                  <name>Melham, D</name>
                  <name>Mitchell, RG</name>
                  <name>Murphy, JP</name>
                  <name>Neumann, SK</name>
                  <name>Oakeshott, RJM</name>
                  <name>O'Connor, BPJ</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                  <name>Owens, J</name>
                  <name>Parke, M</name>
                  <name>Perrett, GD</name>
                  <name>Plibersek, TJ</name>
                  <name>Ripoll, BF</name>
                  <name>Rishworth, AL</name>
                  <name>Rowland, MA</name>
                  <name>Roxon, NL</name>
                  <name>Rudd, KM</name>
                  <name>Saffin, JA</name>
                  <name>Shorten, WR</name>
                  <name>Sidebottom, PS</name>
                  <name>Smith, SF</name>
                  <name>Smyth, L</name>
                  <name>Snowdon, WE</name>
                  <name>Symon, MS</name>
                  <name>Thomson, KJ</name>
                  <name>Vamvakinou, M</name>
                  <name>Wilkie, AD</name>
                  <name>Zappia, A</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>57</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Abbott, AJ</name>
                  <name>Alexander, JG</name>
                  <name>Andrews, KJ</name>
                  <name>Andrews, KL</name>
                  <name>Baldwin, RC</name>
                  <name>Billson, BF</name>
                  <name>Bishop, BK</name>
                  <name>Bishop, JI</name>
                  <name>Briggs, JE</name>
                  <name>Broadbent, RE</name>
                  <name>Buchholz, S</name>
                  <name>Chester, D</name>
                  <name>Christensen, GR</name>
                  <name>Ciobo, SM</name>
                  <name>Cobb, JK</name>
                  <name>Coulton, M (teller)</name>
                  <name>Entsch, WG</name>
                  <name>Frydenberg, JA</name>
                  <name>Griggs, NL</name>
                  <name>Haase, BW</name>
                  <name>Hartsuyker, L</name>
                  <name>Hawke, AG</name>
                  <name>Hunt, GA</name>
                  <name>Irons, SJ</name>
                  <name>Jensen, DG</name>
                  <name>Jones, ET</name>
                  <name>Keenan, M</name>
                  <name>Kelly, C</name>
                  <name>Laming, A</name>
                  <name>Ley, SP</name>
                  <name>Macfarlane, IE</name>
                  <name>Marino, NB</name>
                  <name>Markus, LE</name>
                  <name>Matheson, RG</name>
                  <name>McCormack, MF</name>
                  <name>Mirabella, S</name>
                  <name>Morrison, SJ</name>
                  <name>Neville, PC</name>
                  <name>O'Dowd, KD</name>
                  <name>O'Dwyer, KM</name>
                  <name>Prentice, J</name>
                  <name>Pyne, CM</name>
                  <name>Ramsey, RE</name>
                  <name>Robb, AJ</name>
                  <name>Robert, SR</name>
                  <name>Roy, WB</name>
                  <name>Schultz, AJ</name>
                  <name>Secker, PD (teller)</name>
                  <name>Simpkins, LXL</name>
                  <name>Smith, ADH</name>
                  <name>Southcott, AJ</name>
                  <name>Tehan, DT</name>
                  <name>Truss, WE</name>
                  <name>Tudge, AE</name>
                  <name>Turnbull, MB</name>
                  <name>Van Manen, AJ</name>
                  <name>Wyatt, KG</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>1</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Thomson, CR</name>
                  <name>Washer, M</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FITZGIBBON</name>
    <name.id>8K6</name.id>
    <electorate>Hunter</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I think, if anyone amongst the Australian public was in any doubt about what the debate has largely focused on this evening, that doubt has now been removed by the actions and the antics of not only the member for Indi, who has now, appropriately, been discharged from the duties of the House, but also the member for Paterson, who despite the government's decision to facilitate this debate decided to call for a quorum throughout that debate. I see he is rising now; I hope this is about that quorum now, because he would be thrown out, just as the member for—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I ask honourable members who are milling around the chamber, including the member for Groom and others, to resume their seats so I can give the call to the member for Paterson, who I suspect is raising a point of order.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Baldwin</name>
    <name.id>LL6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Deputy Speaker, on a point of order: in line with your earlier rulings and those of deputy speakers who have occupied the chair tonight, I ask you to bring the member for Hunter's attention to the amendments at hand. He is not addressing the issues of the amendments before the House.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>0V5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Paterson is correct in saying that honourable members ought to be debating the amendments before the House. The amendments are, however, wide ranging. But I would urge the Chief Government Whip to confine himself to the wide-ranging amendments the House is currently debating. The Chief Government Whip has the call.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FITZGIBBON</name>
    <name.id>8K6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I certainly respect your ruling, Mr Deputy Speaker. While I have not been here as long as the member for Mackellar, who has been very active in this debate, I have been here for some 15½ years and I have been a student of the parliamentary process for much longer than that. I have never seen such an extraordinary course of events. Never has such a wide-ranging and broad amendment been moved in the in-detail stages of a government bill. It is not that strange for an opposition with no new ideas and no alternative solutions to put forward such an amendment to defer the actions of the will of the House, but it is extraordinary that they should put forward such an amendment in the in-detail part of a debate, a period of the debate which is usually confined to the specifics of the very complex legislation before the House.</para>
<para>It is extraordinary that having done so they would spend most of the time the government agreed to give them for further debate on the clean energy bills by wasting time and taking frivolous points of order. The other side ignored points of order from this side while they continued to read their speeches no matter what the deputy speakers ruled. What is even more extraordinary is that we all stand here in defence of democracy. People over the ages have given their lives for democracy. Indeed, Australian soldiers continue to give their lives in pursuit of giving others the opportunity to participate in parliamentary democracy.</para>
<para>The opposition's proposition is that from now on if you have hard reform to put to the Australian people through the parliament you should go and seek the will of the Australian people on every occasion. Imagine if Gough Whitlam and those who followed him had done that on tariff reform. Imagine if Paul Keating had done that on the floating of the dollar. It is not the way our democracy works and nor should it be. There are only two sorts of people at the end of the day—there are leaders and there are followers.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister and those who stand behind her on this side have shown very strong leadership in picking up an issue that has been debated in this country for the last 20 years. The government went to the last election promising to act on climate change, just as John Howard went to the 2007 election promising to act on climate change. Indeed, John Howard went to the 2007 election with a response to climate change not unlike the architecture of what we are putting through the House and what we have been debating in this place for a long time. When the Australian people pick up their newspapers tomorrow and come to understand the antics in this House tonight, the crescendo being the expulsion of the member for Indi, they will understand what this debate is really about. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CHRISTENSEN</name>
    <name.id>230485</name.id>
    <electorate>Dawson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The amendment before us is to let the people have a say on this carbon tax by postponing it until after an election. I want to highlight some of the people who have not been able to have a say and really want to have a say. These are people from my electorate. Sallyann Pottinger from Shoal Point says if the carbon tax goes ahead she will never vote for Labor again. Mary Old from Mackay says the government does not have a mandate from the people for this. Dianne Worthington of Seaforth says she will never vote for Labor again if this tax goes through. Rob Geisler of Shoal Point, a Labor voter of 29 years, will not be voting for Labor again if the tax goes through. Susan Griffin says this will not do anything to improve our carbon footprint, but will affect our wallets. Dianne Pulfer of Slade Point says no to the carbon tax. Rodney Barrett of Bowen says that this is all pain and no gain. Leslie Cuthbert of Glenella says no to the carbon tax. Michael Smith of Dolphin Heads does not support a carbon tax. David Drage of Mount Pleasant says no to the carbon tax. Glenn McGrath, a builder from Mackay, says the Labor government needs to go sooner rather than later because of this carbon tax. Peter Harding of Mackay says, 'Don't let them waste more of our money' with this carbon tax. Robbie Morris of Glenella calls it another useless Labor tax. Pat O'Shea from Balnagowan disagrees with this proposed carbon tax. Paula McInnes of Andergrove says that people cannot afford this carbon tax. Joe Dance of Mount Julian says that this tax is 'a crime against humanity'—a bit poetic, but I agree. Elizabeth Taylor of Calen says that the Prime Minister is not listening to the people. The Van Lint family of Balnagowan say no to the carbon tax. Nigel Rack of Mackay says this has nothing to do with climate change.</para>
<para class="italic">Honourable members interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>HH4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! It is not very helpful for others to be interjecting. I remind the member for Dawson that there has been a discussion about relevance to the debate. I ask him to refer his remarks to the question before the chair and for all members to be on their best behaviour. They have seen what can happen very quickly. The member for Dawson has call.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CHRISTENSEN</name>
    <name.id>230485</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Speaker, these people are very relevant to this debate because these people want to have a say and so far they have not had a say.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>HH4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Dawson will not take on the chair. The chair has already been taken on once tonight and we saw the result of that. The question before the chair is the consideration in detail about the amendment. The member for Dawson has plenty of opportunity to relate the remarks of his constituents to those amendments, but this is a debate that he could have had in the second reading. The member for Dawson has the call.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CHRISTENSEN</name>
    <name.id>230485</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The fact is that the people of this country have not had a say in this. The government does not have a mandate. This amendment seeks to give the people a say by having an election before this tax is adopted. As someone who sat on the Joint Select Committee on Australia's Clean Energy Future Legislation, I know that there is a groundswell of support for our proposition and against this carbon tax proposal by the government.</para>
<para>I have with me a rather weighty document. It is all of the submissions given to the carbon tax inquiry, but that were knocked back by the carbon tax inquiry. Some 4½ thousand people who sought to have their say were simply ruled as correspondents only. So the government have form on this in not giving people a say. Today they have two opportunities. I seek leave to table this document and have it included in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave not granted.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CHRISTENSEN</name>
    <name.id>230485</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>A simple thing like that rejected just goes to show that the government do not want the people of this nation to have their say on the carbon tax. They have no mandate for this, absolutely none at all and I have plenty more submissions from people in my electorate who are outright opposed and say that this government does not have a mandate. They should have accepted the tabling of this document but they do not want to because they do not want people to have a say.</para>
<para>The government should accept this amendment that we are proposing because it gives them a mandate. They currently do not have one and they must sit here very ashamed when they vote tomorrow, knowing deep in their hearts that the Prime Minister said that there will be no carbon tax under the government that she leads, the government which are now voting to accept this disgraceful tax against the wishes of the people.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ZAPPIA</name>
    <name.id>HWB</name.id>
    <electorate>Makin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In speaking to this amendment I will confine my remarks specifically to the amendment that has been put by the Leader of the Opposition which seeks to delay the introduction of this legislation. As other members on this side have already said, the motive for delaying the introduction of this legislation is simply to ensure that the Australian people do not get to see it in operation because if they do then it will dispel much of the misinformation and the myths that have been created by members opposite when they speak about this legislation. It is absolutely in their interest to delay the introduction of the legislation because it enables them to continue to run the fear and the misinformation campaign which they have been running for the past 12 months and more.</para>
<para>In speaking to the amendment I raise this point: the longer we delay the introduction of any legislation to reduce the impact of greenhouse gas emissions on our climate the longer the uncertainty continues in the minds of the business people of Australia. Speakers on the other side have time and time again come in here and spoken about the concerns that business people have about this legislation. I also speak to business people around the community. It is my view that they are equally concerned and for almost five years they have not known where they stand in respect of legislation relating to carbon emissions in this country. While that uncertainty hangs over their heads, they do not know whether they should plan particular investments, they do not know what direction they should take because they simply do not know where they stand in the future when it comes to legislation on this issue. It is time, after five years, that they did know because that will enable them to plan with certainty for the future.</para>
<para>The member for Berowra quite rightly pointed out that the two biggest global players on this issue are China and the USA. He made the point that we should not be acting because firstly our emissions—he put them at one per cent, they are a little bit higher than that—are irrelevant to the global situation. He quoted a speech from a person whose name I do not recall who made the point that without America's and China's involvement there is no point in us doing anything. I say to the member for Berowra, firstly with respect to the USA, whilst their national government might not be acting, certainly the state of California is and the state of California is the eighth biggest economy in the world. It is not inconsequential, it is not insignificant; therefore the USA is contributing to the global response on this issue.</para>
<para>China is investing heavily in replacing old, inefficient coal-fired power stations and also in renewable energy sources including solar, wind and hydro. China today has the world's largest installed renewable energy electricity generation capacity. China has also in the last five years reduced its energy consumption by 19.6 per cent in terms of the per unit of GDP consumption that it produces. That is again not insignificant. Furthermore, China has pledged to lower carbon dioxide emissions per unit of GDP by 40 to 45 per cent by the year 2020 compared to 2005 levels. That is quite an ambitious target. Finally, China has a number of provinces and cities including Guangdong and Hubei and the municipalities of Tianjin, Shanghai, Beijing and Chongqing which are set to trial an emissions trading scheme in the year 2012. Those Chinese provinces represent a quarter of a billion people—that is the magnitude of the input just in that area alone.</para>
<para>It is my view that Australia should do its fair share in addressing this global issue. I think it is totally wrong and improper to suggest that just because we produce one per cent it is insignificant in the global scheme of things. At the very minimum we should do our share to play our part in what is truly a global problem. Quite frankly, that is all this legislation ensures that we do—play our part as responsible global citizens in addressing a global problem.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ENTSCH</name>
    <name.id>7K6</name.id>
    <electorate>Leichhardt</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to support the amendment put forward by the Leader of the Opposition. I have to agree with the member for Makin inasmuch as we are trying to delay this vote. We are in fact trying to encourage the Prime Minister to show that she has at least some level of integrity in relation to maintaining a commitment that she made prior to this last election where she said, 'There will be no carbon tax under the government I lead.' We have seen what she has done, she has trashed the promise and we are in the situation that we find ourselves in tonight. I see the member for Dawson with the 4,500 submissions that have been rejected—4,500 rejections. There were only 73 submissions accepted. Those 4,500 were submissions that said, 'We do not agree with the government and we do want the opportunity of being able to express a point of view and have a vote.' I actually have a couple of those submissions from my constituents, who raise some serious concerns and disappointments. One of them that I have here is from Sally Bayne from Bayview Heights in my electorate. In her single page submission she talks about things such as the tax weakening the Australian economy, that the tax will not make even a half of one per cent difference to the international carbon dioxide level and that it would be far better for the environment for the government to concentrate efforts and finances in other areas, such as reduction of use of plastics—particularly bottles and bags—and, of course, financing cheap and regular public transport. And so she goes on—it is quite a thoughtful submission.</para>
<para>I have another one here from Bernie Treston, a solicitor in my area and clearly somebody who has put a lot of thought into his submission. Again, he expresses concerns about the mass of paperwork and employment of many public servants to try to implement the proposed methods of limiting pollution when there are so many cheaper and more effective ways of achieving results. Of particular concern is that it is likely to increase the costs of production, mainly caused through increase in electricity charges. He fails to see how they can pass this on to their customers.</para>
<para>Both of those submissions were rejected, and in the rejection letters the committee stated: 'The committee has received your email as correspondence. While the committee considers the views in correspondence, it does not publish correspondence on its webpage. This does not lessen the importance of your contribution, however only those documents that went to specific detail about the bills were published as submissions.' I have one of the submissions that was actually accepted by this committee, and it was by Rob Feith. This is his submission:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I am writing to express my support for the Government to legislate to put a price on Carbon. I urge the government to continue to move ahead with the Carbon tax.</para></quote>
<para>That was the total extent of his submission, whereas you have Sally Bayne's and Bernie Treston's missing out completely.</para>
<para>When we talk about that, there are many others. Fred Ariel and Dennis Cole of Raging Thunder Adventures have expressed to me very serious concerns about the impact on their tourism business. And Phil Hobbs from Tusa Dive in Cairns says that already the tourism industry has done it very difficult, and here we have a situation where we have the government now pushing this through and breaking a promise.</para>
<para>All we are saying in this amendment here is to let us take it back to the people, to let us hold this over until the 44th parliament and to let the people have an opportunity to have a say. The fact that these 4,600 which rejected this government's submission that we ought to have a carbon tax were not accepted I think is unprecedented. In fact of all the submissions they could only find something like 73 that actually agreed with them, and they are the only ones that they were prepared to accept.</para>
<para>It is just absolutely outrageous that the government is continuing to push this through. I can tell you now that there are many people on the other side who will not be around in the 44th parliament. I can guarantee you that. There is outrage in my community of Leichhardt and many other areas—everywhere I go. They are absolutely disgusted by the antics of this. They certainly do not accept the proposition that has been put forward by this government. They totally reject it and they demand a vote. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HUSIC</name>
    <name.id>91219</name.id>
    <electorate>Chifley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The effect of the amendment that has been put forward by the opposition is, as has been admitted by their side, to delay any action on climate change. Part of the defence is that in actual fact others are not moving on this issue and therefore we should not.</para>
<para>But quite frankly, we are not leading the world and the biggest danger for us is that we are in danger of being left behind. The rest of the world clearly is acting, and both our economy and environment are at risk through delay. Many countries—all the major emitters—are acting now to reduce carbon pollution, and a broad range of countries have introduced or are planning market-based emissions trading schemes and carbon taxes. It is worth noting that our top five trading partners—China, Japan, the US, the Republic of Korea and India—and another six of our top 20 trading partners—New Zealand, the UK, Germany, Italy, France and the Netherlands—have implemented or are piloting carbon trading or taxation systems at a national, state or city level. Many of those countries have renewable energy targets, including 14 of Australia's top 20 trading partners.</para>
<para>We are being asked to delay action when in fact the pace of change that is occurring beyond our borders is speeding up. Eighty-nine countries, accounting for over 80 per cent of global carbon pollution and over 90 per cent of the global economy, have pledged to reduce or eliminate pollution by 2020 under the United Nations Framework on the Convention on Climate Change. There have been ETSs operating for years in 31 European countries, in New Zealand and in 10 US states. California is the world's eighth largest economy and has legislated for an ETS. Again, we are being asked not to do anything when there are many countries and many parts of the US that are already moving on this.</para>
<para>In addition to regional cap-and-trade measures, at the national level the US is basically implementing a diverse range of actions to reduce carbon pollution, including environmental regulations, renewable energy targets and transport sector initiatives. All this work is happening. China, which was referenced before in the debate, has ambitious targets to reduce its economy's energy and carbon intensity. By 2013 it is planning pilot emissions trading in several major provinces and cities, including Beijing and Shanghai. The combined population—this is worth noting—is over 200 million people, and the combined GDP is significantly larger than Australia's. So it is obvious that the world is moving on this, and the danger for us is that we will be left behind as they move ahead and, as I indicated earlier in the debate, we will be forced to play expensive catch up. For every year we do not undertake any action we will be required to stump up $5 billion extra to help get us closer to the five per cent emission reduction target by 2020. I have noticed in this debate a reference to democracy, and I have noticed a reference to people not being given a say. I think that if we are going to talk about people having a say, there is one member of the entire opposition front bench of 21 MPs that has not spoken against the carbon price. He is the only member of the entire shadow ministry of 27 members, including all of the shadow parliamentary secretaries, who has not spoken. He is one of only five out of 72 coalition MPs not to speak against the carbon price and one of only three MPs of the 70 who have been present for the whole debate who have chosen not to speak. That person is the member for Wentworth. So if you are going to come in here and tell us that, bringing all of your petitions and all of your statements, and quoting people who have been denied a say, look at your own side, where there is clearly a division, particularly amongst senior people who believe that action does need to be taken and is not.</para>
<para>Significantly, we had some references when I had to sit in the chamber earlier listening to people who believed that they had been gagged. Let us go to the stats. Those opposite gagged 26 Labor MPs during the Telstra privatisation. I represented the union that was part of that organisation, where jobs went from 90,000 to 30,000 through the course of privatisation. All of those people lost their jobs and their livelihoods. There were 26 Labor MPs gagged during that privatisation—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>HH4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The member should not unduly reopen the second reading debate.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HUSIC</name>
    <name.id>91219</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>and 20 Labor MPs gagged on Work Choices. If we are going to have people talking about democracy, look first at your own record before you start lecturing us.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr WYATT</name>
    <name.id>M3A</name.id>
    <electorate>Hasluck</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the amendment for the delay of the proclamation of the legislation. I do so on a couple of grounds. One is the issue that the member for Chifley raises—that is, the construct of democracy. I thought with the new paradigm that we would be doing business very differently in the way that we would debate legislation in this House, that we would have much more open processes that would enable us to deal with some of the complexities, particularly of this legislation.</para>
<para class="italic">Ms Burke interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr WYATT</name>
    <name.id>M3A</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am glad that the member is interjecting. Let me share with you that, in a shocking and historically unprecedented suppression of political expression, 4,500 Australians opposed to the carbon tax have had their submissions to the Joint Select Committee on Australia's Clean Energy Future Legislation rejected out of hand. Upon its establishment, the joint select committee called for submissions from Australians on the legislation to impose a carbon tax. Despite giving Australians only one week to wade through over 1,000 pages of legislation, the committee website specifically states that it encourages submissions to its inquiries from a wide range of individuals and organisations, yet only 73 submissions, mainly in favour of a carbon tax, were accepted by the committee, with 4,500 rejected out of hand. Never in the history of the Australian parliament has such a widescale rejection of opinions taken place. Never before have submissions been rejected in such a manner. This is hubris of the highest order.</para>
<para>It was also interesting, in looking at page 8 of today's <inline font-style="italic">West Australian</inline>, to see a full-page advert by the Australian Trade and Industry Alliance. I will cite its words because they are words that were conveyed to me and to the shadow minister when we met with many small businesses and groups within Hasluck:</para>
<quote><para class="block">If a carbon tax passes parliament, higher prices that could do nothing for climate change become law. The government is introducing the world's largest carbon tax legislation in parliament this week, and if the world's largest carbon tax becomes law it effectively means higher prices will also become law. It will be the law for higher fuel prices for 60,000 businesses. It will be the law for higher electricity prices for every Australian family and business. It will be the law for higher public transport costs. It will be the law that raises costs for Australian manufacturers.</para></quote>
<para>In my electorate, constituents have openly expressed their sense of betrayal and have made strong comments in condemnation of a commitment that was given to not introduce a carbon tax. They have in fact found that this government is introducing a carbon tax that will impact on them. Businesses have been direct in their opposition because they have been considering the flow-on, cascading costs. For Western Australia, let me take the example of food supply. It tends to emanate out of the south-eastern corner of this country. Significant costs will be derived from the cost of an increase in fuel and then transporting it across the country. When talking with truckies, they say to me that it costs them $3,000 minimum, and if they go further from Perth to Kununurra then the cost is again the same.</para>
<para>In my electorate there are people who currently make decisions about whether they go without medication to put food on the table. They find that the increasing costs are impacting on their quality of life and their choice of life for themselves and their children. Any other increases that are additional to what they experience at the moment will only be an added burden, and it will be a pity to see that the people who go without will be those in greatest need. Even those on Centrelink payments will have to bear the cost of the increases that will come. I am sure that there are many in this House who will never go hungry nor want for a comfortable bed, yet there will be others in my electorate and those of many others who will experience poverty and the challenges of meeting the costs of living. In that context, they will not be able to give their families and children the quality of life that they have always dreamed of and aspired to. Those seeking to own homes will have the additional burden of that tax. I feel for those who will have the greatest impact— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr COMBET</name>
    <name.id>YW6</name.id>
    <electorate>Charlton</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In the minute or so of time that is left before the House adjourns, I would like to thank members for their contribution during the consideration in detail phase of the debate on the bills. It has spanned the better part of six hours and traversed quite a number of issues, and I do thank members for their contribution. I would like to take the opportunity, too, to thank my friend and colleague the member for Isaacs, the Parliamentary Secretary for Climate Change and Energy Efficiency, for all of the work that he has done over the last 12 months to contribute to the development of this policy and this legislation and all of the support that he has given me. I am tremendously grateful for that. Finally, I confirm that, in relation to the amendment that has been moved by the Leader of the Opposition, there is no case, in the government's view, for delay of this important reform. It will be environmentally effective, it will be economically efficient, it will socially equitable, and the country does need to make this reform. We also do not support the amendment that was moved by the member for O'Connor. Finally, I commend the government's amendments to the House.</para>
<para>Debate interrupted.</para>
<para>House adjourned at 23:00</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>11519</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo></debate>
  </chamber.xscript>
  <answers.to.questions>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS IN WRITING</title>
        <page.no>11522</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS IN WRITING</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Foreign Affairs and Trade: Language Fluency (Question No. 332)</title>
          <page.no>11522</page.no>
          <id.no>332</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms Julie Bishop</name>
    <name.id>83P</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs, in writing, on 24 March 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) How many ambassadors/high commissioners are fluent in the official language of the country in which they are currently posted.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) How many departmental officials are considered fluent in (a) Bahasa Indonesia or other Indonesian dialects, (b) Japanese, (c) Mandarin, (d) Hindi, (e) Korean, (f) Arabic, (g) French, and (h) German.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Rudd</name>
    <name.id>83T</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to the honourable member's question is as follows:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) 31 ambassadors/high commissioners are fluent in the official language of the country to which they are currently posted where English is not the official language.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The following table shows the number of departmental officials fluent in the particular language:</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Visits by Overseas Delegations (Question No. 334)</title>
          <page.no>11522</page.no>
          <id.no>334</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms Julie Bishop</name>
    <name.id>83P</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs, in writing, on 24 March 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) How many overseas delegations were sponsored by the Government in each calendar year from 2005 to 2010.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) From what countries were these delegations, and what were the names and positions of each delegation member.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) What was the total cost to the Government of these delegations in each calendar year from 2005 to 2010.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Rudd</name>
    <name.id>83T</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to the honourable member's question is as follows:</para>
<quote><para class="block">To provide the detailed information sought on overseas delegation visits would entail a significant diversion of resources requiring input from all departments and agencies and all overseas posts. I do not consider the additional work can be justified.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Papua New Guinea: Corruption Cases (Question No. 343)</title>
          <page.no>11522</page.no>
          <id.no>343</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms Julie Bishop</name>
    <name.id>83P</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs, in writing, on 24 March 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) How many cases of alleged corruption in Papua New Guinea (a) are currently being investigated, and (b) were investigated in each calendar year from 2005 to 2010.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) In each calendar year from 2005 to 2010, how many of the cases in part (1)(b) resulted in (a) dismissal, (b) fine, (c) demotion, or (d) other penalty being handed down.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) What sum of money was lost to corruption in Papua New Guinea in each calendar year from 2005 to 2010.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Rudd</name>
    <name.id>83T</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to the honourable member's question is as follows:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It is not possible to provide authoritative and reliable information in response to these questions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I am advised that PNG authorities do not aggregate data on cases of alleged corruption. Therefore, there is no accurate information available from PNG to answer these questions. International organisations and their affiliates, such as Transparency International and Transparency International PNG Inc, provide general assessments of corruption related activity in PNG. However, detailed case information is not available.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In March 2010, the PNG Government tabled an 800-page Commission of Inquiry report on the management of public monies by the PNG Department of Finance. The Commission of Inquiry concluded that statutory processes had been grossly abused allowing improper claims for payment to be made on the State, and excessive payouts to be legitimised, over the investigation period of 2000 to 2006. However, corruption covers a range of offences wider than the misuse of public money covered in the Commission of Inquiry report.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Defence Force: Health Records (Question No. 449)</title>
          <page.no>11523</page.no>
          <id.no>449</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Robert</name>
    <name.id>HWT</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Asked the Minister for Defence, in writing, on 4 July 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Can health records of members of the Australian Defence Force, including (a) medical assessments, (b) psychological assessments, and (c) counselling interviews and records, be subpoenaed by either civilian or military prosecutors or other legal authorities; if so, can he say whether any such records were seized or subpoenaed as part of the general court martial proceedings brought against Sergeant J and Lance Corporal D in relation to the 12 February 2009 Civilian Casualty Incident in Afghanistan.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Stephen Smith</name>
    <name.id>5V5</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to the honourable member's question is as follows:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Documents in the possession of the Department of Defence, including personnel records, in relation to Australian Defence Force members and Defence employees can be sought under subpoena or summons issued by a Court or Tribunal or under a statutory Notice to Produce. The type of documents that can be sought under subpoena, summons or statutory notice to produce in respect of Australian Defence Force members include health records such as a member's medical assessments, psychological assessments and counselling interviews and records.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Subsection 138(2) of the <inline font-style="italic">Defence Force Discipline Act 1982</inline> (Cth) allows the Registrar of Military Justice to issue a summons ordering production of documents held by the Department of Defence for the purposes of a proceeding before a service tribunal. Summonses under subsection 138(2) can be issued at the request of either a defending officer or a prosecutor in the particular proceeding.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">However, no medical assessments, psychological assessments, or counselling interviews and records, were subpoenaed or seized by either civilian or military prosecutors or other legal authorities as part of the general court martial proceedings brought against Sergeant J and Lance Corporal D in relation to the 12 February 2009 Civilian Casualty Incident in Afghanistan.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Consistent with the <inline font-style="italic">Privacy Act 1988</inline>, access to information from health records of Australian Defence Force members may also be given to Service police engaged in the investigation of a service offence under the Defence Force Discipline Act.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">There is a Defence Instruction (General) which addresses the privacy of health information in Defence and, among other things, sets out the process for the Service Police to request access to health information of Defence members. This process includes criteria which are to be taken into account by an investigator in deciding to make request and a process to make the request. This process does not allow Service Police unlimited access to health information, such as psychological records, of members of the Defence Force. In effect the only information accessible by Service Police is information that serves a legitimate forensic purpose in respect of a particular Defence Force Discipline Act investigation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">During the investigation of possible service offences arising from 12 February 2009 Civilian Casualty Incident in Afghanistan, the Australian Defence Force Investigative Service (ADFIS) requested access to the psychological records of Sergeant J and Lance Corporal D in accordance with the guidance contained in the Defence Instruction. In requesting these records, ADFIS determined they were pertinent to the pursuit of an authorised Defence Force Discipline Act investigation and limited their request to documents concerning the deployment of these members to Afghanistan and to any subsequent treatment that could be related to their deployment. Relevant psychological records of both members were subsequently included in the ADFIS Brief of Evidence provided to military prosecutors.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Treasury: Advisory Committee Membership (Question No. 462)</title>
          <page.no>11524</page.no>
          <id.no>462</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Hockey</name>
    <name.id>DK6</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Treasurer, in writing, on 16 August 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Who are the members of the advisory committee that advised the Treasurer and the Treasury to increase the gross debt limit of Commonwealth Government Securities.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Swan</name>
    <name.id>2V5</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to the honourable member's question is as follows:</para>
<quote><para class="block">As noted in Statement 7 of Budget Paper 1 the panel included representatives of the Treasury, the AOFM, the Reserve Bank of Australia, the Australian Prudential Regulation Authority and the State Treasury Corporations of NSW and Victoria. Private sector market participants in the panel included representatives of major retail banks, fund managers and investment banks.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Dawson Electorate: Bucasia Post Office (Question No. 468)</title>
          <page.no>11524</page.no>
          <id.no>468</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Christensen</name>
    <name.id>230485</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Minister representing the Minister for Broadband, Communications and the Digital Economy, in writing, on 16 August 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Is he aware of the announced closure of the Post Office in Bucasia, Mackay, by Australia Post?</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Is he able to intervene to stop the closure of the Bucasia Post Office; if not, what measures can Australia Post implement to ensure that there is easy access to postal and other services currently provided to Bucasia residents, particularly elderly residents, by the existing Bucasia Post Office.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Albanese</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Minister for Broadband, Communications and the Digital Economy has provided the following answer to the honourable member's question:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Australia Post has advised that the Licensee at Bucasia is seeking to relocate the Licensed Post Office (LPO) to a new shopping centre in the neighbouring suburb of Eimeo in March 2012. Australia Post is supporting the relocation of the LPO for the following reasons:</para></quote>
<list>the lease on the current LPO premises expires in March 2012 and there is no option to extend;</list>
<list>the current LPO premises are cramped and unable to cater for storage of carded articles and parcels;</list>
<list>customer numbers in Bucasia are declining and relocating the LPO to alternative premises in Bucasia would not provide sufficient opportunity for growth;</list>
<list>the Licensee wants to address declining customer numbers and to make postal services available to more residents in the Mackay area; and</list>
<list>the proposed location for the LPO is the focal point for the Northern Beaches area of Mackay and will allow a strong postal business to develop.</list>
<quote><para class="block">(2) No. As a Government Business Enterprise, Australia Post is responsible for the day-to-day running of the organisation, which includes making decisions about the opening, closing and relocating of postal outlets. Australia Post has advised that it invited more than 350 local residents to a community meeting on 29 June 2011 to discuss the proposed relocation of the LPO and seek feedback. The 13 residents who attended the meeting were advised a large proportion of Bucasia residents already travel to other areas for work and shopping and, consequently, use the postal services in those areas. The street posting boxes will be retained in Bucasia so local residents can continue to post their mail. The proposed location for the LPO is easily accessible by bus and will have dedicated parking for LPO customers.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Resources, Energy and Tourism: Tourism Division Leased Offices (Question No. 475)</title>
          <page.no>11525</page.no>
          <id.no>475</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Baldwin</name>
    <name.id>LL6</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Minister for Tourism, in writing, on 16 August 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">In respect of the Tourism division of his department, what are the details of all: (a) leased offices, including the (i) address, (ii) size, (iii) total sum of annual rent (in Australian dollars), and (iv) sum of annual rent per square metre (in Australian dollars); and (b) offices owned by his department, including the (i) address, (ii) size, and (iii) annual depreciation expense.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Martin Ferguson</name>
    <name.id>LS4</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to the honourable member's question is as follows:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(a) The Tourism Division does not lease or rent offices.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) The Department of Resources, Energy & Tourism does not own any offices.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tourism Australia: Staffing (Question No. 477)</title>
          <page.no>11525</page.no>
          <id.no>477</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Baldwin</name>
    <name.id>LL6</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Minister for Tourism, in writing, on 16 August 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">In respect of Tourism Australia:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A s at 1 July 2011, what total number of staff were employed by this agency.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) As at 1 July 2011, in respect of (a) APS 1, (b) APS 2, (c) APS 3, (d) APS 4, (e) APS 5, (f) APS 6, (g) EL 1, and (h) EL 2, officers, what number were (i) ongoing, (ii) non-ongoing, (iii) full-time, and (iv) part-time, and based in (v) Canberra, (vi) Sydney, (vii) elsewhere in Australia, and (viii) overseas.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) As at 1 July 2011, what number of SES Band (a) 1, (b) 2, and (c) 3, officers were (i) ongoing, and (ii) non-ongoing, and what were their (iii) job titles, (iv) common law agreement start and end dates, (v) office locations, and (vi) salary ranges.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Martin Ferguson</name>
    <name.id>LS4</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to the honourable member's question is as follows:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) 216 (including 8 staff on maternity leave)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Tourism Australia does not employ staff under the APS classification framework and instead uses a 7 Band system. Bands 1 to 4 inclusive closely approximate APS and EL classifications. In this group:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">171 staff were employed on an ongoing basis</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">15 staff were employed on a fixed term basis</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">169 staff were employed on a Full-time basis</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">17 staff were employed on a Part-time basis</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">0 staff were employed in Canberra</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">99 staff were employed in Sydney</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">86 staff were employed overseas</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Tourism Australia does not employ staff under the APS classification framework; rather it uses its own 7 Band system. Bands 5 to 7 inclusive closely approximate SES classifications. In this group:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">6 staff were employed on an ongoing basis</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">24 staff were employed on a fixed term basis</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The positions titles were:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Manager, Consumer & Market Insights; Marketing Communications Manager, Japan; Country Manager, Korea; Partnership, Distribution & Business Events Manager, SSEAsia; Country Manager, Malaysia; Manager Domestic Marketing; Manager, Global Public Relations; General Manager Finance and Procurement; General Manager, People & Culture; Chief Technology Officer; Manager, Industry Development; General Manager Business Events Australia; Head of Asia Development; Chief Representative, China; General Manager, New Zealand; Country Manager, Singapore; Regional General Manager, Japan; General Manager, Consumer Marketing; General Manager, Strategy & Research; General Manager International Markets; Regional General Manager Continental Europe; Regional General Manager, North Asia; Regional General Manager, UK/Northern Europe; Regional General Manager, Americas; Regional General Manager, S/SE Asia & Gulf; Executive General Manager Consumer Marketing; General Manager Corporate Services; Executive General Manager Strategic Projects; Executive General Manager Marketing Operations; and Managing Director.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The offices these staff were employed in are Sydney; Tokyo; Seoul; Kuala Lumpur; Shanghai; Auckland; Singapore; Frankfurt; Hong Kong; London and Los Angeles</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As a general rule, executive staff are employed on common law contracts for a 3 year fixed term. Contracts expire to the following schedule:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1 in August 2011; 1 in September 2011; 1 in November 2011; 1 in January 2012; 2 in March 2012; 1 in August 2012; 1 in September 2012; 2 in November 2012; 1 in February 2013; 2 in August 2013; 1 in October 2013; 1 in December 2013; 1 in January 2014; 1 in May 2014; 3 in Jun 2014; 2 in August 2014; 1 in September 2014; and 1 November 2014.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The salary range for each country is as follows:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Sydney Band 5 from $149,980 to 224,971: Band 6 from $188,882 to 238,323; Band 7 from $231,416 to 347,125</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Tokyo Band 5 from ¥13,571,962 to 21,142,763; Band 6 from ¥15,642,262 to 24,367,930</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Seoul Band 5 from ₩98,272,200 to 148,308,300</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Kuala Lumpur Band 5 from RM222,357 to 333,536</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Shanghai Band 5 from ¥594,621 to 891,931</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Auckland Band 5 from NZD136,441 to 204,661</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Singapore Band 5 from S$173,070 to 259,605; Band 6 from S$244,442 to 166,663</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Frankfurt Band 5 from €97,977 to 153,088: Band 6 from €128,963 to 193,445</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Hong Kong Band 5 from HK$1,416,665 to 2,124,998; Band 6 from HK$2,161,979 to 3,242,968</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">London Band 5 from £71,023 to 106,085; Band 6 from £92,938 to 139,408; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Los Angeles Band 5 from US$105,025 to 157,537: Band 6 from US$136,879 to 205,139</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tourism Australia: Expenditure (Question No. 478)</title>
          <page.no>11526</page.no>
          <id.no>478</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Baldwin</name>
    <name.id>LL6</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Minister for Tourism, in writing, on 16 August 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">In respect of Tourism Australia in 2010-11:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) What sum of program expenditure was spent on (a) advertising, (b) hospitality or entertainment, (c) information and communication technologies, (d) consultants, (e) staff training and education, (f) external accounting services, (g) external auditing services, and (h) external legal services.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) What are the details of all grants paid, including the (a) recipient, (b) date announced, (c) date that the first payment was dispatched, and (d) date that the last grant payment was due.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) What was the total travel expenditure for staff employed in this agency.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) What was the travel expenditure for (a) first class, (b) business class, (c) premium economy class, (d) economy class, and (e) in total, for (i) domestic, and (ii) international, travel.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Martin Ferguson</name>
    <name.id>LS4</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to the honourable member's question is as follows:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) (a) $59,166,393</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) $243,486</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) $6,637,613</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) $350,701 (this excludes legal and audit costs which are shown separately below)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) $481,078</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) Nil.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(g) ANAO $105,332 and internal auditor $229,841. Total: $335,173</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(h) $406,220</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Not applicable</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) $2,627,952</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Tourism Australia has employees across international offices and travel is classified as in region or out of region, which correlates to the classification of "Domestic" and "International".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Total in region travels costs: $1,393,858; Total out of region travel costs: $1,234,094.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Investment Policies (Question No. 480)</title>
          <page.no>11527</page.no>
          <id.no>480</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Oakeshott</name>
    <name.id>IYS</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Treasurer, in writing, on 16 August 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Do investment guidelines exist for ethical investment of public money, including the Future Fund; if so, are they publicly available; if not, what steps are being taken to introduce ethical investing guidelines throughout the Commonwealth public sector.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Swan</name>
    <name.id>2V5</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to the honourable member's question is as follows:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The broad framework for the management of public money and property is contained within the Financial Management and Accountability Act 1997 which includes the requirement that agency Chief Executives manage agencies' affairs in a way that promotes the efficient, effective and ethical use of Commonwealth resources.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Investment policies are the responsibility of the relevant investment bodies, subject to the legislation applying to these bodies. For example, the Commonwealth Superannuation Corporation, which is the consolidated trustee board for Commonwealth superannuation schemes, details its environmental, social and governance practices on its website (http://www.aria.gov.au/about/governance/esg.html).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Future Fund Act 2006 sets out the main objective of the Fund, which is to enhance the Commonwealth's ability to discharge unfunded superannuation liabilities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government expresses its broad expectations for the investments and management of the Future Fund through the issuance of Investment Mandate Directions (the Investment Mandate). The Investment Mandate was issued by the previous government in 2006.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government is committed to ensuring that the investment activities of the Future Fund Board of Guardians (the Board) remain independent of Government and for this reason does not interfere in its investment decisions. This is in the best interest of the tax payer.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Board has a Statement of Investment Policies for the governance and management of the Future Fund. This is a public document and the current version is available on the Future Fund website (www.futurefund.gov.au) under 'Investment'.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Among other matters included in its Statement of Investment Policies, the Future Fund has made it clear that it expects to consider investments across a wide variety of economic activities, provided they are legal in Australia and do not contravene international conventions to which Australia is a signatory.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Beef Imports (Question No. 484)</title>
          <page.no>11528</page.no>
          <id.no>484</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Oakeshott</name>
    <name.id>IYS</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Minister for Trade, in writing, on 16 August 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Is he aware that data on the United States Department of Agriculture's website indicates that substantial quantities of beef and beef products have been exported to Australia since 2003.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Is it a fact that beef or beef products have been imported into Australia from the United States of America (USA) since 2003.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) What is the Government's position on the threat of Bovine Spongiform encephalopathy (BSE) contaminated beef and beef products emanating from the USA, and how is the Government disseminating information to Australian consumers about the potential health threat this poses.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) What steps is the Government taking to curtail the importation of beef and beef products from the USA to protect consumers and encourage greater consumption of Australian grown, BSE-free beef.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr Emerson</name>
    <name.id>83V</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to the honourable member's question is as follows:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Yes. Notwithstanding the US Department of Agriculture export statistics, the United States (US) Government has publicly confirmed that no US-sourced cattle, or fresh, chilled or frozen US beef has been exported to Australia since December 2003.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australian official import statistics are the source of information on beef imports on which the Australian Government relies. These are based on documentation accompanying product cleared at the border. This is supported by import permit information held by the Australian Quarantine and Inspection Service.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Australia has not imported beef from cattle slaughtered in the US after December 2003.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">There are valid import permits for beef that is processed in the US, but only where the beef is sourced from the following approved countries: Australia, New Zealand, Brazil, Argentina, and Uruguay. Australia's import permits for these beef products set stringent conditions to ensure that beef from approved countries does not co-mingle in the production process with beef from the US.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) The Government will not permit the importation of BSE contaminated beef from any country.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Australia has not imported beef from cattle slaughtered in the US after December 2003.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Under Australia's new BSE policy for imported beef, countries that have had one or more cases of BSE in their cattle herd (such as the US) can apply to be assessed for access to Australia's beef market. Applications to import beef will be assessed by Australian authorities under two procedures – a food safety risk assessment by Food Standards Australia New Zealand (FSANZ) and an import risk analysis (IRA) by Biosecurity Australia for animal health issues.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Biosecurity Australia commenced a regulated IRA of all animal health issues (not just BSE) for beef and beef products from the US on 8 April 2010. Work on the IRA for beef and beef products from the US was paused on 4 February 2011 pending the US providing complete information on its cattle health status, beef production, inspection and certification systems. As at August 2011, this information has still not been provided.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">FSANZ commenced a BSE food safety risk assessment in August 2010. Completion of the US assessment is on hold pending an in-country inspection of US beef production systems at a date yet to be agreed with the US authorities.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Red Cross (Question No. 488)</title>
          <page.no>11529</page.no>
          <id.no>488</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Oakeshott</name>
    <name.id>IYS</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Attorney-General, in writing, on 16 August 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Is the Government aware that the Australian Red Cross has approved a proposal to undertake a leading role within the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement, to publicly support an international convention rendering the use of nuclear weapons clearly illegal under international law; if so, will the Government consider supporting the development of such a convention and undertake to become a signatory to such an instrument.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr McClelland</name>
    <name.id>JK6</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to the honourable member's question is as follows:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government is aware of the Australian Red Cross' proposal to publicly support and advocate for an international convention to prohibit the use of nuclear weapons.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australia is a steadfast supporter of nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament, including through support for the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, the International Atomic Energy Agency and the multilateral United Nations disarmament machinery. The Government is firmly committed to the goal of a world free of nuclear weapons. The international community may need to explore possible legal frameworks for the eventual abolition of nuclear weapons, such as the convention proposed by the Australian Red Cross, as prospects for multilateral disarmament improve. The Government places priority on promoting: an immediate start to negotiation of a Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty; entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty; stronger international nuclear safeguards, particularly through universalisation of the International Atomic Energy Agency Additional Protocol; and greater transparency in nuclear disarmament reporting. The Government sees these measures as collectively contributing to nuclear non-proliferation and to achieving the goal of a world free of nuclear weapons.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Digital Switchover Household Assistance Scheme (Question No. 500)</title>
          <page.no>11529</page.no>
          <id.no>500</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Fletcher</name>
    <name.id>L6B</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Minister representing the Minister for Broadband, Communications and the Digital Economy, in writing, on 16 August 2011:</para>
<para>In respect of the Deeds of Agreement that the Commonwealth has entered into 'for the provision of services related to the Digital Switchover Household Assistance Scheme' in different geographic locations around Australia, what are the:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) parties to each Deed of Agreement, by geographical location, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) service charges that each contractor with the Commonwealth will be paid per item/service pursuant to the respective agreement, in a form similar to that set out in Schedule 3, clause 1.1 of the standard Deed of Agreement that his department has made publicly available.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Albanese</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Minister for Broadband, Communications and the Digital Economy has provided the following answer to the honourable member's question:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) The following Deeds of Agreement, parties, by geographical location, have been entered into for the provision of services related to the Digital Switchover Scheme:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Service charges under the Deeds of Agreement are not disclosed. Disclosure of this material would compromise future negotiations with tenderers in remaining switchover areas.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Broadband (Question No. 501)</title>
          <page.no>11530</page.no>
          <id.no>501</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Hartsuyker</name>
    <name.id>00AMM</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Minister representing the Minister for Broadband, Communications and the Digital Economy, in writing, on 16 August 2011.</para>
<quote><para class="block">How many retail customers signed up for fixed-line National Broadband Network services in the weeks ending(a) 1 July 2011, (b) 8 July 2011, (c) 15 July 2011 (d) 22 July 2011 (e) 29 July 2011, and (f) 5 August 2011, what services did they sign up for and at what speed?</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Albanese</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Minister for Broadband, Communications and the Digital Economy has provided the following answer to the honourable member’s question:</para>
<quote><para class="block">NBN Co Limited (NBN Co) has reporting obligations defined in the Commonwealth Authorities and Companies Act 1997, the Governance Arrangements for Commonwealth Government Business Enterprises June 1997 and the Corporations Act 2001. The NBN Co Annual Report will include details of progress towards meeting its coverage objectives and expenditure in doing so. NBN Co is required to submit its Annual Report to Shareholder Ministers for tabling at least 4 months after the end of the financial year. NBN Co will be including updated information in its Corporate Plan in line with the timetable established by Government.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Joint Committee on the National Broadband Network (NBN) has been appointed to inquire into the NBN rollout and report every six months to the Parliament and its Shareholder Ministers. Information on progress with the NBN rollout will be provided for the Committee’s six-monthly reports.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Infrastructure and Transport: Portfolio Expenditure (Question No. 507)</title>
          <page.no>11530</page.no>
          <id.no>507</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Truss</name>
    <name.id>GT4</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Minister for Infrastructure and Transport, in writing, on 17 August 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) What was the portfolio expenditure for his department in 2010-11 for (a) advertising, (b) travel, including (i) business, (ii) economy, (iii) first class, (iv) international, and (v) domestic, (c) hospitality and entertainment, (d) information and communications technology, (e) consultants, (f) education and training of staff, (g) external (i) accounting, (ii) auditing, and (iii) legal, services, and (h) memberships or grants paid to affiliate organisations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) For (a) to (h) above, what is the breakdown of expenditure for the following programs identified in the 2010-11 Portfolio Budget Statement: (a) infrastructure investment; (b) transport security; (c) surface transport; (d) road safety; and (e) air transport.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Albanese</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to the honourable member's question is as follows:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Information on expenditure can be found in the Department's Annual Report.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Queensland: Roads (Question No. 509)</title>
          <page.no>11531</page.no>
          <id.no>509</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Truss</name>
    <name.id>GT4</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Minister for Infrastructure and Transport, in writing, on 18 August 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Further to his answer to question in writing No. 405 (<inline font-style="italic">House Hansard</inline>, 7 July 2011, page 8123), what sum of savings has resulted from the Cooroy to Curra Section B Project.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Albanese</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to the honourable member's question is as follows:</para>
<quote><para class="block">After 12 years of inaction by the Howard Government, the Gillard Labor Government is delivering the long overdue upgrade between Cooroy to Curra, Section B. It is being delivered on schedule and under budget.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Defence Export Control Office: Replacement IT System (Question No. 549)</title>
          <page.no>11531</page.no>
          <id.no>549</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Robert</name>
    <name.id>HWT</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Minister for Defence, in writing, on 22 August 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) When were the (a) request for tender documentation, and (b) tender of the successful tenderer, for the Defence Export Control Office (DECO) replacement IT system released.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Which company was awarded the DECO IT system replacement contract.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) When did the DECO begin the transition to the use of the new IT system, and when will the new system be fully operational.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) What is the per annum cost of (a) delivering, and (b) running, the DECO replacement IT system.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) On what grounds did Defence decide to replace the DECO IT system and what capabilities will the new system offer over the existing system.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) Will the new DECO IT system meet all of the requirements that are to be contained within the Defence Trade Controls Bill 2011.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Stephen Smith</name>
    <name.id>5V5</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to the honourable member's question is as follows:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) (a) Neither a restricted nor an open tender for the DECO replacement IT system were conducted. A feasibility study has been conducted by the Defence Chief Information Officer Group and it is intended that the Request for Tender will proceed in the upcoming weeks.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) Neither a restricted nor an open tender for the DECO replacement IT system were conducted. IBM Australia Limited were approached to submit a quote for the DECO replacement IT which was not accepted. The Defence Chief Information Officer Group will be proceeding to Request for Tender in the upcoming weeks.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Neither a restricted nor an open tender for the DECO replacement IT system were conducted. IBM Australia Limited were approached to submit a quote for the DECO replacement IT which was not accepted. The Defence Chief Information Officer Group will be proceeding to Request for Tender in the upcoming weeks.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) DECO has not begun transition to the DECO replacement IT system as it has not yet been developed. It is estimated that the new system should be operational in the first half of 2012.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) (a) The cost per annum of delivering the DECO replacement IT system will be determined as part of the Request for Tender process.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) The cost per annum of running the DECO replacement IT system will be determined as part of the Request for Tender process.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Defence decided to replace the DECO IT system because the DECO IT system:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Is now obsolete having been introduced in 1992.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Is very difficult to support with little effective back up available.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Has not kept pace with changes to legislation, including the introduction of the Weapons of Mass Destruction (Prevention of Proliferation) Act 1995.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Does not support an optimal staffing structure and provides an ineffective paper-based and labour intensive system.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Is a 'stand-alone' system that runs on separate hardware and networking infrastructure,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">independent from all Defence Chief Information Officer Group governance and sustainment arrangements.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The DECO replacement IT system offers the following advantages over the DECO IT system:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It will be supported by the Defence Chief Information Officer Group on existing Defence Restricted Network and Defence Secret Network infrastructure, hence supporting the ICT savings stream of the Defence Strategic Reform Program.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It will offer an approved assessment process which will allow DECO staff to more easily focus on analysing the policy issues in export cases and to assess them more thoroughly, consistently and quickly. This would allow existing DECO staff levels to accommodate a rising volume of export applications, and would accommodate expected additional work under legislative amendments currently being proposed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It will deliver an e-business approach for Exporters who will be able to submit applications and other required documentation online.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It will better facilitate coordination of complex cases which, require classified input</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">from other government departments and specialist areas within Defence.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It will offer an updated modern database which will improve reporting and analysis for DECO and other specialist areas within Defence.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) The DECO replacement IT system has not yet been developed, however it will be built to meet the requirements of the DECO which include the requirements of the Defence Trade Controls Bill 2011. It is also planned to ensure that the DECO replacement IT system will be flexible enough to cope with evolving United States requirements and Australian legislation.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Country Areas Program (Question No. 551)</title>
          <page.no>11532</page.no>
          <id.no>551</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Bruce Scott</name>
    <name.id>YT4</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Minister for School Education, Early Childhood and Youth, in writing, on 24 August 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) What sum of funding is allocated to the Country Areas Program. (2) What sum of this funding is allocated to the Queensland Government through the Priority Country Area Program (PCAP). (3) What Queensland schools receive funding through the PCAP, and what sum did each of these schools receive in 2009-10 and 2010-11, and from 1 July 2011 to date.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Garrett</name>
    <name.id>HV4</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to the honourable member's question is as follows:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) In 2010 the Australian Government provided $5.8 million under the Country Areas Program. Of this, $1.06 million was provided to non-government education authorities in Queensland.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The PCAP is a Queensland Government program managed by the Queensland Department of Education and Training.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) The Queensland Department of Education and Training administers the PCAP. The Australian Government does not have information regarding the details of schools funded by this program.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Asylum Seekers: Charter and Commercial Flight Costs (Question No. 558)</title>
          <page.no>11533</page.no>
          <id.no>558</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Morrison</name>
    <name.id>E3L</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Minister for Immigration and Citizenship, in writing, on 25 August 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">To date, (a) what is the total cost of charter and commercial flights in respect of the processing of Irregular Maritime Arrivals on Christmas Island and the mainland, including the date, time, destination and purpose of each flight, and (b) how many charter flights have been used solely for the purpose of transporting goods and products for the use of detainees.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Bowen</name>
    <name.id>DZS</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to the honourable member's question is:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The total cost of charter and commercial flights in respect of processing Irregular Maritime Arrivals for the financial year of 2010 – 2011 was $28.29 million.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Of this, charter flights accounted for $18.72 million and commercial flights $9.57 million.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For the 2011 – 2012 financial year to 31 July 2011, the total cost of charter flights in respect of processing Irregular Maritime Arrivals is $4.24 million.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For the 2011 – 2012 financial year to July 31 July 2011, the total cost of commercial flights in respect of processing Irregular Maritime Arrivals is $611 672</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The total expenditure on charters, commercial flights and freight for the current financial year to 31 July 2011, is $11.43 million. We do not have figures for August at this point.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is not possible to provide an answer as to the dates, times and purpose of each flight within timeframe.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Department does not generally use charter flights solely for the transportation of goods and products. Overall freight related to processing of Irregular Maritime arrivals totalled $450 126 for the 2010 – 2011 financial year.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Treasury: Senior Executive Service (Question No. 560)</title>
          <page.no>11533</page.no>
          <id.no>560</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Briggs</name>
    <name.id>IYU</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Treasurer, upon notice, on 25 August 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">How many staff were employed by the Minister's department in the Senior Executive Service (i.e., SES) on 1 July (a) 2008, and (b) 2011.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Swan</name>
    <name.id>2V5</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to the honourable member's question is as follows:</para>
<quote><para class="block">As of the 1st of July 2008 there were 77 Senior Executive Service Officers in Treasury.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As of the 1st of July 2011 there were 91 Senior Executive Service Officers in Treasury.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These figures exclude staff on MOPS, Staff on leave without pay for a period of more than 3 months, and also staff seconded to other departments. It does however include paid inoperatives (which are staff on long term leave).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These figures have been extracted out of the Treasury Annual Report.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Defence: Senior Executive Service (Question No. 564)</title>
          <page.no>11533</page.no>
          <id.no>564</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Briggs</name>
    <name.id>IYU</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Minister for Defence, in writing, on 25 August 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">How many staff were employed by the Minister's department in the Senior Executive Service (ie, SES) on 1 July (a) 2008, and (b) 2011.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Stephen Smith</name>
    <name.id>5V5</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to the honourable member's question is as follows:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) The number of Senior Executive Service in Defence includes Chiefs of Division and Medical Officers Grade 6. "Relief staff" are counted for non-SES officers on long-term acting in SES/Chief of Division positions which were either vacant, or where the incumbents were taking leave, acting in higher positions or on overseas duty.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The Defence Materiel Organisation (DMO) became a prescribed agency in 2007 and therefore, reports SES figures separately to Defence.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) The combined number of SES in the Department of Defence and DMO are as follows:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) 1 July 2008: 157 (i)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This figure is made up of</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Defence: 125 (ii)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">DMO: 32 (iii)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) This figure is inclusive of 16 Chiefs of Division and 1 Medical Officer. These classifications are not SES classifications for the purposes of the Public Service Classification Rules 2000, but are included in Defence's public reporting of senior leaders.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) This figure includes 12 relief staff for (i.e. where the incumbent has acted at the SES level for 4 weeks of more).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) This figure includes only permanent SES officers. There were no DMO relief staff reported in SES positions on 1 July 2008.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) 1 July 2011: 172 (i)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This figure is made up of</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Defence: 136 (ii)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">DMO: 36 (iii)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) This figure is inclusive of 16 Chiefs of Division and 2 Medical Officers. These classifications are not SES classifications for the purposes of the Public Service Classification Rules 2000, but are included in Defence's public reporting of senior leaders.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) This figure includes 19 relief staff (i.e. where the incumbent has acted at the SES level for 4 weeks or more).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) This figure includes 4 relief staff. (i.e. where the incumbent has acted at the SES level for 4 weeks or more).</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Infrastructure and Transport: Senior Executive Staff (Question No. 566)</title>
          <page.no>11534</page.no>
          <id.no>566</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Briggs</name>
    <name.id>IYU</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Minister for Infrastructure and Transport, in writing, on 25 August 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">How many staff were employed by the Minister's department in the Senior Executive Service (i.e. SES) on 1 July (a) 2008, and (b) 2011.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Albanese</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to the honourable member's question is as follows:</para>
<para>Information about Senior Executive Staff can be found in the relevant annual reports.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry: Senior Executive Service (Question No. 574)</title>
          <page.no>11534</page.no>
          <id.no>574</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Briggs</name>
    <name.id>IYU</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Minister representing the Minister for Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry, in writing, on 25 August 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">How many staff were employed by the Minister's department in the Senior Executive Service (i.e., SES) on 1 July (a) 2008, and (b) 2011.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Burke</name>
    <name.id>DYW</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Minister for Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry has provided the following answer to the honourable member's question:</para>
<quote><para class="block">At 1 July 2008 staff employed in the Senior Executive Service totalled 85.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">At 1 July 2011 staff employed in the Senior Executive Service totalled 91.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Resources, Energy and Tourism: Senior Executive Service (Question Nos 575 and 576)</title>
          <page.no>11535</page.no>
          <id.no>575 and 576</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Briggs</name>
    <name.id>IYU</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Minister for Resources and Energy and the Minister for Tourism, in writing, on 25 August 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">How many staff were employed by the Ministers department in the Senior Executive Service (ie, SES) on 1 July (a) 2008, and (b) 2011.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Martin Ferguson</name>
    <name.id>LS4</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to the honourable member's question is as follows:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The number of Senior Executive Service staff (excluding the Secretary) employed by the Department of Resources, Energy and Tourism on (a) 1 July 2008 and (b) 1 July 2011 was:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) 22</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) 25</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>General Practitioners and Specialists Online Services (Question No. 589)</title>
          <page.no>11535</page.no>
          <id.no>589</id.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms Marino</name>
    <name.id>HWP</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>asked the Minister for Health and Ageing, in writing, on 12 September 2011:</para>
<quote><para class="block">In respect of the Government’s announcement during the 2010 election campaign that $57 million will be committed to financial incentives to get general practitioners and specialists to deliver online services:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) what is the status of this program, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) how do local doctors apply.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms Roxon</name>
    <name.id>83K</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to the honourable member's question is as follows:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(a) The Connecting Health Services with the Future: Modernising Medicare by Providing Rebates for Online Consultations telehealth initiative was successfully implemented on 1 July 2011.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) The initiative is open to medical and other health practitioners who have a Medicare provider number with billing rights under Medicare, and who deliver or assist in delivering a specialist consultation to a patient by video-conference.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To receive the financial incentives for telehealth, an application form is not required. The Department of Human Services will automatically determine eligibility of the medical or other health practitioner based on Medicare claiming information. More information is available at www.mbsonline.gov.au/telehealth.</para></quote>
<para> </para>
<para> </para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
  </answers.to.questions>
</hansard>